University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Undocumented students' personal reflections on the role institutional agents play in providing social capital towards post-secondary education

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Undocumented students' personal reflections on the role institutional agents play in providing social capital towards post-secondary education

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Content Running head: UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 1
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ PERSONAL REFLECTIONS ON THE ROLE
INSTITUTIONAL AGENTS PLAY IN PROVIDING SOCIAL CAPITAL
TOWARDS POST-SECONDARY EDUCATION

by

Michelle Renée Merchain

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2016

Copyright 2016 Michelle Renée Merchain
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 2
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my amazing chair Dr. Artineh Samkian I am truly blessed to have
you by my side during this journey. There is no way I could have completed this dissertation
without your patience, guidance, support and encouragement. There were times I doubted my
abilities and you always encouraged me to never give up. You supported me, helped me,
listened, and pushed me when I no longer thought I had it in me to finish. THANK YOU!!
Thank you, Dr. Slayton and Dr. Baca for serving on my committee. Your wisdom,
perspectives, and advice helped me think outside the box. Your feedback, recommendations and
constructive criticism helped guide me through the writing process.
Thank you to my family especially my parents. Thank you for believing in me! Thank
you for supporting me! Thank you for always standing by me! Thank you for your unconditional
love! Thank you to my sister Cynthia, my brother Michael, my grandma, aunts, uncles, and
cousins for your understanding, support and constant “you can do it!”
To my amazing friends thank you for always being there for me, no matter how stressed
out I was you were always there for moral support. I might have missed a few events, but you all
understood the sacrifices I had to make to try and reach my goals. There were times I was
frustrated and I needed to take a step back and decompress and you were always there to listen,
laugh and calm me down. Thank you for all those therapy sessions, dinner breaks, drinks and
desserts. I am lucky to have such wonderful friends!
To my former students the last three years has been stressful and everyday when I
showed up to work your laughter, encouragement, jokes, funny stories, and nicknames brought a
smile to my face. I am a better teacher because of you girls. I will never forget you or your
smiles.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 3
I want to thank my Thursday Cohort. From the first day I met all of you I felt the support
and encouragement and I knew I was in a room full of extraordinary educators. Enrolling in this
program I had self-doubt, but I knew I could count on each and everyone of you to help lift my
confidence. Thank you to my Trojan Family, Angelique, Karla, and Veronica for those weekly
text messages, writing sessions, dinner breaks, words of encouragement and your friendship.
Rafael, Thank you for being the first to share your story with me. Your journey not only
inspired me, but it gave me the chance to explore a topic that has become close to my heart. I am
externally grateful you opened my eyes and my heart to learn as much as I could to help
students. I thank you for always being there for me through all my tears, breakdowns, self-doubt,
frustration and craziness. Occasionally you might have endured my wrath, but no matter what
you were always there for me, and believed in me when I didn’t believe in myself. Thank you!
Last but not least I want to thank all the DREAMERS! Thank you for letting me into
your lives and trusting me with your stories. My life is forever changed because of each and
every one of you. I learned so much from all of you! Your stories inspired me, your dedication,
hard work, perseverance, strength and courage is inspirational. I am proud of each and every one
of you. I know at times you get frustrated but keep fighting! All of you will accomplish great
things! I am humbled and honored to have the opportunity to learn from all of you.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 4
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements 2
List of Tables 6
List of Figures 7
Abstract 8
Chapter One: Introduction 9
Background of the Problem 11
Legal Status Limitations 14
Educational Challenges 16
Federal and State Legislation 17
Statement of the Problem 20
Purpose of the Study 23
Significance of the Study 24
Organization of the Study 25
Chapter Two: Literature Review 27
Challenges for Undocumented Students 28
Empirical Studies: California 29
Empirical Studies: Texas, Colorado, and Wyoming 41
Summary 48
Social Capital and Social Networks 50
Pierre Bourdieu 52
James Coleman 54
Ricardo Stanton-Salazar 59
Institutional Agents 64
Social Capital for Minority Students 67
Social Capital for Undocumented Students 74
Undocumented Students Living in Rural Areas 78
Summary 85
Conceptual Framework 85
Challenges for Undocumented Students 86
Social Capital and Social Networks 88
Institutional Agents 89
Summary 92
Chapter Three: Methods 94
Research Question 95
Research Design 96
Philosophical Approaches 96
Qualitative Methodology 97
Sample and Population 98
Participant Selection 98
Setting 100
Instrumentation and Data Collection 102
Qualitative Interviews 102
Data Analysis 104
Limitations 105
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 5
Delimitations 107
Credibility and Trustworthiness 109
Ethics 111
Conclusion 113
Chapter Four: Findings 114
Participants’ Personal Background 116
Stephanie 116
Ricardo 118
Christian 120
Becky 122
Cathy 123
Javier 125
Value of Education 128
Theme 1: Student’s Perceptions of Support from School-Based Agents 134
A Lack of Institutional Support from Counselors and Administrators 138
Positive Examples of Institutional Support 161
Theme 2: Students’ Perceptions of Support from Sources Outside of School 180
Positive Support From Family Members 182
Positive Support From Community Organizations 193
Positive Support From Peers 209
Taking Ownership of One’s Educational Experiences 215
Theme 3: Student’s Perceptions of Living as an Insider and Outsider 221
Cultural Differences 223
Initial Recognition of Undocumented Status 228
Examples of Being Denied Access to Opportunities 232
Resources for Undocumented Students 245
Conclusion 251
Chapter Five: Discussion 253
Summary of Findings 255
Theme 1: Students’ Perceptions of Support from School-Based Agents 256
Theme 2: Student’s Perceptions of Support from Sources Outside of School 258
Theme 3: Student’s Perceptions of Living as an Insider and Outsider 260
Implications for Practice 261
Recommendations 265
School Districts 265
Policymakers 270
Future Research 273
Conclusion 275
References 276
Appendix A: Interview Protocol 283
Appendix B: Recruitment Letter 292
Appendix C: Information Sheet 293

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 6
List of Tables
Table 1: Data Collection 104
Table 2: Participants’ Chart 127
Table 3: Examples of Challenges Undocumented Students Encountered 132
Table 4: Students’ Perceptions of Types of Support 137
Table 5: Positive and Negative Types of Institutional Support from School-Based Staff 177
Table 6: Examples of Institutional Support from Sources Outside of School 218
Table 7: Examples of Living as an Insider and Outsider 250

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 7
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 90
Figure 2: Conceptual Framework 255

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 8
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to examine undocumented students’ personal reflections on
their journey towards accessing post-secondary education including the challenges and successes
they encountered in obtaining support from institutional agents. This study sought to explore the
significant ways institutional agents provided or did not provide social capital, which could help
undocumented students access post-secondary education. The findings from this qualitative case
study were developed from the personal stories and experiences of six undocumented students
and their reflections on the types of support they believed they received or did not receive during
their high school years. The first theme was the lack of support the participants believed they
received from their school-based staff (i.e., high school counselors/administrators). The second
theme that emerged was the participants had to find ways to advocate for themselves, including
in some cases seeking resources outside of high school (i.e., community organizations) to help
them achieve their goals of accessing post-secondary education. The third theme was based on
the positive and negative ways the students felt their undocumented status impacted and
continues to impact their lives and their educational journeys, including the feelings of being an
insider and an outsider simultaneously. The students in my study believed they had a difficult
time getting support, guidance and encouragement from some of their school-based staff such as
counselors and administrators. The findings of this study revealed that students reported a
majority of support and encouragement they received came from teachers, parents, siblings,
extended family members and outside community outreach programs. This study recommends
school districts and policymakers reach out to their undocumented student population to ensure
they are provided resources and guidance in their pursuit of post-secondary education that could
help alleviate some of their challenges.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 9
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Some high school students have aspirations of attending college and understand the
benefits that come with having a college degree. In fact, researchers have recognized that a
college education is important because it has been linked to upward social mobility including
living in better neighborhoods, higher socioeconomic status and better job opportunities
(Abrego, 2008; Hernandez, 2000). However, some students are not provided the necessary tools
to access post-secondary education, which might cause some of them to give up on their dream
of enrolling in college. Undocumented students are at a distinct disadvantage for successfully
enrolling in post-secondary education for a variety of reasons. Researchers have mentioned
lower socioeconomic status and low levels of parental education as two of such factors (Ovink &
Veazey, 2011; Perez, Espinosa, Ramos, Coronado, & Cortes, 2009), which might make it
difficult for them to access informational resources about post-secondary education. In light of
the many different reasons why a large number of undocumented youth struggle to succeed in
the American education system, researchers have found that social capital can help contribute to
the educational attainment of minority students (Stanton-Salazar, 2001) by providing them the
means to overcome challenges they might face. Undocumented students and minority students
share some of the same struggles such as low socioeconomic status, low paying jobs and attend
poorly funded schools. (Abrego, 2006; Gonzales, 2010). Some of these struggles could be
alleviated if they are able to receive social capital.
The purpose of this study was to examine undocumented students’ aspirations towards
post-secondary education including the challenges they might have or might not have
encountered in obtaining informational resources from institutional agents regarding access to
college. It is important to understand undocumented students’ perceptions regarding the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 10
informational resources they were given and how those resources assisted them in fulfilling their
aspirations of attending college. This study sought to explore the significant ways institutional
agents provided or did not provide social capital, which helped or did not help undocumented
students with access to post-secondary education. For the purpose of this study, I defined college
access using the work of Ricardo Stanton-Salazar (2001) who suggested college access means
having access to forms of social capital, such as informational resources, opportunities, and
relationships outside the home that facilitate college going. Although researchers have found that
family involvement, and peer support are positively connected to student outcomes and college
aspirations (Goza & Ryabov, 2009; Tang, 2015), this study specifically focused on the role of
school-based agents (i.e., institutional agents). I used the theory that was developed by Stanton-
Salazar with his specific focus on institutional agents and the role they play in providing social
capital to undocumented students. When referring to “college access” I wanted to explore the
ways institutional agents provided undocumented students with social capital that enabled them
access to college through meeting eligibility requirements, college admission, and financially
eligible to attend a California State 4-year university.
This study explored both the various challenges undocumented students encountered
when trying to access post-secondary education, and the role institutional agents played in
providing social capital to overcome those challenges and/or to pave a smoother path to college.
In this chapter I provide a context of the study by describing the background of the problem,
statement of the problem, purpose of the study, significance of the study, and close by providing
an organization of this dissertation.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 11
Background of the Problem
There are various reasons why people migrate to the United States including religious,
political, and personal freedoms. Some common desires for most immigrant families are to
pursue a “better life,” “more opportunity,” and “freedom” (González, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003;
Ogbu & Simons, 1998; Pérez & Rodríguez, 2011; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2009; Tang, 2015). For
immigrant parents this includes wanting to provide their children with a better education, perhaps
one they might not have received in their home country (Baum & Flores, 2011; Ogbu & Simons,
1998; Pérez et al., 2009; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2009). When it comes to the immigrant
population; Ogbu and Simons (1998) found that voluntary (immigrant) minorities are “those who
have more or less willingly moved to the United States because they expect better opportunities
than they had in their homelands or places of origin” (Ogbu & Simons, 1998, p. 164). In other
words immigrants volunteered to come to the Untied States hoping for a better future.
Additionally, Ogbu and Simons (1998) found that voluntary minorities believe in order to be
successful in the United States they need to work hard, follow the rules and get good grades,
which will lead them to better job opportunities. Immigrant parents encourage these ideas with
their children and these children work hard in school thinking it would lead them to upward
mobility (Abrego, 2008; Pérez et al., 2009; Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
While the “American Dream” was theorized to drive voluntary minorities to work hard
upon arrival with the promise that it would pay off, this has not been a reality for a sizable
portion of the immigrant population. This is especially true for undocumented students who, as
some studies found, soon realized getting good grades and working hard in school was not going
to help them access post-secondary education due to the limitations of their legal status.
According to Baker and Rytina (2013) an unauthorized resident is defined as “all foreign-born
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 12
non-citizens who are not legal residents” (p. 1). For the purpose of this study I use the term
“unauthorized” and “undocumented” as people who were born outside of the United States,
moved to the United States at a young age, do not hold a current permanent resident visa, and are
living in the United States without legal permission from the federal government. It was
important to examine the experiences of undocumented students specifically, because according
to the Department of Homeland Security, as of January 2012, it was reported there were over
11.4 million unauthorized
1
immigrants in the United States making up almost 30% of foreign-
born people. The data also suggested that California is the leading state with over 2.8 million
unauthorized immigrants, which is approximately 25% of the unauthorized immigrant population
(Baker & Rytina, 2013; Flores, 2009). Additionally, according to the data, researchers found as
of January 2012 approximately 2.5 million unauthorized immigrants under the age of 24 years
old (approximately 1.4 million between the ages 18 to 24 years old), with 58% being male and
42% being female (Baker & Rytina, 2013).
Over the past 15 years the unauthorized immigrant population has increased. According
to researchers as of January 2005 more then 1.5 million unauthorized immigrants entered the
United States, and an even larger number of immigrants arrived during 2000-2004 with
approximately 3.2 million (Baker & Rytina, 2013). According to the United States census, as of
2013, there were 19.5 million college students, including 5.3 million college students enrolled in
2-year colleges. In addition there were 10.5 million college students enrolled in 4-year colleges,
58.2% students were non-Hispanic white, 17.5% Hispanic, 15.7 % Black and 8.6% Asian across
the United States (www.censusgov). Due to the nature of undocumented students’ legal status it
is difficult to get accurate data regarding undocumented students’ college enrollment, but

1
The U.S. Government uses the term “unauthorized” however, most educational researchers use the term
“undocumented” therefore for the purpose of this paper “unauthorized” and “undocumented” will be used
interchangeably.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 13
according to Pew Research Center they estimate about 25 to 30% of all Latino/a 16 to 24 year
olds undocumented students are enrolled in college (www.pewresearch.org). The low number of
undocumented students attending post-secondary education compared to the U.S. born residents
shows a significant gap in educational attainment.
The increase in immigration across the United States is adding additional economic,
political, social and cultural changes for many, and laws are being created in some cases to assist
undocumented students. Given the low enrollment in post-secondary education, the government,
through state and federal measures, is trying to provide opportunities for undocumented students
to access post-secondary education. The State of California passed two pieces of legislation that
provide assistance to undocumented students, AB 540, and AB 131. In October 2001 California
passed Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540). The passage of AB 540 allows qualified undocumented
students an exemption from paying higher out-of-state tuition at public colleges and universities
(www.cadreamnetwork.org). The second bill passed was the California Dream Act (AB 131),
which was passed in January 2012, which allows qualified AB 540 undocumented students to
qualify for Cal grants (www.csac.ca.gov). The federal government also passed legislation to
assist undocumented students with further opportunities through Deferred Action for Childhood
Arrivals (DACA), which President Barack Obama signed into law on June 15, 2012. DACA is
an immigration policy that allows undocumented immigrants who entered the country prior to
their 16
th
birthday a renewable work permit that allows them to obtain work authorization and
exemption from deportation (www.uscis.gov). These federal and state measures were intended to
make post-secondary education more affordable and have a positive impact on the lives of
undocumented students who have aspirations of attending college. However, despite the passage
of these new laws, some challenges, such as lack of assistance with the application process, still
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 14
exist. Some parents and undocumented students do not realize pursuing post-secondary
education brings about additional challenges such as financial, personal and school-based
challenges. These challenges are often not evident until undocumented students finish secondary
school and begin the process of trying to fulfill their aspirations of attending college.
The increase in the undocumented student population stated earlier has also created
additional problems as undocumented students move through the American education system.
Many undocumented students are surpassing their parents’ educational attainment (Perez et al.,
2009) therefore their parents might not understand the process of successfully completing high
school as well as the requirements to enroll in post-secondary education (Abrego, 2006;
Gonzales, 2010; Muñoz, 2008; Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa, Teranishi, & Suárez-Orozco, M.
2011). As such, many students need guidance outside the home to access resources regarding
post-secondary education. Researchers have found that positive supportive ties with institutional
agents are one important way for students to be motivated, to be engaged in school, and to
advance in the education system. These institutional agents are generally found outside the
family, including but not limited to the school setting (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbaush, 1995).
Legal Status Limitations
For many undocumented students, coming to the United States was not a choice they
made on their own, but it was a choice a parent or other adults in their family made for them
(Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011). In many cases, they arrived in the United States when they were
young and grew up in this country, attending public school all their lives not knowing later in life
they will encounter limitations and restrictions. As such, it is important to understand how
immigrating to the United States affected undocumented students’ educational experiences. In
Olivérez’s (2006) study she examined some of the challenges undocumented students face
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 15
including the feelings of simultaneously being an “insider” and “outsider” in the United States.
Undocumented students are “insiders” because they have attended schools in the United States,
many having received good grades and had the same experiences many American born students
have. The feelings of being an “outsider” arise due to the fact that many undocumented students
have restrictions to basic resources and services such as health insurance, driver’s license,
opportunity for legal employment and financial aid for college. In some states undocumented
people cannot legally acquire a driver’s license and have to rely on public transportation, which
could limit their ability to attend college because many colleges may be far from their homes
(Abrego, 2008; Olivérez, 2006). Not only are undocumented students not allowed to apply for a
driver’s license in some states, they are not allowed to obtain a State Identification card, because
they do not have a social security number. This also means they cannot apply for employment,
bank accounts or travel by plane without proper identification (Abrego, 2006; 2008; Martinez,
2014; Olivérez 2006; Perez et al., 2009). These challenges affect a student’s long-term
educational goals. Olivérez (2006) found that employment limitations affect undocumented
students’ long-term goals. When a person is undocumented he or she is unable to gain legal
employment in the United States. If he or she does find employment it is often times in retail,
food service or janitorial work, which might pay less than minimum wage or they are paid in
cash (i.e., “under the table”). As well, some undocumented students may use false documentation
or have “connections” to people who work in management positions. Some undocumented
students have high aspirations regarding employment after college but are concerned about the
jobs that will be available to them after graduating from college due to their immigration status
(Olivérez, 2006). These restrictions of no driver’s license, no social security number and no state
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 16
identification card impact a student’s pursuit of post-secondary education especially the ability to
be able to cover the cost of tuition.
Educational Challenges
In addition to these day-to-day challenges, undocumented students also face educational
challenges that prevent them from accessing post-secondary education. Researchers have
reported that some undocumented students, who migrated to the United States before the age of
12, learn the English language, receive most of their schooling and socialization in the United
States, and accumulate years of “American experiences” before facing the limitations of their
undocumented status (Baum & Flores, 2011; Gonzales, 2010). One reason their undocumented
status becomes problematic is because of the limitations their legal status has on their
educational attainment until they begin the college application process. Undocumented students
are legally entitled to public K-12 education as a result of Plyler v. Doe, 1982. The Supreme
Court ruled that undocumented children are entitled to equal protection under the law according
to the 14
th
amendment of the Constitution; they cannot be denied access to public elementary and
secondary education on the basis of their legal status. The courts ruled that children should not
be denied an education because their parents decided to immigrate illegally. Denying
undocumented students an education could lead to future hardships (Abrego, 2008; Drachman,
2006; Olivas, 2005; Pérez & Rodríguez, 2011). Although the Plyler v. Doe, 1982 decision did
allow thousands of undocumented students to graduate from high school there was no assistance
for post-secondary education until recently. As such, the biggest educational challenge
undocumented students have faced has been having the financial means to pursue post-secondary
education.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 17
Federal and State Legislation
Federal law does not prohibit the admission of undocumented immigrants to U.S. public
colleges and universities, however federal law does prohibit undocumented students from
receiving federal financial aid such as Federal Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA).
The structural barrier of not receiving financial aid is problematic in terms of post-secondary
education because undocumented students are classified as nonresident students; therefore, they
are charged three to seven times higher tuition rates than legal residents or U.S. citizens. Without
financial assistance it becomes extremely difficult for undocumented students to afford a college
education (Abrego, 2006; Gonzales, 2010). Due to the overwhelming high number of
undocumented students living in the United States federal and state governments are trying to
find ways to help undocumented students reach their aspirations of attending post-secondary
education. This section will examine three pieces of legislation that affects undocumented
students’ educational trajectory: California Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540), The Development,
Relief and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act, and Deferred Action Childhood Arrivals
(DACA), all of which were created to provide undocumented students opportunities to attend
post-secondary education. However, despite these steps forward, these laws have also presented
additional challenges for some undocumented students.
Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540). In October 2001, California Governor Gray Davis signed
Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540) into law. This state measure was signed into law to help the large
number of undocumented immigrants living in the state of California to access post-secondary
education. AB 540 allows long-term California residents regardless of their immigration status
an exemption from nonresident tuition in California public colleges and universities (Abrego,
2008). A student is eligible for AB 540 if he/she meets the following requirements: (a) attend a
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 18
California high school for three or more years, (b) graduate from a California high school or
receive the equivalent such as a GED, (c) submit an affidavit to California college or university
he/she meets all the requirements and file an application to adjust his/her immigration status or
will adjust as soon as he/she is eligible (www.maldef.org). This state measure allows
undocumented students to pay the reduced in-state tuition rate, however, they are still ineligible
to qualify for federal financial assistance. Although AB 540 helped some undocumented students
who live in the state of California, there was no federal legislation until the Development, Relief
and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act was signed into law.
Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act. A federal
version of the in-state AB 540 policy was introduced to the U.S. Congress called the
Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors Act (DREAM Act). This federal policy
was designed to provide tuition discounts, a pathway to citizenship and gain legal employment
for undocumented people who are attending college or serving in the U.S. military. The DREAM
Act allowed undocumented students who grew up in the United States a chance to enlist in the
armed forces as well as pursue higher education. Similar to AB 540 undocumented students must
meet the following requirements for “conditional status” (a) enter the country when they were
under 16 years old, (b) prove they have continuously lived in the U.S. for at least 5 years, (c)
graduate from U.S. high school or obtain a GED, (d) demonstrate good moral character and (e)
prove they have not committed crimes. If they meet these conditions undocumented students will
be allowed conditional status for a limited time period. After 6 years of being conditional
resident status (i.e., must attend college or enroll in military) permanent residency might be
granted and they will no longer fear deportation (www.whitehouse.gov). This legislation was
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 19
envisioned to provide a pathway to legalization for undocumented immigrant students, however,
the issue of financial assistance was still not addressed until the implementation of DACA.
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). DACA allows undocumented
students with a permit to work legally in the United States, which was in part intended to
alleviate some of the financial challenges. On June 15, 2012 President Obama created a new
policy for undocumented young people who came to the United States as children allowing them
the chance to obtain “temporary permission” to stay in the United States. This legislation also
has specific guidelines including: (a) being under the age of 31 at the time it was passed, (b)
came to the United States before their 16
th
birthday, (c) continuously live in the United States
since 2007, (d) currently in school or graduated high school, and (e) not been convicted of felony
or misdemeanor (www.uscis.gov). DACA allows undocumented people to obtain a “work
permit” allowing them to work in the United States, which can be renewed every 2 years. In
November 2014 President Obama announced an expansion of the program. However, DACA has
been challenged by some politicians and as of February 2015 a federal district court in Texas
issued an order to temporarily put a hold on the “expanded program,” which prevents people
from applying for DACA (www.nilc.org). At the time of this writing the United States
Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) was not accepting requests for those applying
under the expanded version. This does not affect those people who currently have a DACA.
These programs, AB 540, DREAM Act and DACA, were designed to assist
undocumented students with access and opportunity to post-secondary education. Because of the
complexity of these laws (i.e., requirements, paper work, etc.,), undocumented students might
not be aware of the procedures necessary to qualify for assistance. Additionally, even if they
have been able to complete the required paperwork, the financial limitations of these legislations
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 20
still exist. It is beneficial that undocumented students are able to build strong, trustworthy
relationships with people in their social networks such as institutional agents who could help
them maneuver the pathway to post-secondary education.
Statement of the Problem
With the increase of the undocumented student population in the United States it is
imperative undocumented students are provided the informational resources they need to access
post-secondary education. In today’s world a college education can increase social mobility, and
lead to higher socioeconomic status and better job opportunities (Abrego, 2008; Hernandez,
2000). Due to undocumented students’ immigration status they are sometimes identified as
illegal aliens, a disenfranchised group, criminals, and illegals (Abrego, 2008; Perez et al., 2009).
These “labels” make it difficult for some undocumented students to seek guidance outside the
home. Often undocumented students suffer from emotional concerns such as fear of deportation,
loneliness, depression and are reluctant to develop close relationships with people outside the
home for fear their undocumented status will be revealed (Perez et al., 2009; Suárez-Orozco et
al., 2011). Due to these emotional issues it is sometimes difficult for undocumented students to
build supportive relationships with people outside the home that could help them pursue their
educational aspirations.
This study focused on social capital and the positive relationships built with institutional
agents, which, although not the only sources of capital, assisted undocumented students in
pursuing post-secondary education. It is important to note that some parents, siblings, extended
family members, peers, and community could also provide social capital to undocumented
students towards post-secondary education. For example, family members are an important
source of support and might financially assist undocumented students with their tuition cost.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 21
However, some family members might not be aware of the application process for
undocumented students to qualify for programs to make college more affordable. Due to these
unique challenges it is useful for undocumented students to build strong supportive relationships
with individuals outside the home-such as institutional agents-who can provide undocumented
students with social capital that will help them navigate the path towards post-secondary
education. Since school-based agents are in the field of education they might have more access to
informational resources to provide undocumented students and help them maneuver the path
towards post-secondary education. Additionally, a focus on institutional agents is important
because as many are employees of public school systems, educational leaders have the ability to
influence their school-staffs’ actions in ways that we cannot dictate the actions of other potential
sources of social capital.
Institutional agents is defined by Stanton-Salazar (1997) as “those individuals who have
the capacity and commitment to transmit directly or negotiate the transmission of institutional
resources and opportunities, such as information about school programs, academic tutoring and
mentoring, as well as college admission” (Stanton-Salazar, 1997, p. 6). Stanton-Salazar’s theory
focused on the important roles institutional agents play in providing social capital to minority
youth. When these institutional agents are knowledgeable about informational resources they can
provide assistance and guidance to help undocumented students achieve their goals of attending
post-secondary education. Researchers found that students need to develop strong supportive
formal (i.e., school-based agents, employers) and informal (i.e., family, peers, community
members) networks with people who can provide them with social capital (Bourdieu, 1986;
Coleman, 1988; Holland, 2010; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). These networks could provide resources
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 22
that will enable individuals to achieve their short-and long-term goals such as post-secondary
education.
Researchers have found there are various consequences for undocumented students who
are not provided with informational resources regarding post-secondary education including:
continuing to live in poor communities, limited upward social mobility, low socioeconomic
status, low paying jobs and inability to establish residency (Abrego, 2006; 2008; Enriquez, 2011;
Gonzales, 2010; Martinez, 2014; Stanton-Salazar, 2001; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011). An
important issue that emerged from the literature as it relates to undocumented students was the
challenges they encounter when trying to access post-secondary education. The challenges
undocumented students encounter are financial, school-based and personal. All of these
challenges (to be discussed in further detail in Chapter Two) are interrelated and at times prevent
undocumented students from accessing post-secondary education. These interrelated challenges
have created the need for undocumented students to build supportive, trustworthy relationships
with family and friends but also with social networks outside the home. These relationships can
provide undocumented students with forms of social capital such as informational resources,
moral support, mentoring, and academic support towards pursuing post-secondary education
(Stanton-Salazar, 1997; 2001). Although peers, community members (mentors, neighborhoods),
and family members (parents, siblings, extended family) can and do provide undocumented
students with access and opportunity to post-secondary education, the focus of this study was the
social ties and relationships undocumented students build with school-based institutional agents.
As educators, we are in a position to make changes to the work that institutional agents do on a
daily basis in ways we are not able to in a student’s outside of school spheres. As such, this study
focuses specifically on the role of institutional agents and the types of support and guidance they
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 23
might or might not have provided to undocumented students.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to understand undocumented students’ perceptions
regarding the role institutional agents played in providing social capital that enabled them access
to post-secondary education. Researchers have suggested in order to gain resources to post-
secondary education undocumented students need to build positive, supportive relationships with
institutional agents (Stanton-Salazar, 1997; 2001; Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). The
importance of building strong supportive relationships is true for most students. This is
especially significant for undocumented students (Gonzales, 2010; Holland, 2010; Stanton-
Salazar, 1997). Given this reality, this study explored the role institutional agents played in the
lives of undocumented students as they aspired to access post-secondary education.
As such, the research question for this study was: How do undocumented students reflect
on and make meaning of the role of the institutional agents in providing social capital to access
post-secondary education?
In order to answer the research question this study used a qualitative, case study approach
focusing on students living the Southern California area. This study used a semi-structured
interview protocol to interview six undocumented students from two local 4-year universities.
The interviews were designed to allow students to reflect on the role institutional agents played
in providing them with resources to access post-secondary education. Some researchers believe it
is important to understand the personal experiences of undocumented students’ perceptions about
their educational experiences and how these students managed to gain admission into 4-year
university despite the significant challenges they encountered (Abrego, 2008; Abrego &
Gonzales, 2010). Based on the findings of researchers and the importance of students’
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 24
perceptions, the purpose of my study was to understand the resources undocumented students
believed they received or did not receive regarding their access to post-secondary institutions. As
mentioned previously, social capital can be obtained from various sources of support such as
family, peers, and community however, the focus of this study was school-based (i.e.,
institutional agents). For feasibility purposes the undocumented students for this study were
chosen from two local California State Universities (CSU) which are 4-year institutions within
California due in part because of the large undocumented student population and Assembly Bill
540 (AB 540).
Significance of the Study
Many undocumented high school students lose hope and give up on their educational
aspirations during their junior and senior year of high school when they realize institutional and
financial barriers might prevent them from pursuing post-secondary education (Abrego &
Gonzales, 2010; Enriquez, 2011). This study was designed to understand the personal
experiences, struggles and obstacles undocumented students faced in reaching their educational
aspirations as well as the assets they might have found in their relationships with institutional
agents. Enriquez (2011) found that undocumented students who are able to obtain emotional,
financial, and informational resources from various school-based agents have the potential to
reach some of their educational goals. This study was situated in the current educational studies
about undocumented students and the support they need from school-based agents, specifically
the importance of positive relationships students build with institutional agents. There is little
research focusing on the undocumented student population and the effects of the recent
implementation of the federal and state laws (i.e., AB 540, DACA, DREAM ACT), which were
designed to help undocumented students achieve their educational aspirations. By describing the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 25
contributions institutional agents make to undocumented students with access and opportunity to
post-secondary education, I hoped to add to the literature base in this area. Additionally, because
of its focus on the important role that institutional agents play, the goal for this study was to
inform educators on ways they could better support undocumented students. For example, the
findings of this study might help secondary teachers and counselors understand the importance
of reaching out to undocumented students as soon as possible to help guide them towards post-
secondary education, and might give them ideas about what the types of support students feel
they need to aspire for educational attainment. It is also hoped that this study will shed some
light for policy makers to find ways to increase financial access for undocumented students who
are academically successful in high school, have college aspirations, but do not always have the
means, both financial and otherwise, to enroll.
Organization of the Study
I have organized this study into five chapters. Chapter One provides an introduction to
the problem, the purpose of the study, its significance and the research question, which guided
my study. It provides background information on undocumented students, including patterns of
immigration and the American education system.
Chapter Two presents the literature on undocumented students and the challenges they
may encounter towards pursuing their post-secondary education. It also describes the importance
of social capital and the role institutional agents play in providing undocumented students with
access to post-secondary education.
Chapter Three describes the research methods that were used in this qualitative study. I
present my research design, population and sampling, and the instrumentation that was used for
data collection. Chapter Three also presents the procedures that were used for collecting the data,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 26
analyzing the data, the limitations of my study and the strategies I used to minimize these
limitations so as to increase the credibility and trustworthiness of the study.
Chapter Four presents the finding that emerged from interviews collected from six CSU
undocumented students. The data collected was analyzed and themes were developed as they
were related to the conceptual framework I will introduce in Chapter Two.
Lastly, Chapter Five concludes this dissertation with recommendations and implications
for practice, further research and implications for policymakers.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 27
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
In order to frame this study, this chapter reviews the unique challenges undocumented
students face that might influence their access and opportunity to post-secondary education as
well as what theorists have suggested as ways to overcome some of these challenges. For the
purpose of this study, I defined college access using the work of Ricardo Stanton-Salazar (2001)
who suggested college access is providing Latino/a youth with access to forms of social capital,
such as informational resources, guidance, opportunities, and trustworthy relationships outside
the home that make students pursuit of post-secondary education possible. When undocumented
students are provided with access to informational resources, they have the opportunity to verify
that they meet eligibility requirements, which would allow them to attend post-secondary
education. Positive support and guidance comes from a variety of people including family, peers,
community and church members. For the purpose of this study I began with a focus on
institutional agents (i.e., school-based). Before examining the influence of social capital and
relationships built with institutional agents, one must understand why undocumented students, in
particular, might benefit from these resources. As such, the first part of this chapter will identify
challenges undocumented students face, including financial challenges, personal challenges, and
school-based challenges. All of these challenges play a significant role in an undocumented
student’s aspiration of attending post-secondary education. The second part of this chapter will
identify the ways that social networks contribute to social capital, drawing on the sociological
perspectives of Pierre Bourdieu, James Coleman, and Ricardo Stanton-Salazar. This section
reviews what theorists contend are the benefits of social capital in helping mitigate challenges
faced by individuals. The third part of this chapter will examine the roles that institutional agents
such as teachers and counselors play in delivering support to undocumented students, including
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 28
informational resources regarding post-secondary education. In the final part of this chapter, I
will present my conceptual framework for this study, drawing on the literature reviewed.
Challenges for Undocumented Students
This section examines the challenges undocumented students face regarding access to
and opportunity for post-secondary education, focusing on California. Most of the literature in
this section is from California because of the political climate and the recent passage of State
Measure Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540), which was intended to assist undocumented students with
access to post-secondary education. Also included is a brief section of literature that reviews the
challenges undocumented students face in other states such as Texas, Colorado, and Wyoming.
Undocumented students in those states face similar challenges when compared to undocumented
students in California, despite those states having different policy environments and state
measures enacted.
To better understand undocumented students’ experiences and feelings toward post-
secondary education, it is first important to identify the challenges they face in their educational
journey. In this section, I will first start with an examination of how their legal status influences
students’ inability to move forward in education, especially because of this factor’s interaction
with financial challenges and personal challenges. Second, I will discuss how structural and legal
barriers such as unequal access to higher education, limited educational resources, and
opportunity prevent undocumented students from pursuing post-secondary education. Lastly, I
will look at school-based challenges such as the problems regarding communication between
school-based agents and students specifically examining the lack of informational resources
regarding post-secondary education.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 29
Empirical Studies: California
For some undocumented students, their illegal status brings with it a stigma that stems
from being undocumented, as they are sometimes referred to as “illegal aliens.” Undocumented
students feel shame, fear of deportation, and embarrassment about their illegal status; this is
especially difficult when it comes to their aspirations of attending post-secondary education
(Abrego, 2008; Martinez, 2014). Some undocumented students arrive in the United States at an
early age and learn the English language, adjust to customs, embrace the American culture, and
attend elementary, middle, and high schools (Abrego, 2008; Martinez, 2014). Researchers have
found that, although these undocumented students know at an early age about their legal status,
they do not realize the implications of their status until they are in high school, when their peers
start applying to college, filling out financial aid forms, and receiving their driver’s licenses
(Abrego, 2006; Gonzales, 2010; Martinez, 2014). Thanks to Plyler v. Doe, 1982, which ruled
that undocumented students are entitled to free elementary and secondary education,
undocumented students have been able to attend public school with their documented peers.
However, the court case did not address state or federal actions regarding post-secondary
opportunities for undocumented students (Abrego, 2006; Flores, 2010).
Leisy Abrego (2008) found that being undocumented brings on additional challenges,
“intended and unintended” outcomes that affect educational opportunities. Her longitudinal study
examined the effects of Assembly Bill 540 (AB 540) on undocumented students, including the
financial challenges and stigma of being undocumented. She wanted to understand how the
passage of AB 540 helped construct undocumented students’ aspirations towards post-secondary
education as well as their aspirations for upward mobility. Due to their legal status
undocumented students face important legal and social implications. They are barred from legal
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 30
resources, and feel they have to hide in the shadows. To minimize these implications, AB 540
was signed into law in October 2001, granting undocumented students in California legal access
to all institutions of higher education. To understand how this new context influenced students,
the researcher conducted a 5-year qualitative study from July 2001- July 2006, which consisted
of interviews (all done in English), and observations at community organizations, meetings, and
events. She conducted 43 interviews with 27 undocumented students between the ages of 17 to
24. The undocumented students were chosen from local community-based organizations. Half of
the respondents participated in immigrant-rights youth organizations, and the other half were
enrolled in an art class. To gain a better understanding of the intended and unintended outcomes
of the passage of AB 540, she conducted the interviews prior to the passage of the law, a year
after the passage of AB 540, which was three to four years after the implementation of the law.
Her participant-observations were conducted weekly over the course of 5 years at community
organizations, meetings, and events. The challenges Abrego (2008) identified were: (a) financial
difficulties and (b) emotional stigma. In her study she recognized that prior to the passage of AB
540, some undocumented students were academically eligible to attend college, but decided not
to apply because it was beyond their financial means. This led to the first challenge the
researcher found: financial difficulties. Expensive tuition costs limited undocumented students
from accessing 4-year institutions because they did not qualify for federal financial aid, including
scholarships. Most scholarships required legal residency or U.S. citizenship for eligibility, for
which undocumented students did not qualify. However, after the passage of AB 540, some
community organizations were able to provide small scholarships to undocumented student. At
times it was never enough to cover the cost of 4-year institutions, so this challenge remained. An
additional financial challenge was that many of the participants lived in low economic conditions
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 31
and felt 4-year institutions were out of reach. Therefore, some of the undocumented students did
not even consider applying to 4-year institutions.
Not being able to apply to college due to financial challenges led to the second challenge
Abrego (2008) found. Participants in her study mentioned the emotional stigma attached to being
undocumented, which brought about worry, fear, and embarrassment. Not being able to apply to
4-year institutions left some of the undocumented students feeling sad and frustrated, especially
because they were able to excel academically during high school. This study found that
undocumented students worried about not being able to afford college, hid their legal status from
friends and strangers out of fear of deportation, and were embarrassed by the perceptions of
others, sometimes characterized by name calling (i.e., illegal aliens, illegals, and criminals).
Some of the undocumented students internalized their feelings, which impacted their sense of
self and social identity. Undocumented students questioned their social identity because they did
not feel comfortable disclosing their immigration status, especially because it had not appeared
to be an issue throughout their previous educational experience. Not until undocumented
students started thinking about applying to post-secondary education did many realize that their
status was going to be a challenge. This study found that, when the reality of these challenges set
in, some undocumented students realized they needed support outside the home to help them
maneuver towards a path to post-secondary education.
The financial and emotional challenges undocumented students face have short and long-
term consequences because their immigration status prevents them from moving forward,
especially when it comes to post-secondary aspirations. Undocumented students’ immigration
statuses shape their educational goals as well as life long goals; all the challenges they encounter
are interrelated. Abrego’s (2008) research suggests that, prior to AB 540, many undocumented
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 32
students were hopeless and defeated feeling that post-secondary education was not going to be
accessible. However, after the passage of AB 540, students were re-interviewed and most had a
positive perception of AB 540 not only for themselves, but also for younger siblings and friends.
Undocumented students felt empowered with a lawful right to enroll in post-secondary
education. Although Abrego identified “intended and unintended” outcomes, she also wanted to
understand other challenges such as economic, personal, and legal issues and how they
contribute to undocumented students’ educational aspirations.
In another study conducted by Leisy Abrego (2006), she described some of the
challenges undocumented students face regarding how their illegal status influenced their access
to post-secondary educational attainment such as: (a) socioeconomic challenges (SES), (b) role
of family, (c) structural and legal barriers, and (d) frustration. The participants for this qualitative
study were taken from two Southern California community-based organizations and were studied
over the course of 1 year from January to December 2001. The researcher used participant
observations and informal interviews spending several hours a week volunteering with
undocumented students as a teaching assistant and mentor, attending meetings, rallies, marches,
and retreats. She was interested in analyzing how legal status could influence the educational
aspirations of undocumented youth. As a volunteer she had the opportunity to encounter
anywhere between 15 and 40 students, spent time with local high school teachers and spoke to
community organizers. She purposefully sampled for variation by country of origin, migratory
status, high school or college level and neighborhood of residence. Her sample included a
snowball sample of 24 respondents between the ages of 15 to 22 years old. Fifteen of the
participants were from an art class where she volunteered, six were part of a youth immigrants’
right groups, and the remaining were from a snowball sample. Her sample included youth who
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 33
were active supporters of immigrant organizations and those who were not politically active. All
attended or previously attended public high school in and around the Los Angeles during the
time of the study, most arriving in the United States at early childhood. Based on her interviews,
the following were identified as the most common challenges undocumented students faced
regarding educational aspirations. The first challenge Abrego (2006) noted for undocumented
students was that, due to their low SES, many lived in crowded apartments, unsafe
neighborhoods, and attended public schools that had poor funding and limited resources. Their
educational experiences were affected by the low funding because many of the poorly funded
schools were in the inner city and were not adequately preparing their students towards post-
secondary education. This was evident by the low rate of students enrolling in post-secondary
education, they had fewer then 10 percent of the students go on to 4-year colleges and
universities. The second challenge undocumented students faced was they did not have any
family members to shadow. Their parents and siblings were not able to access and successfully
complete post-secondary education. This negatively influenced the participants’ own perceptions
of educational attainment. Looking at older siblings as models had a negative influence,
particularly when the older siblings of undocumented students worked hard in high school,
received good grades and received academic awards, but they were unable to attend college due
to ineligibility of receiving federal financial aid. The third challenge was the structural and legal
barriers undocumented students faced, such as college not being accessible due to their legal
status. Despite the fact that some of these undocumented students had academically qualified
they were still prevented from integrating legally, educationally, and economically, which
affected their decisions regarding their educational aspirations. The fourth challenge was
frustration, which was the result of the previous challenges. This frustration increased after
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 34
students left high school due to the economic limitations they had to face. Some of the
participants reported that, upon graduation, they did not apply to college because they knew they
could not afford it. Others reported they applied and were admitted, but were unable to attend
due to being ineligible for financial aid. Some of the high-achieving undocumented students
decided to enroll in community college but were soon frustrated with the lack of academic
challenges they encountered.
The challenges that Abrego (2006) discussed regarding low socioeconomic status, role of
family member, structural and legal barriers, and frustration were similar to the challenges
Enriquez (2011) found in her study. Laura Enriquez’s (2011) study examined the educational
path of undocumented students to understand the tangible ways social capital is used to
positively navigate K-12 educational institutions and pursue post-secondary education. In her
qualitative study, she found that school-based agents did not always provide undocumented
students with informational resources. For example, teachers or counselors did not provide
undocumented students with the correct information regarding post-secondary education, such as
how to fill out a college application when undocumented student did not have a social security
number. This lack of informational resources from school-based agents led undocumented
students to rely on their peers, who unintentionally and unknowingly provided misinformation.
Enriquez’s (2011) study consisted of interviews focusing on educational experiences of
undocumented students, their political participation/activism, and experiences related to being
undocumented. She interviewed 54 undocumented Latina/Latino college students (31 female and
23 male). Their ages ranged from 18 to 29 most being in their early 20s. All the participants lived
in the Los Angeles area, and attended nine college campuses across Southern California,
including local community colleges, UCs, and CSUs. Enriquez’s snowball sample was chosen
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 35
through presentations made to undocumented student organizations and an email list provided by
those organizations. Participants had various educational experiences and represented different
paths towards post-secondary education, but most had at least one AP or honors class in high
school. The researcher sampled students with at least one AP or honors class because she
believed that, if students had access to at least one AP or honors class, they would be able to
build social capital. Being able to build social capital would most likely result in being provided
with basic informational resources regarding access to post-secondary education, such as
information about the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) and scholarship
applications. The data collected from these semi-structured interviews centered around
information regarding students’ relationships with school-based agents (teachers, school officials
and peers), educational messages they received (support and resources), the college process
(decision to attend, and application process), and the effects of their undocumented immigration
status. The researcher found when undocumented students tried to fulfill their aspiration of
attending college they would piece together all the information they received from others with
the hopes they would be eligible to attend college. A challenge Enriquez (2011) found was that
undocumented students faced negative institutional barriers as well as negative experiences from
their school-based agents. For example some school-based agents tracked the undocumented
students into different programs such as lower academic classes. Another example was
undocumented students felt they received negative messages from teachers (i.e., teachers not
believing in their ability). The students perceived the teachers as having negative perceptions of
them and felt that the teachers were unwilling to help undocumented students become successful.
The negative perception made it difficult for undocumented students to trust teachers and build
relationships with them, which could have resulted in social capital.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 36
Another challenge Enriquez’s (2011) study found was undocumented students were not
provided with key informational resources regarding pursuing post secondary education due to
school-based agents’ lack of awareness of AB 540. Some school-based agents were aware of AB
540 and knew it provided in-state tuition to undocumented students; however, the school-based
agents did not know the process, or how to explain the specifics of the bill. School-based agents
not being informed of AB 540 led to another challenge Enriquez (2011) found, “undocumented-
specific institutional knowledge” (p. 488) was acquired through the weak ties of their peers.
Some undocumented students were unable to obtain informational resources from their teachers
and counselors, often times they turned to peers, as well as other undocumented students, for
help regarding educational attainment. Peers provided patchworking, which is gathering
information from various individuals and piecing it together to help pursue their goals. Although
patchworking can be seen as a positive step towards developing positive social support, it
became a challenge when undocumented students tried to piece together information that was not
accurate. For example, in some cases this method of obtaining misinformation caused
undocumented students to encounter additional barriers (i.e., incomplete forms). The challenge
for undocumented students was finding peers who provided correct information or used their
social capital to refer undocumented students to the correct school-based agents who were
knowledgeable enough to help them navigate the education system.
Abrego (2006, 2008) and Enriquez (2011) both acknowledged challenges that
undocumented students faced due to their immigration status, including structural and
educational barriers, financial, legal, lack of institutional resources, and lack of knowledgeable
networks. Other researchers (De Leon, 2005; Olivérez, 2006) wrote unpublished dissertations in
which they described challenges undocumented students encountered. These unpublished
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 37
dissertations will be reviewed to add to the findings of previous researchers. In addition these
unpublished dissertations will shed light on additional challenges and will examine geographical
similarities or differences.
The first unpublished dissertation that is significant to this chapter was a qualitative study
conducted by Paz Maya Olivérez in 2006. She wanted to understand the complex experiences of
college-ready undocumented students as they attempted to transition from high school to college
while trying to overcome the challenges of the process of college and scholarship applications.
She also sought to examine the role of policy in shaping undocumented students’ college
aspirations, choice of school, and lastly college support networks that provide undocumented
students with college related resources and information that facilitate college enrollment. To
better understand the experiences of college-ready undocumented students, the researcher used
structured open-ended interviews and participant observations. Over the course of 9 months, the
researcher met once every other week with her primary group of participants, which included 10
undocumented high school seniors in the Los Angeles area from two local high schools who
were enrolled in college-preparatory courses (these courses allowed the students to be
academically eligible to attend college). The researcher selected her sample by using a
recruitment flyer that the school college counselors shared with their students. The participants
had to fulfill three requirements established by the researcher. First, the students had to be
enrolled in Advanced Placement (AP) or honors courses and had to have expressed an interest in
attending college as well as their need for financial aid. Second, the students had to have had at
least one visit with an onsite college counselor to inquire about post-secondary education.
Finally, a preliminary meeting with the researcher was conducted to ensure the participants were
willing to share their personal experience about being undocumented. The undocumented
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 38
students were from the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). This district was chosen
for three reasons. First, the school district had over 70% Latino and immigrant population.
Second, the researcher wanted to observe a high school that served a significant number of
undocumented students. Third, the study built on a previous study the district conducted that
examined issues related to college access and financial aid. In addition to the interviews Olivérez
(2006) used various forms of communication such as telephone conversations, follow up emails,
and meetings for a total of 180 interview meetings. The participant interviews took place at
Central City High School and Hillside High School (pseudonyms); all the interviews were tape-
recorded and transcribed. The original purpose of the participant observations was to examine
how the participants were able to complete college and scholarship applications as well as the
difficulties they encountered during the process. Although some participants were academically
eligible to attend post-secondary education, many had difficulty with the applications. However,
through the bi-weekly interviews, the researcher realized they needed additional assistance with
their applications; therefore the meetings became more frequent and began to serve as a source
of support for students. As a result the researcher began having bi-weekly meetings, which
included a 30-45 minute interview, followed by a 15-20 minute period that allowed students to
ask questions about college and scholarship applications. The participant observations shed
insight on two important factors. The first factor was the difficulties undocumented students
encountered during the college and scholarship application process. The observations also
provided the researcher with the opportunity to understand undocumented students’ experience
as both an “insider” (they have attended school, received good grades, and had the same
experiences as American born students) in the United States and as an “outsider” (they have
restrictions to basic resources, i.e., health care, driver’s license, financial aid).
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 39
Based on the interviews and observations, Olivérez (2006) identified five themes that
emerged as challenges undocumented students faced regarding post-secondary education: (a)
Students background information; (b) College preparation; (c) College and career aspirations; (d)
College application, acceptance, and choice; and (e) Financing college. The first challenge was
students’ personal background. Many students lived in poverty, crowded homes, limited access
to employment, low parental educational attainment and lived in areas with high crime and
violence. The second challenge was related to college preparation. Undocumented students
attended schools where fewer then 25% of the graduating class went on to attend a 4-year
university; perhaps due to school not focusing on the college process, nor did they prepare
students for a rigorous course load. Undocumented students were unprepared for academically
rigorous courses due to the fact that some teachers “dumbed down” the workload. Many of them
had high GPAs, membership in school clubs and organizations, athletic teams, academic groups,
and experiences as student leaders. However, they felt frustrated because they soon realized that
they were not prepared to apply to post-secondary education because they did not meet the
college requirements, which are known as A-G requirements. There was a lack of individualizing
college counseling, and the undocumented students did not see themselves as competitive
college applicants. Some undocumented students were placed in less demanding courses,
including ESL courses, and those students believed their teachers had negative perceptions about
them such as not expecting them to graduate from high school. The third challenge was related to
college and career aspirations. Most of the undocumented students wanted to attend a 4-year
university at an early age and considered community colleges as their “back up” choices.
However, undocumented students’ college aspirations decreased due to their limited access to
resources, such as being unaware of eligibility requirements and later realizing they could not
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 40
apply. Many of the students based their college decisions on their undocumented status and
financial concerns, including the process of applying for residency, which added additional
financial cost. The fourth challenge was related to college application, acceptance and choice.
The application process was a challenge for some undocumented students due to the fact that
teachers and counselors did not provide undocumented students with informational resources.
For example, some undocumented students were unaware of AB 540. According to the
researcher the school counselors knew about AB 540 but did not provide information to the
students unless the students brought it up first. Some undocumented students did not think they
were legally able to attend college; therefore, they did not ask their teachers and counselors for
help with the college applications. Undocumented students’ college choices were restricted due
to their residency status, as well as many being first-generation college-goers who lacked college
knowledge. Some undocumented students were overwhelmed with their heavy academic loads,
family responsibilities, and time management. The fifth challenge was related to financing
college. This was especially difficult because the undocumented students could not legally work,
and, if they did find employment, they were paid under the table and used their earnings to help
their families. The students’ ineligibility for federal financial aid was one of the biggest factors
on their college choices, and many felt 4-year colleges were out of their reach.
Thus far, this section has only identified the challenges undocumented students face
regarding access and opportunity to post-secondary education focusing on the Southern
California area specifically Los Angeles. The literature in this section focused on the Los
Angeles area primarily due to the political climate and the passage of AB 540 in California,
which was intended to assist undocumented students with access to post-secondary education. In
the next section, I will discuss the challenges undocumented students face in other states such as
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 41
Texas, Colorado, and Wyoming. These states passed state measures that provided undocumented
students with access to post-secondary education. The following studies (De Leon 2005;
Martinez, 2014; Muñoz, 2008) add to the research that was conducted in the Los Angeles area by
identifying similar challenges with access and opportunity facing undocumented students across
the country.
Empirical Studies: Texas, Colorado, and Wyoming
In De Leon’s (2005) unpublished qualitative dissertation 10 undocumented male
immigrants who lived and attended higher education institutions in Texas were randomly
selected to participate. An Immigrant Students College Coordinator who worked for the Austin
Independent School District chose the participants in this study. The participants’ names came
from a database of approximately 300 immigrant students all of whom needed to meet specific
criteria designed by the researcher such as: be a male from Mexico, being undocumented,
residing in the U.S. within the past five years, and pursuing higher education. Once chosen, the
participants were contacted by telephone and interviews were set up with them. Each of the
participants was provided with details on the research topic. The interviews took place from
November 2004 to December 2004, with a few follow up interviews. The main purpose of De
Leon’s (2005) study was to identify and describe the unique characteristics of undocumented
male Mexican immigrants who were currently enrolled in post-secondary education.
The unstructured interviews were conducted in English, were recorded, and relied on
open-ended interview questions, which allowed the respondents to express themselves in their
own words (i.e., sometimes, the responses were in Spanish). The first challenge the study found
was the institutional barriers undocumented students encountered from school-based agents
when trying to access information regarding post-secondary such as: admission policies,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 42
financial requirements, language documentation, etc. The undocumented students’ perceptions of
the negative relationships with school-based agents were harmful because the students reported
feeling isolated. They also felt due to their limited knowledge of the English language they had
no school-based agents to turn to for guidance. This was especially difficult because students felt
counselors and teachers were supposed to be important sources of information and guidance.
Although the students graduated, the negative relationships some had with teachers made it
difficult for undocumented students to remain engaged in school, and some teachers were
perceived as not being considerate or understanding of their struggles.
Another challenge De Leon (2005) found was regarding high school curriculum issues,
specifically undocumented students believed they were more advanced in math classes. Some of
the math material the students were taught in the United States were topics they previously
learned at their schools in Mexico. The lower level math courses frustrated a few of the
participants because they knew how to solve the math problems, but teachers still did not think
they were at the same academic level as their classmates. The lower level math courses and
teachers negative perceptions was a challenge for undocumented students, they felt those classes
were a waste of time and undocumented students were bored in class. Being bored in class and
being in a lower level math class increased their likelihood they would not put forth effort into
their classes. A third challenge the study found was the lack of trust undocumented students built
with school-based agents. This lack of trust within the school environment did not provide the
students with an opportunity to resolve academic and personal issues. This was extremely
challenging because the ratios of students to teachers and counselors were exceptionally high.
For example, the study found there was one particular college coordinator the students trusted
who went above and beyond to ensure their success; however, she was no longer their assigned
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 43
counselor. The undocumented students had a difficult time trusting others because they finally
found a college coordinator they trusted and relied on but she was no longer accessible. Not
having this college coordinator accessible created a sense of helpless, frustration, and isolation
especially in the presence of other teachers and counselors. Due to the negative feeling
undocumented students felt they no longer turned to college coordinators for guidance. The last
challenge undocumented students discussed was the effects of their undocumented status on their
long-term goals. The undocumented students knew their job options were limited because they
did not have a social security number and would not qualify for scholarships or financial aid
from post-secondary institutions. Not having legal residency discouraged undocumented students
from pursuing post-secondary education, causing additional fear, anxiety, and self-doubt.
The challenges De Leon (2005) identified in her study were similar to the challenges that
Abrego (2006; 2008) and Enriquez (2011) found in their studies including institutional barriers,
school-based issues such as negative perceptions of teachers and counselors, and the inability to
meet their long-term goal and not being able to legally work. However, De Leon (2005)
identified additional challenges including undocumented students’ issues with identity, English
proficiency, and difficulty finding supportive school-based agents when agents were not always
available to help them.
Much like the studies in California and Texas, studies in Colorado also found that
undocumented students are facing similar challenges including financial, personal, and school-
based challenges. Other states tried addressing these problems with access and opportunity to
post-secondary education similar to California’s AB 540. Colorado passed Advancing Students
for a Stronger Economy Tomorrow (ASSET), which was intended to assist undocumented
students allowing them to pay lower tuition rates in public colleges and universities (Martinez,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 44
2014). The following section examines the effects of ASSET on undocumented students’ access
to higher education and employment opportunities.
In a recent qualitative study, Martinez (2014) recruited participants using a snowball
sample of students from high schools, junior colleges, and public and private universities in
Colorado. Her sample included 18 respondents, (13 females and five males) with an average age
of 21.4 years. All the respondents were undocumented and arrived in the United States prior to
the age of 10. At the time of the interviews, 13 students were attending junior college or 4-year
institutions, three had college degrees, and two dropped out of college but were hoping to return
within a year. The researcher began her data collection in June 2012 and completed the 60 semi-
structured interviews by August 2013. Almost all the participants lived, worked, or attended
schools in Colorado, with the exception of a few participants who lived out of state. The in-
person interviews were conducted in English with a few interviews being done via Skype for
those respondents who lived out of state. The two main challenges Martinez (2014) identified
were that undocumented students did not have a social security number and they had issues with
the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) application. The challenges of not having a
social security number made it difficult for undocumented students to fill out college
applications, apply for employment, and apply for a driver’s license. All of these challenges are
interrelated. They did not have transportation to employment opportunities, they were not legally
allowed to work, or they worked illegally and were paid “under the table.” Therefore, they could
not afford to pay for their post-secondary education. Not having a social security number
increased their constant fear of being stopped by the police for a traffic violation, as well as
serving as a constant reminder of not being able to attend post-secondary education due to their
immigration status. The second challenge was regarding DACA. In June 2012, the Secretary of
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 45
Homeland Security announced that certain people who came to the United States as children and
met specific guidelines would be considered for deferred action for two years, allowing them to
be eligible to work legally in the United States. Although some of the undocumented students
were optimistic that DACA was intended to assist them by removing some of their barriers,
others were uncertain how this policy would actually impact their lives. The undocumented
students appreciated the potential opportunities but were unclear on the application process and
felt, although it would be beneficial to find employment, it did not fix the problem with post-
secondary education being affordable. One of the issues undocumented students had with DACA
was the applicants had to reapply every two years, which made them feel as if DACA was a
short-term solution to long-term problems. The overall process was frustrating, especially
because of: the process of awaiting approval from the government, the lack of opportunities for
family members, and the lack of qualifications for federal financial assistance.
The challenges undocumented students encountered did not appear to be geographically
dependent, based on the findings from studies conducted in other states (Abrego, 2006, 2008; De
Leon, 2005; Enriquez, 2011; Olivérez, 2006). Regardless of where the undocumented students
lived, they had similar challenges in terms of financial and personal challenges that affected their
college aspirations. This same trend was consistent in a dissertation study conducted in
Wyoming. In this unpublished dissertation, Muñoz (2008) wanted to understand the challenges
undocumented Mexican immigrant women face with persistence in post-secondary education.
Muñoz’s (2008) qualitative study examined the experiences of undocumented Mexican
immigrant women who attended the University of Wyoming. Using a snowball sample, she
recruited four participants who were undocumented Mexican immigrants attending the
University of Wyoming. Over the span of six months, the researcher conducted: (a) 16 semi-
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 46
structured interviews lasting approximately 60-90 minutes, (b) informal, unstructured interviews
lasting approximately 60 minutes each to gain a broad contextual background for the study, and
(c) a focus group that lasted three hours. The researcher followed up with emails regarding
clarification for the conversations that took place. The researcher also collected documents and
artifacts, including newspaper articles that pertained to immigrant college students and events
that affected immigrant populations. Some of the challenges Muñoz identified related to the
following themes: (a) home systems, for example parental involvement; (b) negative experiences
with school-based agents; (c) and economic hardships.
The first challenge Muñoz (2008) identified was related to parental involvement.
Although the participants’ parents did provide emotional support and encouragement for their
children to pursue post-secondary education, it was difficult for the parents to offer guidance or
advice. The reason for this difficulty was the parents were not able to relate to their daughter’s
college experience; therefore, they were not able to offer assistance. Another difficulty for
parents was their lack of English proficiency and understanding of the U.S. school system. Due
to these challenges, some parents did not volunteer at school events, and could not help with
homework assignments. Since the parents were not proficient in the English language it did
instill a type of independence for the undocumented students because they had to figure out
educational issues on their own or depend on others for assistances.
This independence leads to the second challenge Muñoz (2008) identified, which was the
negative support from school-based agents, such as teachers and counselors, and lack of
academic preparation. The undocumented students reported that their schools did not offer a lot
of services or resources regarding post-secondary education. For example, they felt the English
as a Second Language (ESL) program was not set up to help undocumented students. They felt
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 47
that some teachers did not teach them the course material and would often times just translate the
material for the students. In addition the participants believed the ESL program served as a way
to prevent them from taking on more challenging courses because of their limited English
proficiency. The students felt the ESL teachers had so many other responsibilities that they did
not have time to assist them and, at times, had low expectations of immigrant students. The
teachers’ negative perceptions of undocumented students affected the number of college prep
courses the students enrolled in because teachers did not provide encouragement for their short
or long-term goals. The lack of encouragement caused undocumented students to feel as if they
had limited options regarding post-secondary education. The lack of teacher support also
affected the undocumented students’ preparation for higher education. Many felt they did not
have the academic foundation to succeed in college. The participants also reported that high
school counselors were disconnected from the undocumented students and did not cultivate
relationships with them, making the students feel as if they were not a priority. The counselors
focused on undocumented students’ high school graduation requirements, not college
requirements or pre-college courses.
A third challenge for undocumented students was economic hardships. Even though the
students were undocumented, some were able to qualify for local scholarships that helped pay
for college; however, it was not enough to cover the full cost of tuition. Undocumented students
do not have a social security number, and do not qualify for federal financial aid or other
scholarships that could have supplemented the local scholarships. Even if the undocumented
students qualified for need-based or merit-based scholarships, they could not apply because the
scholarships were for “legal residence in the state.” In addition to their ineligibility for
scholarships, another economic challenge for undocumented students was not finding
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 48
employment or internship opportunities. The participants knew that the challenge of finding
employment was a long-term problem and even after they graduated from college they would
have a difficult time finding employment. These challenges created feelings of frustration,
helplessness, shame, and fear due to their undocumented status. These feelings arose primarily
because undocumented students did not know whom they could trust to explain the challenges
that related to their immigration status. The mistrust caused some of the undocumented students
to lie about their immigration status, which increased their shame and anxiety.
Summary
Getting to college is a complex and frustrating process for many undocumented students,
particularly because they have numerous restrictions that prevent them from attending. These
restrictions strongly influence their perceptions about the educational opportunities available to
them. This section of the chapter identified challenges undocumented students face, which
included financial challenges, personal challenges, and school-based challenges, each playing a
significant role in their educational aspirations of attending post-secondary education. The
financial challenges occurred because undocumented students are restricted from receiving
federal financial aid and are not able to legally work in the United States (Abrego, 2006; 2008;
Enriquez 2011; Gonzales, 2010). The personal challenges include socio-emotional concerns
regarding undocumented students’ immigration status. For example, they were able to attend K-
12 without any limitations; however, when trying to apply for college they encountered problems
with the application process, including not having a social security number, and being unaware
of AB 540 (Abrego, 2008; De Leon, 2005; Olivérez, 2006). The final challenge was school-
based challenges; this ranged from having non-supportive teachers and counselors, not having
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 49
informational resources regarding college process, and being placed in lower academic classes
(Enriquez, 2011; Muñoz, 2008).
The next section of this chapter will examine the importance of building strong social
networks, social capital, and the role institutional agents can play in providing support to
undocumented students. It is beneficial for undocumented students to build positive supportive
relationships with institutional agents who can help them maneuver the path towards post-
secondary education. This is especially important because for many undocumented students they
were not aware of the implications their legal status has on their educational attainment.
Researchers have found that positive supportive ties with institutional agents are helpful for
school engagement and advancement in the educational system, which are generally found
outside the family, within the school setting and community (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbaush,
1995).
As mentioned in Enriquez’s (2011) study, undocumented students need support outside
the home to help them mitigate these challenges and navigate the path to post-secondary
education. In other words, to overcome some of these challenges, support from more
knowledgeable sources outside the home is important. The benefits derived from such support
and access to resources through social contacts/networks is called social capital. The next section
of the chapter will identify the ways that social networks contribute to social capital from a
sociological perspective, in particular through the works of Pierre Bourdieu, James Coleman, and
Ricardo Stanton-Salazar. First, I will describe the seminal works of Bourdieu and Coleman,
which will be used to provide a foundation for the work of Stanton-Salazar, who focused on
institutional agents. Stanton-Salazar’s work will be the primary focus of this section because of
its relevance to this study’s focus.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 50
Social Capital and Social Networks
Participation in groups has positive consequences for individuals and communities. It
allows for the building of social capital and provides individuals with a source of power and
influence that can then be good for the community as well as the individual (Holland, 2010;
Portes, 1998). Given the challenges faced by undocumented students, they need to be provided
with opportunities for involvement, and participation in various, more well-positioned groups.
This involvement and participation are thought to increase their access to social capital,
ultimately facilitating the pursuit of post-secondary education (Enriquez, 2011; Holland, 2010;
Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Social relationships with school-based agents, peers, community
members and church members could be turned into sources of social capital, which allows
individuals to benefit from sharing resources, to develop trust, to reciprocate, and to share group
solidarity (Enriquez, 2011; Holland, 2010).
Researchers have found that various forms of “capital” are interrelated in the way they
provide resources for individuals to gain access to opportunities that allow for social mobility
(Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988; Stanton-Salazar, 2001). According to Bourdieu (1986),
“capital takes time to accumulate…has potential capacity to produce profits and reproduce itself
in identical or expanded form…it is a force inscribed in the objectivity of things so that
everything is not equally possible or impossible” (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 83). When capital is
formed it is the foundation of social life and has the ability to help individuals economically,
socially, and culturally. The more capital an individual develops, the more opportunities might
be available to him or her. Although this section will center primarily on social capital, it is
important to understand the other forms of capital, such as human capital and cultural capital.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 51
In Coleman’s (1988) work he suggests human capital extends from the concept of
physical capital, which is created by changes in materials to develop resources (i.e., tools) that
enable the establishment of human capital. In other words human capital allows people to
develop new skills and capabilities that permit them to act in new ways. This concept of human
capital ties into Bourdieu’s idea of cultural capital and takes on three forms: embodied,
objectified, and institutionalized states. Cultural capital can be achieved through social classes
that share a sense of a shared identity and group position. Bourdieu (1986) states, “embodied
state, in the form of long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body; in the objectified state, in the
form of cultural goods; and in the institutionalized state a form of objectification which must be
set apart because, as will be seen in the case of educational qualifications, it confers entirely
original properties on the cultural capital which is presumed guarantee” (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 84).
In other words the embodied state can be seen as organic and acquired behaviors; one example is
people’s manners such as the way they speak, behave, or interact. This form requires time to
develop because others teach a person those behaviors through socialization. The objectified
state of capital refers to material objects that are owned, such as artwork, literature, paintings etc.
These goods can be transferred for financial profit. Institutionalized state refers to institutional
recognition, such as educational qualifications, academic credentials, and qualifications within
the labor market.
Human capital and cultural capital are important to understand because they impact the
resources available to undocumented students, which have the potential to facilitate the pursuit of
post-secondary education. However, this chapter will focus primarily on social capital because
the focus of this study is the support (or lack thereof) provided by institutional agents to
undocumented students. In the next section, I will provide a summary of social capital by
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 52
examining sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s work on the importance of building strong relationships
and social networks.
Pierre Bourdieu
Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1986) developed his ideas of social capital from the works
of Karl Marx, who wrote about society’s structure as well as an individual’s role within that
structure (social classes). Bourdieu’s work developed from an economic framework that
theorized the collaboration of individuals and groups that exist in an organized way. Bourdieu
argued that the laws that control the exchange of economic capital are relevant to social
relationships. Bourdieu (1986) viewed social capital in the following ways: social capital (a) is
accumulated, (b) has the ability to produce benefits in society, (c) is changeable into resources or
other forms of capital, and (d) has the ability to reproduce itself in equal or expanded form. In
other words, social relationships can form a network of relationships and are symbolized forms
of capital that can be changed into socially valued resources, and opportunities. These
opportunities include: emotional support, access to opportunity for mobility, and privileged
information (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). A person’s social class is related to the concept of social
capital because a person’s place in the social structure impacts his or her access to other people
within that same social structure. In this way, people from privileged groups benefit from social
capital from their contact with others, like those who are in powerful positions. As such,
Bourdieu believed that social capital benefited those who are primarily in the middle and upper
classes, because those individuals have a dominant position with access to resource-rich groups.
Bourdieu (1986) defined social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources
which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized
relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition” (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 88). People gain
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 53
rewards by having memberships in groups that provide resources, and the benefits of these
resources appear sooner or later. Bourdieu also suggested that all forms of capital are
interrelated; social capital (relationships with teachers or peers) can be used to access cultural
capital (institutional knowledge and academic skills), which generates human capital
(educational success). This interrelated nature of capital makes social capital an even more
powerful influence in individuals’ lives especially when undocumented students’ are trying to
pursue college.
Speaking specifically about social capital, Bourdieu (1986) theorized that membership in
groups provide members with access to lasting relationships and strong connections. Building
strong relationships is important to Bourdieu’s work, because he linked strong relationships to
membership in social networks that provided long-term consequences. In order for people to
have strong networks people have to make some investments such as time. These networks were
not naturally given, but must be created and maintained in order to create social networks that
provide benefits. Some of those benefits include establishing trust and sharing information with
the hope it will help individuals. Networks are helpful in terms of establishing and reproducing
social relationships and are necessary to fulfill short and long-term goals (Portes, 1998).
Bourdieu’s focus on relationships is critical to understanding that social capital can only be
acquired when individuals are able to build relationships with others such as institutional agents,
peers, community and church members. These agents will be able to provide resources that allow
individuals to accomplish their goals (Coleman, 1990; Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
In summary, Bourdieu believed that the key aspects of social capital include participation
in networks that establish norms and obligations where trust is developed and valuable
information is shared (Bourdieu, 1986). Similarly, sociologist James Coleman (1988) also took
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 54
up the concept of information being shared in trusting relationships. He argued that people are
actors who facilitate action which provide resources, and have lasting effects.
James Coleman
Another important theorist on the concept of social capital was American sociologist
James Coleman. Coleman (1988) traditionally connected social capital to human capital and
analyzed the way human capital can be passed from one person to another. He identified social
capital in two ways. First, it is rooted in social relations and can only occur as a result of
interaction with others. Second, the potential benefits of social capital are limited based on
actions and circumstances. When social capital is passed from one person to another, it becomes
an important resource to achieve goals. Coleman’s work is centered on the idea that individuals
receive benefits when they develop social ties with others. Although Bourdieu and Coleman both
agree that building social capital through social networks is a way to provide people with access
to community norms, trust, and information, Coleman focused was the way social capital is
exchanged. In other words, Coleman expanded on Bourdieu’s idea of social capital by examining
reciprocity. He believed there were fundamental characteristics necessary for social networks to
function effectively, comprising a high level of trust, expectations of reciprocity, and help to
promote the common good (Coleman, 1988).
Coleman (1988) identified various categories within his concept of social capital, which
included: community norms in promoting the common good, trust in social structures,
intergenerational closure, and parent child-interaction. Each of these categories plays a
significant role in social capital. For example, he believed that, when individuals receive benefits
outside the community, they have the opportunity to share them with others in their community.
In other words, community ties are important for the benefits they give to individuals, and those
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 55
benefits could collectively help the community. Another category Coleman discussed was
closure, which can help generate social capital. He suggested that, when social networks have
closure, they can generate social capital because these relationships strengthen the level of social
capital within the networks and should lead to positive outcomes (Coleman, 1990; Portes, 2000).
As stated by Carbonaro (1998), closure is when “individuals are in contact with others, so
information can be gathered and common expectations and norms can be enforced through
sanctions and rewards” (Carbonaro, 1998, p. 296). For example, social capital can be seen within
the family as represented by the interaction between parents and children. This type of social
capital is known as “intergenerational closure.” A type of intergenerational closure would be the
social group that parents develop by interacting with the parents of their children’s friends. These
relationships allow them the chance to keep an eye on their children and be aware of their
children’s activities as well as their children’s friends’ activities in and out of school. Through
intergenerational closure parents are able to monitor their children’s activities as well as ensure
the community is benefiting from the positive behavior of the children (Coleman, 1988; Kao &
Rutherford, 2007). The interaction between parents and children produces closure, and this type
of social network benefits the community because norms can be enforced and maintained. When
norms are maintained and enforced within the community, parents can monitor their children’s
activities as well as instill the importance of good behavior.
Coleman (1988) defined social capital as a function, “not a single entity but a variety of
different entities, with two elements in common: they all consist of some aspect of social
structures and they facilitate certain actions of actors” (Coleman, 1988, p. 98). Bourdieu’s work
examined the impact social classes have on availability of networks, while Coleman took this
further by examining the role “actors” play in providing social capital. Coleman (1988) argued
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 56
that available resources are not solely dependent on a person’s social class; resources are
dependent on a person’s social class as well as the role of actors in providing resources to others.
This concept of agency is important to this study because it is valuable to understand how
relationships are built between “actors” and the ways they produce social capital. Based on
Coleman’s goals cannot be achieved or possible without having built relationships with people
who can facilitate action (Coleman, 1990).
Coleman wanted to understand the motivation of beneficiaries and supporters in
exchanges negotiated by social capital. Social capital can be seen as a source of (a) social
control, (b) family-mediated benefits, and (c) resources negotiated by non-family networks such
as social networks (Portes, 2000; Coleman, 1988). Coleman viewed social capital as useful and a
form of “control” in that it facilitates certain actions and restricts others. Coleman (1988)
provided an example of this by identifying how social capital was beneficial in a wholesale
diamond market when merchants gave their valuable diamonds to other merchants to inspect
them. They freely give their diamonds without any type of insurance, showing the amount of
trust that has been built between the merchants and the strength of those ties that make the
transactions possible. If the trust were not there, the merchants would be restricted for whom
they gave their diamonds and what “insurance devices” were necessary to ensure their property
was not stolen (Coleman, 1988). Individuals who possess particular forms of capital are able to
exchange it with those who have the capital they desire. According to Coleman, both individuals
must already possess some type of capital that is of value to the person who made the initial
relationship beneficial. In other words, it is unlikely for people to acquire social capital from a
relationship without investing some of their own capital. It is understandable why the
beneficiaries were seeking the resources, but Coleman wanted to understand why the supporters
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 57
were providing resources when they might not be receiving immediate benefits (Portes, 1998).
Coleman believed that “all social relations and social structures facilitate some form of social
capital; actors establish relations purposefully and maintain them when they continue to provide
benefits” (Coleman, 1990, p. 105). Benefits can be provided when people build trustworthy
social networks that will allow individuals to accomplish their short and long-term goals. For
Coleman, building relations that consisted of positive, trustworthy relationships was important
because, when groups of people built extensive trustworthiness, they were able to accomplish
more than those who lacked trust and trustworthiness (Coleman, 1990; Portes, 2000). Building
trust with people in social networks is an important factor for people to gain social capital and
achieve their goals.
Coleman (1990) described two elements associated with social capital. The first element
was that social capital is part of a social structure, and the second element was that social capital
is a type of action. For the purpose of this paper viewing social capital as “productive” is
important because without strong social capital, people (i.e., undocumented students) may have a
difficult time achieving specific goals (i.e., post-secondary education). The first element
Coleman described was in regards to social capital being a social structure formed from small
networks of trustworthy relationships and extensive social forms of collaboration that improve
the ability of individuals and groups (Coleman, 1988). The second element Coleman described
was that social capital is a type of action performed by people within a structure. When students
gain access to resources, they are dependent on the structural types of their social networks.
Coleman found that social capital consists of taking resources and combining them with other
resources that provide different outcomes. For example, when teachers make time and effort to
assist students, they become an important source of social capital. Teacher-based forms of social
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 58
capital reduce the possibility of students dropping out of school. Researchers believe school
support is vital when it comes to students’ educational growth and quality of learning (Croninger
& Lee, 2001).
Coleman’s work is important to this study because some undocumented students rely on
networks outside the home to gain access to resources that will help them pursue post-secondary
education. An example of the reciprocity that Coleman discussed is similar to what Enriquez
(2011) found in her study with undocumented students known as “patchworking.” As stated in
the previous section, patchworking is when undocumented students pull together resources and
share them with others to help achieve their goals, such as pursuing post-secondary education. In
this example they piece together their informational resources and share them with others in the
hope that the help will be reciprocated for them when they need it. Although this could lead to
misinformation, Enriquez’s (2011) suggested that undocumented students were able to develop
strong supportive relationships built on trust where they are able to turn to each other for
assistance (Enriquez, 2011).
In summary, Coleman (1988) believed that, in order to develop social capital, individuals
need strong networks, a high level of trust, expectations of reciprocity, and the promotion of the
common good within the community. In other words most social relationships can be turned into
sources of social capital when both individuals expect to benefit from the sharing of resources
and believe they can trust the individual to reciprocate directly. Coleman’s theory leads into the
work of Ricardo Stanton-Salazar, who studied the role institutional agents play in providing
social capital.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 59
Ricardo Stanton-Salazar
Stanton-Salazar built his theory on Bourdieu’s and Coleman’s work on the important role
of social support and social networks in providing assistance to individuals. All three researchers
identified the need for social networks and the positive influence they have on individuals
(Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988; Stanton-Salazar, 2001). However, Stanton-Salazar’s theory of
social capital primarily focused on the role of institutional agents (i.e., school-based agents) and
the support and assistance they provided to minority youth. Stanton-Salazar (2001) believed that,
when school-based agents engage students socially and show genuine concern, they could serve
as important sources of support. Stanton-Salazar’s theory is different from Bourdieu’s work
because Bourdieu believed that those who are from low socioeconomic backgrounds have
limited social capital due to their class status (Bourdieu, 1986). However, Stanton-Salazar found
that, among Latinos who were academically successful and graduated from college, most had
individuals in their lives who took interest in them, providing support, mentoring, and being a
role model (Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Those individuals could be school-based, family members,
friends, community members, and church leaders. As such, he argued that social capital does not
have to be unique to middle and upper class individuals.
Although individuals from lower socio-economic backgrounds can have social capital,
Stanton-Salazar’s theory was similar to Bourdieu’s work in terms of viewing social support in a
hierarchical manner, whereby one party holds more power than the other. For example, school-
based agents are at a higher level because they have more access to resources compared to
students who are at a lower level due to their limited access to resources. Stanton-Salazar (1997)
envisioned forms of support in terms of “institutional support,” emphasizing six specific forms.
He highlighted these forms of support because he believed they were necessary for success
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 60
within the school system to help students with social integration. The six forms of institutional
support include: (a) Funds of Knowledge, (b) Bridging, (c) Advocacy, (d) Role Modeling, (e)
Emotional and Moral Support and, (f) Evaluative Feedback, Advise, and Guidance (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997, 2001). First, he divided funds of knowledge into seven forms: (a) institutionally
sanctioned discourses (i.e., socially acceptable ways of using language), (b) academic task-
specific knowledge (i.e., subject-area knowledge), (c) organizational/bureaucratic finds of
knowledge (i.e., knowledge of how bureaucracies operate), (d) network development (i.e.,
knowledge of how to develop supportive/cooperative ties with peers who are well integrated in
the school’s high-status academic circles), (e) technical funds of knowledge (i.e., computer
literacy, study skills, test-taking skills), (f) knowledge of labor and educational markets (i.e.,
knowledge of how to fulfill requisites and how to overcome barriers), and (g) problem-solving
knowledge (i.e., knowing how to integrate the first six forms of knowledge for the purpose of
solving school-related problems). The second type of institutional support is the act of bridging
to “gatekeepers” and social networks for finding various “mainstream” institutions such as post-
secondary education. The third type is advocacy, which is the process of helping students for the
purpose of supporting their best interest. The fourth type is role modeling, which is modeling
behaviors deemed to be successful in educational settings and using problem-solving strategies.
The fifth type of institutional support is emotional and moral support, which can be used in
conjunction with other forms of support that focus on promoting effective participation in
mainstream domains. The last type of institutional support is evaluative feedback, advice, and
guidance. These include institutional funds of knowledge as well as genuine emotional and
moral support (Stanton-Salazar, 1997; 2001). With these six factors, Stanton-Salazar addressed
the need for institutional support and the social networks that are built around them. Institutional
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 61
support includes the student’s level of trust in school-based agents who provide educational
opportunities and expectations.
Stanton-Salazar (1997) identified institutional support as important to his theory and
focused on “institutionally sanctioned discourses” and the role they play in understanding how
networks are connected in the “social reproduction of inequality.” He defined discourse as
“socially accepted ways of using language and engaging in communicative behavior” (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997, p. 12). This type of discourse can be found at home or in the community and is
necessary for participation in social networks. According to Stanton-Salazar (1997),
opportunities for acquiring institutional discourse and access to institutional knowledge are
problematic for children and youth because of two key factors. First, it is difficult for children
and youth to be interested in such knowledge and might not see it as meaningful or relevant.
Second, relying on school-based networks for attaining the necessary institutional discourse is
problematic. In other words all children bring with them primary discourse that has been
gathered from their home lives. Children’s school experiences are shaped by the school routine
as well as the discourses they bring with them, which creates a disconnect. He saw the school
context not just as a place to learn and build skills, but also as a place to learn how to “decode the
system.” Decoding is gaining an understanding of the rules that dictate social development and
collaboration. In other words, children begin to learn the rules of institutional life during early
socialization based on experiences at home and community, which can be key to school success
(Stanton-Salazar, 1997). To help with the process of decoding, students rely on adults for
institutional based support; this process of socialization is apparent in the types of activities and
interactions that are available within the school context. At times decoding could be problematic
because, when students rely solely on school-based agents, they might not get the necessary
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 62
resources they need to reach their goals. According to researchers social ties with institutional
agents is important to empower children as well as their social development (Stanton-Salazar,
1997). However, the problem arises when institutional agents chose to or not to transmit
institutional support such as mentorship to minority youth which can interfere with the youths
abilities to reach their goals
Based on Stanton-Salazar’s (2001) previous work, he believed that when students were
willing to seek out support from school-based agents such as teachers and other school
personnel, they were able to develop forms of social capital. Stanton-Salazar believed, “social
capital is a set of properties existing within socially patterned associations among people that
when activated enable them to accomplish their goals or to empower themselves in some
meaningful way” (Stanton-Salazar, 2001, p. 265). His definition demonstrates the importance of
minority youth building strong social networks and relationships with institutional agents.
Building on this definition, Stanton-Salazar (2001) identified three fundamental properties that
are similar to Coleman’s theory of social capital and reciprocity: (a) reciprocal investment, (b)
expectation and obligation, and (c) resource generating. The first property of reciprocal
investment highlights social capital as an active method based on reciprocal investments in
relationships. In other words social capital necessitates that one builds relationships with parties
who make reciprocal promises and commitments where there is a common interest for both
parties. However, this type of reciprocity is not always equal or reciprocated to the same degree.
Rather, the reciprocity is dependent on the power differences between the parties. Stanton-
Salazar explained that the person in the “provider role,” upon making investments in the
relationships, asks for assistance in one way, while the person on the receiving end asks for help
in another way. The different forms of assistance reflect the power differences that exist between
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 63
the two parties. The second property of social capital is expectation and obligation, which
comprises cultural rules where obligations, expectations, and trustworthiness contribute to
sustained relationships. These relationships make it possible for the flow and exchange of
resources and support. The third property is resource generating; this is the idea that resources
flow back and forth between individuals who engage in relationships of trust and mutual
expectations (Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Resources such as social support can be enjoyed as a direct
result of initiating relationships. For example, help seeking is an outcome based on social
interaction and supportive activity. These three fundamental properties Stanton-Salazar discussed
are similar to Coleman’s theory of reciprocity and social capital. Coleman (1988) described
social capital as a social structure that is formed from small networks of trustworthy relationships
and social patterns of interaction that increase the ability of individuals and groups.
Stanton-Salazar drew on the works of Bourdieu and Coleman to build the foundation for his
theory on the important roles institutional agents play in providing social capital to minority
youth. In the next section, more attention will be given to the notion of institutional agents
which, as Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) defined, are “those individuals who have the
capacity and commitment to transmit directly or negotiate the transmission of institutional
resources and opportunities—such as information about school programs, academic tutoring and
mentoring, as well as college admission” (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995, p. 117). There
are various ways to acquire social capital through institutional agents, community leaders,
clergy, social service workers, and peers; however, this paper’s focus is on school-based
institutional agents such as teachers and counselors. Building relationships with institutional
agents allows for members of a society to gain resources, privileges, and supports necessary for
advancement (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). It is important to understand the unique role institutional
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 64
agents play in the lives of undocumented students in providing access and opportunities to
pursue post-secondary education, which promises to help with social mobility.
Institutional Agents
Researchers have found that students’ educational experiences (i.e., success and failures)
are often determined by their ability to form positive relationships with school-based agents
(Gonzales, 2010; Holland, 2010; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). The importance of building strong
supportive relationships is true for most students. However, as outlined earlier in this chapter,
undocumented students face additional challenges such as financial, school-based, and personal
challenges. Due to these challenges, undocumented students are in even more need of developing
strong supportive relationships with institutional agents who can assist them with access to post-
secondary education. In fact, undocumented students rely heavily on school-based agents to
assist them with college planning, informational resources, and guidance, due to the fact that in
most cases their families and community might not be aware of the processes (Abrego, 2006;
Abrego & Gonzales, 2010; Enriquez, 2011; Holland, 2010). Researchers have found many
students are surpassing their parent’s educational attainment; therefore, they might require
guidance outside the home regarding their educational aspirations. The help outside the home is
especially important for undocumented students because some of their parents never attended
college and do not understand the process of successfully completing high school (Abrego, 2006;
Gonzales, 2010; Muñoz, 2008, Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa, Teranishi, & Suárez-Orozco, M.,
2011). Therefore, some undocumented students rely on developing relationships with social
networks outside the home. The perspectives of Bourdieu and Coleman are a useful foundation
for understanding how social networks provide students with social capital, ultimately giving
them access to resources as well as meaningful relationships built on trust. According to Stanton-
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 65
Salazar, in order to determine if social ties truly represent social capital, the relations could be
checked in the following ways: the ability of the network is to provide institutional support, the
quality of the resources being provided, and the degree that the support fits the needs of the
individual (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). It is important to ensure that the social ties
Stanton-Salazar mentioned are present when undocumented students are developing their
relationships with institutional agents because it will lead to social capital if the above conditions
are met.
For many undocumented students who came to the United States at a young age they are
told not to share their legal status with anyone outside the home and live in fear (Abrego, 2008;
Gonzalez, 2010). Due to these feelings it is sometimes difficult for undocumented students to
build trustworthy relationships outside the home (Abrego & Gonzalez, 2010; Stanton-Salazar,
1997). Therefore, it is important that undocumented students are provided the opportunity to
build a level of trust with institutional agents. The positive relationships they build with their
school-based agents have the potential to increase undocumented students’ access to social
capital. Institutional agents, such as school-based agents, provide resources, moral support,
mentoring, and social capital for undocumented students (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). In Stanton-
Salazar’s earlier work, he developed a framework that examined the relationships between youth
and institutional agents (i.e., school-based agents) and the ways social capital is provided. He
wanted to understand the socialization and the school experiences of working-class racial
minority youth. Through his work he identified five problems that make it hard for low-status
children and youth to acquire social capital: (a) social capital is dependent on their social class,
ethnicity, and gender; (b) participation in mainstream settings make it uncomfortable for
minority youth to participate; (c) school-based agents select students to support; (d)
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 66
institutionalization of distrust and detachment are sometimes present; and (e) there are
ideological mechanisms that hinder help-seeking (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). The first problem is
dependent on social class, ethnicity, and gender. Stanton-Salazar argued that some students have
an ethnic preference when it comes to school-based agents and receiving help from them; some
students prefer Spanish-speaking teachers/counselors. The second problem Stanton-Salazar
identified was the existence of barriers that make it difficult for minority youth to participate
because they feel uncomfortable. For example, some urban schools do not encourage the
development of students’ social networks making it difficult for the minority youth to build
relationships. The third problem was that school-based agents have the tendency to pick students
they choose to support based on their own perceptions of the student’s ability and willingness.
The fourth problem was institutionalization of distrust and detachment. This is the hostile and
often-pessimistic perceptions that minority youth feel regarding their ability to develop social
capital. The fifth problem Stanton-Salazar identified was ideological mechanisms that prevent
minority students from seeking help because of the school structure. In other words, he believed
that the school structure was not set up to provide social capital to minority youth. All five of
these problems were identified as issues that interfere with the social development of working
class minority youth and contributes to their failures in school (Stanton-Salazar, 1997, 2001).
Examining social capital through the lens of social ties and networks is imperative to
understanding the value attributed to it. This section highlights research that is connected to
Stanton-Salazar’s theory on social capital obtained through institutional agents and the
institutional support provided to students. Although Ricardo Stanton-Salazar had various studies
regarding the role of institutional agents and the ways social capital should be provided for
students, this paper will only focus on one of his articles. In this chapter, I chose to only focus on
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 67
one of Stanton-Salazar’s articles because I wanted to hear the voices of other researchers and
their perspectives on the role institutional agents play in the lives of minorities. There are two
reasons I chose the particular study by Stanton-Salazar and his colleague Dornbusch. First, the
researchers focused on the inequalities of the school structure of working class and minority
youth. Second the participants were of Mexican origin, allowing the researchers to examine the
language patterns and the cultural-ideological differences of this student population. In choosing
Spanish speaking, Mexican origin participants the researchers wanted to investigate the language
patterns of bilingual students to find if there was a connection between bilingualism and
acquiring institutional support.
Social Capital for Minority Students
The purpose of Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch’s (1995) quantitative study was to
understand how students built relationships with institutional agents who provide support
regarding students’ grades and educational expectations. The sample consisted of 205 Mexican
origin students, who were selected from 744 Mexican-origin high school students who had
participated in two school-wide questionnaires during the 1987-1988 academic year. The
participants were chosen purposefully from six schools located in the San Francisco- San Jose
area predominantly from middle and high-income neighborhoods with a majority of white
residents. The students chosen for this study were transported to these schools due to the district
wide desegregation plan. First, they all participated in a survey, then based on the results they
were chosen to participate in semi-structured interviews, which were quantified to determine
students’ social support networks, family practices, and future plans (i.e., education and personal
issues such as marriage and jobs). The interviews included topics related to social support such
as emotional, informational, and peer interaction, as well as support regarding advice given (i.e.,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 68
academic decisions, future educational plans, personal nonacademic issues, legal support, and
health). The researchers wanted to ensure the participants understood the term “social support,”
therefore, they were asked to identify people who provided them with information-related
support. The researchers found that Mexican-origin high school students with high grades and
expectations for their future generally had greater social capital than those with low grades and
expectations. Through the support of school-based agents, students were motivated to remain
engaged in schools. However, this study also found that low SES and language played a
significant role in social capital and institutional support. Specifically, the study found that, due
to language and cultural barriers, many immigrants were denied the chance to acquire
institutional support. In part because they were not able to communicate their needs to school-
based agent, they did not know which resources were available to them and they could not
integrate into “mainstream” domains.
Ultimately, Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) found that social networks built on
trust and support contributes to higher academic achievement and mobility among Mexican-
origin and other minority youth. They argued that school-based agents contributed to the success
of Mexican-origin students through their support, expectations, and overall concern for their
students. This is even more beneficial when the students have high expectations of themselves
and the institutional agents reinforce their behavior.
In another study researchers focused on minority college students and showed the
importance of school-based agents in providing social capital at all levels of the education
system. In this qualitative study conducted by Museus and Neville (2012), the researchers
wanted to understand how key institutional agents facilitate success among racial minority
undergraduates by providing them with access to social capital in college. In addition, the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 69
researchers wanted to understand: (1) What are the characteristics of institutional agents that
foster trust in their relationships with students? (2) What characteristics of institutional agents
create close bonds with students? (3) What are the characteristics of institutional agents that
provide students with access to important resources such as informational resources and support?
This study drew from a purposeful sample of four institutions that included two research
universities, one comprehensive university and one community college. These schools were
chosen because they were predominantly white institutions (PWI), and they were chosen to
highlight the important role institutional agents play in shaping the experiences of minority
college students at PWI’s. Administrators and staff members at the four institutions
recommended the participants for this study because they felt these students were knowledgeable
about the types of environments across their particular colleges. The participant sample included
60 students of color (i.e., Asians, Blacks and Latinos), between the ages of 18-24 and included
39 women and 21 men. All the participants were involved in a wide range of academic and social
activities on campus, such as ethnic organizations, cultural centers, and mentoring programs. The
researcher conducted semi-structured interviews lasting approximately 60 to 90 minutes. The
interview protocols included a list of concepts and general questions about the influence of
various institutional factors on the participant’s experiences, including institutional agents who
positively shaped their experiences. In this study the researchers identified four key
characteristics of institutional agents that positively influenced students with access to social
capital: (a) share common ground with students, (b) provide holistic support for those students,
(c) humanize the educational experiences, and (d) provide proactive support for students. These
characteristics provided participants with access to social capital by cultivating relationships
built on trust and closure. The agents provided the participants with resources such as
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 70
information and support, connected the participants with support networks at their particular
campuses (Museus & Neville, 2012).
The first characteristic found to be important to students was common ground- the
participants felt it was important to share a common ground with institutional agents who shared
a similar racial background or educational experience because this helped them develop trust
with those agents. Frequently mentioned types of common ground included cultural
backgrounds, experiences, and knowledge about the student’s experiences. These commonalities
helped contribute to the trust the participants built with the institutional agents. The second
characteristic was institutional agents providing holistic support. The holistic support included
the various types of problems the participants had, such as academic and financial problems. The
participants believed the agents continually supported them, regardless of their problems. Part of
the holistic support was the multiple professional roles the agents took on, such as academic
advising, as well as cultural, social, or psychological support. The third characteristic was
institutional agents humanized the educational experience, allowing the development of closure
in the relationships between the institutional agents and the minority students. The institutional
agents were identified as “authentic human beings” and not just instructors; the participants felt
the institutional agents genuinely cared about their success. The last characteristic was agents
advocated proactive philosophies that empowered the school-based agents to connect with the
minority students’ information and support. These institutional agents proactively provided
support, information, and guidance by personally investing in the participants’ successes. This
study found that the role of institutional agents positively influenced students’ expectations and
outcomes when it came to post-secondary education. When institutional agents maintained high
levels of communication and collaboration, they were able to serve the needs of their minority
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 71
student population effectively. Museus and Neville’s (2012) study highlighted the important role
institutional agents play in the lives of minority college students in providing students with
access and opportunity to post-secondary education.
In another study Holland (2010), using Bourdieu’s theory on social networks identified
why some undocumented students living in the United States have difficulty with access to post-
secondary education. One of Holland’s (2010) studies sheds light on the lack of resources and
presences of inequities that students from low socioeconomic backgrounds experience. She
wrote specifically of the lack of resources as it relates to social contacts with information rich,
school-based staff. Holland (2010) found that one of the limitations regarding resources was that
an average public high school counselor had a caseload of approximately 490 students. Whereas,
counselors that served a large number of students of color and low socioeconomic status had a
caseload as high as 1,056 students. Using a social capital framework, the researcher wanted to
understand the role of social networks both in school and outside of school and the ways they
provide social capital in the form of information regarding post-secondary education, specifically
the ways it was communicated to college bound students (Holland, 2010).
Holland (2010) conducted a qualitative study using a purposeful sample of students
currently enrolled as freshmen, sophomores, juniors, and seniors attending Aspiration University
(pseudonym). The data collected for this study as based on interviews and surveys of 50 students
who recently graduated from a high school in the city’s school district. The 50 participants were
required to meet two criteria: one, they had graduated from a high school in the city’s school
district within five years prior to the data collection, and second, they were currently enrolled at
Aspiration University. The researcher chose college students who fit the first criteria because she
wanted to investigate the preparation students received regarding the transition to post-secondary
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 72
education. The sample was chosen by a research team that advertised the need for participants
through posters, flyers, and word-of-mouth on the Aspiration University campus. The
participants identified as African American or Black, Latino, Multiracial, and American, the
average age was 19.8 years, and 95% of the participants received some type of financial
assistance. The participants completed a brief questionnaire and participated in semi-structured
interviews that lasted between twenty-five minutes to an hour. Forty-nine students completed
both the survey and interviews; however, an additional four students only completed the survey
but not the interview portion. Three major findings emerged from the study. First, students
valued the motivational support they received from their informal social networks. These
informal networks consisted of family members, peers, and/or community members. These
informal networks helped the students stay focused on post-secondary educational
accomplishments. Second, their formal social networks provided encouragement and tangible
college-preparatory resources. Formal networks are defined as institutional agents, school-based
agents, and employers. Third, students benefited from receiving guidance from their formal
networks in developing and maximizing social capital. Most of the participants reported that,
although their family members were the primary source of moral support, they also identified
formal social networks outside the home. The majority of students suggested they built trust with
their informal networks (i.e., family, and peers), and these networks established high
expectations for them to meet, such as attending post-secondary education. The participants felt
they had a sense of obligation to meet those expectations. The strong relationships built with
peers and friends demonstrated the important ways that the participants were connected and
influenced by the members of their informal social networks. In this study the participants
provided examples of the important roles informal networks have on their educational
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 73
attainment. They also identified the need for formal networks such as school personnel. These
formal networks were influential in the participants’ pursuit of post-secondary education due to
the strong relationships they developed with teachers and counselors. These formal social
networks provided students with valuable academic information, college planning resources, and
moral support to continue pursuing post-secondary education. Teachers and counselors were
influential in helping the participants prepare for college by assisting them with their choice of
college and majors, application process, and personal statements. While participants received
support from school counselors generally, some students reported not receiving this kind of
support because the students perceived the schools as not having enough counselors to help all
the students. This study identified ways that students had social capital, which was developed
from informal and formal networks such as family, friends, and school personnel where norms
were established and obligations were expected. Social networks helped students with
informational resources to access post-secondary education.
Holland’s (2010) study supports Bourdieu’s concept of the importance of students
building positive social networks and social relationships because of the effect these networks
have on short and long-term goals. The last two studies reviewed above, Museus & Neville
(2012) and Holland (2010), identified the ways that social capital is important for minority
students. Researchers have linked school success with relationships built with peers and school
personnel, as influential and important for undocumented students (Conchas, 2006; Holland,
2010; Stanton-Salazar, 2001). The next study examined the role of social capital and school
structure on the academic success of undocumented Latino students. It highlights the importance
of undocumented students building strong supportive relationships with school-based agents who
could assist them with access to educational attainment.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 74
Social Capital for Undocumented Students
In this section, I highlight studies conducted specifically on undocumented students,
whereas above, the studies were about minority college students as well as Mexican origin high
school students. In one such study, Gonzales (2010) wanted to understand the school context in
relation to his research questions: (1) How do peers and adult relationships mediate the various
constraints of unauthorized status? (2) How are these structured institutionally? In his article, the
researcher examined the high school experiences of undocumented Latino students who migrated
to the United States before the age of twelve and received most of their schooling and
socialization in the United States. The researcher examined undocumented immigrant students
who had grown up in the United States and had accumulated years of American experiences
before facing the limitations of their undocumented status. Gonzales (2010) collected data from
78 life history interviews and additional ethnographic research that he conducted in the Los
Angeles area from 2004 to 2007; he did not provide additional information about his sample (i.e.,
age, gender, background). Gonzales’ questions focused on the undocumented students’ school
experiences, courses of study, and relationships with school personnel. He chose to conduct his
research in the Los Angeles area for two reasons. First, there is a high volume of undocumented
families living here. Gonzales pointed out that California is home to almost one fourth of the
nation’s unauthorized population, including a large undocumented student population. The
second reason the researcher chose Los Angeles is because those students in the Los Angeles
area school districts have challenges regarding educational attainment. Gonzales used data from
the Civil Rights Project to justify his selection of Los Angeles by saying the poverty profile of
most of the undocumented students in the Los Angeles area contributed to their lack of
educational attainment. For example, many lived in cramped, overcrowded, and segregated
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 75
neighborhoods, which placed them in large school districts with high student-to-teacher ratios
and limited access to teachers and counselors. Gonzales (2010) created two subsamples, college
goers and early exiters. The college goers graduated from high school and went on to college;
the early exiters left formal school before college (i.e., dropped out of high school or stopped
after completion of high school). Members in Group 1 (college goers) were labeled as “positive
track” because they received more than the standard curriculum. For example, they were enrolled
in Honors and Advanced Placement (AP) classes, were part of specialized programs such as
small class sizes, and had frequent contact with college counselors. The researcher found that
students who were positively tracked were academically prepared for high school and post-
secondary education. In addition, students in the positive track believed their teachers promoted
learning, stressed the importance of academic achievement, presented difficult materials, and
provided more opportunities to learn. Member in Group 2 (early exiters) were labeled
“negatively tracked” because these students were in the general track of classes, experienced
larger classes, had less diversity in their classes, and were not provided college resources. The
experiences of the negatively tracked students were very different from their positively tracked
peers. Most of the negatively tracked students reported feeling disconnected from school, not
having any significant relationships with peers and teachers, feeling negatively labeled based on
their behavior, feeling alone, and having limited visits with college counselors. Through the
interviews, Gonzales (2010) found that the students’ tracked position in school (positive or
negative) impacted the relationships they built with the school-based agents. For example, those
students who were in the positive track were able to build supportive relationships with their
teachers and peers, were in a structured learning environment, and had access to information and
resources such as college guidance. The negative tracked students felt they did not receive adult
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 76
guidance, did not build strong relationships with peers or teachers, and had limited access to
information regarding college. However, both groups acknowledged they had limited access to
informational resources regarding AB 540, in some cases it was because their counselors never
mentioned the AB 540 and some undocumented students never knew it existed. The
undocumented students felt counselors should have notified them about AB 540 even if they
were not sure if the students were undocumented. Those in the positive track who did report their
immigration status to school-based agents were provided additional resources to enroll in post-
secondary education, such as help with college applications and assistance with AB 540.
Gonzales’ (2010) study revealed that educational advancement is shaped by a student’s position
within the school hierarchy. For example, those in the negative track were not provided with
opportunities to develop positive school-based relationships. Those who were positively tracked
received social capital from school-based agents whom they developed supportive relationships.
Although there are a variety of reasons why negative tracked students do not achieve academic
success, one of the primary reasons, Gonzales asserted, was because they felt disconnected from
school-based agents. Gonzales’ (2010) study supported the views of other researchers and the
importance of students building positive supportive relationships with school-based agents,
which can help with their college aspirations.
Another important topic to understand is the role institutional agents play in immigrant
students’ academic engagement and achievement. In another study the researchers focused on
the educational experiences of undocumented Latino college students and the types of social
capital institutional agents provide. Pérez and Rodríguez (2011) wanted to understand the
educational experiences of undocumented Latino college students, focusing on the institutional
factors that promoted educational access and opportunity to pursue post-secondary opportunity.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 77
The participants for this study were fifteen students (7 females and 8 males), all had to meet the
following criteria: (a) a Latino/a ethnic background, (b) first generation college student (i.e.,
parents had no college experience), (c) transfer-bound or transfer student, (d) low socioeconomic
status, and (f) undocumented students. Word of mouth, fliers, peer recommendations, and
classroom announcements recruited the participants. All the participants attended a public, 4-
year college, which had a reputation for being “an undocumented student friendly” post-
secondary institution (Pérez & Rodríguez, 2011). The data collected was from an interview-
protocol based on social capital theory, which allowed the researcher to gain a better
understanding of their college experiences. Between March 2008 and May 2010, the researchers
used in-depth, one-on-one, semi-structured interviews, each lasting approximately one hour. The
interviews were conducted by a bilingual research team, tape-recorded, and transcribed by team
members. The research team gave the participants an option to review the transcriptions in case
they wanted to edit or change the text. The results of the data collected for this study were mixed
regarding support from institutional agents. In general this study revealed that students had
influential high school teachers and proactive college counselors who assisted them. One of the
themes that emerged was trust; undocumented students built trust with institutional agents they
knew were there to support them. Some of these institutional agents challenged the
undocumented students to work hard, reach their potential, and pursue post-secondary education.
One of the challenges this study found was that some undocumented students relied on
institutional agents for informational resources, and those institutional agents misguided them.
For example, a high school counselor was unaware undocumented students were able to pay in-
state tuition fees; therefore, when the undocumented student applied, she was charged as an
international student. Although the counselor helped with the application process, he was not
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 78
aware how the system worked (i.e., services available). Pérez & Rodríguez (2011) found that
institutional agents played a significant role in the lives of undocumented students, especially
when the undocumented students were able to build trusting relationships with the agents.
However, institutional agents were not helpful in providing informational resources that could
help undocumented students transitions to post-secondary education more easily.
Undocumented Students Living in Rural Areas
Thus far the research presented has been based on urban/metropolitan communities;
however, Gonzales & Ruiz (2014) wanted to study the impact of institutional agents in rural
immigrant communities. They conducted a multi-method qualitative study that included data
collection combined from the work of both researchers. The two researchers conducted different
studies that contained in-depth semi-structured interviews between 2009 and 2011. All the
interviews lasted from one hour to two and a half hours. The sample included 43 undocumented
respondents and ten native-born Latino high school students between the ages of 17 and 24; the
total sample was 53 respondents (31 females and 22 males). The researchers wanted to acquire a
range of educational experiences; therefore, they interviewed 15 high school students and 38
high school graduates with some post-secondary experience, most of whom attended schools
with a large Latino student population. The researchers wanted to study the experiences of
undocumented youth who lived in rural areas of central and eastern Washington to understand
the school structure and the role school-based agents played in providing them with access and
opportunity to post-secondary education. The researchers found that those who grew up in rural
areas had limited opportunities for educational assistance, including inadequate school
conditions. The participants struggled to develop supportive relationships with school-based
agents due in part to the lack of support from teachers and counselors regarding educational
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 79
resources. For example, school-based agents provided minimal information about post-secondary
options; students had limited access to college-going curricula (i.e., honors classes), students
suffered from lack of social capital and poor educational experiences such as not having
information for a successful post-secondary transition. Many of the participants knew it was
beneficial to approach their academic counselors regarding information about higher education.
However, many reported difficulty and discomfort when trying to access help from their
counselors. The participants perceived the school climate as “hostile,” and felt many of the
teachers and counselors were unwelcoming, had negative attitudes, and used “anti-immigrant
language.” One of the participants reported that her interaction with her counselor was negative
because, once the counselor found out she was undocumented, the counselor told her not to
bother applying to college. Failure to support the students was not due to structural barriers, in
fact, the state of Washington passed a House Bill 1079, which allows undocumented students
who met certain criteria to pay in-state tuition rates for enrollment at post-secondary colleges.
Another issue with counselors was lack of institutional knowledge. Some of the counselors were
unaware that undocumented students were ineligible to qualify for financial aid and unknowingly
encouraged them to apply for FAFSA (Free Application for Federal Student Aid). This hindered
the participants’ ability to access correct information and resources, and oftentimes the
participants gave up their aspirations of attending post-secondary education.
In regards to attending inadequate schools, the researchers found that the participants
attended schools with limited access to small learning communities, caring teachers, advanced
courses, financial support for college, and after-school programs. These students were not
prepared in terms of college readiness and oftentimes were bored with the curricula in high
school. Even those who went on to pursue post-secondary education felt they were behind their
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 80
peers in college, and several of them did not successfully complete college courses. The
researcher found that those who lived in rural communities with a lack of educational support
and resources were at a bigger disadvantage than their undocumented peers who lived in
urban/metropolitan areas. Consistent with this finding, previous research suggests that, when
undocumented students are provided resources that are key to academic success and personal
growth, some undocumented students are able to enter community colleges. However, Gonzales
and Ruiz (2014) found that the lack of strong educational support strongly deterred academic
success, including lack of resources, poor educational preparation, and lack of institutional
support. Thus far all the studies in this section have been qualitative studies. The next study used
a mixed methods approach combining longitudinal, interdisciplinary, qualitative, and
quantitative approaches. The researchers examined the role of school-based relationships in
engagement and achievement of newcomer immigrant students.
Súarez-Orozco, Pimentel, and Martin (2009) examined the contributions of school-based
relationships to academic engagement and performance using data from the Longitudinal
Immigrant Student Adaptation Study (LISA) of 407 immigrant youth. The participants included
407 newcomer youth (i.e., arrived within five years) from seven public school districts in
Massachusetts and Northern California ranging in age between nine and fourteen in the first year
of the study. The study was conducted over five years, and for various reasons, by the fifth and
final year the sample decreased to 309 participants (57% female and 42% male). The participants
were recruited from 51 schools in seven school districts with high immigrant student population.
The LISA used an interdisciplinary (i.e., cultural and psychological) and comparative approach
using ethnographic observations, and student/parent interviews. The structured face-to-face
student interviews were conducted each year of the five years of the study using the language the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 81
students preferred (i.e., Spanish or English). The parent interviews were done twice during the
study, once in the first year and once in the last year of the study. The study used correlation
analyses and stepwise-regression modeling to identify the factors that contribute to the patterns
associated with academic engagement and achievement. The first year the researchers wanted to
gather information regarding the parents’ reasons for migration, educational history, and
household composition. The interviews during the last year of the study were to acquire
information regarding demographics, experiences of discrimination, and children’s educational
future. Súarez-Orozco, et al., (2009) wanted to investigate the important role school-based agents
played in the lives of newly arrived immigrant students, including whether and how they
provided encouragement, support, and advice. In addition to the qualitative data, there was an
eleven-item scale that assessed whether participants had meaningful and supportive relationships
with school-based agents. The study found two dimensions of support from school-based agents,
known as emotional support and tangible support. The emotional support (i.e., emotional
connections, sense of safety and protection) with school-based agents emerged as the most
significant, and those supportive relationships led the students to put forth greater effort in their
schoolwork. Tangible support includes help with homework, sharing resources, assistance with
college admissions process, and guidance. This study found that school-based relationships
enhanced the academic engagement of immigrant youth when they felt the school-based agents
offered caring relationships that supported their academic outcomes. Another study with a
similar focus on Latino/a students was a qualitative study by González, Stoner, and Jovel’s
(2003), which focused on the experiences of two different groups of Latina students and how
their personal experiences limited or expanded their opportunities to pursue post-secondary
education.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 82
The researcher used a purposeful, criterion-based technique in choosing their participants.
The participants had to meet the following criteria: (a) attended low-to-middle socioeconomic
status public schools; (b) raised in a working-class, monolingual Spanish or bilingual home
environments; (c) their parents were immigrants to the Untied States, most of whom had less
than a high school education. Twenty-two Latina students chosen for this study were then
divided into two groups (no further information was provided how they recruited the students).
The first group, known as the “university students,” consisted of twelve students from the Los
Angeles area, with the exception of two students who were from Fresno, California. These
twelve students all completed their K-12 education and had the opportunity to attend two or
more “highly selective universities” in the nation (González, et al., 2003). The second group
known as “community college students,” consisted of ten students from the San Francisco Bay
area, all of who began their post-secondary education at California community colleges. Eight of
the ten students did not meet the admissions criteria for a 4-year university, and the remaining
two met the admissions requirements but did not think they would have been admitted to a 4-
year university. González, et al., (2003) wanted to understand how the two groups’ educational
experiences limited or expanded their opportunities towards post-secondary education; therefore,
they conducted individual, face-to-face interviews lasting approximately an hour and a half each.
Each participant was interviewed twice during a four-month period. After the interviews were
conducted students were given the transcripts of their interviews and had the opportunity to
clarify or expand on their comments. The “university students” were interviewed in the fall of
1999 during their sophomore, junior, and senior years of college. The “community college
students” were interviewed during the spring semester of 2000. All of these students were in
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 83
their final semester at the community college and were preparing to transfer to a 4-year
university.
The data gathered from these interviews was analyzed separately for the university
students and the community college students then, based on the data analysis similar themes
emerged. The first theme emerging from the community college students was institutional
neglect and abuse. González, et al., (2003) defined institutional neglect as the inability or
unwillingness of schools personnel to prepare students for post-secondary education (i.e., 4-year
universities) and institutional abuse discouraged or created barriers for college acceptance. Types
of institutional abuse include: (a) being emotionally discouraging, (b) providing inaccurate
information or insufficient knowledge, (c) withholding critical information, and (d) limiting
access to opportunities for college. An example of institutional abuse was high school counselors
discouraging college attendance by unknowingly withholding critical information about college
admission process. These types of neglect and abuse affected the perceptions Latina students had
regarding opportunities to pursue post-secondary education. As for the university students, they
did not experience institutional neglect or abuse; on the contrary, they were provided academic
support such as being placed in school-based honors programs. Some of the students in the
university group were placed in Gifted and Talented Education (GATE) during elementary
school based on the recommendation of a teacher. Being placed in GATE provided the students
with positive school experiences with their teachers including support, encouragement, and
validation. General curriculum and tracking were part of the second theme in this study. None of
the community college students were placed in GATE; in fact, most of the community college
students were not aware this program existed. Most of the students in the community college
group were placed in general curriculum courses. By the time they reached their junior or senior
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 84
year in high school, they realized they had not completed enough college preparation
coursework, making them ineligible for admittance to a 4-year university. Some of the
community college students believed they were “tracked” into ESL classes or special education
programs. Being placed in these classes discouraged some of the students from attending college
because they did not think they had the capabilities of pursuing post-secondary education. The
community college students felt the ESL programs had low expectations, which caused some of
them to give up, and not put effort into their assignments. The next theme that emerged was
teacher/counselor social capital. The positive influence of teachers and counselors was
instrumental for the university students. While the students were in the GATE program they
developed strong emotional support, received informational resources regarding college and
letters of recommendation for their college applications. By being placed in GATE, many of the
university students were exposed to highly supportive counselors who provided them with
emotional support and informational resources. Most of the community college students said
they did not encounter any school-based assistance regarding college planning. The community
college students said they were not provided with access to counselors and had no access to
college resources. Overall, the community college students reported negative experiences with
the school-based agents, unlike the positive experiences the university students had. González, et
al.’s (2003) research suggests that the role of institutional agents is instrumental in providing
access and opportunity for Latina students to pursue post-secondary education. The support
institutional agents provide could limit or enhance Latina student’s aspirations of attending post-
secondary education.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 85
Summary
The research presented in this chapter provides an overview of the challenges
undocumented students face regarding access to post-secondary education including financial
challenges, school-based challenges, and personal challenges (Abrego, 2006, 2008; De Leon,
2005; Enriquez, 2011). The literature review also described the role institutional agents play in
providing social capital to students regarding informational resources to post-secondary
education. Pierre Bourdieu, James Coleman, and Ricardo Stanton-Salazar identified the
importance of developing strong supportive social networks that could provide social capital. As
evident in the literature students need the guidance and help of school-based agents to help them
pursue post-secondary education. This is especially true for undocumented students who rely on
institutional agents to provide them with informational resources, supportive social networks,
and academic counseling, particularly due to their legal status (González, et al., 2003; Holland,
2010; Pérez & Rodríguez, 2011; Súarez-Orozco, et al., 2009). This section provided a brief
overview of the challenges undocumented students face, as well as the important role
institutional agents play in providing social capital to undocumented students. In the next section
I will draw on all the literature and use the key concepts to present my conceptual framework.
Conceptual Framework
My conceptual framework was intended to identify the important concepts from the
literature that framed the way I answered my research question. According to Maxwell (2013), a
conceptual framework is “the system of concepts, assumptions, expectations, beliefs and theories
that supports and informs your study” (Maxwell, 2013, p. 39). My conceptual framework is
represented visually and it was developed from the literature described in the previous section of
this chapter. The goal of my study was to explore the ways that undocumented students were
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 86
provided access to post-secondary education through institutional agents. I wanted to understand
how the three key concepts that emerged from the literature are relevant to my study. The
conceptual framework drew on the key concepts presented in the literature review: (a) challenges
for undocumented students (b) social capital and social networks and (c) the role of institutional
agents (i.e., school-based). I asserted that, when undocumented students develop strong social
relationships with institutional agents, those agents will provide undocumented students with
social capital and institutional support that will enable them to overcome the challenges they
faced and enabled undocumented students to access post-secondary education.
The purpose of this study was to examine undocumented students’ aspirations towards
post-secondary education, including the influence of the challenges they encountered in
obtaining informational resources from institutional agents regarding access towards college.
Drawing from the literature described in the previous section of this chapter and after analysis of
the data, I will explain the significance of the key concepts in regards to my study. First, I
describe the three key concepts and how they are interrelated as a lens to understand
undocumented students’ reliance on institutional agents for access to post-secondary education.
Next, I provide a visual representation of the conceptual framework as well as a description of
the model.
Challenges for Undocumented Students
Some important factors that emerged from the literature as it relates to undocumented
students are the challenges they encountered when trying to access post-secondary education.
The challenges undocumented students encountered were financial, personal, and school-based.
All of these challenges are interrelated and at times prevent undocumented students from
accessing post-secondary education. For example, the first challenge is financial. Researchers
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 87
found undocumented students are ineligible to receive federal financial aid, do not qualify for
most scholarships, and could not legally work in the United States because they do not have a
social security number (Abrego, 2008; De Leon, 2005; Martinez, 2014). Most scholarships
required legal residency or US citizenship, which undocumented students do not have. The
challenge of not having a social security number made it difficult for undocumented students to
fill out college applications, apply for employment, and obtain a driver’s license (Martinez,
2014). I asserted due to the combination of these financial challenges, an undocumented student
cannot access post-secondary education unless he or she seeks and develops a strong relationship
with institutional agents who can help him or her overcome these challenges.
The second challenge was identified as personal challenges. The personal challenges
undocumented students encountered in previous studies were socio-emotional concerns such as
fear, anxiety, frustration, and mistrust. Undocumented students felt shame, fear of deportation,
and embarrassment about their illegal status, which affected their aspirations of attending post-
secondary education (Abrego, 2008; Martinez, 2014). Some undocumented students arrived in
the United States at a young age, embracing the American culture, and spent most of their time
attending schools in the United States. I believe that when undocumented students find
supportive school-based agents to share their concerns and struggles, those agents in turn could
help alleviate some of their fear by pointing undocumented students in the right direction
towards college. Undocumented students’ personal challenges lead into the next set of
challenges, which are school-based challenges, including limited access to informational
resources regarding post-secondary education.
In most cases undocumented students attended poorly funded schools, a high student-to-
teacher ratio, curriculum issues, and limited access to teachers and counselors (Abrego, 2006;
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 88
Holland, 2010; Gonzales, 2010). Some of these schools did not provide access to informational
resources regarding post-secondary education, did not focus on the college application process,
and/or did not prepare their students with a rigorous course load (Olivérez, 2006). In addition
students faced negative institutional barriers such as being tracked into different academic
programs such as ESL, special education, and lower academic classes (Enriquez, 2011;
González, Stoner & Jovel, 2003). I assert that, when school-based agents are not proactive in
assisting undocumented students by providing informational resources to undocumented
students, those school-based agents could hinder undocumented students’ access to college. As
well as when students do not seek out support from institutional agents it can hinder their access
to informational resources regarding post-secondary education. Despite these challenges, I assert
that undocumented students can overcome some of the challenges with the guidance of strong
institutional agents that can serve as an important source of social capital.
Social Capital and Social Networks
Researchers have found that students need to develop strong supportive formal and
informal networks with people who can provide them with social capital (Bourdieu, 1986;
Coleman, 1988; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). These networks provide access to resources that will
enable individuals to achieve their short and long-term goals, for example obtaining post-
secondary education. I assert that social networks, such as those found in the school system,
could provide social capital that will assist undocumented students with accessing post-
secondary education. I believe people in these networks are better positioned to aid
undocumented student to overcome some of the challenges mentioned in the previous section,
however, I also believe other forms of support are necessary such as family, peers, and
community. One of the reasons I feel school-based agents are better positioned to help
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 89
undocumented students is because as educators we have the opportunity to be informed through
professional developments of the recent implementation of laws, resources and useful
information that can help undocumented students enroll in college. For my study I will use the
theory that was developed by Stanton-Salazar, focusing on institutional agents and the role they
play in providing social capital to undocumented students.
Institutional Agents
Stanton-Salazar’s theory focused on the important roles institutional agents play in
providing social capital to minority youth. I assert that when these institutional agents are
knowledgeable about and willing to share informational resources, they could provide assistance
and guidance to help undocumented students achieve their goals of attending post-secondary
education. Such as guidance regarding the college application, provide resources regarding
financial assistance and assistance with state and federal measures. I believe undocumented
students will be able to accumulate social capital such as the six types of institutional support
Stanton-Salazar (1997) described (i.e., funds of knowledge, bridging, advocacy, role models,
emotional and moral support and evaluative feedback and advice) which will enable them to
successfully access post-secondary education. Accumulating social capital can be achieved when
undocumented students are able to build strong supportive relationships with institutional agents.
These agents will in turn understand the various challenges undocumented students encounter,
and they will provide additional support, guidance, and assistance to undocumented students
with resources to post-secondary education.
Below is a visual representation (Figure 1) of my conceptual framework that describes
the key concepts described above and the way they interact with each other. Although other
networks such as family, peers and community, could provide informational resources to
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 90
undocumented students, this study is only going to focus on the positive support of school-based
agents. This model will help explain my assertion that, when undocumented students build and
seek strong, supportive relationships with institutional agents, those agents in turn will provide
undocumented students with social capital including informational resources to fulfill their
aspirations of attending college.

Figure 1. Conceptual Framework
In the above figure, I represent the various factors that contribute to and/or inhibit
undocumented students’ access to post-secondary education. The model shows that many
undocumented students encounter various challenges such as financial, school-based, and
personal challenges, which are interrelated. This is represented by the red oval, which includes
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 91
within it some of the key challenges noted in the literature. These challenges make it difficult for
undocumented students to have direct access to post-secondary education. This is visually
represented with the challenges placed in between the student and post-secondary education, thus
symbolizing the fact that challenges can stand in the way of undocumented students’ pursuit of
their post-secondary goals. This model illustrates undocumented students’ need to acquire social
capital through various sources of social networks. There is a bi-directional arrow that connects
undocumented students to the social networks circle. This bi-directional arrow is intended to
show that the students are agents themselves in that they need to seek out the help of those in
their social networks as well as the need for those in their social networks to seek out
undocumented students to offer assistance. There is a large green circle that represents the social
networks that undocumented students need to build relationships with in order to receive social
capital. Within the larger green circle is a gray circle that represents the various types of support
systems such as institutional agents, family, peers, and community who can be useful when
students seek to access post-secondary education. Within the smaller circle are the various types
of support undocumented students could access through institutional agents to overcome some of
those challenges. The six types of institutional support are funds of knowledge, advocacy, role
modeling, bridging, emotional and moral support and evaluative feedback all represented in the
smaller circles grouped together under the green bracket directly positioned under the
institutional agents box. There is a green arrow from the larger social networks circle towards the
social capital box, which is intended to show that social capital is provided from social networks
who provide the social capital. In addition to institutional agents providing assistances, this
model also includes additional forms of social capital such as family, peers, and community.
These additional forms of social capital are greyed out because although they too can serve as
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 92
assets for undocumented students, this study’s focus was on school-based institutional agents.
Nonetheless, they are included in the visual to highlight that the social capital gained through
relationships with institutional agents (as well as family, peers, and community) can mitigate
some of the challenges faced by undocumented students by providing them with guidance and
support to pursue their post-secondary educational goals. This is represented by the green dotted
arrow that cuts through the challenges on its way to post-secondary education. I assert that once
undocumented students are able to make connections with institutional agents that provide social
capital, undocumented students will have greater opportunities to access post-secondary
education, represented by the green arrow that shows the desired outcome.
Summary
Applying to a college or university is a complex and frustrating experience for many
students. However, this process is especially difficult for undocumented students due to the
numerous restrictions that prevent them from applying. This chapter provided an overview of the
literature regarding various challenges encountered by undocumented students. Those challenges
included financial, personal, and school-based challenges. Each challenge contributed to and/or
inhibited undocumented students’ educational aspirations of attending college. These challenges
made it especially difficult for undocumented students to access post-secondary education. This
chapter also reviewed the work of Pierre Bourdieu, James Coleman, and Ricardo Stanton-Salazar
and their theories on social networks and social capital. They found it is important for individuals
to develop strong supportive networks. These networks which include family, peers, community,
church groups and institutional agents could provide social capital, which enable people to
accomplish their short and long-term goals. Of particular interest for this study is Stanton-
Salazar’s focus on the role of institutional agents and the support and assistance they provided to
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 93
minority youth. According to him, building relationships with institutional agents allows for
members of a society to gain resources, privileges, and supports necessary for advancement
(Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Although institutional agents are not the only form of support it is
important to understand the role institutional agents play in the lives of undocumented students
in providing social capital and how that help will affect a student’s social mobility.
In this chapter I also presented my conceptual framework where, drawing especially on
the work of Stanton-Salazar, I asserted that when undocumented students are able to acquire
social capital through social networks they are able to develop strong supportive relationships
with various people including institutional agents, which will enable them to access post-
secondary education. As a researcher, I want to understand the perceptions of undocumented
students regarding their access to post-secondary education and the influence of institutional
agents in this process. My qualitative study will contribute to the existing literature by providing
additional data to highlight the personal experiences of undocumented students, an area and a
population that has not been extensively studied because of the difficulty in finding and then
recruiting them to share their experiences. The participants were asked to share their experiences,
including the challenges they encountered on their road to pursuing post-secondary education as
well as the assistance they received specifically from institutional agents to overcome those
challenges. The next chapter will outline the methods for my study.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODS
This study strived to examine undocumented students’ relationships with institutional
agents and the role they played in providing access and opportunity towards post-secondary
education. Researchers have found that family support is vital in terms of providing
encouragement to their children to pursue post-secondary education. Families provide their
children with moral support, goal setting, motivation, and emotional support (Pérez &
Rodríguez, 2011). However, oftentimes undocumented students need assistance outside the
home to help them maneuver the pathway to college. As the literature in the previous chapter
outlined, undocumented students faced several challenges including financial, personal and
school-based. These challenges could limit undocumented students’ access to post-secondary
education, however guidance from school-based staff can help provide a successful transition
from high school to college (Enriquez, 2011; Holland, 2010; Museus & Neville, 2012; Stanton-
Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). Given the various struggles and challenges undocumented students
encounter it was important to design a study that enabled the reader the opportunity to learn
about undocumented students’ lives and personal experiences as they pursued their aspiration of
post-secondary education. As such, I used a qualitative research approach for this study, which is
appropriate when examining lived experiences and individuals’ perceptions of these experiences.
In order to answer my research question I interviewed six undocumented Latino/a students who
at the time of this study were enrolled in a 4-year CSU in Southern California. I focused on the
Southern California area in part because of the passage of the recent legislation AB 540, and the
large undocumented population in this region. In the discussion that follows I will begin by
reminding the reader of the research question that guided my study. Second, I will explain the
research design for this study, including the reason I chose to conduct a case study using a
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 95
qualitative approach. Third, I will describe the criteria used to identify the sample and
population. Fourth, I will outline the methods of data collection, and projected data analysis.
Next, I will describe the trustworthiness and credibility of the study given the limitations and
delimitations. Finally, I will discuss ethical issues that pertain to this study.
Research Question
As stated in Chapter One, the research question that guided this study was: How do
undocumented students reflect on and make meaning of the role of the institutional agents in
providing social capital to access post-secondary education?
To answer my research question I drew on the literature that best addressed this question
and created an interview protocol that explored the role institutional agents played in providing
social capital to undocumented students that facilitated their access to post-secondary education.
It was important to gain insight into undocumented students’ personal experiences and
perceptions regarding their access to informational resources regarding post-secondary
education. Based on the literature I found undocumented students who were able to engage in
supportive relationships with their well-informed institutional agents were able to overcome
some of the challenges they faced and pursue their aspirations towards post-secondary education.
Although support from family members, peers, and community members provided assistance to
pursue post-secondary education this study was only interested in the role school-based agents
played in the lives of undocumented students. Understanding the students’ perceptions of the role
institutional agents played in their lives allows educators to think of ways to support them more
effectively. As the reader will see in the upcoming chapter, however, the focus necessarily
shifted, because participants had more to say about the role of others, particularly family
members and community organizations, in helping them access post-secondary education. While
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 96
they did talk about the ways some institutional agents provided social capital, this group was not
the only group responsible for their ultimate enrollment in a 4-year CSU.
Research Design
Although there are various definitions of research the goal of research is to inquire or
investigate something in a structured way that will likely inform decisions, take action or make
improvements to a specific problem (Merriam, 2009). My study aimed to gather evidence of the
personal experiences and perceptions of six undocumented students regarding the assistance they
received from institutional agents. Previous researchers conducted qualitative studies to capture
the personal experiences of undocumented students including the challenges they encountered
(Abrego, 2006; Enriquez, 2011; Martinez, 2014). My study built on previous research using a
case study qualitative design. The purpose in choosing a case study was to provide the reader
with a detailed description of the personal experiences of undocumented students. First, I
described the various philosophical approaches comprised in qualitative research. Next, I
described the reason I chose a qualitative approach including the importance of using a case
study approach.
Philosophical Approaches
Merriam (2009) suggests that qualitative research could be traced back to anthropology,
sociology and psychology, and applied in the field of education. Researchers have identified the
different philosophical and epistemological perspectives in research such as,
positivists/postpositive (quantitative), interpretive/constructivist (qualitative), critical and
postmodern/poststructural (Creswell, 2014; Merriam, 2009). These perspectives are widely used
to influence the practice of research. Qualitative research draws on a constructivist perspective in
which “individuals seek to understand the world in which they live and work” (Creswell, 2014,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 97
p. 8). Constructivist perspective occurs when the researcher is able to construct meaning of a
situation based on the experiences reported by others. A constructivist approach places
importance on a person’s experiences, and understanding his/her experience, which is important
in a qualitative study.
As such, I am taking a constructivist perspective and designed this study using a
qualitative approach. According to Creswell (2014) qualitative research is an approach “for
exploring and understanding the meaning individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human
problem” (Creswell, 2014, p. 4). This study wanted to understand how undocumented students
gained access to informational resources towards post-secondary education as well as what they
perceived they needed. This included the support undocumented students received or wish to
receive from school-based agents during their secondary educational experience which prepared
them for post-secondary education. The methods employed in this study focused on
understanding the undocumented students’ personal experience as they developed (or were
unable to develop) their social networks with school-based agents that provided (or did not
provide) them with social capital. Since I am striving to understand undocumented students’
personal experiences the next section will describe why a qualitative study was the best choice.
Qualitative Methodology
As a researcher I wanted to understand how some undocumented students were able to
deal with the various challenges they encountered and yet still reached their aspirations of
attending post-secondary education. In order to provide an in-depth description of the
undocumented students experiences, a qualitative approach was the most suitable. In a
qualitative study the researcher is the key instrument; he or she picks the location, collects the
data, and observes participants behavior, all of which are important components to the qualitative
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 98
methods approach (Creswell, 2014; Merriam, 2009). Since the researcher is the key instrument
he or she has the opportunity to dig deeper and ask the proper questions that best answer the
research question and create meaning. As the key instrument I wanted to understand how
undocumented students interpreted their experiences and how they attributed meaning to their
educational experiences. I wanted to understand the ways undocumented students overcame their
unique challenges. Therefore, the qualitative methods approach allowed the six undocumented
students an opportunity to tell their personal stories, as well as their perceptions of the school-
based support and/or informational resources (or lack there of) they received regarding their
pursuit of post-secondary education.
Of the various approaches in qualitative methodology, this study adopted a case study
approach. In order to provide an in-depth description of undocumented students’ experiences
trying to navigate towards post-secondary education a case study was the best choice. According
to methodologists a case study approach provides the reader with vicarious experience of an
individual in their own setting which most people may not be able to access. It also allows the
reader to see a different perspective of the topic and shed some light on the topic to allow others
to learn from undocumented students’ experiences (Creswell, 2014; Merriam, 2009).
Sample and Population
Participant Selection
A purposeful sampling technique was used to determine the six participants for this
study. The reason I chose a purposeful sample was because according to researchers, participants
in a qualitative study are deliberately chosen based on their ability to provide relevant
information that will help understand the problem and research question (Creswell, 2014;
Maxwell, 2013). This case study focused exclusively on six Latino/a undocumented students
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 99
who were enrolled in a California State University (CSU) at the time of the study. I was
interested in understanding how these students overcame their challenges, if any, and to
understand whether and how the institutional agents facilitated their access to post-secondary
education. I wanted to choose participants who came to the United States at an early age because,
when children arrive at an early age to the United States they are able to experience most if not
all the opportunities as American born children are in regards to education. According to
researchers immigrants who enter the United State before the age of thirteen generally do as well
as their American born peers, they learn English, and the “norms” of American society (Baum &
Flores, 2011). Therefore, it was essential that I selected six participants who met the following
criteria.
Criterion 1: The first criterion was that the participants must be undocumented students
and have moved to the United States during early childhood. It was important for the participants
to have moved to the United States at an early age because I wanted to see which ways if any
their early educational experiences impacted their post-secondary goals.
Criterion 2: The second criterion was that the participants graduated from high school,
received their high school diploma and were enrolled in a 4-year post-secondary institution at the
time of the study. For the purpose of this study I was interested in undocumented students’
perceptions of the role institutional agents played in helping them reach their aspirations of
attending post-secondary education, therefore, a high school diploma and enrollment in college
was necessary. As such, I bounded my study to those students who found success, one way or
another to access post-secondary education.
Criterion 3: The third criterion is that the participants for this study must have been in
their first or second year at a CSU 4-year institution at the time of the study. The reason I wanted
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 100
the participants to be in their first or second year of college was because this study was a
reflective study. In other words I wanted the participants to reflect on the various ways
institutional agents helped or hindered their access towards post-secondary education. In doing
so I believe first and second year college students will be able to reflect in more depth on the
challenges they encountered in high school, because they are closer to those past experiences. As
stated previously I interviewed six Latino/a students from two CSU institutions to have more
variation in regards to location.
Setting
The six participants for my study all went to high schools that were located in middle-low
to low SES, a large student population (over 500 students), predominantly large Latino/a
population, and had at least one counselor on campus. The participants had limited contact with
their counselors in regards to college enrollment, and due to budget cuts one of the participant’s
counselor was let go mid year and was never replaced. Five of the participants’ high schools had
a “college center” with outdated resources, computers with limited Internet access, and a few
support staff members. The students all reported low graduation rates from their respective high
schools, and of those that continued their post-secondary education most went to community
college for financial reasons and because they did not meet the eligibility requirements to attend
a 4-year university. The students attended high schools where their graduation requirements were
not aligned to the CSU and UC eligibility requirements (A-G requirements), therefore the
students were not necessarily academically prepared to apply to a 4-year institution. While the
criteria for selection of participants did not depend on the characteristics of their respective high
schools, this context is important to communicate given the topic of the role of institutional
agents to offer social capital to students.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 101
As stated previously, the participants must have been enrolled in a 4-yeat post-secondary
institution as a first or second year college student. This study was conducted primarily in the
Southern California area for two reasons, (a) accessibility/feasibility, and (b) the large
undocumented student population in the Southern California area. Specifically, I drew my
sample from the California State University (CSU) system. Although undocumented students can
choose other state schools such as various University of California campuses or private colleges,
I am bounding this study to the public institutions in California given their mission for providing
open access to all students. Also, I decided to focus on the CSUs because students who attend
CSUs often have different experiences when compared to students who attend UCs. By bounding
it to CSUs, I was able to minimize the variation on setting so as to focus more on the individual
experiences.
California State University systems. This study wanted to understand the different
perspectives of undocumented students regarding college access. With that being said I
interviewed six undocumented students enrolled in the California State University (CSU) system.
The CSU system is a 4-year institution with over 23 campuses and 460,000 students in
California. CSUs are typically seen as a more affordable option when it comes to in-state tuition
cost. Currently their tuition cost ranges from $5,472- $3,174 per academic year depending if you
are full time or part time student (www.calstate.edu). As mentioned previously I interviewed six
students from two local CSU campuses. I was able to gain access to the CSU campuses by
having a contact in the CSU undocumented student support organizations. The undocumented
student organizations invited me to recruit members during one of their weekly meetings. During
this meeting I presented my study to the group of students and passed around a sign up sheet
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 102
asking for volunteers. I was able to obtain a list of volunteers and I followed up with those
volunteers through emails and text messages to set up the interviews.
In all, the participants for this study were six undocumented college students, all
currently enrolled in their first or second year at two local CSU. Since there is a large Latino/a
population in the Southern California area I limited my study to undocumented Latino/a students
attending CSU institutions. By interviewing undocumented students from two different CSU
campuses throughout Southern California it allowed me the opportunity to conduct in-depth case
studies with each participant.
Instrumentation and Data Collection
To truly understand the perceptions of undocumented students regarding access to post-
secondary education it was important to ask them questions that allowed them to express their
feelings in their own words. In order to do this I conducted interviews with each undocumented
student using a semi-structured interview protocol. I wanted to ensure flexibility and an
opportunity for participants to express themselves in their own words, at the same time I did not
want them to feel restricted in their responses. According to Merriam (2009) semi-structured
interviews are a mix of more or less structured interview questions, using open-ended questions;
the purpose is to look for specific data from the respondents. Using this approach it allowed the
participants to define the world in their own unique way, at the same time allowed me the
flexibility to probe for clarity when needed, all the while including some structure to ensure the
research questions are answered.
Qualitative Interviews
As mentioned previously the method used for this study were semi-structured interviews.
My conceptual framework presented in Chapter Two guided the concepts that were investigated
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 103
during the interviews. During the interviews my questions allowed the participants an
opportunity to tell their own personal stories while simultaneously reflecting on how different
experiences over the course of their lives shaped their opportunities to attend college. Creswell
(2014) believes interviews are designed in a way to allow for a researcher to engage the
participants in a conversation, which focus on the researcher’s questions. The interview process
was an important step in the qualitative approach because it helped the researcher focus on
meaning and understanding from the point of view of the participants (Creswell, 2014; Merriam,
2009). Interviews were necessary for this study because they allowed me to focus on
undocumented students’ perceptions and the best way to gather this data was to ask the
undocumented students to express their own ideas in their own words. Interviews were useful
because they allowed the researcher to find out information from people that helped create
meaning especially when the information cannot be observed (Patton, 2002). During the
interviews I also used field notes that allowed me to reflect on non-verbal behaviors I observed
including changes in facial expressions and other body language. By interviewing six
undocumented students from two different CSU institutions it allowed me an opportunity to
integrate multiple perspectives from undocumented students regarding the role institutional
agents played in providing resources to post-secondary educations.
The six participants in this study were interviewed one to two times (Table 1). The
interviews focused on the research question and key concepts that were developed from the
literature review. Since I used a case study approach I decided to conduct most of my interviews
over a two-day period. As a researcher I tried to accommodate the participant’s schedules as
much as possible, therefore two students preferred the interviews be conducted in 1 day. On the
first day the interview protocol (Appendix A) was used to gain a better understanding of the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 104
undocumented students’ background, such as family, and culture. The first interview allowed the
participants an opportunity to make meaning of their lives, experiences and the effects these had
on their pursuit of post-secondary education. The questions were designed based on the literature
review, which identified various challenges that undocumented students encountered while
pursuing post-secondary education. The second set of interviews focused on the support (or lack
thereof) the participants received from institutional agents in high school that led them towards
their post-secondary educational experience. In order to answer the research question I wanted
the participants to reflect back on the events and experiences that led them to apply to the
colleges they chose. As a qualitative researcher I am hoping to make meaning and understand the
personal experiences of undocumented students and by conducing interviews it gave me insight
into their lives. After the interviews were conducted I analyzed the data that was collected, which
I will describe in the next section.
Table 1
Data Collection
Research Question Participants Methods
RQ: How do undocumented
students reflect on and make
meaning of the role of the
institutional agents in
providing social capital to
access post-secondary
education?

• Six undocumented students
• 1
st
or 2
nd
year Latino/a CSU
college students

• Interview Protocol
(personal
background, family,
culture perceived
needs)
• Semi-structured
• Audio-recorded

Data Analysis
The data analysis was achieved using all the data collected from this qualitative study, which
included the transcripts of the recorded interviews, and all field notes collected during the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 105
interviews with the undocumented students. I used my conceptual framework described in
Chapter Two to help guide my data analysis process while also being open to other issues or
topics not anticipated in advance. The first step in data analysis was to organize and prepare the
data for analysis (Creswell, 2014). To ensure the data was analyzed properly the first thing I did
was have all the interviews transcribed, and type up any field notes that were collected during the
interviews. Part of the data analysis was gathering all the data collected from the interviews and
analyzing them to determine the main themes that emerged from the data. I first examined all the
data and coded them before analyzing the data to construct themes, patterns or categories that
determined the findings of this study (Creswell, 2014; Merriam, 2009). Coding is “assigning
some sort of shorthand designation to various aspects of your data to that you can easily retrieve
specific pieces of the data” (Merriam, 2009, p. 173). In other words each set of interviews were
coded based on concepts that were related to my study and I developed a codebook. According
to Creswell (2014) a codebook is a list of codes that has a code label for each code with a
definition, as well as information on when to use the code or not use the code, which helped
organize the material during the data analysis. Since this study was a qualitative study I analyzed
my data and developed the themes based on the responses of the participants. It was important
for me to be transparent with my study so I tried to work hard to document my personal opinions
and beliefs so as to ensure these did not stand in the way of understanding the participants’ own
meaning making.
Limitations
As a researcher it was my responsibility to ensure my study was as accurate as possible,
however issues can arise that I could not control. This section will describe some of the
limitations of this study. There are three limitations, which include the potential that participants
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 106
themselves might be qualitatively different from their peers and might thus represent a certain
perspective, my ability to gain rapport with participants, and researcher bias. The first limitation
is the possibility that the participants in my study were somehow qualitatively different from
their peers. All six of the participants are actively involved in their CSU undocumented student
organizations and the idea of educational “equality” was important for the participants to speak
about. Through these student organizations the students have become more politically active on
and off their college campuses. With that being said as a researcher I might be missing the voices
of other undocumented students who are not fully vested in their overall educational experience
rather they might be attending school because they feel they have too, or may not be politically
active. As such, students may have had very different experiences in high school given their
personal characteristics.
The second limitation is the fact that I was relying on the rapport I was able to gain in a
short period of time. I only interviewed six CSU undocumented students one to two hours over
the course of two days. This may not be enough time for the participants to feel comfortable with
me to provide meaningful responses, especially given the nature of this population as explored in
Chapter Two. Given that participants’ responses are a focal part of this study, it was important to
note that I had no control over the trustworthiness of their responses. All I could do was hope
they were honest. Despite this limitation, since the research questions are based on
undocumented students’ personal experiences and the meaning they make of their experiences
interviews were the best way to collect data.
Related to these first two limitations is the relationship the participants built with the
“gatekeepers.” As mentioned previously I reached out to people at the CSUs who had knowledge
or worked with undocumented students where I recruited my participants. As such, some of these
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 107
participants agreed to take part in my study because the gatekeepers asked them to. Taking part
in the study as a “favor” for this gatekeeper could have affected the way the participants
approached the research questions and seriousness of the study. Although being aligned with the
gatekeepers is a potential source of rapport with the undocumented students, it could have
influenced how they responded to my questions in the interviews given my relationship with
these individuals. However, given the difficulty in finding undocumented students for my
sample, this approach seemed the most reasonable.
The last limitation is researcher bias. The topic of undocumented students is important to
me because of the relationships I have built over the years with undocumented individuals. As an
educator I have met undocumented students who were scared, worried or overwhelmed with how
they were going to reach their post-secondary goals. I was able to build trustworthy relationships
with them, worked with them, guided them, and encouraged them not to give on their dreams.
They have let me into their lives by sharing their struggles and achievements, their fears and
hopes, and have given me a different perspective. This background on the undocumented student
population, and my desires to see to it that they have the access they deserve to post-secondary
education might influence my desire to discover certain findings. My relationship with
undocumented students has allowed me to see them not only from the point of view of an
educator but as a friend as well, which might have affected my analysis. In the section below on
credibility and trustworthiness, I will address this and some of the other limitations, paying
special attention to the strategies I used to minimize validity issues.
Delimitations
Although I narrowed the scope of my study to six undocumented Latino/a students I did
need to bound the study, thus making it empirically feasible. Bounding the study presents
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 108
delimitations such as purposeful sample, the location of the study, and the research instruments. I
purposefully chose first and second year college students to maximize the possibility that they
will remember in more detail their journey to post-secondary education. This choice prevented
me from hearing the voices of other college bound undocumented students who are still in high
school or those who are much older and are either almost done with college or have long since
graduated.
The next delimitation is the geographic region chosen for this study in order for it to be
feasible. I chose to conduct the study in the Southern California area because of the large
undocumented population and the political climate (i.e., AB 540). So although the geographic
location for this study is appropriate for the topic and the research questions, it is important to
note it as a delimitation.
Another delimitation was my sample. I chose to interview six Latino/a CSU students.
This population was chosen because of the large Latino/a population living in Southern
California as well as the accessibility many students have to CSUs. CSU are generally a more
affordable option compared to UCs or private universities. Also many of the CSUs serve the
undocumented student population by offering resources including resources centers that are set
up to offer peer support to undocumented students.
Another delimitation is the interview protocols I developed. I used my conceptual
framework to guide the development of these protocols. As such, the kinds of questions I asked
were bounded by these key concepts, which I felt provide an important lens when studying
undocumented students’ access to post-secondary education. Although the protocols were semi-
structured and did allow some flexibility to ask additional questions, the conceptual framework
established prior to the start of the study did drive the majority of the interviews.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 109
The last delimitation was the missing voices of those people that provided or did not
provide social capital to the participants. The purpose of my study was to examine
undocumented students’ perceptions and whether institutional agents helped or hindered their
access to post-secondary institutions. I was not able to include the voices or perspectives of those
sources of support such as school-based staff (i.e., counselors/administrators), family members,
peers and community members. Therefore, I was unable to understand these individuals’
perceptions on the things they feel they are or are not doing to help undocumented students
access post- secondary institutions.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
As mentioned previously, this qualitative study was a case study and although this type of
study allowed me to make meaning and understanding from the personal experiences of the
participants it also presented unique challenges. When analyzing data it was important to ensure
credibility and trustworthiness of the data (Merriam, 2009). This section describes the issues
related to credibility and trustworthiness, that are connected to the limitations and delimitations
of this study.
One of the key component of qualitative research is the researcher is the key instrument,
which suggests that data collection is based on an “interpretation of reality” developed through
observations and interviews conducted by the researcher (Merriam, 2009). This means the data
collected was interpreted through my views. As mentioned above, my personal bias and my past
experiences with undocumented students might have affected how I saw the data I collected. At
the same time, being the key instrument of data collection could also be a strength if I handled it
correctly because it allowed me to bring in additional insights not available to people who have
little background on this population (Maxwell, 2013). Despite these biases, as suggested from
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 110
researchers validity was achieved when I checked to ensure the accuracy of my findings
(Creswell, 2014). There are multiple strategies I did to ensure validity including triangulation,
member checking, and clarifying the researcher’s bias.
The first strategy of triangulation was an important step in ensuring validity because it
ensures the different perspectives of the participants were taken into account and explained.
Merriam (2009) suggests using multiple sources of data such as interview data collected from
people with different perspectives such as the sample coming from different CSU 4-year
institutions, and follow up interviews with those same people. By examining the evidence from
different perspectives it allowed me to develop themes from the various sources that ensure
validity. Although I did not use triangulation of different methods, I did use triangulation of
different sources (i.e., different types of students). The second strategy to ensure validity was
member checking. This strategy is characterized by the researcher following up with the
participants through follow up interviews as well as allowing the participants to review the
researcher’s findings to ensure accuracy (Creswell, 2014; Merriam, 2009). After the interviews
were transcribed I provided all the participants with an opportunity to review the transcriptions to
ensure they were accurate and truly represented their voice. Also, once I had some preliminary
findings, I checked in with one or two key informants to see if the findings rang true to them.
The third strategy was reflexivity, which included self-reflection on the part of the researcher so
as to discipline his or her subjectivity. It is important for the researcher to reveal how his or her
interpretations of the data are shaped by his or her own personal biases that might be influenced
by gender, culture, history and background (Creswell, 2014). As such, I worked throughout the
study to reflect on how my own identity, opinions and perspectives might shape how I perceived
the data I collected.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 111
In this study, triangulation, member checking and reflexivity helped ensure validity,
however it was also important to ensure reliability. In terms of reliability Merriam (2009)
suggests it is based on the assumption that if a study is repeated it will have the same results,
which can be problematic in qualitative approaches because human behavior is always changing
and this approach is after all an interpretive act dependent on the key instrument of data
collection. Qualitative researchers want to make meaning and understand the experiences of
individuals and their experiences. Therefore, one way to ensure reliability was to make sure the
findings of the study were consistent with the data presented. In a qualitative study, this would be
considered dependable (Merriam, 2009). As such, I aimed for internal reliability by looking for
consistency in themes I derived from my data analysis, using strategies such as enumeration to
gauging the typicality and atypicality of the themes I identified.
Ethics
As a qualitative researcher I was trying to focus on meaning and understanding in order
to answer the research questions (Merriam, 2009). To do this, it was important to make ethical
choices when conducting this study because so much of the data collection entailed conversation.
In particular, informed consent forms were given to all participants at the commencement of the
study. According to Glesne (2011), informed consent is necessary to ensure the participants are
aware that their participation is voluntary, all the discussions will be kept confidential and they
can withdraw at any point without penalty. To ensure the safety of the participants I submitted
my study to the University of Southern California Institutional Review Board (IRB) and
followed their rules and guidelines regarding the protection of the rights and welfare of the
participants in this study. All the participants signed consent forms, and I constantly reminded
them throughout the study that it was voluntary, and their identity will be kept confidential. Due
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 112
to the legal status of my participants, confidentiality was extremely important for my particular
study and I respected the participants’ wishes if at anytime they decided to withdraw from the
study. Prior to the interviews I received permission to audio record the interviews, and provided
the participants with an opportunity to review the transcripts of the interviews to ensure I did not
change their words. I reminded the participants I will not provide any incentives so as not to
coerce them, however at the conclusion of the study I did send them a thank you card with a
small monetary gift card as a token of my appreciation for participating in the study. This lack of
incentive was a way to minimize the possibility that participants felt coerced to participate, while
a thank you gift that they did not anticipate when agreeing to participate served as a way to thank
the participants for their time and for sharing their personal experiences.
It was important that once I collected the data I was able to write up the findings in an
ethical way especially because of the sensitivity of the undocumented student population. I had
the responsibility to ensure their voices were heard by (a) protecting the participant’s privacy by
ensuing I did not use any information where the participants could be identified and (b) ensured
the privacy of their parents, siblings and extended family members when the participants shared
stories on behalf of their family. For example some of the participants stated their parents were
“getting paid under the table,” I assured the participant’s I would not reveal who those family
members were, nor report them to any agency. All the participants wanted to tell their story as a
way to help other undocumented students in doing so I had to make sure their voices were true
and honest even when the participants became emotional during the interviews. I wrote up the
findings in an ethical way, which protected the participant’s privacy as well as shared their
personal experiences with the hopes their stories could be used as tools to help other
undocumented students
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 113
Conclusion
This qualitative study aimed to examine the personal experiences of undocumented
students and the roles institutional agents played in providing them with access towards post-
secondary education. Although undocumented students can receive support and guidance from
other social networks such as family, peers, community and church members, I set out in this
study to focus on school-based agents. I focused on the unique challenges derived from the
literature review as well as additional challenges that may not have been researched yet to gain a
better understanding of how undocumented students were able to overcome those challenges and
enroll in post-secondary education. The participants for this case study included six
undocumented Latino/a college students, enrolled in two different CSU 4-year post-secondary
institutions. I collected the data through semi-structured interviews with each undocumented
student, transcribed the interviews and allowed the participants to review the transcribed
interviews to ensure I truly represented their voice. Data analysis consisted of coding so as to
develop themes. The following chapter will present the findings from this study.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 114
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
The purpose of this dissertation was to understand undocumented students’ high school
experiences and the ways they perceived those experiences as they related to accessing post-
secondary education, including the challenges and successes they encountered. Specifically, this
study sought to explore the role of school-based agents in providing social capital including
resources in terms of “institutional support” (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Institutional support
includes but is not limited to, funds of knowledge, advocacy, bridging, role models, and
emotional and moral support.
In Chapter Two I developed a conceptual framework that provided a guide to understand
the data collected for this study. The conceptual framework informed my findings and allowed
me to make connections between the six CSU undocumented students and the types of resources
they received in high school that helped them enroll in a 4-year post-secondary institution. The
conceptual framework described various challenges that undocumented students could encounter
that might derail their plans of enrolling in post-secondary institutions (Table 3). It has been
theorized that these challenges can be minimized depending on the amount of positive guidance
and support the undocumented students encountered in high school (Stanton-Salazar, 1997;
2001; Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). While the intention of this study was to focus on the
social capital provided by school-based institutional agents, this study examined positive support
and guidance also from sources outside the school such as family members, peers and
community organizations, because study participants were unable to talk about access to post-
secondary education without including these sources of social capital.
In this chapter I will present the findings of the study focusing on both the challenges
participants faced as well as the role that institutional agents and others played in supporting
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 115
their pursuit of post-secondary education. This qualitative study asked the six purposefully
selected CSU undocumented students to reflect on their personal experiences and the practices of
school-based agents that helped or hindered their access to post-secondary education. The data
collected from the participant interviews helped answer my research question:
How do undocumented students reflect on and make meaning of the role of the institutional
agents in providing social capital to access post-secondary education?
The findings were developed from the personal stories of these six undocumented
students and their reflections on the types of support they received or did not receive during their
high school years. To provide context for the answer to this question, it is important to present
the students’ backgrounds and challenges in order to understand the role that social capital
played in their ultimate trajectories. All six undocumented students knew the decision to come to
the United States was not an easy one for their parents, and they understood the sacrifices their
parents made in deciding to move. For all six undocumented students some of the reasons their
parents decided to bring their families to the United States were for a “better life,” to pursue the
“American Dream,” and for “more opportunities.” In the first part of this chapter I will introduce
the six undocumented CSU participants by providing personal family background information
regarding their journey to the United States, and their early educational experiences including
how they learned the English language. When children arrive at an early age to the United States
they are able to experience most if not all the opportunities as American born children in regards
to education. According to researchers, immigrants who enter the United State before the age of
13 generally do as well as their American born peers, they learn English, and the “norms” of
American society (Baum & Flores, 2011). Therefore, it was important to examine the
participants’ early educational experiences to see how, if at all, those early experiences helped or
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 116
hindered the students’ future educational plans. The students were asked to describe their early
educational experiences and some of the successes and challenges they encountered. All six
students said their first educational challenge was learning the English language. None of the six
students in my study spoke English when they arrived in the United States. Four of the six
students said their first memories of trying to learn English were from their elementary school
teachers. Those early memories were not always positive experiences. Understanding the
participants’ background and the story of their families’ journey to the United States sets the
foundation for understanding their experiences as young adults navigating the educational
system.
Participants’ Personal Background
Stephanie
Stephanie was born in Guatemala City, Guatemala. Stephanie came to the United States
at the age of 9 with her mother and younger sister. Stephanie’s dad was the first to arrive in the
United States and lived here for 3 years before the rest of her family was reunited with him. For
Stephanie the journey was a difficult one:
We came through Mexico we walked and bused, walked and bused. It was originally
supposed to take about 2 months; I think we left in October, and that year it snowed in El
Paso. It was 2005. We made it to El Paso. It snowed. We had the guide; we were
supposed to have two. One that would lead us to Mexico, and one that would lead us
from Mexico to U.S…we got dropped off at a hotel in El Paso and they [the guides] were
going to pick us up the next day, but they didn’t. The experience was frustrating… The
whole process was we left in October it was after my birthday, and we didn’t get here
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 117
until January 5 and that was because of the whole miscommunication and the snow so
they [guides] couldn’t pick us up.
Although Stephanie felt frustrated by her experience coming to the United States her only reason
to come was to be reunited with her dad. Stephanie’s dad made the decision to come to America
to try and find his birth dad, in search of work and a better life. For Stephanie it was difficult to
see her dad leave her in Guatemala and go to the U.S. without her. She explained,
I had seen him pack about a week before he left and I asked him “why are you packing?”
He told me he was going to go to work but he never said where. And during that time I
was really attached to my dad more than my mom…my dad was the more caring and I
asked him, “where are you going.” I was freaking out. I saw him packing he told me “I’m
going to work.” I got scared and started crying. I told him not to leave cause I wanted him
to be with me.
Once Stephanie was finally reunited with her dad in the United States she was hopeful she would
enjoy living here, but similar to some of the other participants her overall educational experience
was not always a positive one.
For example, Stephanie did not believe her third grade teacher put in any effort to help
her when she first arrived in his classroom. Stephanie said, “The teacher just told me to color, the
teacher didn't teach me anything he just gave me stuff to color.” Stephanie was irritated because
she “did not learn anything” in the third grade. By the fourth grade, Stephanie recalled slowly
learning the English language. Stephanie said, “I was able to understand a little by putting words
together.” Stephanie thought the reason she finally received help in the fifth grade was because
her teacher was Latino and he understood Stephanie’s struggle to learn the English language.
Stephanie said, “I had a Latino teacher and he did help me a lot…I never really asked, but I think
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 118
it was because we were both Latino, that’s why he was helping me.” Stephanie never understood
why she was not enrolled in ESL classes when she first started school, Stephanie was happy she
finally had a teacher who took the time to help her. Stephanie recalled her fifth grade teacher was
also the one who helped her learn how to read. Stephanie said, “He got me into reading…he
started teaching me how to read and he worked with me a lot. I actually started speaking
[English] which all these other years I didn't really do.” While this teacher dedicated himself to
teaching her, Stephanie was frustrated she was in school for 3 years before anyone finally helped
her. Overall, Stephanie did not reflect positively on her journey to the U.S. and her early
educational experiences.
Ricardo
Ricardo was born in Guerrero, Mexico in a little town called Coyuca. He arrived in the
United States at the age of 6. His reason for migrating was similar to that of Stephanie in that he
came to the U.S. to be reunited with his parents. Ricardo’s dad came two to three years before
the rest of the family’s arrival to the United States. First Ricardo’s mom reunited with her
husband a few months before Ricardo and his sister arrived. Ricardo recalls his grandma was the
one who explained to him that he was going to travel to the United States:
Then one time they called us that we're leaving. We packed our stuff and we went with
our grandma to Tijuana. Then when we got there that night, I didn't know much of it. I
was young. That night two couples come and they're like, “We're leaving.” My grandma
told us, “This is the people you're going to go with,” I was, ‘Why? Oh, well, all right, but
can you come with us, too?’ she said “Oh, I can't.” I remember us leaving in the car.
When we were on our way the couple told us they were using their children's name and
they told us, “Remember this name, or if you can't remember, just go to sleep.” I forgot
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 119
so I went to sleep. When I woke up I was over here. When we got there, it was close to
San Diego I got out of the car and I was like, ‘Well, who's that guy?’ Because they were
speaking to somebody and I was, ‘Who's that guy?’ “Oh, that's your dad.” They left us
there and I figured out that he was our dad.
For Ricardo, his father decided to leave Mexico and journey to the United States in search of
work, but also to make sure his godfather did not make the journey alone:
I guess [my dad] was looking for work over there [Mexico] but it wasn't much
opportunities for men to get a job... I recently asked him, “How did that happen when you
came and all that?” I guess my godfather; he was going to come here by himself. He
didn't want to come alone so he told my dad and my dad was like, “I had no other choice
so I just left.”
Since living in the United States Ricardo has become very passionate about not only giving back
to his family but also to his local community. Ricardo expressed wanting to help provide
guidance and support to other undocumented students including helping them access post-
secondary education.
When Ricardo reflected on his early educational experiences, he believed his teachers
challenged him to be a better student. Ricardo said he was very active in school and would “mess
around a lot.” Instead of his teachers punishing him, however, they gave Ricardo extra “projects”
to do in class. Ricardo recalled, “I remember one time in third grade, I used to play around too
much and all that, and my teacher was like, ‘If you teach that girl how to write a little story, I'll
forget what you did.’ I thought that was cool. I showed the teacher I could write and help
someone.” As Ricardo reflected on this experience he smiled and said, “that teacher made an
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 120
impact on me.” Ricardo said he was fortunate that he had generally good experiences in
elementary school.
Christian
Christian was born in Guatemala City, Guatemala and arrived in the United States at the
age of 12. His journey was similar to some of the other participants in that he came to the United
States to be reunited with his father. When asked why his family decided to come to the Untied
States, Christian said it was to escape the violence in Guatemala:
It was mainly because of the violence over there in Guatemala. Especially in the capital
there was a lot of gang fights. It’s really horrible over there. That’s one of the reasons.
One of the other reasons was I didn’t see my dad for a lot of years. I was 2 when I
stopped seeing him because he came here. If [my dad] were to go back to Guatemala, he
wouldn’t find a job. Here he had already settled everything here like a job, he already had
a job, he already had everything.
Christian was the only participant who came to the United States at an older age and he was
looking forward to living here. However, he faced negative experiences upon his arrival:
I was excited to come here because it was the United States, but when I came here it was
totally different than I thought. When I came here I used to live in [the Los Angeles area].
I went to high school for my freshman year. It was exciting because I thought I was going
to have a normal life. Like I used to have in Guatemala over there. When I came here, it
was like all undocumented people they can’t … There was some people that, even in the
Hispanic community, they used to tell me, “You’re not going to achieve more than us,
you’re going to have a low paying job.” It was really discouraging.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 121
Although Christian did have negative interactions with people around him, he decided to use that
negativity as motivation and as a way to continue working hard and reaching his educational
goals.
When Christian reflected on his educational journey he remembered his middle school
more than the other participants because he arrived in the United States at the age of 12.
Christian felt middle school made a big impact on him and prepared him well for his transition to
high school. Christian was always a hard worker when it came to his education, even when he
lived in Guatemala. That work ethic did not change when he arrived in the United States. As
some immigration scholars have argued, Christian transplanted this characteristic when he
moved to the U.S. (Bodnar, 1985). Christian remembered when he first started middle school he
did not know any English but learned the language rather quickly. Christian said, “Yeah they
[my teachers] placed me in the first level of ESL. Then after 4 weeks they made me skip to
ESL2B. [My teachers] thought that my English was good.” Christian not only credited his
teachers for encouraging him to learn English, he also credited his parents. Christian recalled,
“one of the things that, when I came here, and what I was aware of is that my parents always told
me to get educated. That’s how I was maybe influenced to learn English faster.” Christian
thought another reason English came easily to him was since living in the United States he has
always attended predominantly Latino schools. Christian went to school with a lot of
“immigrants” and he felt being surrounded by a large Latino population he felt comfortable
speaking with his “heavy accent.” This comfort facilitated his verbal practice of the English
language, which is important for language learning. Christian said it was obvious he was new to
this country, and he felt teachers and classmates went out of their way to help him.

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Becky
Becky was born in Michoacán, Mexico and arrived in the United States at the age of 5
with her two older siblings and younger brother. Becky’s parents arrived in the United States
prior to their children. Since living in the United States, Becky’s family has grown, and at the
time of this study, she had three younger siblings, all American born. When asked if Becky
remembers her journey she said the following:
We just came in a car and it was a lady and a guy, and it was my older brother, my older
sister. So we just came. I think we just crossed the border like that. They bought us pizza
and then they gave us a drink. And then they're like, “oh you guys are gonna sleep so that
they won't ask you any questions.” So then we drink it and then we just fell asleep. The
next thing you know, we saw our parents.
For Becky the journey to the United States was for a simple reason, to be reunited with her
parents. However, at the time she did not quite understand the impact the move to the United
States would have on her extended family. When Becky reflected on her understanding of why
she came to the United States she became emotional and said:
Well, not really because just like my grandma back in Mexico, she was like, “oh you
guys are gonna go see your parents.” But it never crosses your mind that you're gonna not
actually never see your grandparents again. If I would've known I probably would've
been like “no, I'm not leaving you. I want my parents to come over here [Mexico].”
Becky’s reflection demonstrates a common feeling of being torn, and the fact that for many of
these students, their journey north was not of their own choosing, and not always to their liking.
Even though Becky came to the United States at the age of 5, she did not learn English
until the age of 12. Becky’s mom enrolled Becky in a Spanish speaking school. From first grade
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 123
to fourth grade Becky was taught all of her classes in Spanish. Becky slowly began to understand
English, but she did not feel comfortable speaking English because she felt she had a heavy
accent. Becky recalled, “I would understand English, but I wouldn’t speak English. It’s always
been hard because of my accent. I used to be really shy and I just wouldn’t speak English.
Because I was like they’re going to make fun of me.” Becky said now that she is older she is no
longer concerned with her accent. Even though it took Becky a long time to learn English, she
thinks she benefited from being placed in the Spanish school. Becky said, “I think that's how I
know my Spanish really good. Some people tell me, ‘oh for you to be raised here, you know
your Spanish really good.’” Becky was able to master the Spanish language at an early age,
which gave her the opportunity to enroll in AP Spanish during her sophomore year, whereas
most students take this class their junior year. Becky believed her early educational experiences
were “normal” and now that she has had time to reflect on those experiences she is grateful she
attended a Spanish speaking school.
Cathy
Cathy was born in Guadalajara, Mexico and she arrived in the United States at the age of
7 with her older sister. Cathy’s journey to the United States was unique compared to the other
participants. Cathy and her sister arrived in the United States with their grandma prior to her
parents and younger brother’s arrival. When asked if Cathy can recall her journey she said:
We were visiting my aunt in Tijuana, then we were just visiting. That’s all we were there
for. Then they were like, “We’re going over there.” Okay, I guess. We just came with a
lady. I guess now looking back it’s like it was fake papers obviously and they were
putting us through. I know there’s people who have had it worse I guess, crossing
different ways. For us, it was just coming in a car pretending to be somebody else.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 124
While the seeming ease with which the students crossed borders was a similarity across many of
the participants, Cathy’s unique journey to the United States was made possible partially because
her grandma “had her papers” and the decision was made to bring Cathy and her older sister to
the United States prior to the rest of the family:
My sister and I were the first to come in our family. At that point, it was only my sister,
myself, and one of my brothers. We came first. My grandma has her papers and
everything. She took care of us. We were living with an aunt and an uncle, I forget where
it was, I don’t really remember. We were there for a while. Then I think my brother
came. My grandma brought my brother the same way, just using different papers, but he
got to come on an airplane. He was a little kid so it was easier. He didn’t know what was
happening. Then my mom came. I don't know her entire story. I know it was a little bit
more difficult for her. She got caught, and then they sent her back. Then eventually she
got here. Then my dad was the last one to get here.
Cathy said overall her journey to the United States was not a difficult one, and she really did not
give it much thought. As a child Cathy thought she was “just moving.” Cathy did not understand
the impact her journey to the United States without her “papers” would have on her and her
educational journey until she began high school.
When Cathy thought about her elementary experience she did not remember any “bad
things,” but she did remember not speaking English and had a hard time communicating with her
teacher. Cathy said,
I came into second grade. It was hard. I remember the teacher didn’t understand, and they
didn’t have anybody to help me. I was put with another little girl who did speak Spanish.
They put her with me. It was hard.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 125
Although Cathy does not remember much from her elementary school experience she did
remember receiving help from her cousins. Cathy felt she was the type of person who has always
been able to learn things pretty quickly especially when it came to her academics. Cathy came to
the United States at the age of 7 and she did not feel like her elementary school experience was
unusual. She said, “I wouldn’t say it wasn’t good or bad…it was just school.” Cathy felt her
elementary education was not unique or different from other students.
Javier
Javier was born in Durango, Mexico, and arrived in the United States at the age of 6 with
his older brother. In preparation for his journey to the United States Javier lived in Tijuana for
about a year with his grandparents, parents and brother.
My parents came to United States first. And awhile later I’m not sure how long, it didn’t
seem that long later, a lady and a man picked us up. They told us to get in the car and go
to sleep, and now that I look back I think they gave us something to help us sleep because
I remember I woke up in a hotel and my parents were there.
Javier’s journey was similar to the other participants in my study in that he came to the United
States to be reunited with his parents. Javier believed when he woke up seeing his parents it
made the move to the United States feel like his family just “moved to another house.” He did
not really understand the effects that “move” to the United Sates would have on his life. Javier
understood the reason for coming, but acknowledged the struggles he felt when they first arrived:
Why does anyone come to the United States, a better life! I don’t know who they were,
but people told my parents about all the opportunities here and it’s not as dangerous as
where I grew up…I remember for a long time everyone said my “new name was Javier
[pseudonyms] and not to answer to Jose [pseudonyms] anymore.” I liked my name cause
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 126
it was my grandfather’s name… I was too little, but I hated it [the United States] cause I
left my grandparents and I was really close to them, closer then my parents and for a long
time I wanted to go back to Mexico.
For Javier living in the United States was a difficult transition especially regarding the closeness
he had with his family in Mexico. Since arriving in the United States Javier no longer talks to his
grandparents and it took him a long time to accept the fact that they are no longer apart of his
life.
When it came to Javier’s early educational experiences he believed some of his
elementary school teachers did not want to help him. Javier said, “I colored a lot, I drew pictures,
my teachers didn’t teach me anything. They just gave me crayons and paper and told me to sit
there and color. So I started drawing, that’s when I began to draw.” Javier said once he began
middle school he realized how far behind he was academically and decided he would spend his
summers in his local library trying to catch up. Javier recalled, “I went to the library everyday,
my parents worked and there was nothing for me to do. They had programs at the library, that’s
when my reading level was really good.” Javier realized that if he independently put in extra
time and effort he would be able to excel academically.
Although Javier did recall a negative experience with one of his elementary school
teachers, he did have one teacher who helped him. Javier said with the help of his math teacher
he realized he was good in this subject. Javier said, “I was good at math and really liked that
class. I did good. I finished before all the other kids. That’s when the teacher gave me harder
problems. I did them right.” Javier was grateful his teacher challenged him, and he ended up
enjoying math in high school.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 127
A common thread that runs through the six participants’ stories is that their migration to
the U.S. was not of their choosing, and that the journey seemed like a seamless one from their
perspectives as children. This is important to keep in mind, because the memory of an “easy”
journey later played a role in the students’ surprise that they did not have the same rights as their
documented peers. Additionally, students did not always have positive early educational
experiences, and while some expected in hindsight to have had more positive experiences, others
believed their experiences, were not much different from the experiences of their peers. In other
words, their struggles were not necessarily attributed to their undocumented status.
Table 2
Participants’ Chart
Name Age upon Arrival
to United States
Home
Country
College Status
Major
Family
Stephanie 9 years old Guatemala City,
Guatemala
2
nd
year CSU
Business
Mom
Dad
Younger sister
Ricardo 6 years old Guerrero,
Mexico
1
st
year CSU
Mechanical
Engineer
Mom
Dad
Younger sister
Younger brother
Christian 12 years old Guatemala City,
Guatemala
1
st
year CSU
Business &
Accounting
Mom
Dad
Older sister
Older brother
Becky 5 years old Michoacán,
Mexico
2
nd
year CSU
Child
Development
Mom
Dad
Older sister
Older brother
4 younger siblings
Cathy 7 years old Guadalajara,
Mexico
2
nd
year CSU
Biology
Mom
Dad
Older sister
2 younger brothers
Javier 6 years old Durango,
Mexico
1
st
year CSU
Art
Mom
Dad
Older brother

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 128
Value of Education
Most of the students believed they did not receive support and encouragement from their
teachers during their early educational experiences. Although the participants remembered some
negative early educational experiences they did not think those experiences were much different
then treatment their peers received. Once the participants attended secondary school they then
realized the implication of their status as well as feeling they were treated differently then
documented students. As the students reflected on their early educational journey, all six
participants believed their high school experiences had more of an impact in the pursuit of their
future educational goals. For Cathy her early educational experience was unique in that she
joined an outside community organization during middle school that did help her prepare for her
journey towards post-secondary education. Part of the reason these six students in my study felt
they were able to be successful was because of their own determination and their parents’
encouragement regarding education. Three out of the six participants said their parents had
always pushed the importance of an education, specifically post-secondary education. All three
of these participants remembered having conversations with their parents regarding the
importance of completing their education.
Ricardo recounted that not only did his parents encourage him to continue with his
education, but he also remembers his aunts and uncles encouraging him. Ricardo said his family
has always been very supportive and has always pushed him to work hard because they
understood the benefits that come with a post-secondary degree. He remembered,
[My family] did tell me, “Oh, you got to go.” They used to tell me, “Oh, you got to do
this and do this and then graduate and go to college so you could have a better life, get a
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 129
career and try to help us out or help each other…We want you to do it for your own. Do
the best for yourself.”
Ricardo felt getting a college degree was not only going to help him but he aspired to get a
degree to be able to provide for his parents, especially because of the sacrifices they made
coming to the United States.
For Christian, education was always important even when he lived in Guatemala. His
father took college classes and always encouraged Christian to go to school as well. Christian’s
father was a role model (i.e., type of institutional support) for Christian because his father was
able to show Christian the importance of pursuing his post-secondary educational goals. The
reader will recall in Chapter Two the conceptual framework listed role models as an important
form of support that could help students overcome some of their challenges to enroll in post-
secondary education. Christian remembered he always worked hard and received good grades
and that continued once he moved to the United States. When Christian arrived in the United
States his parents continued to remind him about the importance of getting an education. He said,
“One of the things that, when I came here, I was aware of is that my parents always told me to
get educated… Yeah that’s something my dad always used to emphasize.” His parents
encouraged Christian because they knew education meant better opportunities, especially
because they saw the struggles his older brother had been experiencing since dropping out of
high school. In Christian’s family, the narrative of a better life was woven into their perspectives
around education.
This idea of having better opportunities was also part of the conversations Cathy
remembers having with her parents. Cathy recalled her parents often reminding her about the
educational opportunities available to her in the United States: “They pushed hard for it
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 130
[college]. They did say like, ‘you should do this. It’s a very good opportunity. You’re here, and
you should take advantage of what you can do.’” Ricardo, Christian, and Cathy always knew the
importance of getting an education and felt the support of their families was a large part of their
motivation to pursue post-secondary education.
While Ricardo, Christian, and Cathy all reflected on the value their families put on
education, the other three participants had slightly different experiences. This idea of
“opportunity” was certainly something that all of the participants were aware of and was
reflected in their choices to pursue their college degrees. However, what was different was that
Javier, Becky, and Stephanie believed the primary reason their parents did not push post-
secondary education was due to financial reasons. For example, when Javier and Becky began
discussing the possibility of enrolling in post-secondary institutions, their parents were honest
with them and told them they could not afford to help pay for college. Early on Stephanie never
really talked to her parents about post- secondary education, because she knew financially it was
going to be a challenge: “My parents never talked to me about college. We were still in debt for
the fees we had to pay to get here [United States].” Javier, Becky, and Stephanie were hesitant
about enrolling in college, because they did not have the financial resources to pay the cost of
tuition. Once these students’ families saw there were resources available to help them they began
to encourage their children to pursue post-secondary education. Even though all six participants
had personal reasons for enrolling in post-secondary education they all knew education was
going to accomplish their parents beliefs about being in the United States for “more
opportunities” and for a “better life.” Researchers found that this belief of having a “better life”
is because undocumented students are raised thinking that American values and expectations are
connected to academic success with economic rewards and stability (Abrego & Gonzales, 2010).
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 131
Christian, Ricardo and Stephanie all remembered being told my family members the importance
of hard work and the benefits that come with it. Stephanie, for example, said, “my mom always
told me to work hard not just at school but everything…so I worked hard at school and it will
help later when I graduate.” The participants in my study believed if they worked hard they
would be “rewarded” later (i.e., earning a college degree).
Despite the families’ differences in how much they emphasized post-secondary
education, in the end, all six families valued education and the benefits that come from a college
degree. As the reader will recall in the conceptual framework in Chapter Two undocumented
students have been found to have three main challenges, which could derail their chances of
enrollment in post-secondary institutions. The three challenges were “school-based,” “personal”
and “financial” challenges. All three of these challenges are at times interrelated. For example
the “school-based” challenges include the limited guidance and support they believed they
received from school-based staff that could prevent them from enrollment in a post- secondary
institution (i.e., learning the English Language). Some of the “personal challenges” include
issues with their undocumented status, and trying to learn the English language. Not being taught
the English Language is also connected to “school-based” challenge because the students did not
think their teachers helped them learn the English language. The last challenge described in the
conceptual framework was the “financial challenges” such as not being able to pay for college,
or the inability to gain legal employment in the United States. Based on the students’ personal
experiences they did believe some of these challenges did impact their access to post-secondary
education, some of which will be presented in the following sections. Consistent with the
literature, the students in this study communicated experiencing all three types of challenges.
The following is a table that summarizes the three types of challenges discussed in my
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 132
conceptual framework with representative examples of quotes from the participants relating to
each of the challenges.
Table 3
Examples of Challenges Undocumented Students Encountered
Challenge (from
conceptual framework)
Examples Quote from Participant
Financial Challenges • Ineligible to receive
financial assistance
• Charged higher college
tuition rates
• Can not apply for loans

Cathy: “I can’t do university, I
don't know. I don’t have money,
so community college it is.”

Stephanie: “I was doing pretty
good in school, I knew I could
do it…my only concern was
money.”
School-Based
Challenges
• Limited access to
informational resources
• Lack of academic
guidance
• Limited
guidance/support from
counselors
• Counselors lack of
knowledge on federal
and state laws

Christian: “[AP classes]. Even
though in my regular classes I
got all A’s, [the counselors]
never told me that I was going to
be able to take AP classes. They
didn’t even mention about AP
classes.”

Javier: “No one cared. The
counselors told us ‘most of you
won’t graduate,’ and if we do
none of us will go to the
university, so get ready to go to a
community college and retake
everything you just took in high
school or work fast food.”
Personal Challenges • Socio-emotional
concerns
• Anxiety, frustration,
mistrust
• Fear of deportation
• Embarrassment of status
Cathy: “I guess it was that
embarrassment that was like, I’m
not normal. I don't know what
they’re going to think. They’re
going to treat me differently.”

Becky: “the fear of I don't know
what's gonna happen when
Obama leaves. It's really scary. I
don't know if at one point they're
going take everything away.”

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 133
As the table reflects the participants together encountered at least one or more of the
challenges that could have hindered their access to post-secondary universities. The next section
will discuss the three main themes that emerged from the data collection.
Based on the personal experiences of the six CSU undocumented students three main
themes emerged about what the students believed influenced their access to post-secondary
institutions and impacted their future educational goals. The first theme was the lack of support
the undocumented students believed they experienced from their school-based agents,
specifically their high school counselors and administrators. The undocumented students felt the
lack of support was related to a lack of informational resources, the school staff providing
misinformation, no guidance with applications (i.e., college and AB 540) and a lack of emotional
and moral support. This finding of students feeling lack of support from school-based staff in
regards to informational resources was consistent with Enriquez’s (2011) findings in her study.
Enriquez’s (2011) found students were not provided with key informational resources from
school-based agents especially the lack of awareness the school agents provided their students in
regards to the AB 540 applications. The lack of guidance the students described above are key to
the six forms of institutional support described in the conceptual framework. When institutional
agents provide emotional and moral support, guidance and guide students to overcome barriers
(i.e., funds of knowledge) they are able to help undocumented students overcome some of their
challenges, (i.e., personal, school-based and financial) thus, making students pursuit of post-
secondary education attainable.
The second theme that emerged was the participants had to find ways to advocate for
themselves, including in some cases seeking resources outside of high school (i.e., community
organizations) to help them achieve their goals of accessing post-secondary education. In the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 134
literature review researchers described the idea of “concept of agency” and the importance of
students building relationships with “actors” who produce social capital (Coleman, 1990).
Students advocated for themselves by seeking help outside of high school to help them achieve
their goals. According to Coleman (1990) goals might not be achieved or possible without
having built relationships with people who can facilitate actions.
The third theme was based on the positive and negative ways the students thought their
undocumented status impacted and continues to impact their lives and educational journeys
specifically the feelings of being an insider and an outsider simultaneously. The students in my
study based their post-secondary goals on their own merit (grades, GPA, extra curricular
activities) where as in Olivérez’s (2006) study the participants based their post-secondary choice
on their undocumented status. For the students in my study their post-secondary educational
goals were based on the feeling of living as an “insider” because they had attended school in the
United States and had similar experiences many American born students had including, working
hard in school, taking AP classes and getting good grades. However, once the student became
aware they were ineligible for federal financial assistance they realized they were “outsiders”
and in some cases they had to change their post-secondary goals especially their choice of
attending out of state schools. In the rest of this chapter, I present each of these three themes
along with evidence from my participants. I also make explicit connections between these
findings and both my research question and my conceptual framework.
Theme 1: Student’s Perceptions of Support from School-Based Agents
When examining the first theme of lack of school-based support, is it important to re-visit
Ricardo Stanton-Salazar’s ideas on institutional support and the ways such support has the
potential to help students pursue post-secondary education. Stanton-Salazar (1997) believed
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institutional support was necessary to help students be successful within the school system, and
he identified six forms of institutional support. The six forms of institutional support he
described include: (a) Funds of Knowledge, (b) Bridging, (c) Advocacy, (d) Role Modeling, (e)
Emotional and Moral Support and, (f) Evaluative Feedback, Advise, and Guidance (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997, 2001). As outlined in Chapter Two, in Stanton-Salazar’s (2001) previous work, he
believed when students sought out support from school-based agents such as teachers and other
school personnel, they were able to develop forms of social capital. Five out of the six
undocumented students revealed they had at least one or more negative experiences with their
high school counselors and or administrators, and felt they were not provided enough guidance
and support. After digging a little deeper into the data it revealed all six of the undocumented
students believed that their high school teachers did provide various types of positive
institutional support, especially emotional and moral support.
From the data collected for this study, five out of the six participants believed at some
point in their high school experience they were not provided enough institutional support from
their school-based agents. Throughout the interviews the undocumented students reflected on
their high school experiences and recalled specific moments where they thought their school-
based agents should have provided more support that could have made it easier for them to
access post-secondary education. After reviewing the data collected, the following five types of
support were mentioned well over 40% of the time throughout their interviews, Funds of
Knowledge, Bridging, Advocacy, Role Model and Emotional and Moral Support. The
institutional support of Feedback, Advice and Guidance was not mentioned individually but at
times it was grouped with the other types of support. For example often times within Emotional
and Moral support the students spoke about guidance and advice they received from others as
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examples of moral support. These five types of support were then divided into smaller categories
of codes such as (a) negative and positive examples, (b) high school counselors and
administrators, and (c) positive examples from high school teachers. First I will define the five
types of institutional support that emerged from the data collected based on Stanton-Salazar’s
(1997, 2001) previous work. Then I will provide negative and positive examples provided by the
student participants for each school-based agent (i.e., counselors, administrators, and teachers).
In Chapter Two I discussed specific types of institutional support that Ricardo Stanton-
Salazar (1997, 2001) suggested were important ways to help students achieve their educational
goals. The reader will recall that Funds of Knowledge is defined as a way for school-based
agents to provide support to students to (a) help them rise within the education system, (b) help
students indirectly network with other key institutional agents and (c) problem-solving strategies
to help students make informed decisions to reach their future educational goals. Bridging is
described as (a) agents acting as a human bridge to gate keepers and other important social
networks, by directly introducing or facilitating relationships with others (b) facilitating a
connection to other important school administrators by negotiating agreements if necessary, and
(c) providing resources others in their social networks possess. Bridging is different from funds
of knowledge because the act of creating a bridge is done “directly” whereas funds of knowledge
described connecting students “indirectly.” The third form of institutional support that was noted
in this study is advocacy, which includes intervening on behalf of the student in order to ensure
his or her best interest is protected. The fourth type of support was role model, this includes
mentoring, as well as modeling behaviors. For the purpose of this dissertation the last form of
support that will be described in this study, was emotional and moral support. Emotional and
moral support includes (a) trust and support between students and school-based agents, (b)
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academic support, and (c) caring and nurturing relationship between students and school-based
agents (Stanton-Salazar, 1997, 2001). These five types of institutional support are important to
this study because the six undocumented students believed one or more of these types of support
helped or hindered their access to post-secondary education.
The table below is a summary of the six participants and Stanton-Salazar’s types of
institutional support the students believed they received from their school-based staff, family
members and community organizations.
The next section will describe the students’ personal experiences regarding the types of
support they thought they did or did not receive from their school-based staff, including
counselors, administrators and teachers. Although the students believed their counselors and
administrators did not provide them with positive support, they did report positive support from
their teachers. The following table is the breakdown of the types of support the participants
reported they received from their counselors, administrators and teachers.
Table 4
Students’ Perceptions of Types of Support
School-Based
Staff
Positive
Support
Lack of
Support
Counselors/Administrators 25 49
Teachers 58 20

The above table was developed based on the students’ communicated beliefs and the
ways they thought their school-based staff provided or did not provide support. When the
students thought their school-based staff “did not help” that was seen as lack of support. When
the students thought their school-based staff “did help” that was categorized as positive support.
The table illustrates that students communicated more lack of support from their counselors and
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 138
high school administrators when compared to positive support, but, the table does show
overwhelming positive support from teachers. While the overall negative sentiments are
corroborated in the literature (see Chapter Two), the positive support the participants received
from their teachers was a different finding than Enriquez (2011) described in her study. Enriquez
(2011) found that the students in her study received negative messages from their teachers
including the teachers not believing in their ability. This was not the case with the participants’
in my study; if anything the students believed their teachers were the only school-based staff
who provided most of the institutional support, especially emotional and moral support.
A Lack of Institutional Support from Counselors and Administrators
As the reader will recall, the conceptual framework in Chapter Two described the main
challenges that could prevent students from enrollment in post-secondary institutions such as
“school-based” challenges. This section will describe some of the school-based challenges the
students in my study encountered and the ways in which school staff did not serve as institutional
agents to help alleviate these challenges. In fact, they were often the reason for these challenges.
The students in this study believed their high school counselors and administrators did not
provide enough institutional support, which would have made it easier for them to access post-
secondary institutions. In terms of institutional support, specifically funds of knowledge, one of
the aspects is to help students rise within the education system. When a student is provided funds
of knowledge he/she will be able to, rise within the education system (Stanton-Salazar, 1997)
through educational opportunities such as negotiate with gatekeepers, networking skills,
problem-solving and reach their personal educational goals (Stanton-Salazar, 1997; 2001). Based
on the interviews the students did not feel as if they received this type of institutional support.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 139
A lack of support from counselors. In general five out of the six participants did not
have positive things to say about their high school counselors and the help they were provided.
Cathy and Becky, were two participants out of the five who had the most to say about the belief
that their high school counselors did not provide support in part because these students did not
build strong supportive relationships with them. Cathy said, “the school counselor, it wasn’t
necessarily a person that you went to talk to about your life. It was just like, I was placed in the
wrong class move me…I didn’t really have a connection in that way.” Reflected in Cathy’s
statement is the role of her counselor was merely logistical. During the interviews, of the 45
comments made about counselors there were thirty-six negative comments, whereas only nine
comments expressed positive forms of support. Some of those negative comments had to do with
the students thinking their high school counselors did not provide adequate informational
resources (i.e., funds of knowledge). For example, during the interview, Becky expressed her
frustration with her high school counselor who she felt did not provide information regarding the
importance of taking standardized tests such as the ACT and SAT. Becky recalled that when she
was preparing for the SAT and ACT, she was never told about the importance of taking the test:
[The counselors] should really take the time to explain the SAT scores, and the ACT
scores. We don’t really know that’s going to make a difference. I totally like didn’t
understand… they do tell you, you guys are going to take the SAT and ACT but that’s it.
They don’t explain to you… why I need to take this.
Becky did not take the time to prepare for the SAT and ACT, because all she knew was that the
SAT and ACT were requirements, but she did not realize the impact her scores would have when
she applied for admission into post-secondary institutions. She also realized that the scores had
implications for her once she arrived. She said, “I didn’t know that if you score high, you’ll get
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better classes…. It was for English… if I knew I would have practiced, because of my SAT
scores now I’m two [English] classes behind everyone else.” Becky perceived her placement in
her English college course was due to her low-test scores on her SAT and ACT. When Becky
questioned her placement a staff member at her CSU explained to her that she was placed in the
lower-level English course due to her low-test scores. Even though the high school counselor did
notify the students of the requirement of taking the SAT and ACT, Becky believed her
counselors should have reinforced the importance of the test and the implications of it for
Becky’s future course of study. Researchers found that school counselors did not always provide
support and guidance when it came to being “college ready” such as being prepared for
standardized tests (Abrego, 2006; Enriquez, 2011; Olivérez, 2006). The reader will recall in the
conceptual framework one of the challenges described was “school-based” challenge which
includes support and guidance and if not provided to undocumented students this could hinder
their access to post-secondary institutions.
In addition to Becky’s example above specifically related to the lack of preparation for
the SAT and ACT, Stephanie and Javier had similar perspectives about the lack of institutional
support in the form of informational resources (i.e., guidance, advice) they received from their
counselors. For Stephanie, because of budget cuts, her school no longer had a college counselor,
so when she went to an administrator with questions regarding the best way to prepare for the
ACT and SAT the administrator did not help her and told her to “go pay for [an outside
counselor].” Stephanie was upset about this comment because she knew her family could not
afford a counselor and she did not even know where to find one. Not only did the administrator
not take the time to help her, she deflected by suggesting she find help outside the school
context. Negative comments like this made Stephanie realize she did not have support from the
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staff at school and realized she might have to find support and guidance elsewhere. Stephanie’s
negative experience with her administrator was similar to De Leon’s (2005) findings described in
the literature review. De Leon found undocumented students who had perceptions of negative
relationships with school-based agents were harmful to the students because they reported
feeling isolated (De Leon, 2005). The feeling of being “isolated” was a feeling Stephanie
experienced when she realized she did not have support from her school-based agents and had to
try and find support outside of high school.
Time and time again the students experienced a lack of support from their counselors.
Javier’s experience was similar to other participants’ when he was trying to figure out what to
study to prepare for the tests. When Javier approached his counselor with questions about the
SAT and ACT he was told, “the prep books are over there.” The students in this study often
became frustrated with their high school counselors when they felt they were not providing
enough informational resources for students to access college. This frustration was evident in our
interviews, because as they reflected on their experiences and shared with me their personal
stories, their levels of anger grew. A few of the students became very emotional as they reflected
on the lack of support they received in high school.
The students’ frustration and anger were exacerbated when they turned to their
counselors with questions about completing their DREAM Act and or AB 540 applications and
the students thought their counselors did not help. While the students tried to complete their
applications they encountered a few challenges with the applications and turned to their
counselors for help. The students recounted instead of their counselors researching these
programs and helping them find solutions to their questions the counselors provided them with
misinformation. Students believed they were not guided properly when it came to their
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applications, and they did not think their counselors provided institutional support (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997) such as advice, guidance and feedback to help ensure students were able to
accurately complete their applications in order to reach their educational goals. If and when
students completed their applications inaccurately the students did not think their counselors
helped them find solutions or ways to fix those errors. Instead students had to research the
questions on their own. Five out of the six students in my study believed their counselors did not
provide sufficient informational resources when it came to their DREAM Act and or AB 540
applications. My findings are consistent with researchers who found that counselors’ lack of
support in terms of assistance regarding AB 540 applications was a reoccurring problem
(Abrego, 2008; Enriquez, 2011; Gonzales, 2010) and at times prevented students from being able
to successfully enroll in post-secondary institutions.
When the students were asked about the assistance they received from their counselors
regarding their applications, they remembered receiving no support at all. All six undocumented
students said at one point or another they had questions about their DREAM Act, DACA, and
AB 540 applications, and when they asked their counselors for help they did not receive the
guidance they thought they needed. There were over 20 instances of counselors not providing
correct information regarding the students DREAM Act applications. Some of those instances
included the limited assistance the students received with completing their applications. The
counselors did not have time to help them and they made dismissive responses in regards to
questions about deadlines. Three of the six students were confused about the application process
and did not understand the different types of federal programs (i.e., DREAM Act and DACA). In
a particularly illustrative case, Christian was overwhelmed, because he did not understand the
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different aspects of the federal programs. His counselor also had limited knowledge about the
programs:
I didn’t know anything about the DREAM Act on my own. I had to find out how to apply
for it and how to look up the application and where to apply. [The counselors] didn’t
know too much about where to apply or where to go. That’s something that I really got
confused when I was a senior. I thought the DACA and the DREAM Act they were
together, but they’re separate. I don’t have DACA but I do have the DREAM Act.
The process was confusing for Christian, and none of the school staff took the time to research
the programs and/or explain the different aspects of each. Understanding the complexity of some
of these programs was a challenge for these students and even though they were able to conduct
additional research on their own outside of school, they all believed a little bit of guidance from
their school-based staff would have made the process easier. Javier said, “it was hard to look up
stuff, I don’t know what I need. I wish the counselor just helped me.” Counselors not being
unaware of federal and state services offered that are offered to undocumented students was
similar to the findings Gonzales (2010) found in his study. He discovered oftentimes counselors
never mentioned programs (i.e., AB 540) to their undocumented students therefore the students
never applied for this program. The lack of support the students received could have helped them
alleviate the “financial” challenge described in the conceptual framework.
The students in my study encountered challenges when it came to their applications and
instead of counselors providing institutional support such as problem-solving strategies; the
students said their needs were not being met. The students in my study thought their questions
and concerns regarding the AB 540 and DREAM Act were ignored in comparison to the
attention their documented peers received who sought help to complete their Free Application
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for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA). Four out of the six study participants reported they saw their
high school counselors helping documented students complete their FAFSA applications. For
example, some of the study participants remembered walking into their college centers and
seeing their high school counselors providing workshops for students to complete their FAFSA
applications. Christian said “it’s more challenging on the college application for us. You get
these workshops about FAFSA if you are documented, but if you’re undocumented you have to
apply for the DREAM Act.” It was difficult for the students to understand why they were not
provided workshops when those who were completing the FAFSA had workshops, especially
when the students believed the counselors would not take them seriously. One example of the
counselor not taking the students seriously was when Javier had a question about where he could
obtain a social security number. After doing his own research Javier found out he needed a social
security number for the FAFSA. He decided to ask his counselor about it. When he talked to his
counselor about the social security number requirement on the FAFSA, his counselor told him to
go to Los Angeles and “buy a fake social security.” In hindsight, Javier believed his counselor
was probably joking, but he did not think it was funny. That day, he decided he would no longer
ask his counselor for help, and instead he turned to his friend Tim and his art teacher for
guidance and support.
Stephanie shared a story about a time her high school was hosting an event in which
lawyers were volunteering their time to assist students with filling out the AB 540, DACA and
the DREAM Act applications. Stephanie was frustrated because she said no one at her school,
including counselors and administrators, notified the student body about this opportunity to meet
with the lawyers. The only reason Stephanie heard about this opportunity was because her mom
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was listening to a Spanish radio station and heard an advertisement about the lawyers being at
her daughter’s high school that upcoming weekend. Stephanie recalled,
My high school didn’t know anything... my mom heard on radio Friday night and at
school that Friday nobody told us about it, my friends didn’t know, none of us knew. It
was at our high school and no one told us about it and half the high school was AB 540.
Stephanie said now that she looks back it was a frustrating experience because there were some
legal aspects of these applications and no one at her school was poised to assist her. Instead she
had to do the research on her own, which often times took her hours to complete because it was a
legal document and she was scared she might complete it incorrectly.
Stephanie was not the only student who became emotional while sharing her story. Becky
was upset because she went to her high school counselor on several occasions asking for help
with her DREAM Act. Despite going to visit her counselor, thus exercising her agency by
seeking help, because she did not fill out the right forms and did not get the proper signatures,
something Becky thought the counselor should have caught, she submitted her application
incorrectly. The implication of this mistake was that Becky did not qualify for any financial
assistance during her first quarter of college. She said,
[The counselors] didn’t tell you “okay you also need to fill out other stuff, since you’re
undocumented you need to fill out the outside tuition form because otherwise you’re not
going to get paid”… I messed up on my DREAM Act, again because I would ask for help
and that’s what really frustrated me…I asked the counselors for help, and they didn’t help
me.
Becky soon realized that seeking out help from her counselors was not in fact helpful
because her counselors were not taking the time to review her application closely. The
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counselors’ lack of institutional support (i.e., funds of knowledge) almost prevented Becky from
the opportunity to reach her educational goals. Researchers have corroborated the finding that
high school counselors don’t always provide support and oftentimes this has been one of the
reasons undocumented students did not enroll in post-secondary institutions (Abrego, 2008;
Gonzales, & Ruiz, 2014; Holland, 2010). The reader will recall in the conceptual framework one
of the three challenges that could prevent students form enrolling in post-secondary institutions
was “school-based” challenge which includes lack of support from school-based staff. This
experience was frustrating for Becky and it almost derailed her plans to attend a post-secondary
institution: “I’m also mad because I’m like, I’m done with school now… I’m like I just want to
drop out. I don’t want to go. It’s a lot of money.” At that time Becky was considering dropping
out of college because the financial burden was too much. But with the support of her sister and
family she stayed in school, and had to come up with a plan to pay for college. Becky decided
she would get a part time job and see if her parents could somehow financially help her. She said
now that she looks back she becomes really upset because the additional financial cost was a
huge problem for her family, and she thought it could have been avoided had she had better
guidance about how to fill out the applications. Luckily while Becky was attending CSU she met
other undocumented students who helped her revise her forms, and she was able to resubmit
them and qualify for financial assistance the following quarter. Becky was able to find
institutional support (i.e., guidance, advice, moral support) from her undocumented peers in part
because they too had experienced similar challenges when it came to completing their DREAM
Act applications. Becky remembered,
I was so mad I messed up the papers but thank God when I went to [undocumented
support group] I told this guy what I did and he said “don’t worry we all mess up, cause
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 147
we don’t get help, no one helps. But we are gonna help you.” I was so happy someone
got me and why I was angry. He said,” we are here for each other we will find a way to
fix things.” And we did!
The support for completing her application correctly came not from the counselors, but from
Becky’s peers.
Three of the students (Becky, Javier, & Stephanie) in my study recalled specific instances
where they felt their counselors ignored their requests for help, and did not provide support
and/or guidance. For example, Becky did not believe her counselor provided enough help to
ensure she accurately completed her applications, which would have helped her reach her
educational goals (i.e., funds of knowledge). Stephanie and Becky also believed their counselors
did not provide problem-solving strategies such as helping them make informed decisions (i.e.,
accurate information on applications, college options) in pursuit of their educational goals. It was
frustrating for the students because they perceived that the counselors always seemed to find
time to help documented students fill out their FAFSA forms, including hosting workshops.
On one occasion Javier’s friend Tim told him he heard about AB 540, and perhaps Javier
should look into it. Javier asked his counselor for help and his counselor told him he did not have
time and he should “Google it.” This was similar to the response Becky received when she
turned to her counselor for help: he told her “the computers are over there. Look it up.” The
students in my realized they were not going to receive the guidance they needed from their high
school counselors, and would have to find guidance from others, in many cases those outside of
school. Becky did not understand why her high school was more willing to help students with
their FAFSA but not the DREAM Act. She said,
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I had to do it on my own because the school sends people, but they only help those with
the FAFSA. …I would raise my hand or if I had a question about the DREAM Act when
I was at counseling center, and I was like, “oh yeah I have a question,” and then they
wouldn’t give me the answer, nobody’s talking about the DREAM Act.
Whether because of lack of knowledge or disinterest, undocumented students thought their needs
were not met by their school counselors or administrators, even when they specifically asked for
it. Becky did not receive institutional support (i.e., advocacy) from her counselors who she
thought were advocating on behalf of the documented students by offering workshops for
FAFSA, but not advocating on behalf of the undocumented students by offering DREAM Act
workshops for them.
Complicating this help-seeking behavior on the part of the students was the fact that
building up the courage to ask for help and share their undocumented status was not an easy
thing to do. All six of the students in my study said at one point or another they had a difficult
time sharing their undocumented status with people outside the home, including their counselors.
For most of their lives they have been “living in hiding,” and believed the few times they really
needed positive support from the staff in their schools they did not receive it. When it was time
to come out of hiding, the students in my study realized for the first time what the implications of
their status were. As Stephanie recounted,
After freshmen year I knew [being undocumented] was a problem. At high school you
hear all these things about not being a citizen. You don’t know what is right and what’s
not right. It was scary… there’s all this federal stuff … Then I started to notice that things
don’t apply to us and we felt like we did not belong here.
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For all of the participants, high school was the first time they realized the limitations of their
undocumented status, and the effects it would have on their future post-secondary goals. While
the students reflected on their early educational experiences as both negative and positive,
overall, they recounted not being too affected by those early experiences. However, high school
was the time they realized just how limited they were as undocumented students particularly as it
pertained to applying to some schools and accessing financial assistance to pursue 4-year
institutions.
In addition to the lack of support for completing college applications, students also
thought they received little or no help from their high school counselors when it came to
opportunities to enroll in Advanced Placement (AP) classes and ensure they fulfilled their A-G
requirements. The goal for these six participants was to enroll in a post-secondary institution. In
order to do this they wanted to ensure they were enrolled in the “right classes,” which would
allow them the opportunity to apply to a 4-year university in the first place. It was while talking
to teachers, peers and family members that the students in my study learned about the possibility
of enrolling in AP classes. While all six students in my study were enrolled in one or more AP
classes throughout high school, five out of the six students reported that their counselors either
did not inform them about AP classes or discouraged them from enrolling in AP classes. For
example, Ricardo’s counselor told him, "Oh, you're not going to be able to do it." The
discouragement was not related to their grades, however. As Christian said, “Even though in my
regular classes I got all As, [the counselors] never told me that I was going to be able to take AP
classes. They didn’t even mention about AP classes.” Christian remembered having a
conversation with his counselor where his counselor discouraged him from taking AP classes,
“When I mentioned it to my counselor [taking AP classes] he was like, ‘No, I wouldn’t
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recommend you to take AP classes, because that’s really hard. Even though you got As, it’s
really hard.’” The counselors’ omission or discouragement of taking AP classes illustrates a lack
of support on the part of school-based staff. Once again the lack of institutional support in the
form of advocacy, advice, and guidance was evident in the lack of encouragement the students
believed they received from their counselors when it came to enrollment in AP classes.
Christian, too, had a similar experience as Ricardo and remembered being discouraged
his junior year of high school to enroll in AP classes. He heard about AP classes from a
classmate and his junior year he decided to enroll in AP Spanish Language. Even though
Christian was fluent in Spanish and he was confident he could pass the class, his counselor still
discouraged him. Christian said, “he discouraged me to take that risk in my junior year. Even
though I had the motivation to do it, he discouraged me.” Despite this, Christian successfully
completed his AP Spanish Language class, and in preparation for his senior year he wanted to
enroll in more AP classes. However, his counselor once again discouraged him: “The reason I
didn’t take more [AP classes] is because this counselor told me not to take more than two my
senior year… I took stats. I would’ve taken AP Stats but [the counselor] told me that I shouldn’t
even take it.” The students had teachers or peers who encouraged them to enroll in AP classes.
Becky said, “No counselor helped me…my teacher recommended me…again, we didn't talk to
my counselor about AP.” Given that the role of the counselor is to, at the very least, work with
students on the courses they should take, the students were upset many of the counselors did not
encourage them to enroll in AP courses.
As described in the conceptual framework one of the challenges students could encounter
that could derail their plans of enrollment in post-secondary education is the lack of support and
guidance from school-based agents. Christian’s counselor did not provide institutional support in
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terms of advocating on his behalf by encouraging him to enroll in AP classes. Despite Christian
having the motivation to enroll in more AP classes as well as a good academic record,
Christian’s counselor did not support his decision to enroll in these classes. This discouragement
is another example of how school-based staff did not help Christian overcome some of the
“challenges” (i.e., school-based, personal) described in the conceptual framework.
Not only did the students believe their high school counselors discouraged them from
enrolling in AP classes, Becky almost missed out on the opportunity to apply to a 4-year
university because she was not on track to complete one of her A-G requirements. Becky’s
counselor assumed Becky would be attending community college, not a 4-year university. As a
result, he had not alerted Becky to the fact that she was missing one of the requirements. Becky’s
older sister was enrolled in a CSU, and Becky would often ask her for guidance, especially
because Becky did not believe she received enough support from her counselor, which would
have made it easier for her to pursue her educational goals. In one particular instance Becky
recalled a time she had a question about her preforming arts class:
I went to one of our counselors and I had one class, performing arts and he was like, “oh
you don't need it, your GE say that you don't need it.” I went home and I told my sister, I
don't need this class. And she was like “you don't need it to stop you from graduating, but
you need it to go to a 4-year university.” And I was like ‘really?’ And then I went to the
same counselor, and I'm like, but I need it to go to a 4-year university. He was like, “oh
you're planning to apply to a university?”
Becky remembered being really upset because at this point she was confident she wanted
to attend a 4-year university. Becky’s counselor not guiding her to meet the A-G requirements
was similar to the findings in Olivérez’s (2006) study. She found that high school students were
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not prepared to apply to post-secondary institutions because they did not meet their A-G
requirements, and students did not receive individualized college counseling. Becky was in the
same situation and almost missed out on the opportunity because her counselor assumed she was
going to enroll in a community college. Becky said, “I was really mad. You're just literally
saying don't ... If it wasn't for my sister- I wouldn't have taken it, then I would have graduated,
but I probably been at a community college.” Becky believed she was fortunate she had her sister
to turn to for guidance and support. She believed that had it not been for her sister’s support, she
might not have been able to successfully enroll in a 4-year post-secondary institution. Becky’s
sister encouraged Becky to advocate for herself by going back to the counselor for clarification
and to tell her counselor her goal of applying to a 4-year university. Becky’s sister not only
helped Becky find her voice she was also able to be a role model to her by guiding Becky in the
right direction based on her own educational journey toward post-secondary education.
Ricardo, Christian, and Becky’s experiences with lack of support from their high school
counselors to prepare them to be “college ready” was similar to the findings of Olivérez (2006)
study described in the literature review. In Chapter Two I summarized that Olivérez (2006)
found high schools did not focus on the college process, nor did they prepare students for a
rigorous course load. Her findings suggested that many of the participants had high GPAs,
membership in school clubs and organizations, athletic teams, academic groups, and experiences
as student leaders. However, they felt frustrated because they soon realized that they were not
prepared to apply to post-secondary education because they did not meet the college
requirements. Olivérez (2006) study was similar to the personal experiences the students in my
study described when it came to lack of support and encouragement the students believed they
received regarding their pursuit of post-secondary education. During the interviews all six of the
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participants said it would have been helpful if their counselors had provided more positive
support instead of the discouragement or lack of support. Cathy said:
I feel like it never hurts to have that extra display of encouragement from
counselors…You do need to know what’s out there in order to go get it. It would have
definitely helped if maybe the school was more of going towards that.
This statement and the sentiments shared by students about the kinds of support they received
point to an implicit expectation that the schools are the place where such information should be
available to undocumented students. Particularly if documented students can get access to
resources that support their journeys to college, why can’t the same be true for their
undocumented peers?
The students in my study also thought there was a lack of institutional support in terms of
emotional and moral support from their counselors in regards to enrolling in post-secondary
institutions. Part of the challenge for undocumented students was the lack of college guidance
they believed they received from their counselors: “being undocumented I was scared…it was
mostly because I didn't have any guidance towards what college is about.” During the interviews
I asked the students to provide examples of ways they felt their counselors encouraged them to
enroll in 4-year post-secondary institutions. Three out of the six students (Cathy, Ricardo, and
Christian) thought their high school counselors did not encourage them to apply to a 4-year
university. Four out of the six undocumented students (Becky, Ricardo, Christian and Cathy)
said their counselors encouraged enrollment in community college. Cathy was the only student in
my study who believed her high school encouraged post-secondary education (i.e., community
college and/or 4-year institution). Two out of the six students (Javier and Stephanie) did not
remember discussing college options with their counselors, but they did discuss college options
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with other school-based agents such as teachers. Cathy remembered her school pushed
community college more than 4-year institutions. She said, “My high school advertised
community college … everybody goes to [local community colleges]. That was the most
prominent view within the campus community in high school.” Overall Cathy recalled her high
school did encourage some type of post-secondary education, however, the other participants did
not agree.
Three out of the six students in my study thought they had limited guidance regarding
their options of enrolling in a 4-year university. The limited guidance was not just because they
were undocumented, but because in general they believed the culture of their high schools did
not encourage enrollment in any type of post-secondary institution. Researchers have found that
some undocumented students attend school in bad neighborhoods, have limited resources and
low SES, which might explain why many of those schools do not encourage post-secondary
education (Abrego, 2006). The limited guidance the students in my study discussed were similar
to the findings of other researchers regarding the college going culture on some high school
campuses. Researchers have found high school campuses with a large Latino population have a
low graduation rate as well as low enrollment in post-secondary institutions (Abrego, 2006;
González, et al., 2003). Similarly, Javier realized his counselors were not providing positive
support and guidance in terms of enrolling in post-secondary education. As also stated above,
Javier said,
No one cared. The counselors told us “most of you won’t graduate,” and if we do none of
us will go to the university, so get ready to go to a community college and retake
everything you just took in high school or work fast food.
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This negative message appeared to be a common one relayed to the undocumented students. The
participants in my study did not think their counselors advocated on their behalf to encourage
them to enroll in post-secondary institutions. Stephanie experienced a similar situation as Javier
at her high school. She thought the problem at her school was bigger then just encouraging post-
secondary education, and that her school did not highlight the importance of earning even a high
school diploma: “maybe it’s just my school but my freshmen year we had 120 students and by
my senior year we had 50 and out of those 50, 30-something graduated…the school doesn’t
really push you.” If there are no expectations for completing high school, then it is logical that
there would be no expectations for going on to post-secondary education. Low expectations from
high school staff members regarding graduation rates and enrollment in post-secondary
institutions was also reported in Abrego’s (2006) study. Abrego’s (2006) findings were similar to
my study in that we both found that low educational expectations were evident in high schools
not properly preparing and encouraging students to enroll in post-secondary institutions.
Lack of encouragement towards enrolling in post-secondary education was not a surprise
for Becky. She shared that, “No one in high school was encouraging. I don't think they really
encouraged anyone to go to a 4-year university.” She and Stephanie said they still do not
understand why their counselors were not willing to help them by providing support and
guidance, especially since the students themselves were the ones seeking counselors’ help.
Christian agreed that he also felt his high school was discouraging students from enrolling in
post-secondary institutions. He said, “At my school [the counselors] told me that I wasn’t going
to go to college...I was going to get stuck. They were saying you have to see reality.” Despite the
negative messages, Christian decided he would stay away from those people and would instead
focus on those school-based staff that provided positive support. Even though the undocumented
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students thought their high schools did not provide a college going culture, they believed post-
secondary education was important as highlighted in a section above, especially enrollment in a
4-year university.
When it came to the choice to enroll in a community college or a 4-year post-secondary
institution five out of the six participants believed community colleges would be a waste of time
especially because they worked so hard in high school to maintain good grades, enrolled in AP
classes and participated in extra curricular activities. Stephanie, for example, stated: “For me it
was going to be a waste of time. I took these AP classes, SAT prep, I joined all sports, clubs and
I did all these extra stuff for me to go to a 4-year college.” Stephanie believed students who
attended community college were the students who did not try in high school:
For me I could have just gotten in [community college] and not done any of those things.
I knew the difference from community college and 4-year ‘cause at my high school if you
go to community college it’s ‘cause you messed up, you didn’t want to work, its like all
the bad kids went there. I wasn’t going there.
When I asked Stephanie why she thought community college was for the “bad kids” she said,
“they are the ones who barely graduated if they graduated, it was kids who didn’t care about
school. I worked hard.” For the students in my study, post-secondary education was a pursuit
they felt they deserved, because of the hard work they had invested and the care they had taken
in their education while in high school.
All of the students in my study decided to independently develop a plan that would
ensure their success in getting into post-secondary institutions even when they believed their
counselors did not encourage them. Both Stephanie and Ricardo did not remember counselors
pushing them to enroll in post-secondary institutions even when they were sure that was the path
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they wanted to take. Stephanie recalled, “no one at school helped me, no one told me I could do
it, I didn’t get any help.” Stephanie and Ricardo did not believe their counselors provided
institutional support such as funds of knowledge (i.e., resources to help them reach their
educational goals) or advocacy (i.e., guidance and encouragement regarding post-secondary
options). Even though Ricardo was ready to enroll in a 4-year post-secondary institution he was
disappointed his counselor did not push him to enroll. Ricardo was confident he wanted to enroll
in a 4-year post-secondary institution even if others did not think he should:
I knew I was ready for college. People at school tell me, “You should go to community
college.” I was like, “No, I worked hard enough and I feel like I'm ready for it.” I was
like, “I have this!” and I decided to forget about community college and come directly to
University.
Ricardo knew that despite the messages from others, he was ready to take on a 4-year university,
using the discouragement as a source of motivation to prove he can do anything. All six
undocumented students had the confidence they were academically ready to enroll in a 4-year
post-secondary institution regardless of the discouragement and negative experiences they had
with their high school counselors. The same sentiment was true for their school administrators.
The next section describes examples the students reported regarding a lack of support from their
school administrators.
A lack of support from administrators. In addition to receiving discouragement and a
lack of support from their high school counselors, students also had negative experiences with
their high school administrators. The students in my study did not recall receiving institutional
support (i.e., advocacy, advice, guidance) from their high school administrators. For the most
part the students did not have that much interaction with their school administrators. Four of the
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participants in my study had limited interaction, if any, with their school administrators,
therefore they did not have anything negative to say about them. However, in the limited
interactions they did have, two of the six participants recalled specific instances where high
school administrators made negative comments regarding college access.
For example, Stephanie remembered that the administrator at her school had negative
attitudes towards undocumented students as well as would often times make fun of them when
they asked questions about college. Stephanie believed at her high school students were enrolled
in classes based on their GPA. Due to Stephanie’s high GPA and the fact she concurrently took
classes at a local community college, she finished most of her required courses prior to
graduation but had to enroll in electives. While she was enrolled in these elective with the “lower
students” she saw first hand the discouragement the administrator gave to the undocumented
students. Stephanie recalled a few instances where the administrator made negative comments
about the students’ low academic standing: “she was never a nice person, but she would treat
them [lower GPA students] a lot differently. She would say ‘I’m going to make you guys t-shirts
that says confused and lost children…you’re not going to college.’” Stephanie said it would
upset her because those comments sometimes made her doubt her ability to enroll in a 4-year
post-secondary university. I asked overall if she thought the administrator was negative towards
all the students or just the undocumented students. Stephanie said, “I think she was mean to us
[undocumented students] she was really mean and for no reason.” This lack of support from
Stephanie’s administrator was a frustrating experience for Stephanie especially because she
believed she worked hard in high school and knew she wanted to enroll into a 4-year university.
Stephanie’s administrator was also an American Government teacher and during in-class
discussions she would point out the students immigration status and make negative comments
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about their status. Stephanie said, “She was very passionate about government and politics. She
would tell us things like ‘well you guys are all undocumented’… she was rude. She would throw
out things to make you feel bad I think on purpose.” The experience Stephanie had with her
administrator/teacher was similar to Muñoz (2008) study where she found some teachers had low
expectations and negative perceptions of undocumented students. In Muñoz (2008) study she
also found the types of negative support teachers provided to undocumented students was lack of
encouragement, no guidance and lack of strong trustworthy relationships. Muñoz (2008) study is
similar to the personal experiences Stephanie shared regarding her high school administrator.
Stephanie believed students’ immigration status was supposed to be a secret, but for some
reason a lot of people at her high school were aware of the immigration status of the students.
She believed the administrator was the one who told other school personnel and she did not keep
that information confidential like she should have. As Stephanie explained, “people knew who
was and who wasn’t [undocumented] it wasn’t really a secret. The lady who was in charge of the
school knew who was and who wasn’t ‘cause she is the one who filed the paperwork.” Although
Stephanie did not understand why so many people at her school were aware of other students’
immigration status, she did say it ended up being helpful: “It didn’t bother me. That’s how I was
able to know who else was in the situation, and I had someone to talk to. I didn’t have to share
my story ‘cause everyone was kind of the same.” Even though Stephanie received negative
messages from her school administrator and assumed she was the one who revealed their
“secret” to others, she soon realized that the unintended consequence of talking to other
undocumented students was helpful. In a way Stephanie’s negative experiences with her
administrator unintentionally created a bridge for Stephanie with other undocumented students.
Once Stephanie was able to find out there were other undocumented students on her campus she
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was able to turn to them for emotional and moral support. Stephanie’s undocumented peers
provided the institutional support (i.e., emotional and moral support) that Stephanie believed she
was not able to get from her school-based staff.
Knowing how helpful it was to have someone to talk to shaped Stephanie and her peers’
desires for the future. As the students in my study reflected on their high school experiences,
they had all made a promise to themselves that one day they wanted to give back and help others
who were in the same situation as them. At the time of the study all six of the undocumented
students were part of undocumented student organizations on their college campuses, and
believed their high school experiences made them want to stand up for themselves and be more
confident when it came to demanding help from school-based agents. Christian said,
When I was in high school I was really shy. When I came here [college] I joined
[undocumented student organization] when I came here to the center, we’re really aware
that we have the same rights… It’s really dumb that people think that just because you
don’t have some documents, they think that you’re less. That’s not true, because if you
have the motivation, they should never stop you. There shouldn’t be barriers or
disadvantages you should get just because you weren’t born here or you came from
another country.
In all cases, the students in my study were motivated to work hard and achieve success in
post-secondary education. For the participants in my study, they believed their immigration
status was irrelevant when compared to the effort they expended in school. Once Christian came
to this realization that he did have the motivation to work and nothing was going to stop him
from achieving his goals, he started to reach out more for support and did find positive support
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from one of his counselors. So while most of the comments from students were negative, the
picture is more complex than that.
Positive Examples of Institutional Support
Overall, there were over 36 instances where the students in my study thought their high
school counselor/administrators did not provide adequate support to help them access post-
secondary education. The lack of support from school-based staff was consistent with the
findings in De Leon’s (2005) study where she found that undocumented students did not receive
support or guidance from counselors making it difficult for them to access post-secondary
institutions. Lack of support was noted in the conceptual framework as one of the three
challenges (i.e., school-based), that could prevent students from enrollment in post-secondary
institutions. However, not all the students had negative things to say about their counselors and
administrators. There were nine instances where the students recalled their high school
counselors did provide them with positive forms of institutional support. The specific types of
institutional support the students in my study thought they received were in the form of bridging
and advocacy. There were only three undocumented students who shared positive experiences
and specific instances where they believed their high school counselors went out of their way to
help them.
Ricardo, Christian and Cathy described specific examples where they received
institutional support from their counselors in the form of bridging, advocacy and emotional and
moral support. Ricardo, Christian and Cathy believed their counselors provided institutional
support by connecting them to other key agents (i.e., bridging) that helped them overcome some
of their challenges to pursing their post-secondary goals. Ricardo and Christian’s high school
counselor knew they were undocumented and they believed their counselors advocated on their
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behalf by guiding them toward scholarships specifically for undocumented students. Not only
did their counselors advocate on their behalf the counselors also provided moral support when
Christian and Ricardo were denied scholarships and they encouraged them not to give up and to
keep applying for scholarships. Advocacy and bridging were especially evident when the
students thought they built a trusting relationship with their high school counselors, who in turn
provided support to the participants. Ricardo realized he had to prove himself to his counselor
before she was willing to help him, and he did this by building a trusting, supportive relationship
with her. He said,
I guess when she first met me she saw me as a person that didn’t care much about
anything, until I actually proved her that I’m going to be really into it [school] and I’m a
really serious person. She seen it and she took the extra steps to help me do much more.
Once Ricardo built that relationship with his counselor he was able to turn to her for guidance
and support. Ricardo’s personal experience with his counselor reinforces Coleman’s (1988)
belief that, in order to develop social capital, individuals need strong networks, a high level of
trust, and expectations of reciprocity. In other words most social relationships can be turned into
sources of social capital when both individuals expect to benefit from the sharing of resources
and believe they can trust the individual to reciprocate directly. Once Ricardo proved he was
“serious” to his counselor he felt she believed in him, and Ricardo knew he could turn to her for
guidance and support.
Christian communicated similar sentiments with Ricardo and thought building a
relationship with his counselor was important, and believed being enrolled in AVID
(Advancement Via Individual Determination) allowed him more opportunities. Christian was
enrolled in AVID his senior year and remembered receiving information about college as well as
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was provided additional support regarding college access. Christian’s experience with AVID and
the importance of building relationships with his high schools counselors and receiving
information about college is similar to the findings Stanton-Salazar (2001) discovered in his
study. He found that students who were enrolled in AVID were provided more institutional
support from their high school counselors in terms of informational resources, guidance, support
and emotional and moral support.
Positive support also consisted of emotional and moral support. An example of positive
emotional and moral support was when Ricardo and Christian expressed their concern to their
counselors about their inability to pay for college. They both knew they wanted to attend a 4-
year university and on their own they were able to find information regarding the DREAM Act,
but they still had concerns about the overall financial cost. Both of these students expressed these
fears to their counselors who in turn informed them of scholarship opportunities specifically for
undocumented students. Had these students not had the courage to confide in their counselors,
these doors would likely not be opened to them. As represented in my conceptual framework
with a bi-directional arrow, the student, too, must exercise agency to seek out support.
Christian remembered his college counselors emailing him a few times regarding
opportunities: “The college counselor, she was really supportive. She’s the one who sent the
scholarship applications to us.” Whenever the college counselor sent Christian an email about a
scholarship he would go to the college center and follow up with her. He said, “I was always in
the college center wanting to get applications. Right away I saw emails from the college
counselor, I went in and wanted to see the requirements and if I met the requirements I applied. I
did everything possible to earn scholarship.” Christian was in the college center so often he felt
he built a positive relationship with his counselor; he believed she went out of her way to guide
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him. “She [counselor] would see me every day… she would say ‘tu otra vez..su aquí para me
molesta.’ I know I wasn’t really bothering her ‘cause she would laugh when she said it but she
really got to know me ‘cause I was always there.” Christian applied for 24 scholarships and was
able to get money from 12 of them. He thought the success he experienced in securing this
funding was due in part from the positive support his college counselor provided him.
Christian felt his counselor advocated for him and she went out of her way to help
Christian achieve his post-secondary goals by not only informing him about scholarship
opportunities but she also recommended Christian for the AB 540 scholarship. Christian’s
counselor knew he was undocumented and saw he was motivated to attend college, and she
wanted to help him achieve his post-secondary educational goals. By advocating on behalf of
Christian the counselor was able to connect (i.e., bridging) Christian to a key institutional agents
(i.e., Vice Principal) who was able to provide guidance and encouragement. For example, during
an AVID ceremony the counselors presented Christian with the AB 540 scholarship and shared
his personal story about how he was undocumented, the challenges he had learning English and
his high academic standing. At this same ceremony the Vice Principal of his high school gave a
speech about the benefits of enrolling in post-secondary education. Christian said the Vice
Principal’s speech motivated him. He said, “It was because he [the Vice Principal] gave this
motivation speech that he got his Ph.D. and all his motivation stuff. I was like whoa, all the
things you can do with a college degree. I used to see him like a role model.” Christian’s Vice
Principal was able to demonstrate institutional support by modeling behavior as well as being a
mentor for Christian. After that ceremony Christian began to develop a relationship with his Vice
Principal, however, Christian soon found out that his story actually motivated the Vice Principal.
Christian said,
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He [the Vice Principal] was like “wow your story is really cool. I wish all the students
were like you, I like you as a student.” I got into National Honor Society (NHS), so [the
Vice Principal] was like “you’re going to graduate with honors from the school. I’m
going to buy you a suit.” I was all excited about it and he brought me to this fancy place
to go buy a suit. I was like, you can’t buy this, it’s too expensive, and he was like, “No,
that’s a gift from me to you because I like students like you. I’ve known some students
like you, I really want to give you a gift so you can be rewarded.”
Christian was shocked and did not understand why the Vice Principal went out of his way to help
him. Christian, to this day has kept in contact with his Vice Principal who still motivates him,
pushes and encourages him to continue with his college education
The help of a counselor connecting students to other institutional agents (i.e., bridging)
was exactly what Cathy’s advisor did for her, because her advisor believed in her and her
academic ability. Cathy knew she wanted to enroll in post-secondary education but she went
back and forth between enrolling in a 4-year university or a community college. Cathy received
college acceptance letters from numerous 4-year universities. However, once Cathy found out
she did not qualify for FAFSA, saw the actual cost of attending college and was still unsure if
she would qualify for the DREAM Act she doubted her ability to afford college. She came to
terms with enrolling in community college. “It was that I didn’t qualify for FAFSA, when people
talk about college, everybody’s like, it’s really expensive. But not seeing the numbers you think
it’s outrageous. You’re like, ‘There’s no way my parents, they can barely buy a car.’” For fear of
putting the financial burden on her parents, Cathy decided to enroll in community college.
However, Cathy was hesitant to tell her college advisor she decided to enroll in community
college, because she did not want to “disappoint” him. Cathy finally told her advisor she made a
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decision to enroll in community college. Cathy’s advisor was hoping he could change Cathy’s
mind and encouraged her to enroll at a 4-year university. Her college advisor went as far as to
call Cathy’s mom in for a parent meeting to help convince Cathy to enroll in a 4-year university
as well as to see if there was any way her family could come up with money to help pay for
Cathy’s tuition. Prior to talking to her advisor Cathy did not think her parents could pay for the
tuition, therefore she decided not to pay her $400 registration fee and decided to enroll in
community college. She did not see the point in paying her registration fee if her parents were
not going to be able to come up with the money to cover the cost of tuition. Cathy’s advisor saw
that she had potential to do well in a 4-year university and advocated for Cathy by speaking to
the principal of her high school on her behalf.
One day the principal of Cathy’s high school happened to be checking in on the status of
the students, asking how the college application process was going. Cathy recounted,
My advisor spoke to [the principal] about the situation. He [college advisor] was like,
“She wants to go but she doesn’t have the money.” He’s [principal] like, “Is she a good
student? How is she doing?” My advisor was like, “She’s really good. She’s in Honors
and AP courses, all that. She’s on the right track. It’s just the money issue.” The principal
was like, “Scoot over.” He paid [for the registration fee]. Basically, he paid. That was
like, oh my God. I guess that was my big sign…things are lining up for me to go.
Cathy to this day thinks of her principal as “an angel sent from heaven” and whenever she speaks
to him, she reassures him she will one day pay him back. Cathy felt as if her principal went out
of his way to help her access college and this is something Cathy still gets emotional about when
she talks about it. Cathy was really struggling when it came to her decision to enroll in a
community college or a 4-year institution not because of her academic ability, but the financial
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challenge. Cathy’s decision to enroll in a 4-year university was facilitated by her principal who
offered to pay her $400 registration fee. This support from a school administrator made all the
difference for Cathy, thus putting her on a path toward post-secondary education. If Cathy’s
counselor had not chosen to advocate on her behalf by speaking to the principal, Cathy would
not have been able to afford the $400 registration fee to enroll in college. Once the counselor
connected (i.e., bridged) Cathy and the principal they were able to build a relationship and the
principal to this day supports and encourages Cathy. While the positive comments about support
from counselors and administrators were few, it is still important to represent that atypical data to
show what is possible when these school-based agents work to support students.
Positive support from teachers. Overall the students in my study did not have that many
examples of positive support from their high school counselors and administrators. However, all
six of the students reported at least one example of positive support from their classroom
teachers, and in some cases their coaches. There were over 78 instances of comments about the
role of teachers in students’ journeys to post-secondary education with 58 instances being
positive and 20 instances being negative. Of the 20 instances of negative comments, 10 were
when the undocumented students grouped their administrators and some of their teachers in the
same category. Of those 20 negative comments, 10 of those instances came from Stephanie. As
you will recall from the previous section Stephanie’s American Government teacher was also an
administrator. Therefore, Stephanie’s negative comments focused on the dual role her
administrator took on as a “teacher” and “administrator.” As such, there were far more positive
comments about teachers than there were negative ones.
Overwhelmingly, the types of positive support the students described from their teachers
were advocacy, guidance and emotional and moral support, especially when it came to issues
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related to their undocumented status. Even when the teachers did not have the answers to the
students’ questions in terms of correctly completing their applications (i.e., AB 540, DREAM
Act), the students did not have negative perceptions of them or report high school teachers as not
providing support. In fact the undocumented students would often times go to their teachers
hoping the teachers could guide them when they were not getting guidance from their high
school counselors. The undocumented students assumed their teachers might not be able to help
them complete the applications given their roles as teachers, but they still felt their support was
vital.
Becky remembered one of her teachers always pushing her to make sure she completed
her applications. She said, “My teacher. Yeah he's like, ‘have you done it?’ I'm like, yes I'm
doing it. If it wasn't for him, I probably wouldn't even bother.” Often times even if the teacher
did not know the answers to their questions the teachers would still provide moral support for the
students. One student recalled,
My teacher didn’t know about the DREAM Act... but he never had a negative answer
when I told him…He was like, “oh great, just find out what you have to do.” But he
didn't discourage me…he was just positive… he would say “I'm pretty sure there's more
students here on campus… go to the college center.”
The undocumented students believed their teachers understood the additional challenges they
faced being undocumented and trying to complete their applications. In one particular case,
Becky’s teacher even allowed her to miss his class so she could go to the college center for help.
Becky explained,
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My teacher was like “ask for help. They [counselors] should help you.” And that's how I
kept going, kept going, kept going. And he would even tell me during his class period to
go. And I was like okay I'll be back. And I'll go and then it's like no help.
The students reported they always knew they could turn to their teachers for guidance.
There were over 38 instances where the students described their teachers as believing in them,
providing guidance, trusting, caring for them, being attentive, and providing them with
motivation and encouragement to not give up on their post-secondary goals. Although the
students did not by and large get the institutional support from their counselors and
administrators, the students they received guidance and support from their teachers. Student
building trustworthy, positive relationships with their teachers was similar to Pérez and
Rodríguez (2011) study. They found students who believed their teachers supported them and
built trusting relationships with them had the confidence to pursue their post-secondary goals.
The types of positive institutional support (i.e., advocacy, emotional and moral support) students
received ranged from teachers writing letters of recommendation, providing after-school help,
providing advice, and mentoring.
When it came to comments about teacher support, five of the six students in my study
were not upset when their teachers did not have the “right answers” in terms of college
applications or AB 540 applications. Becky said, “It’s not [my teacher’s] job to know how to do
it…the counselors should know.” The students felt the additional support and encouragement the
teachers gave them was beyond their role as a classroom teacher. Ricardo said there were some
teachers who cared and some who did not. The teachers Ricardo turned to for guidance and
support were never discouraging and always provided positive support, “my teachers really cared
about me. I guess they knew about my situation so they tried to help me out. It's like awesome.”
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 170
Ricardo believed he was able to build a positive relationship with his teachers where they got to
know him, and his teachers impacted his life. Ricardo remembered, “All my teachers motivated
me. They said ‘I know you could do it.’ They always seen like something good in me that they
always seen it, and I'm glad they did.” Teachers not only provided encouragement they also
provided guidance as much as they could. And according to the participants in this study, that
was above and beyond their role as teachers. In other words, students’ perceptions of the school-
based staff’s roles and job duties shaped how they viewed the support or lack thereof they
received from them. Because they did not perceive teachers as the keepers of information related
to access to post-secondary education, they had more positive perceptions of them.
Despite teachers not always having the answers the students were looking for, the
students still appreciated the time the teachers took to be there for them. Stephanie remembered
the multiple roles her teacher/cross country coach took on to help guide her towards enrolling in
post-secondary education. She said,
At my high school I had one teacher that supported me a lot…he was the one wrote my
letter of recommendation, he’s the one who told me about SAT. He is extremely helpful
after school he would stay with us until after 6 pm to help us with our college
applications. He didn’t know much, but he would help us with as much as he could.
Stephanie’s comment that “he didn’t know much” speaks to the teacher’s role and ability to help
undocumented students in the ways they needed it.
This idea of teachers helping as much as they could was evident by the letters of
recommendation the teachers wrote for the undocumented students. Five out of the six students
said their classroom teachers wrote multiple letters of recommendations for them for college
applications, scholarships and community organizations students wanted to join that helped them
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 171
learn about the “college track.” Ricardo’s teacher was actually the one who encouraged him to
apply to an organization where Ricardo would have the opportunity to visit a college campus in
the summer. He said,
When I was in high school in 10
th
grade this teacher told me, “Oh, this program that you
could apply to.” It was like if you got accepted you were going to go to Sacramento for 7
days and live at a [college campus] and get the college experience and they were going to
teach you about college careers, the community, and your culture. He wrote my letter of
recommendation and I got it.
Five out of the six students in my study said they knew their “teachers cared” and that was one of
the reasons why they believed their teachers were willing to write the letters of recommendation.
Christian credited his teachers for helping him get accepted into so many 4-year universities.
Christian applied to 16 colleges and was accepted to 15 of them. He said,
My ESL teacher, she was really good. She even wrote letters of recommendation…I
think she wrote really good letters of recommendation. She said I was capable. One of
my favorite teachers, she was my U.S. History teacher. She was good, she wrote some
letters of recommendation. She was my best teacher.
Christian believed his teachers encouraged him because they saw that he had the motivation to
do well, and the drive necessary to enroll in post-secondary institutions regardless of his
undocumented status. He said, “That’s why they [teachers] liked me. They saw that I had this big
interest in going to college even though I had this disadvantage not having papers…they saw I
wanted to succeed.” In other words, when students believed they expend effort, school-based
agents were more motivated to help them.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 172
Students felt that not “having papers” was another reason their teachers went out of their
way to guide them. When it came to the students sharing their undocumented status with their
teachers five of the six students said they shared their undocumented status with one or more
teachers, and every time they shared their immigration status their teachers were positive and
encouraging. As Christian said, “Only some of my teachers knew that I didn’t have documents. I
didn’t tell all the teachers about it. The ones that I told, they were really supportive with my
situation.” The students in my study believed the teachers saw they were hard-working and just
because they did not “have papers” was not a reason they were not going to be able to
successfully enroll in post-secondary institutions. These teachers saw beyond the students’
immigration status and believed in their abilities to pursue education. Ricardo said,
All my teachers motivated me. They say “I know you could do it.” They always seen
something good in me that they always seen it, and I'm glad they did. My teachers didn't
see it [being undocumented] as much of a big deal at all…they seen that I was just a
normal kid.
As far as the idea of “being normal” all of the students said they just want to be “treated
normal,” and one reason they did not want to share their immigration status was out of
embarrassment. Cathy said, “I guess it was that embarrassment that was like I don't know what
they’re going to think. They’re going to treat me differently. I didn’t think I had to share it so I
was like I shouldn’t.” For most of their lives the students in my study were told by family
members not to share their status with people outside of their families, this was the primary
reason Cathy and others did not think they “had to share” their status with others.
One way that teachers tried to alleviate the “embarrassment” feeling occurred when
teachers decided to share their own personal immigration status with their students. Two of the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 173
six (Becky and Javier) undocumented students said they knew at one point or another their
teachers were undocumented. Becky saw this as motivation because her Spanish teacher was
undocumented and was able to successfully graduate from college, become a teacher and help
other undocumented students. Becky’s teacher provided institutional support by being a role
model for Becky and modeling behavior that let her see that she too could achieve her post-
secondary goals. Javier’s teacher who was also undocumented encouraged him not to give up
and told him “there’s always a way.” Once Becky and Javier learned about their teachers’
personal immigration status this gave them motivation to see success was possible regardless of
their own immigration status. Museus and Neville’s (2012) study found once students thought
they shared a “common ground” such as similar cultural background and or educational
experiences with institutional agents students had a more positive outlook on their post-
secondary goals. When students built trusting relationships with agents who provided “holistic
support” such as academic advising, and social support those relationships positively influenced
a student pursuit of post-secondary education (Museus & Neville, 2012). Becky and Javier both
believed it was easier for them to develop positive relationships with their teachers, because their
teachers truly understood the struggles that came with being undocumented (i.e., emotional and
moral support). The teachers sharing their personal experiences allowed Becky and Javier a
chance to develop personal relationships with their teachers where they felt safe. The personal
experience Becky’s and Javier’s teachers shared is one way the students could overcome the
“personal challenge” of being undocumented as described in the conceptual framework. The
students were able to see first hand their teachers were able to overcome the challenge of being
undocumented and were able to successfully enroll in post-secondary institutions. The teachers,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 174
thus, served as role models for the participants in my study, which is another form of institutional
support described by Stanton-Salazar (1997).
Even though overall the students in my study believed they received negative support and
guidance from school staff, particularly counselors and administrators (49 instances), it was
evident that students did receive some positive support from school-based staff. However, for the
most part the positive support they received was from their teachers (58 instances of positive
support from teachers vs. 25 instances of positive support from counselors and administrators).
Positive support from school-based staff such as teachers was consistent with Stanton-Salazar’s
(1997) idea of institutional support and the important role institutional agents play in helping
students gain success within the school system. Stanton-Salazar found that when students build
positive relationships with institutional agents built on trust and respect, it has the power to help
students with advancement in the school system (Stanton-Salazar, 1997 & 2001). And while
some students did report positive examples of support and guidance from their counselors and
administrators (25 instances), the majority of the examples were negative (49 instances). This
was most frustrating for students because they believed it was the counselors’ and
administrators’ job to know and be able to guide their student body toward post-secondary
education. To contextualize this overall finding, the reader will recall that all the students in my
sample attended low-to-middle SES public high schools with a large parent immigration
population, predominantly large Latino/a student population, and limited access at their “college
centers.” Researchers have found that due to counselors having large case loads, access to
limited resources and students “tracked” into general classes, counselors do not always have the
capacity to provide the positive support and guidance students need to successfully access post-
secondary institutions (González, Stoner, and Jovel 2003). Often, the most under-resourced
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 175
schools are the ones that hire staff without the capital to transmit to students in need. As such,
this may be an explanation for the lack of support students experienced from school-based staff,
particularly their counselors.
Also, the students in this study believed their high schools did not set up a college going
culture by encouraging post-secondary enrollment. Researchers have found that an
organization’s (i.e., high school) culture and resources provided to students is defined by its
underlying values, beliefs and suggestions regarding enrollment into community college or
“good” colleges (i.e., CSU, UC or private colleges) (McDonough, 1998). In McDonough’s
(1998) study she found that counselors who work with students who attend a low SES high
school play a significant role in shaping the student’s decision regarding which colleges to apply
too, which affects their post-secondary educational attainment. For example, McDonough found
that due to limited resources and time the high school counselor encouraged students to enroll in
local community colleges, in part because the counselor provided minimal information
pertaining too CSU and UC institutions. Therefore, the students were not aware of all of their
post-secondary options. The study found that students who do not know about the college
process rely on their counselors to provide them the support and guidance regarding access to
post- secondary institutions (McDonough, 1998). Counselors need to understand the individual
students’ academic needs to help guide them in choosing the best college. The students in my
study believed they were not able to get the help they needed from their counselors perhaps
because their high schools did not set up the counselors with the types of resources (including
information resources, but also a college-going culture) the counselors needed to assist students.
While the focus of my study was on students’ perceptions and meaning making, which didn’t
allow for an examination of the perspectives of school-based staff, it’s important to contextualize
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 176
the above findings using what we know from the literature about the constraints placed on
counselors in settings like the high schools from which participants graduated.
Because of the negative experiences the students had with counselors and administrators
and the understandably limited guidance they were able to get from teachers, the support they
were able to receive from school was limited. The lack of support the students believed they
received from their school-based staff is one of the three “challenges” described in my
conceptual framework, which could hinder a student’s access to post-secondary education.
Below is a table that summarizes how each of the six participants remembered their
overall high school experiences including the types of institutional support they believed their
“school-based” staff, both counselors and administrators as well teachers provided.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 177
Table 5
Positive and Negative Types of Institutional Support from School-Based Staff
Funds of Knowledge
(help rise within
educational system)
Bridging
(human bridge to
gatekeepers)
Advocacy
(intervene on behalf of the
students)
Role Model
(mentor and
modeling behavior)
Emotional & Moral
Support
(trustworthy & supportive,
relationships)
Stephanie Counselor (-)
Teacher (+)
“My teacher actually
is the one that helped
me and still helps me
with everything. He
told us about the SAT
not in detail but what
it was he would
always tell us to join
clubs and do good to
go to college he
would always push
that on us.”
Counselor (-)
“I accidentally walked
in and the counselor
had a meeting about
an internship for a
college summer
program and you live
on campus for two
weeks. I applied and I
got in.”
Teacher (+)
Counselor (-)
Administrator (-)
“[The administrator] was not
really a nice person, and when
we had questions we would
complain we didn’t have
college advisor and she would
tell us to go pay for one or
something really stupid like
that- so we didn’t really have
anyone.”
None Teacher (+)
“At my high school I had
one teacher that supported
me a lot…He is extremely
helpful…he would stay
with us until after 6 p.m. to
help us with college
applications.”
Ricardo Counselor (+)
Teachers (+)
“At my school they
had a career center. A
[counselor], helped
us out, like do the
college applications.”
Teacher (+)
“My teacher told me,
about a program that
you could apply to. It
was like if you got
accepted you were
going to go to
Sacramento for seven
days and live at a
[college campus].”
Teacher (+)
Counselor (+)
“The counselor from the
college career helped me. I did
the information I need to put
in and she checked it to see
everything was correct. She
took the time to make sure
that I did everything right so
nothing would get messed
up.”
Teacher (+)
“Yes, some of them
[teachers] were role
models. There was a
lot of my teachers
that I looked up to
them. It was my
teachers that they
gave me the idea to
try college.”
Teacher (+)
Counselor (+)
“All my teachers
motivated me. They say, ‘I
know you could do it.’
They always seen
something good in me.”

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 178
Table 5, continued
Christian Counselors (-. +)
Teacher (+)

“I didn’t know
anything about the
DREAM Act, on my
own I had to find out
how to apply for
it…the counselor
didn’t know too
much about where to
apply or where to
go.”
Counselor (+)
Teacher (+)

“I think I found about
the [community]
workshop through
school because I was
AVID. It was one of
those workshops for
class for college.”
Counselor (-, +)
Vice Principal (+)
Teacher (+)

“They [counselor] thought
that I wasn’t going to be
successful in some AP classes.
Even though in my regular
classes I got all A’s on them.
They never told me that I was
going to be able to take AP
classes, they didn’t even
mention about AP classes.”
Vice Principal

“I think it was the
vice principal of my
high school. He was
really encouraging
about it and he didn’t
care I was
undocumented.”
Teacher (+)
Counselor (+)
Vice Principal (+)

“There was this other
teacher, he wasn’t my
teacher, I was part of his
club. He gave really good
advice; he used to support
undocumented students a
lot. He knew I was
undocumented because I
told him. He supported
me”
Becky Teacher (+)
Counselor (-)

“I went to one of our
counselors and I had
one class performing
arts and he was like,
‘oh you don't need it.
Your GE just say that
you don't need it.’ I
went [back] to the
same counselor, and
I'm like, but I need it
to go to a four-year
university. He was
like, ‘oh you're
planning to apply?’”
Teacher (+)

“My teacher was like
ask [the counselor] for
help. They should help
you. And that's how I
kept going, kept
going, kept going.
And he would even
tell me during his class
period to go. And I
was like okay I'll be
back. And I'll go and
then it's like no one
helped.”
Counselor (-)

“I messed up on my DREAM
Act, I would ask for help and
that what really frustrated
me…I asked the counselor for
help, and they didn’t help
me.”
Teacher (+)

“I did have a Spanish
teacher he was
undocumented too he
went to CSU. Yes, he
pushed us to do good
in school.”
Teacher (+)

“My teacher didn’t know
about the Dream Act. But
he was never negative. I
told him, I'm
undocumented. He told me
find out what you have to
do. But he didn't
discourage me he was just
positive like.”

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 179
Table 5, continued
Javier Teacher (+)
Counselors (-)

“No one cared. The
counselor told us
most of us wont
graduate, and if we
do none of us will go
to university.”
Teacher (+)
Counselors (-)

“The only good thing
they [counselors] did
was have flyers posted
on the college board
and I passed it
everyday to get to
class if I didn’t stop
and read it I wouldn’t
know anything.”
Teacher (+)

“My art teacher thought I
should go to art school but
after we looked at schools
online they are expensive and
I didn’t think I could go… I
didn’t think I had what it took.
We tried to think of a way to
go.”
None Teacher (+)

“My art teacher was cool
but he didn’t really know
anything- but he helped
me with my art…we
talked a lot.”
Cathy Counselor (-)

“The school
counselor, it wasn’t
necessarily a person
that you went to talk
to about your life. It
was just like, I was
placed in the wrong
class move me…I
didn’t really have a
connection in that
way.”
Principal (+)
Counselor (+)

“My advisor spoke to
[the principal] he [the
advisor] was like she
wants to go but she
doesn’t have the
money.’ The principal
basically paid my
registration fee.”
Principal (+)

“My high school pushed
community
college…everybody goes to
community college.”
None Counselors (-)

“I feel like it never hurts to
have that extra display of
encouragement from
counselors... you do need
to know what out there in
order to go get it.”

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS
Because of the limited support received from school-based staff, the students in my study
had to seek support outside of school. In the next section, I detail the experiences of students
who sought and received support and guidance outside of the school, whether through family,
friends and/or community organizations.
Theme 2: Students’ Perceptions of Support from Sources Outside of School
The students in my study all searched for positive forms of support and guidance that helped
them successfully enroll in post-secondary institutions. As stated in the earlier section, this
support was not always available through school-based staff in the participants’ respective high
schools. This support was perceived to be all the more necessary, because all six participants
reported once they decided to enroll in post-secondary education, they did not realize the amount
of additional stress the college process would entail. As Stephanie said, “senior year was very
stressful. I had my AP test, clubs, sports, I didn’t have time. It was very stressful.” For many
students applying to college is a stressful time, however, for the students in my study they
thought being undocumented added an extra layer of stress because of the additional paperwork
(i.e. AB 540, DREAM Act, and DACA), and the financial aspect, specifically not qualifying for
FAFSA. The additional stress of being undocumented and not qualifying for federal financial aid
was another example of the “challenges” described in my conceptual framework specifically the
“personal” and “financial” challenges. Researchers found the three challenges personal, school-
based and financial challenges could derail a students pursuit of post-secondary education
(Abrego, 2008; Enriquez, 2011; Martinez, 2014), especially when the students believed they
were denied help from those that are in the position to help them (i.e., high school counselors).
Due to the lack of support the students thought they received form their school-base staff all six
students searched and found support and guidance outside their high schools. As such, while
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 181
other forms of social capital were not the focus of this study, the topic was inescapable in
conversations about access to post-secondary education.
The decision to look outside of school was common, given the lack of support students
believed they received from their school-based staff. Despite being positioned as those who had
the greatest potential to help the students, the students in my study believed their school-based
staff members were of little or no help. The lack of support from school-based staff leads to the
second theme of this study: participants had to advocate for themselves by seeking guidance and
support outside of school from family, community organizations and friends. The participants
reported various types of institutional support they received outside of school which included
emotional and moral support, assistance regarding applications (i.e., federal/state programs),
financial opportunities (i.e., paying for college), access to workshops, and membership in
organizations, which, provided students an opportunity to “experience college life.” These
outside organizations provided types of institutional support by bridging undocumented students
with other college students, mentors (i.e., role models) and people who have experienced college
and could offer support (i.e. advocate), guidance and advice. The support the students received
from sources outside of school was an alterative type of support that could help the students in
my study find solutions to and overcome the three challenges described in my conceptual
framework (i.e., personal, school-based and financial challenges).
Originally my interview protocol and the focus of my study focused on examining the
types of support school-based staff provided or did not provide to students. However, time and
time again the students in my study all reported the majority of the support they received came
from family members. Holland’s (2010) study found that students developed “informal social
networks” from family members, peers and community organizations, which helped the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 182
participants, stay focused on their post-secondary goals. The researchers findings was similar to
the students in my study where they turned to these “informal social networks” to help them in
their pursuit of post-secondary education, especially when they felt they did not receive the
support from their school-based staff. There were over 32 instances where the students believed
their parents provided positive support in terms of guidance and emotional and moral support. In
addition, there were 29 instances of comments about positive support from participants’ siblings
or extended family members (i.e., uncles, aunts, and cousins). Five of the six students in my
study said family members were the first to inform them about federal programs such as the
DREAM Act, AB 540 and/or DACA. The participants in my study believed because of the
encouragement their family members provided they were able to research the federal/state
programs to find out if they qualified. Qualifying for these federal programs was instrumental,
because the students in my study believed they found a possible solution to the challenge of how
they would pay for their post-secondary education. In other words, as highlighted in my
conceptual framework, social capital was a way to mitigate some of the challenges students
faced, but for the most part, this kind of capital came from family members rather than school-
based institutional agents.
Positive Support From Family Members
Support for post-secondary education came for the most part from close family such as
parents and siblings. While the support the students received from their immediate family varied
from informational, guidance and moral and emotional support, they were essential nonetheless.
All six participants believed they had positive experiences where they turned to their family
members for guidance, support and encouragement. The participants valued the help and
guidance their family members gave them especially when they reflected on the role their parents
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 183
took in helping them pursue educational opportunities. And as mentioned in an earlier section on
the families’ value of education, all six participants had parents who valued post-secondary
education, even though only three of the families openly encouraged it in the home. As Cathy
reflected on the support and guidance her mom gave her she realized throughout her educational
experiences her mom has always been a strong supporter of her and her educational
opportunities. Cathy knew her mom was busy with work but she always found time to help
support and guide her: “My mom did the parent meetings [at school] and she didn’t have a lot of
time because she did have to work, but when she did, she tried. She really tried for me.” Cathy’s
mom always had a positive outlook when it came to her daughter’s education, and her mom was
going to do whatever she could to ensure her daughter was able to successfully enroll in a 4-year
university. Cathy said,
When it was the DREAM Act, [my mom] was like “mija what is this? What’s going on?”
My mom helped me a lot. She had a little bit of an idea of what it [DREAM Act] was. At
first, we didn’t know if I would be able to come to university because of my status. She
[my mom] was very willing to figure it out, and see how we can make it happen. It
wasn’t about, “are we going to make it happen?” It was more about, “how are we going
to make it happen?”
Cathy’s mom was the first to bring up the idea of applying for the DREAM Act and through her
mom’s encouragement Cathy was able to research the guidelines and found out that she did
qualify for the DREAM Act. Cathy’s experience with her mom advocating on her behalf was
different then the findings of Muñoz (2008) in regards to parental involvement. Muñoz (2008)
found that although the parents did provide emotional and moral support (which my study also
found) it was difficult for the parents in her study to offer guidance and advise because (a) the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 184
parents could not relate to their child’s college experience, and (b) parent lack of English
proficiency. Although Cathy’s mom did not attend college and struggled with the English
language her mom still tried to be actively involved in her daughter’s future educational goals.
Stephanie was another participant whose mom encouraged her to never give up on her
dreams, irrespective of her undocumented status. Stephanie’s mom encouraged her to research
some of the federal programs, and was the first to tell Stephanie about DACA. Stephanie
recounted:
My mom she’s the one who pushes me. She’s the one who gave me the idea to not let
things be an obstacle. She said, “if you want to do it. Do it!” She’s the one who started
searching DACA. I didn’t want to, but she pushed me into the whole process, and I did it.
My mom hears information and tells me, then I confirm by researching online.
Stephanie remembered her mom would often get her “information” from Spanish radio and
television and “always had things” for Stephanie to research. Stephanie was glad her mom
helped her because Stephanie did not feel she received the support from her school-based staff.
And while the help was limited given her mom’s limited knowledge, Stephanie’s mom opened
doors that school-based staff failed to open. Stephanie said, “I’m pretty much doing it all on my
own.” Due to the constant lack of support from her counselors and administrators Stephanie
realized she had to research federal programs on her own. Stephanie said, “no one really helps
undocumented students; you have to do it yourself.” With the help of her mom Stephanie was
able to research these federal programs and found a way to enroll in post-secondary education.
Christian’s experience was similar to Cathy and Stephanie when it came to positive
support he believed he received from his parents. Christian always felt his parents were very
supportive regarding his pursuit of educational opportunities. Christian was unique from the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 185
other participants in that Christian’s dad was the only parent who took some classes at the
college level in Guatemala. Christian’s dad served as a role model for Christian to continue his
pursuit of post-secondary education even though Christian’s dad did not graduate from college.
Christian’s dad always encouraged Christian to put education first, Christian recalled, “that’s
something my dad always used to emphasize because back home he was an accountant. He
didn’t get to graduate because he had to work to help his family.” Christian believed his dad did
not want him to make the same “mistake” he did. Initially Christian felt his parents believed a
high school diploma was good enough because they were concerned about the financial aspect of
paying for college. However, once his family realized Christian qualified for AB 540 they began
to encourage him to pursue post-secondary education. The support Cathy, Stephanie and
Christian received from their parents was similar to the findings from Enriquez (2011) study
where the participants revealed their educational success was attributed to the expectations of
their parents. Parents played an important role in providing encouragement, motivation and
concern for challenges the students may have encountered. The participants in my study had a
similar experience to the participants in Enriquez (2011) study where they attributed their
educational persistence to the educational expectations of their parents.
The guidance and support the families gave the participants was especially important for
the students when it came to information they received regarding the DREAM Act and/or DACA
applications. The support from family was useful because the participants did not believe they
received the help they needed from their school-based staff. Most notably, Cathy, Stephanie,
Becky and Christian all reported they had immediate family members who “heard about these
programs,” such as the DREAM Act and/or DACA, and encouraged the participants to research
them. Even though these family members did not know the specifics of these programs they
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 186
passed on the limited information they had with the hopes the participants could go to their high
schools and receive additional help. All the participants in my study said their parents always
provided some type of emotional and moral support. Cathy and Stephanie were grateful their
moms encouraged them to research federal programs as well as offered assistance and guidance
along the way.
In addition to the help parents provided, according to the data, siblings also provided
forms of positive support for the participants especially in terms of emotional and moral support.
Four out of the six students reported that they felt their siblings provided positive types of
support and guidance (17 instances). The other two participants, Ricardo and Stephanie, were the
oldest in their families and, as such, received limited support from their siblings. Their siblings
were too young to understand the important role post-secondary education has on future
opportunities. Although the students were grateful they received guidance from their siblings, a
challenge was most of participant’s siblings never attended college. Enriquez (2011) found that
some undocumented students were able to obtain informational resources from peers, as well as
other undocumented students, which helped them achieve their pursuit of educational
opportunities. The guidance and support siblings offered was a form of “undocumented-specific
institutional knowledge” this is a type of support offered by others in the form of
“patchworking,” which is gathering information from various individuals and piecing it together
to help pursue goals (Enriquez, 2011).
Although the participants’ siblings had limited knowledge of the college application
process and the requirements of federal programs, they still tried to help as much as they could.
For example, Cathy’s older sister graduated from high school a few years before Cathy, but she
chose not to continue her education and decided not to enroll in a post-secondary institution.
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Stephanie, Javier, Ricardo and Christian were the first in their family to enroll and attend a 4-
year university in the United States. As such, while the participants received some sort of support
from siblings, for the most part, the support was limited given what the siblings themselves
knew. Becky was the only participant whose sister Nancy (pseudonym) was enrolled in a CSU at
the time of the study and based on Nancy’s high school and post-secondary experiences she
constantly offered advice and guidance to Becky.
In one example, Nancy helped her sister overcome a personal challenge related to cultural
norms. Becky was raised in a traditional Mexican family and her dad originally did not want
Becky or her sister to pursue post-secondary education because they “are girls.” Becky said, “he
[my dad] wasn’t ok with it [college] at the beginning...It wasn't ‘til my sister. She came to
college and my dad knew we wanted to continue our education.” There were a few times Becky
remembered her dad discouraged post-secondary education primarily due to the financial cost.
My sister because of her, she's just like “I'm just going to do it”…she was like, “oh I'm
going to Cal State.” My dad said “what do you mean, we don't have money.” And by
then the DREAM Act, was still pending. So my sister said, “I have no idea how I'm going
to do it, but I'm just gonna give it a try.”
When Becky saw her sister was motivated to pursue post-secondary education despite the
financial challenges, Becky decided she wanted to so the same thing. Becky said, “At the
beginning, I had really bad grades in high school. During my junior year, she [my sister] pushed
me. She was like, ‘you know what, I think you can do it if you really, bring up your grades.’”
Becky said because of her sister the idea of going to college became acceptable in her family,
and her dad came to accept his daughters attending college. Once Becky’s dad was ok with her
enrolling in college Becky decided to work hard in high school with the hopes that she will one
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day be accepted into a 4-year university. In other words, Becky’s family members provided
various forms of social capital such as being role models, advocating for her and providing
emotional and moral support. These forms of social capital helped her find solutions to some of
the “personal” and “financial” challenges that were described in the conceptual framework.
Becky’s sister being a good role model was opposite of the findings in Abrego’s (2006)
study where she found older siblings were not able to access and successfully complete their
post-secondary goals. In Abrego’s (2006) study she found when older siblings had good grades,
and worked hard in high school they were unable to access post-secondary institutions in part for
financial reasons. Those negative experiences impacted their younger undocumented siblings
pursuit of post-secondary education. This was not the case for Becky because Becky’s sister
Nancy did not let money be the only reason she was not going to enroll in college.
When Becky finally decided she wanted to enroll in a post-secondary institution her dad
tried to convince her to enroll in a community college. Becky said, “my dad actually told me just
go to a community college and transfer. [My dad said] ‘I know this advisor at a community
college and she might help you with everything.’” Becky began to doubt her ability to enroll in a
4-year post-secondary institution and thought maybe her dad was right. However, Becky’s sister
kept pushing Becky to apply to a 4-year university. Becky said, “My sister was like, ‘no just go
to CSU.’ She [my sister] was like ‘it's just gonna be faster for you to graduate. You won't get lost
on the way.’ I knew a lot of students got lost at a community college.” While her father’s
suggestion was perhaps meant to provide her support while in community college, Becky felt her
sister genuinely cared about her future educational opportunities and believed a 4-year university
was the best option for her. Becky’s sister, Nancy, was always influential in the decisions Becky
has made. Nancy, too, faced many challenges but she still encouraged and guided Becky towards
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post-secondary education. Becky said, “I think she's [my sister] gone through a lot of no's. And
she just tells me, ‘you are going to go through a lot of bad things but if you try hard you will do
it.’” Becky believed her sister has guided her as much as she could but the responsibility to
continue her pursuit of post-secondary education ultimately does fall on Becky.
In a slightly different way, Javier’s sibling also encouraged him to pursue post-secondary
education. In Javier’s case the support he received from his brother was in the form of
encouragement especially when it came to ensuring Javier “makes good choices,” and not repeat
the same mistakes he made. Javier and his brother were close when they were younger, however
Javier’s brother dropped out of high school and began to hang out with “bad people” and got into
a lot of trouble. Javier remembered,
My brother didn’t like school. He was doing some illegal stuff, but was making a lot of
money. He [my brother] didn’t see the point of going to school. He got himself into
trouble, bad friends and bad people. He kept me away from it. I think cause he knew I
was smart and didn’t want me to get in trouble.
By keeping Javier away from “trouble,” Javier’s brother supported his journey to post-secondary
education. So while he was not a role model, he served as a model of what not to do.
Javier understood why his brother kept him away from the things he did, but he felt sad,
because he no longer had a relationship with his brother. Javier said, “I don’t see my brother
anymore, I don’t know where he is. It’s sad, but I know why he did it. I seen a lot of bad stuff he
did and I know he was just helping me.” Javier is grateful his brother protected him, and knows
if he followed his brother’s path he would not be where he is today. In essence, by discouraging
him from taking his path, Javier’s brother encouraged him to take the opposite path, namely
toward post-secondary education.
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Christian’s experience was similar to Javier’s in that Christian’s brother was “looking
out” for him. Christian’s brother dropped out of high school and he does not plan on attending
college. Christian is the first in his family to enroll in and attend a 4-year university in the United
States. Christian understood he would face challenges when it came to his pursuit of post-
secondary education and was glad his brother was there to support him. Christian said, “my
brother is the one that pushed me. He told me ‘you have to find out what you can do to go to
college.’” Although Christian’s brother did not attend college he was the first one to notify
Christian about AB 540. Christian said, “he [my brother] was the first one who knew about it
[AB 540]. He told me ‘you should find out something about AB 540, because I think you qualify
for it.’ He was right, I qualified for AB 540.” Christian believed one of the reasons his brother
encouraged Christian to pursue post-secondary education was because he does not have a college
degree. Christian said, “My brother had jobs where he was exploited…he had really hard jobs, he
told me, ‘you have to go to college, man.’” Christian’s brother was his biggest supporter and
pushed him to stay motivated, to work hard, and continue to pursue his post-secondary
education.
The participants said when it came to support from sources outside of school their parents
and siblings were the most instrumental. Five of the six participants reported throughout high
school and even today their parents and siblings constantly provide moral and emotional support.
However, some of the students in my study also reported they received additional positive
support and guidance from extended family members. Three out of the six participants said their
extended family members such as aunts, uncles and cousins also provided extra forms of
guidance and support that ultimately helped them access post-secondary education. Ricardo,
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Cathy and Christian all shared stories where they thought their cousins provided positive support
and guidance to help them achieve their post-secondary goals.
Ricardo remembered that his extended family supported education when he said “I had
cousins, that were my age and some of them are older. Everyone said ‘make the kids go to
school.’ We all go to the same school so we [my cousins] had support for each other, help each
other…yeah my cousins helped me.” Ricardo was thankful he had his cousins around to support
him at school. Cathy also had the support of her cousins especially the cousins who had already
attended college. Some of Cathy’s cousins lived in the United States a lot longer then she had,
and her cousins were able to attend college. Since her cousins had prior experiences with college
they were able to guide Cathy when it came to her college applications. Cathy recalled, “They
[my cousins] helped out a little bit. They were like, ‘When you fill out applications, you should
do this. You should do this, do that.’” Not only did Cathy’s cousins help her with her
applications, Cathy also realized she saw her cousins as motivation. Cathy said, “I know they
[my cousins] had done it [gone to college], its like, if they did it. I can do it.” As such, Cathy’s
cousins provided “institutional support” in the form of providing informational resources, advice,
motivation and indirectly as role models for Cathy to continue her pursuit of post-secondary
education.
Another example of cousins providing support was Christian. Christian reported not only
did his cousin support him; his cousin also motivated him to continue his pursuit of post-
secondary education. Christian had a cousin who arrived in the United States from Guatemala
and was able to successfully enroll in a post-secondary institution. Christian said, “My cousin, he
was a doctor over there in Guatemala. He got his residency and citizenship. He started to come
here to go to school and he graduated. He just graduated two years ago, he’s already a doctor
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 192
here.” Christian said not only did his cousin motivate him to pursue his post-secondary education
his cousin also provided Christian with guidance and advice.
Overall the students in my study relied heavily on support from family, however Becky
was the only participant who recalled a negative example when her aunt discouraged her brother
from pursuing his educational goals. Becky’s brother dropped out of high school during his
sophomore year because his aunt told him, “Undocumented students couldn't go to college. You
don't have a social security so you can’t get a job. Why go to college if you can’t work?” As
Becky reflected on this experience she was sad, and said, “I feel like that's the reason my brother
dropped out of school ‘cause what my aunt said.” Although Becky was younger during this
experience she always worried her aunt was right and she would not be able to attend a 4-year
university. Becky said, “because of my aunt my brother dropped out of school, he didn't know
better. He could’ve gone to college. It’s not all my aunt’s fault. I don't just blame her she didn't
know. Nobody knew it was possible.” Becky realized she had two paths she could take either
drop out of school like her brother or go to college like her sister. Now that Becky is attending a
CSU she uses her aunt’s negative comments as motivation. Becky said,
My aunt didn't know any better but I want to prove people that you can do anything if
you really want to. I want to prove to her I can do it. It [her comments] definitely pushed
me to work harder to get things done.
Although Becky’s example is an atypical case she still used this experience as a way to try and
overcome the “personal” and “financial” challenges described in the conceptual framework.
All the participants in my study credited their family members for helping them
successfully apply and enroll into post-secondary institutions. Researchers found that family
members tried to be involved as much as they could in their children’s pursuit of post-secondary
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 193
education even when they were unsure of the process (Abrego, 2006; Muñoz, 2008). Family
members at times participate in “patchworking” by trying to offer as much as much support as
they could in terms of informational resources, advocacy, and guidance (Enriquez, 2011; Muñoz,
2008). Four out of the six students in my study appreciated the support and guidance their family
members gave them. Given the limited ways in which family members could support these
undocumented students, they still knew they needed additional support and guidance from
sources outside the home.
Positive Support From Community Organizations
Although the students were able to receive emotional and moral support from family
members there were still some aspects of the college process with which they needed help. Five
of the six participants in my study were the first in their immediate family to apply and enroll
into a 4-year university in the United States and were unsure of the process. The participants in
my study soon realized if their high schools were not going to provide guidance and support they
would have to find support elsewhere including community outreach programs.
At an early age both Stephanie and Cathy remembered attending after school programs
where they were able to interact with other students and brush up on the English Language.
Cathy said, “There was an after school program it wasn’t a learning thing. It was just because
your parent couldn’t pick you up. They had games and stuff. That’s part of it [learning English].”
While she coincidentally “fell” into this program, Cathy realized she had the opportunity to
receive help from people outside the family. Stephanie too was part of an after school program
where she not only practiced her English she also practiced reading English. Stephanie said, “I
was in this program called A Place for All Kids (pseudonym) most public school have it
afterschool program for kids to do their homework and play after. My parents usually didn’t pick
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 194
me up until 5:30. I learned a lot in the program.” At the time Cathy and Stephanie did not realize
the important impact after school programs were going to have on their future educational goals.
While these after school programs were meant to keep the students until their parents
could come and pick them up, both Stephanie and Cathy remembered learning a lot from them.
Learning a lot from these organizations was a theme when it came to college access programs in
later, high school years. Three out of the six participants in my study joined or participated in
summer community organizations, which gave them the opportunity to learn about, experience,
and receive guidance regarding enrollment into a 4-year institution. Stephanie, Ricardo, and
Cathy all heard about these community outreach organizations from their middle and high
schools, but none of the participants believed their schools actually provided “guidance” other
then informing them about program deadlines. As such, the study participants did not credit their
schools and/or school staff for creating a bridge between the student and the organizations that
ultimately played a role in their pursuit of post-secondary education. As Ricardo said, “they [my
school] told us about the program but I had to do all the work on my own.” All three students
who were part of these summer programs felt the school did not do much in terms of providing
help. The participants felt that just because the school “let them know” about an opportunity it
did not mean their school was “helpful.” Stephanie said, “my school didn't help me, they told me
about the program but that's it. I didn't get help.” The students in my study still had to follow
through with completing the application (on their own), obtain teacher recommendations and
dedicate the time to be an active member of the programs. Stephanie, Ricardo and Cathy all
joined summer programs that offered the “college experience” and allowed the students an
opportunity to visit/live on college campuses to get an “idea of what college life was like.” All
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three participates believed enrollment in these summer programs led to their decision to enroll in
post-secondary education.
Stephanie was one of the participants who, as the reader might remember, felt strongly
about the fact that she did not receive support or guidance from her high school. However,
during her freshmen year Stephanie found out about a summer program called ABC College
Academy (pseudonym) that gave students an opportunity to live on a college campus for two
weeks during the summer to “experience college life.” Stephanie was never personally told about
this summer program from a counselor. Rather, she happened to accidentally walk in on an
informational meeting regarding the program. During this meeting the counselor was explaining
the program to other students and Stephanie found out if she got accepted into the program she
would be invited to participate in various events during the remainder of her high school years.
With no help from her high school counselors Stephanie applied and was accepted into ABC
College Academy. Stephanie said,
I applied and I got in on my own. So I did the ABC Summer Academy and I missed the
last two weeks of my freshmen year of high school…I was involved with them [ABC
College Academy] the rest of my high school years and they [ABC College Academy]
started pushing college.
Up until this point Stephanie had not seriously considered post-secondary education, because she
felt she received no guidance or motivation to do so from her high school. Once Stephanie joined
the ABC College Academy she considered her college options. Stephanie said, “You know I
didn’t think of college when I applied. I just wanted to go and live somewhere else for two
weeks.” Through ABC College Academy, Stephanie learned about the importance of going to
college, attended workshops and learned how to network with other community organizations.
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Stephanie said, “I didn’t really consider college until I was in 10
th
grade because of
program [ABC College Academy]. They made us take the ACT prep and I did good, so I guess I
could actually go somewhere. So I started thinking about college.” Only after Stephanie joined
ABC College Academy did she start to think post-secondary education was a possibility.
Stephanie said, “I had good grades throughout my academics I knew if I didn’t go to college it
wasn’t going to be because of my grades. I was doing pretty good in school, I knew I could do
it…my only concern was money.” Prior to ABC College Academy Stephanie was unaware she
did not qualify for FAFSA. Stephanie applied to over 13 colleges including out of state schools,
she remembered,
I got into most colleges I applied. Then I realized, I didn’t know if you went out of state
you didn’t get the Cal Grant. I didn’t know we didn’t qualify for FAFSA until the
Academy told us. We had a workshop and I was told I didn’t get FAFSA.
Stephanie was disappointed to find out she did not qualify for federal financial assistance,
however, the staff at ABC College Academy encouraged her not to give up on her dream of
pursuing post-secondary education.
Stephanie was offered various scholarships from private colleges but those scholarships
and the Cal Grants would not cover the cost of tuition. Stephanie really considered attending one
of those private colleges, but she knew she could not afford the tuition. She recalled a
conversation with one of the representatives from ABC College Academy to try and understand
the financial options she had to allow her to enroll in this private college. Stephanie said,
I talked to the lady and she said “unless this school was your dream school you would
have to get a loan from the bank. The banks needs a US citizen to sign off on the loan, in
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 197
case you don’t pay if off that person would be responsible.” I knew I didn’t have that and
I knew I couldn’t pay. I decided to go to a college I could afford, a CSU.
Although Stephanie was disappointed she could not afford the private college, she was grateful
someone took the time to explain her options to her and encouraged her to attend a more
affordable college. This guidance was productive and allowed Stephanie to entertain her options,
ultimately providing her with ones that, although not her first choice, were viable 4-year options.
As a member of ABC College Academy, Stephanie was able to learn about the college
process as well as community outreach organizations that provided guidance and assistance,
specifically for undocumented students. As mentioned earlier Stephanie’s mom was the first to
tell her daughter about DACA and through the ABC College Academy Stephanie found another
organization called United with Hopes Organization (pseudonym), which provided
undocumented students with up to date information regarding federal and state programs. In
other words, ABC College Academy served as a bridge to yet another organization that had a
specific mission of assisting undocumented students like Stephanie. Stephanie remembered, “I
signed up with them [United with Hopes] and they have webinars, send emails, they have videos
and seminars you can send questions via twitter.” Stephanie began to see there were specific
community organizations that were available to help undocumented students, and soon realized
she was not alone. Stephanie was finally able to get the assistance she needed when it came to
her DACA application: “Because of United with Hopes I was able to do the DACA application
on my own I didn’t have to pay $2,000 lawyer fee, everything is free online. You just have to
know how to do it and what you’re doing.” In other words, United with Hopes provided the
social capital that ultimately enabled Stephanie to mitigate the challenges associated with lack of
access to information and financial issues, which is also represented in the conceptual framework
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 198
that guided this study. As Stephanie reflected on her experience with ABC College Academy she
was happy they helped her pursue her dreams of pursuing post-secondary education and in part
she credited them for guiding her Stephanie said, “they helped me, but I did it. I worked hard, I
got good grades.” So ultimately, as was common among the student participants in this study,
they were the ones who had the determination and drive to work hard in their pursuit of their
educational goals. It was their perseverance and hard work that moved them forward. Stephanie
building support relationships with an outside community organization helped her realize she did
have postsecondary options. Stephanie’s experience was similar to what Holland (2010) found
which discussed the importance of students building strong “informal networks” such as
community organizations. Holland (2010) found that students valued the motivational support,
encouragement and tangible college preparatory resources they were given. Stephanie was able
to receive social capital from this community and organization, which helped her pursue her
post-secondary goals. The summer academy simply opened Stephanie eyes to the possibilities
that were out there, and allowed her to see that college was, in fact an option.
Ricardo came to the same realization when he was accepted into a summer outreach
program, which provided him the opportunity to live up north and “experience college life,” as
well as learn more about his culture. At this point Ricardo had not really considered his college
options until he had the opportunity to join Latino Leadership Program (pseudonym) a
community outreach organization that invited members to live on a college campus during the
summer to “get the college experience.” Ricardo remembered, “my teacher just told the class
about the Latino Leadership program where you can live on a college campus in Sacramento for
a week, to learn about college, politics and my culture.” Initially Ricardo had the same feeling as
Stephanie that he wanted to get out of the Los Angeles area and live “somewhere else” for a few
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 199
weeks during the summer. Ricardo did not realize the impact the Latino Leadership Program
would have on his future educational goals. When Ricardo applied to this program he was not
sure what to expect, but he soon realized the application process was a lot of work. Once Ricardo
realized how much work he put into completing the application he realized he really wanted to
be accepted into the summer program. Ricardo said, “I never been to Sacramento. I did three
essays and got a letter of recommendation. That was the first time I actually put effort. The
deadline was approaching and they [my teachers] told me about it really late…I almost missed
the deadline.” Ricardo was anxious to hear if he got accepted into the program, especially
because the more he learned about the Latino Leadership Program the more he knew it would be
a good opportunity to not only learn about college but to learn about his culture.
When Ricardo finally heard he was accepted into the summer program and had the
opportunity to live on a college campus in Sacramento for a week he realized “there’s so much
out there.” For example, through the program, he learned about colleges and careers, he learned
more about politics and his culture and perhaps most importantly, the program helped Ricardo
realize college was an option. Ricardo said, “I think right there was when I got the college
experience. I learned so much about my culture, college careers and political issues.” Prior to this
program Ricardo was not involved in political issues and had never traveled outside the Los
Angeles area. After his trip to Sacramento, Ricardo began to pay attention to politics and some of
the issues that impacted undocumented students. As Ricardo reflected on his Sacramento
experience he realized he could act as a human bridge for other undocumented students and not
only advocate for himself but to advocate for others. Ricardo said, “I know there are other
undocumented students like me and I want to help them like they helped me.” Ricardo believed
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the opportunity to be apart of the Latino Leadership program impacted his life and his future
educational goals.
Part of the Leadership program the students were encouraged to attend workshop where
volunteers and mentors shared their own personal educational experiences. While in Sacramento
Ricardo met a volunteer with the Latino Leadership program who saw his potential and ability,
and encouraged him to pursue college. Ricardo remembered,
I met this guy. He told me “I like your attitude you have passion.” I told him just ‘cause I
live in a bad area doesn't mean we are all bad. There’s more people like myself that want
better for themselves and want to go to college one way or another.
Ricardo was “really touched” by the support and encouragement he received from the volunteers
at the Latino Leadership Program. As Ricardo’s summer program came to an end he realized
how much he wanted to pursue post-secondary education, and learned his undocumented status
should not prevent him from striving to enroll in college. Ricardo said, “I don't know man just
being around so many people like me who wanted to go to college and wanted to help each other
I felt good. I felt really good. I knew if they could do it I could do it. I was motivated.” Ricardo
felt being apart of this leadership program was instrumental in his pursuit of post-secondary
education, and helped him grow.
Ricardo believed living in a poor neighborhood and going to a high school “in a bad
area,” people are going to always judge and stereotype him as “a bad person,” but after
participating in the Leadership program he soon realized he has the power to change. Ricardo
said, “I think that program made me think like I need to go to college, if I don't, people are going
to keep stereotyping me. Even though you’re from another country or whatever your situation
it’s possible to do it.” As Ricardo reflected on his summer experience he realized how far he has
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 201
come since his sophomore year of high school. Ricardo said, “It just takes dedication and hope.
Now that I’m actually where I planned to be, now I see myself, I’m kind of more wiser, and I’m
thinking like I feel grown already even though I know I’m not.” Ricardo’s comment that it “just
takes dedication and hope” aligns with the earlier interpretation of Stephanie’s perspective that
while the community program opened doors, it was up to the students to walk through and seize
the opportunity. The Latino Leadership program allowed Ricardo the opportunity to realize that
he did have options when it came to enrolling in college. During one of the workshops Ricardo
met an undocumented student who was now a volunteer with the program who recently
graduated with his Bachelor’s degree. Ricardo remembered this volunteer motivated and
encouraged Ricardo to research colleges that cater to undocumented students. The volunteer said,
“If I can do it, you can do it.” This Leadership Program was the first step to Ricardo’s pursuit of
post-secondary education, and the encouragement he needed to reach his future educational
goals.
Just like Stephanie once Ricardo realized college was an option his main concern was
how was he was going to pay for college. Through the Latino Leadership program Ricardo found
out he did not qualify for FAFSA but, he also learned there were other options to pay for college.
As part of the Latino Leadership program the participants attended workshops. During one of
those workshops Ricardo found out about the DREAM Act and scholarships specifically for
undocumented students. Ricardo said,
When I found out I wasn’t going to get FAFSA it motivated me more. It’s like all right. If
I can’t go through the government then I’m going to apply for scholarships and see if I
can try to get one or at least two of them…At least I got the DREAM Act.
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Ricardo had a positive attitude and believed “a good attitude was necessary to go after what you
want,” he too agreed with Stephanie that he worked hard to get where he is and that much of the
success should be attributed to individual “dedication and hope.”
The third and final participant who credited a summer program for helping to make her
journey to college more attainable was Cathy. Cathy was unique in that she joined Get Ready
(pseudonym) during junior high, much earlier than both Stephanie and Ricardo. This program
was a six-year program that followed students from junior high through high school. Cathy got
involved with this organization the summer before her 8
th
grade year because of the summer
activities Get Ready offered. Cathy does not remember how she got involved with the program
nor does she remember how she heard about the program. She remembered she joined the
summer program because it was going to be “fun.” Cathy recalled, “At first it was just like fun,
they take you on field trips. Every summer we would do classes at [a local CSU]. It would just
be like they would provide transportation and everything. It was very easy, very accessible and it
was free.” Cathy liked visiting college campuses and began to think, “College is so cool.” Cathy
was not sure how her junior high became involved with this program, but she remembered Get
Ready had offices and advisors on her high school campus that worked with the students through
their high school years. Cathy said, “It was set up in my school. I think it’s like an organization
on its own but they go to different schools and like, it’s a six-year thing. They follow you. They
follow the same group of students throughout. I was lucky enough to join.” Cathy remembered
Get Ready had “advisors” you turned to for questions about college, guidance and support. Cathy
became an advocate for herself with the help of Get Ready, “everything that was pretty much
college-related was done through Get Ready. If you wanted college information, it was more like
you had to go get it from your advisor. It was available, but you had to go get it.” The services
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offered by Get Ready became a social network for Cathy where she was able to connect with
them and they in turn were able to offer guidance, assistance and services. This is an example of
Coleman’s (1988) concept of reciprocity; that social capital could only be transmitted in social
relations and can only occur as a result of interaction with others. Cathy soon realized that
having the constant support and guidance from Get Ready made her pursuit of post-secondary
education a little bit easier even though it was ultimately up to her to go and obtain the necessary
information and/or support.
While Cathy was a member of this organization she had an advisor who helped her along
the way, and she remembered this organization was what got her excited about college. “Yeah. It
got me pumped! It’s Cal State it’s so cool. College is so cool.” It was after Cathy saw college as
“cool” that the harsh reality of how she was would pay for college started to set in, and Cathy
began to doubt her options. Cathy believed, “I can’t do university, I don't know. I don’t have
money, so community college it is.” Cathy decided she would attend community college because
it was more financially attainable. Cathy soon developed a relationship with one of the Get
Ready advisors, and felt comfortable going to her for help including support regarding financing
her post-secondary education. Cathy would often go to the Get Ready center for guidance and
suggestions. She remembered,
[At my high school] there was a center, a career center, and they had a desk for Get
Ready. People would go in for advising, or to just talk to the advisor. She [my advisor]
was with us for those few years so we were all really close to her. We all loved her.
Cathy felt the one thing missing from her high school was that she did not build relationships
with school staff like she had with her Get Ready advisor. She thought maybe because the
advisor was with her for so many years and showed her “what’s out there,” she had a closer
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 204
connection to her. Again, what an outside organization was able to offer Cathy, the school staff
members were not able to.
Cathy reflected on her participation with the summer program and said it influenced not
only her decision to enroll in post-secondary education; it also influenced her decision to become
a Biology major in college. Cathy said,
Part of the program like I said, every summer it would be a different focus. I know that
trip, that influenced me a lot was the trip to Catalina and San Diego Zoo Safari Park. The
Catalina trip where I decided my fate. We went to Catalina Island and that’s when I
knew. I was like; this is what I want to do. It was very influential for me to go to those
summer programs.
Cathy smiled as she remembered the impact that trip to Catalina had on her. Because of that trip
Cathy decided she wanted to be a Biology major and credited Get Ready’s summer program. Just
like Stephanie and Ricardo, Cathy credited the summer program for helping her become aware
of the opportunities she had, but she also felt she worked hard for it. Cathy said, “They [Get
Ready advisors] gave me guidance, I don’t think it was because of them. I feel like I still would
have gone to college but maybe I would be at the community college…just a different track.” In
other words, there was something about Cathy herself and her own determination to pursue post-
secondary education that made her journey possible, but that Get Ready helped to push and guide
her, to provide her with options she alone did not know about, and to ultimately mitigate the
challenges that stood in her way to a 4-year institution. This individual drive, too, was what
made Cathy feel like she was able to work hard to reach her goal of post-secondary education
even without the support and encouragement of her high school.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 205
While Stephanie, Ricardo and Cathy all spoke about summer outreach programs that
supported their pursuit of post-secondary education, there were yet other kinds of involvement in
community organizations that served a similar purpose. Christian, for example, was another
student in my study who relied on outside community support. Although he did not join any
summer outreach programs Christian and his friends attended workshops and received guidance
from outside organizations, which ultimately played a role in helping him enroll in college.
Christian said, “I was taking this class AVID. It was a class for college. It was for seniors only.
They told me about a workshop called, How to go to College for Undocumented People and
DREAM Act.” At this point Christian was unsure about the DREAM Act and who “Dreamers
2
”
were, but he wanted to go to the workshop to “see what it’s all about.” Although Christian heard
about the workshops from his high school it was ultimately up to Christian to follow through and
attend/participate in the community workshops. You will recall Christian was one of the
participants in my study who had an overall positive outlook regarding his educational
experiences including the help he believed he received from his school-based staff. Christian
believed he “was lucky,” and knew being part of AVID he was going to be provided more
resources and help compared to those students who were not part of AVID. Christian had friends
who were not part of AVID and he said, “I think they helped me ‘cause I was part of AVID, my
friends weren’t in AVID they didn’t get all the help I got.” Christian was grateful he was part of
AVID and was happy he and his friends learned about the community workshops. AVID
“bridged” Christian with community organizations that provide guidance and support to
undocumented students.

2
According to the Anti-Defamation League “Dreamers” is used to describe young undocumented
immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children, who have lived and gone to school here and who in
many cases identify as American.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 206
Prior to the workshop Christian did not know how he would pay for college. After
Christian attended one of the workshops he had the opportunity to ask questions, and as a result,
he learned about financial opportunities that were available for undocumented students.
Christian’s initial purpose for attending the workshop was to see if he could get into college and
how he would pay for it. Christian said, “I went to the workshop to see what universities I could
place. Where I was going to be accepted…I wanted to know where [college] I can go. Where I
could have gone…that workshop really changed my life.” Christian began to investigate college
options, opportunities and resources available specifically for undocumented students. Thanks to
this community workshop Christian was able to get advice from financial aid representatives,
college counselors, and learned about scholarship opportunities. Due to this workshop Christian
had the motivation and drive that he was going to college, “Once the workshop happened I knew
that I was going to go to college. I was going to do everything. That workshop gave me a lot of
motivation.” In other words, the workshop was just the push Christian needed to begin exploring
his post-secondary options.
Christian worked hard in school and believed the only thing that prevented him from
enrolling in college was the financial challenge of doing so. Christian said, “I have the grades. I
have the motivation, even though I don’t speak English like my classmates do, I know I can do
it. I was getting good grades.” Christian knew he was a good student and would often times get
“upset” because he thought it was unfair that the only thing that stood in his way of going to
college was the financial challenge. Being undocumented Christian and his parents knew they
would not be able to pay for college. Although Christian attended a low SES school and not all
his peers had the financial means to afford college tuition, he knew unlike his documented peers
he did not qualify for FAFSA and/or loans. But Christian was determined to find a way. At the
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 207
workshop Christian learned about financial opportunities for undocumented students. Christian
remembered, “I went to the workshop and the lady there she explained everything about the
DREAM Act, The Cal Grant A, Cal Grant B, who can apply, and I saw that I was eligible.” Once
Christian learned about the financial opportunities he qualified for he knew he had the chance to
enroll in a 4-year university. Christian said, “that really got me excited. I was like wow I could
go to college.” After learning about the financial assistance for which he qualified, he realized he
needed additional help now that he was “actually going to get to college.” After the financial aid
presentation Christian spoke to the presenter and asked for help.
Christian recalled, “when the lady finished explaining all of it, I went in line to talk to the
lady. I told her I really need some help to apply for everything she told me about. She was so
helpful. She gave me the card. I think it is called CS2, College Squared (pseudonym).”
Consistent with the theme above, while the workshop opened doors for Christian, he had to
become an advocate for himself by reaching out for more help once he realized college was in
his grasp. He diligently pursued information from different people in order to mitigate the
financial challenge that stood before him. The reader will recall the three challenges described in
the conceptual framework that undocumented students might encounter that could impact their
opportunity to enroll in post-secondary institutions. They are “personal” (i.e., undocumented
status, fear, anxiety, shame) “financial” (i.e., ineligible to receive federal financial assistance, no
SS#) and “school-based” (i.e., limited access to resources). The workshops provided Christian
the social capital to overcome the financial challenge and to allow him to access post-secondary
education.
In addition to finding a solution to his financial challenge, Christian found out about
other organizations set up specifically to help undocumented students. Christian said, “The lady
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 208
told me that she has a program, The Helper’s Program (pseudonym) it was just for
undocumented people. Even though they charge people, they weren’t going to charge me
because I was looking into it.” Christian was now more determined than ever to go to college. He
made an appointment with the Helper’s Program and spoke to college counselors who helped
him, “They [counselors] told me that my grades were good, they helped me with my personal
statement.” Christian believed he received institutional support (i.e., bridging, advocacy,
guidance) from attending the outside workshops which helped him pursue his post-secondary
goals by serving as bridges to yet other organizations whose mission was to support students like
Christian. In the previous section where students provided examples of the positive support they
received from school-based staff Christian was one of two participants who had a positive
outlook on life and believed his school-base staff did play a positive role in helping him access
post-secondary opportunities including information about community organizations. The
guidance and support Christian received from his school-based staff and community
organizations only reinforced Christian’s positive outlook on life and that nothing will stand in
his way in reaching his post-secondary goals.
Even though four out of the six participants did seek out support from outside sources all
four of the students initially heard about these outside organizations from school-based staff. The
school-based staff did provided institutional support through bridging the students with these
community originations by informing them of their availability. However, with the exception of
Christian, the students did not credit the school-based staff as instrumental in helping them
successfully connect with these organizations. To be fair the teachers and counselors did make
announcements and discussed the opportunities, but the students felt that they had to advocate
for themselves to seek out the support. The students completed the applications, completed essay
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 209
questions, got letters of recommendations, attended workshops and participated in the summer
outreach programs. Although schools did play a small role in providing information to the
students in my study, the schools did not directly tell them, guide them, push them or support
them to connect to those organizations.
Based on the data collected family members, both immediate and extended, and
community organizations were influential in helping students access college, especially when it
came to specific questions about federal/state programs, applications and financial aid
opportunities. Four out of the six participates turned to community organizations to help them
pursue their post-secondary goals. Additionally, another form of support the students in my study
described as instrumental was support from friends, especially undocumented friends. It is
noteworthy the students in my study believed the support they received from their friends were
primarily moral and emotional support. The support the participant’s friends provided is a form
of “patchworking” which Enriquez (2011) described gathering information from various
individuals and piecing it together to help pursue goals. Five out of the six students did not think
their “friends really knew what to do,” when it came to applications but believed it was
important to have their friends around for moral and emotional support
Positive Support From Peers
During the interviews, study participants spoke of the positive support they received from
friends in helping them pursue post-secondary education (36 instances). While some students
mentioned instances where peers made fun of students who wanted to pursue college as “too
smart” or “teacher’s pet,” for the most part, friends played an important role in the lives of study
participants, and especially as it related to supporting undocumented students in their pursuit of
post-secondary education. All six students in my study at one time or another turned to their
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 210
friends for guidance, encouragement, and emotional and moral support. Cathy believed her
group of friends helped motivate each other to work hard and continue their pursuit of their post-
secondary education. Cathy had three close friends throughout high school who constantly
provided support for each other. Cathy said, “We had each other as far as friends. I was always
part of those groups of people who were very goal-oriented. We were like, ‘College, let’s do it!’”
Cathy smiled and proudly said “all us went to different 4-year colleges. Yeah! We are all at
CSUs.” Cathy believed it was helpful to have her friends around, because they were all
struggling with the same challenges regarding their transition to college. Cathy said,
I had to get myself into the mindset of knowing that I could do it. Believing in myself,
not just academically but with my status and everything. My friends were great. Just
knowing that it’s going to be hard but it’s going to feel better in the end.
Cathy felt that extra encouragement from her friends throughout high school and even today
made the process of completing her post-secondary education attainable. Researchers have found
in the absence of institutional agent support peer groups become a strong support system
empowering undocumented students by providing resources, information and emotional and
moral support (Hallett, 2013) Although Cathy’s friends were documented and Cathy did not
share her undocumented status with many people at her high school she did feel comfortable
telling her friends. Cathy said, “I didn't tell people about my status, my friends knew, they were
good. They helped me when I doubted how I was going to pay for school. Even when I decided
community college ‘cause of money they [my friends] convinced me back to thinking about 4-
year universities.” As outlined in my conceptual framework “financial challenges” was one of
the challenges that undocumented students were concerned could limit their access to post-
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 211
secondary institutions. Cathy was happy her friends provided emotional and moral support when
Cathy struggled with the financial challenge of how she was going to pay for school.
Another participant who relied on his friends for support was Javier. Javier did not have a
close relationship with his family or his school-base staff. However, Javier developed a close
relationship with his friend Tim who helped guide, support and encourage Javier to pursue his
post-secondary options. Javier recalled,
Tim and I were talking one day and he said after he graduates he’s gonna join the army.
He asked what I was going to do. I told him get a job, get paid under the table. I don’t
know. I hadn’t really thought about what to do after I graduate. He [Tim] said “you got
good grades you should go to college.”
Looking back Javier thought this was the first time he remembered being pushed to go to
college. Javier said, “After Tim and me talked I went home and looked up CSU and UC schools
to see what they were.” Javier did not really talk to anyone about his future until Tim encouraged
Javier to explore his future educational opportunities. Tim’s support and guidance was similar to
what Hernandez (2000) found in his study: friends played an important role in providing support
and guidance. In his study he found that friends motivated each other to work hard and fulfill
their educational goals (Hernandez, 2000). The reader will recall in the conceptual framework
friends were part of the social networks that could provide undocumented students with social
capital to help them mitigate the challenges that could hinder their access to post-secondary
institutions. Tim looked beyond Javier’s status as undocumented, seeing only his good grades
and potential as the factors that should determine what one does after graduation. Similar to
study participants whose conversations with family and/or exposure to advisors in outreach
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 212
programs made them aware of their post-secondary options despite their immigration status, Tim
served as the conduit to Javier’s expansion of options.
Stephanie had a similar perspective as Javier regarding the support she received from her
friends and the impact it had on her educational opportunities. Stephanie had both documented
and undocumented friends, and although Stephanie’s friends knew she was undocumented, none
of them knew Stephanie’s undocumented status would be an issue when she applied to college.
Stephanie remembered,
Me and my friends went to a college faire, and I didn’t know being undocumented was
going to matter. We were freshmen and we were not really thinking about college we
were just hanging out. And one of my friends decided to talk to one of the representative
of the college and she started asking questions.
Stephanie was not sure why her friend, who was documented, decided to talk to the college
representative but as Stephanie reflected on this example she laughed because she remembered
after that day her friends began to talk “a little more about college.” Stephanie said, “After I went
to the ABC College Academy and the college fair, college was a thing. We talked about college,
and we [friends] pushed each other.” Stephanie and her friends provided moral and emotional
support for each other. It was important for the participants in my study to have friends they
could turn to, because studies suggest that peer groups can help students gain access to
information as well as provide emotional and moral support (Perez et al., 2009). Although her
friends were there to support her Stephanie found it difficult to rely on her friends for help
regarding federal/state applications, specifically the DACA application, because they, too, were
unaware of the policies that affect undocumented students. She said, “having undocumented
friends made things a little easier…they know how it feels. Undocumented students can’t really
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 213
help you with that [DACA] either so you’re just there for emotional support. You just know
you’re not alone.” One of the reasons Stephanie believed undocumented students could not help
each other with DACA was because the process is “confusing,” fear of “messing up federal
stuff,” and “legal stuff is scary.” Despite not being able to help with every step of the process,
the positive support and encouragement friends provided was appreciated especially when the
students in my study struggled to get the help they needed from school-based staff.
During the interviews students also reported examples of “patchworking.” In Chapter
Two I discussed the idea of “patchworking” which, Enriquez (2011) suggested are important
ways to help students achieve their goals. Patchworking occurred when undocumented students
who were unable to obtain support and guidance from their teachers and counselors, often times
turned to friends, including other undocumented students for support. Patchworking is a way for
students to gather information from various individuals and piece them together to help pursue
their educational goals.
The students in my study felt within their group of friends they all looked out for each
other and tried to help each other as much as they could, especially when it came to challenges
related to their undocumented status. This “looking out for each other” included piecing together
necessary information through patchworking. An example of patchworking occurred when
Stephanie was relying on her undocumented friends to gather information about post-secondary
education. Whenever Stephanie’s undocumented friends received information about scholarships
they passed that information on to each other. Stephanie said, “My friend went to a dreamer
resource center, they gave him scholarship information so I had someone talk to. My friend
asked them [people at resource center] my questions. My friends got lists of scholarships and
deadlines that they gave to me.” Stephanie was grateful her friends could ask questions on her
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 214
behalf, and always shared important information with her. In high school Stephanie struggled
with trying to find help. Stephanie promised herself she would help her undocumented friends as
much as she could. She has now become the person most of her undocumented friends turn to for
guidance, “I’m the one my friends go to for help. I’m doing most of the research regarding
federal programs on my own. My friends come to me and ask me. I have done their [my friends’]
DACA applications.” Stephanie is happy to help her friends but was a little frustrated because
she had to do all the “work by myself.” She is hoping that if she offered help to her friends they
could pass on help to other undocumented students.
Patchworking can be seen as a step towards developing positive social support (Enriquez,
2011). It was important for the students in my study to connect with other undocumented
students for the purpose “of helping each other.” Patchworking was also common with family
members. As I mentioned earlier in this chapter the participants had parents who provided
support and guidance, which helped them pursue their post-secondary goals. One example of
patchworking occurred with the help of Cathy’s mom.
Cathy’s mom helped her daughter connect with Lisa (pseudonym), another
undocumented student at Cathy’s high school, with the hopes they could provide additional
support and guidance for each other. Cathy’s mom became friends with Lisa’s parents and they
all worked together to help Cathy complete the paperwork for DACA. When the moms became
friends they learned that both their daughters were undocumented and decided to help each other
any way they could. Cathy said,
I’m sure it wasn’t the only other girl that was undocumented. I know there were more but
I personally only knew one other girl who was undocumented. We didn’t talk about it.
Then our parents found out. They talked to each other. We ended up, my mom and her
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 215
mom ended up helping each other a lot while we were doing the DACA. With the
paperwork and everything, her mom recommended the lawyer people and my mom went
to them, and it worked out. Yeah, we helped each other in that way.
Cathy felt it was important that she had a friend she could turn to for help, especially because
filling out “federal paperwork is scary,” and she believed the process was a bit easier due to her
friend’s guidance. While patchworking can be beneficial for students lacking information, the
literature also spoke to the limitations patchworking could have for students when it comes to
students gathering incorrect information (Enriquez, 2011). However, the students in my study
did not mention the negative aspects of patchworking in terms of gathering misinformation from
their peers. Ultimately the students in my study stressed the importance of having to advocate for
themselves in their pursuit of post-secondary education.
Taking Ownership of One’s Educational Experiences
The students’ thought one of the biggest factors for them reaching their post-secondary
goals was their own motivation. There were over 200 comments where the students took
ownership of their own educational experiences by saying, “its up to me,” (68 comments) “I
need to do it,” (90 comments) and “I’m motivated,” (66 comments). All six students took
ownership of their learning and their futures and worked hard to achieve their goals. Stephanie
said, “it’s up to me to ask for help, no one is going to help you if you don’t ask for help.” While
she was in high school Stephanie was tired of feeling like an outsider and realized she is the one
who had to advocate for herself. Stephanie said, “I was a shy person all through high school but I
was kind of fed up with it and I didn’t care so now I ask for help.” Ricardo agreed with
Stephanie that you have to advocate for yourself when it came to asking for help. He said, “no
one knows about your status unless you tell them, then if they don’t help you, you help yourself.”
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 216
After being denied help by school-based staff the students found the courage within themselves
to reach their goals.
All six students knew the motivation and hard work to pursue their goals had to come
from themselves. Although they appreciated the extra encouragement from outside sources they
all believed they are the ones who ultimately worked hard and were proud of what they had
accomplished so far. As Christian said,
I think, this is just my opinion, if you’re really motivated to go to college or if you’re
really motivated to do something, it has to be from you. No one is gonna do it for you.
They can give you the words, “You can do it, you can apply for it,” but everything has to
be your own. If it wouldn’t be on my own … I think right now I feel good, I feel really,
really good because everything that I’ve done I’ve pushed myself more.
Christian and the other participants believed their road towards post-secondary education was
difficult but not impossible as long as they believed in themselves.
At the time of this study, all six students were helping other undocumented students by
providing guidance, as mentors and role models. Researchers found when students find
connections with other undocumented students it has a positive impact on their post-secondary
educational attainment as well as serves as motivation for students to continue their pursuit of
college (Hernandez, 2000). Ricardo and Christian both wanted to be role models for other
undocumented students and they both reached out to their high school counselors to offer
support, and guidance to other undocumented students. Christian said, “I want to be the role
model. I know there are other undocumented students like me. I want to tell them that it’s
possible to go to college; just keep believing in yourself.” Based on the data collected for this
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 217
study, it was clear that emotional and moral support went a long way in helping students in my
study achieve their goals. It was now their turn to try to return that favor for like-peers
As the reader will recall from the conceptual framework the students had three main
challenges that stood in the way of them accessing post-secondary education. Based on the
personal experiences of the students the support and guidance they received from their family,
friends, community and teachers made their transition to 4-year universities possible. The
purpose of this study was to understand the undocumented students’ perceptions regarding the
role institutional agents played in providing social capital that enabled them to access post-
secondary institutions. Based on the interviews with the students in my study an overwhelming
majority believed support from family, community and friends was instrumental in their pursuit
of post-secondary education. All six students reported that their families, including extended
family members such as uncles, aunts and cousins, provided positive forms of support and
encouragement. Four out of the six students sought support from community outreach
organizations, which included summer programs and workshops that ultimately opened the doors
to college. Lastly, all six participants relied on friends for emotional and moral support especially
when their friends were undocumented.
Below is a table that summarizes the types of support the students in my study reported
they received from sources outside of school. The conceptual framework described in Chapter
Two identified community, family and peers as a social network that provide social capital to
students to achieve their goal of enrolling in post-secondary institutions. The table below
describes the people who provided the institutional support as well as examples from each of the
participants in my study.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 218
Table 6
Examples of Institutional Support from Sources Outside of School
Funds of Knowledge
(help rise within
educational system)
Bridging
(human bridge to
gatekeepers)
Advocacy
(intervene on behalf of
the students)
Role Model
(mentor and
modeling
behavior)
Emotional & Moral Support
(trustworthy & supportive,
relationships)
Stephanie Parents
Peers
Community
organization
“I didn’t really consider
college until I was in
10th grade because of
the [community]
program. They made us
take the ACT prep and
I did good so I guess I
could actually go
somewhere.”
Mom
Community
organization
“I signed up with them
[United with Hopes]
and they have
webinars, send emails,
videos, and seminars
you can send
questions via twitter…
because of them I was
able to do the DACA
application.”
Mom
Peers
“My mom heard on
the radio that some
lawyers were going to
be at my school to
help with DACA…
lawyers will be
available to ask
questions and she told
me Friday night and at
school that Friday
nobody told us about.”
Mom
Peers
Community
organization
“My mom she’s
the one who
pushes me. She’s
the one who gave
me the idea to not
let thing be an
obstacle. She said
‘if you want to do
it. Do it.’”
Mom
Peers
Community organization
“Having undocumented friends
made things a little easier…they
know how it feels. They can’t
really help you so you’re just
there for emotional support. You
know you’re not alone.”
Ricardo Community
organization
“I think the
[organization] was
when I got the college
experience. I learned so
much about my culture,
college career paths and
political issues.”
Mom
Community
organization
“Being around so
many people like me
who want to go to
college and wanted to
help each other I felt
good. I felt really
good. I knew if they
could do it. I could do
it. I was motivated.”
Parents
Community
organization
“My dad he told me
like, ‘It's okay. A lot
of things are going to
happen like that, but
just know you can't
give up.’ My dad
always stands up for
me.”
Community
organization
“[The volunteer]
said, ‘If I can do
it you can do it.’ I
think it just takes
dedication and
hope.”
Parents
Peers
Extended family
Community organization
“They [my aunts & uncles] used
to tell us, ‘Oh, you got to do this
and do this and then graduate
and go to college so you could
have a better life, get a career
and try to help us out or help
each other. We want you to do it
for your own. Do the best for
yourself.’”

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 219
Table 6, continued
Christian Parents
Brother
Community
organization
“I went to that
workshop and then the
lady she explained
everything about the
DREAM Act. The Cal
Grant A, Cal Grant B,
who can apply for, and
I saw I was eligible for
that... That really got
me excited, I was like
wow I could go to
college. I have the
grades, I have the
motivation.”
Community
organization
“After the workshop I
went in line of the
lady. I really needed
some help to apply for
everything she told me
about. She was so
helpful she gave me
her card…I set up a
meeting with her.”
Brother
Community
organization
“My brother is the one
that pushed me. He
told me ‘you have to
find out what you can
do to go to college.’
He’s the one that told
me about AB 540.”
Brother
“That’s one of
the reasons I
came to college,
because of my
brother. He
inspired me
through his
words but mostly
because all the
things he lived.
He used to have
this job at a
restaurant and he
was exploited,
like a lot, I’m
trying for him.”
Parents
Extended family
Peers
Brother
Community organization
“My cousin, he came here when
he was 30. He was a doctor over
there in Guatemala. He got his
residency and citizenship. He
started to come here to go to
school and he graduated, he’s
already a doctor here.”
Becky Sister
I told my sister I think
I’m going to [a local
community college]…
she was like, ‘no just
go to CSU it's just
gonna be faster for you
to graduate and you
won't get lost on the
way.’ She helped me. I
feel like its something
that you just gotta work
hard.”
Sister
“I seen my sister do
the DREAM act and I
knew if she could do it
I could. She made me
see college can happen
for me.”
Sister
“My junior year she
[my sister] pushed me.
She was like, ‘you
know what, I think
you can do it if you
really bring up your
grades.’”
Sister
“I see my sister
works hard, she
has done so much
and I’m proud of
her…she keeps
fighting.”
Parents
Sister
Extended family
“My mom tells me to work hard,
go to school and she helps with
little things. I’m happy my
parent’s are around to help me. I
need them.”

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 220
Table 6, continued
Javier Peers
“Tim helped me look
up stuff to see if I can
go to college he made
me apply to CSU, he
helped me pay the
registration fee.”
Peers
“Tim [pseudo name]
helped me his sister
was older so she gave
me her old SAT
practice books and
some of her old AP
books cause Tim
[pseudo name] didn’t
take AP classes and
decided he wasn’t
going to college.”
Peers
Brother
“Tim and I were
taking one day…he
said, ‘you got good
grades you should go
to college.’ After Tim
and me talked I went
home and looked up
CSU and UC schools.”
Peers
Brother
“My brother
didn’t like
school, he was
doing some
illegal stuff, but
he was making
lots of
money…he kept
me away from it.
I think he knew I
was smart and
didn’t want me to
get in trouble.”
Peers
“Tim we got in trouble when we
were younger and had each
others back he’s the only person
I really trust.”
Cathy Mom
Community
organization
“Get ready gave me
guidance, I don’t think
it was because of them.
I feel like I still would
have gone to college
but maybe I would be
community
college…just a
different track…they
helped me.”
Mom
Community
organization (advisor)
“Everything that was
pretty much college-
related was done
through Get Ready. If
you wanted college
information, it was
more like you had to
go get it from your
advisor. It was
available, but you had
to go get it.”
Mom
Peers
Community
organization
“My mom was very
willing to figure it out
[DREAM ACT] and
see how we can make
it happen. Its wasn’t
about ‘are we going to
make it happen?’ it
was more about, ‘how
are we going to make
it happen?’
Mom
Extended family
“I know they [my
cousins] had
done it [gone to
college], its like
if they did it, I
can do it.”
Mom
Peers
Extended family
Community organization
“We had each other as far as
friends. I was always part of
those groups of people who were
very goal-oriented. We were
like, ‘college, lets do it!’”

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS
Theme 3: Student’s Perceptions of Living as an Insider and Outsider
Thus far, this chapter has addressed some of the concepts identified in the conceptual
framework including challenges undocumented students encountered that could have prevented
them from enrolling in post-secondary institutions. The previous two sections described
examples of the social capital the students believe they received or did not receive from the
school-based staff in their high schools as well as individuals outside of their high school. In the
conceptual framework, “personal” challenges (i.e., not being a U.S. citizen) was one set of the
challenges identified as potentially preventing students from enrollment in post-secondary
institutions. In this last section of Chapter Four, I focus on an aspect of this set of challenges,
because of the participants’ own preoccupation with it. The students in my study had both
positive and negative experiences living as an “insider” and “outsider” and through those
experiences they continued to work hard to accomplish the goals they set for themselves. To
navigate the challenges associated with being an “outsider” while seizing opportunities to
transition to being an “insider,” the students drew on themselves.
Five out of the six students in my study arrived to the United States at an early age
(between the ages of five and twelve) and did not fully understand the impact that “not having
papers” would have on their lives and educational trajectories. For three out of the six students
the journey to United States felt as if they “were pretending to be someone else,” “moved to
another house,” and “woke up” in a different city. Some students described it as if the movement
across borders was seamless. And while many realize now that it was probably a very difficult
and dangerous decision made on the part of the adults in their lives, as young children, they were
shielded from this reality. As such, they grew up for the most part not realizing the implications
of their family’s decision to move to the United States through unconventional means.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 222
In many ways, the participants in my study felt as American as their peers with whom
they interacted. They spent most of their lives growing up in the United States, and were
unaware their undocumented status would restrict and/or prevent them from future opportunities.
And while several of the participants remembered having negative experiences in elementary
school (as explained in a previous section), four out of the six students remembered middle
school was the first time they were prevented from participating in an event or activity due to
their undocumented status. All six undocumented students remembered specific events both
negative and positive where their immigration status impacted their lives. A student’s
immigration status is not only a personal challenge but it also impacted the other challenges
described in the conceptual framework (i.e., school-based and financial challenge). For example,
the financial challenge occurred because undocumented students did not qualify for federal
financial aid, were unable to get loans and did not have a social security number which hindered
their ability to gain legal employment. A student’s struggle with their undocumented status, a
personal challenge, is thus the third theme that emerged. More specifically, students spent a great
deal of time reflecting on their struggles with the dual role of living as both an insider and
outsider simultaneously.
As outlined in Chapter Two, Olivérez’s (2006) study examined some of the challenges
undocumented students faced including the feelings of simultaneously being an “insider” and
“outsider” in the United States. Undocumented students who grew up in this country are
“insiders” because they have attended schools in the United States and have had similar
experiences many American born students have had. The feelings of being an “outsider” arise
undocumented students have restrictions to basic resources and services such as health insurance,
driver’s license (in some states), opportunity for legal employment and federal financial
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 223
assistance for college. The six participants in my study have all lived in the Untied States most of
their lives, attended schools, made friends and graduated high school with the hopes of “having a
better life.” However, the students did not always feel accepted into the “American culture,” both
because of their own struggle of not wanting to forget their own culture, but also because others
viewed them as “different from” the normative American. There were 33 instances where the
students discussed American culture and how it was similar or different to their own culture and
ways of being. Often times when the participants spoke about the American culture they did a
comparison of their own culture and the American culture. Of those 33 instances there were 15
negative comments (i.e., not being treated fairly, not provided same resources as American born
peers, and discrimination) and 11 positive comments made (i.e., “American Dream,”
opportunities, “better life”) and seven comments where the participants were torn between
American culture being positive and negative. In the next section I will provide examples of
some of the positive and negative comments the participants in my study shared regarding their
beliefs about American culture and how these perceptions impacted their pursuit of post-
secondary education
Cultural Differences
Many of the students in my study spoke of the ways in which they were different from
their American born peers, but that these differences made them feel torn between two worlds.
For example, Becky provided an example where she was torn between the way some people
around her did not accept some of her Mexican traditions, yet she was proud of her heritage.
Becky said, “it’s hard, I’m proud to be Mexican, I like our traditions but I live here, and not
everyone likes what we do. I don’t know where I fit.” Becky does not want to forget where she
comes from but also feels that not everyone around her is willing to accept her and her family for
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 224
who they are. This constant struggle of feeling disconnected and confused about the “American
culture” was difficult for the students to see where and how they “fit in.” The students struggled
with trying to be an “insider” yet they often simultaneously felt like an “outsider,” because they
were not always accepted for who they are. Cathy also felt like both an insider and outsider
especially when it came to living out her Mexican culture and traditions. Cathy felt they were
important but her parents tried to let Cathy grow up as in “insider.” Cathy said,
Since we came here, my parents didn’t exactly reinforce, they just let us grow up in this
[American] culture. They didn’t necessarily reinforce our [Mexican] culture. Sure, we
still do our religious stuff and traditions. We do Quinceañeras. As far as totally immersed
in the [Mexican] culture, I’m not.
It was difficult for the students in my study to feel completely immersed in American
culture, because they felt connected to their own cultures despite some parents’ decision not to
reinforce it. Although five out of the six students came to the United States at a young age they
still felt “proud” of their background. Ricardo was proud to be Mexican but remembered he
struggled adjusting to life in the United States and felt like an “outsider.” Ricardo said, “My
culture changed when I came over here because I had to adapt to the new environment and the
new language and make new friends. So my culture really changed because it was different.”
The struggle of feeling like an “insider” when it came to American culture was hard for the
students in my study. The older they got the more they realized they were not truly insiders,
because they encountered limitations and restrictions that prevented them from participating in
events and activities. Not knowing where they belonged was emotionally challenging for them.
As the students got older and began to encounter restrictions and/or limitations, they felt
more like “outsiders.” In other words, not only did they feel different, the participants faced
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 225
experiences where they were treated differently than American born students. All six
participants reported they were upset about the limitations and restrictions they encountered. For
most of their lives the students were told by their family members to keep their undocumented
status “a secret.” They were told to “blend in” and “act like normal kids.” The participants spent
most of their lives trying to be “normal” and “like every one else,” but soon realized it did not
matter; they were still treated as outsiders. Javier remembered, “I tried acting like an American.
It didn’t matter ‘cause we aren’t treated like Americans. We are treated different.” Javier had a
hard time understanding why he was being treated differently especially when he spent most of
his life in the United States and considered the United States “home.” Javier said, “I only know
life here [United States] I don’t remember Mexico, so yeah this is home.” Javier lived most of
his life in the Untied States, however he soon realized he was not provided the same
opportunities as his American born peers. Javier thought he should change who he was, “For a
long time I tried to be American, but I don’t know how. I don’t know what being American is,
they just had more than me.” This challenge of “trying to be American” became a struggle for
the students and a constant reminder that they were “outsiders,” in the only place they knew to be
“home.” Despite the fact that they often saw the United States as their home, as Javier realized
when he said “they just had more than me,” participants in this study couldn’t help but see that
there were implications to being an “outsider.”
Five out of the six students said they felt torn trying to be an insider and an outsider and
fitting into American culture. Becky said, “I don't know it's [being American] both good and bad.
Because I guess you could get an education if you want, but at the same time you have all these
limitations.” Becky’s educational experiences at times made her see herself as both an insider
and an outsider. However, the more limitations and restrictions she encountered the more she
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 226
realized she was an “outsider.” All the participants in my study believed there were “good and
bad” things about American culture. Nevertheless, whenever possible the students tried to fit into
life here even if they did not understand what that really meant.
Christian felt he had to “act American” and participate in some of the American cultural
traditions because he did not want to feel like an “outsider.” Christian said, “American culture is
way different. The things that my family celebrates, they’re really different. The American
culture I can’t really relate to.” Even though Christian said he couldn’t relate to American culture
he said his extended family celebrated the American holidays. Christian said, “Yeah they [my
family] celebrate it [holidays] because they want to see the culture. I have cousins that were born
here. I celebrate that [thanksgiving] because I don’t want to be an outsider. I like to celebrate it
but it’s not something that I would really emphasize.” Christian remembered he celebrated
Thanksgiving but didn’t quite understand the purpose, but everyone else celebrated so he felt as
if he should also. It’s important to remember that Christian was the one participant who arrived
in the United States later than the other five participants. Although celebrating American
traditions was a small part of feeling like an “insider” it was these little things that the students
tried to do to “fit in” as much as possible.
While celebrating holidays was something in the students’ control, many forms of
participation left them on the periphery. As Lave and Wenger (1991) advanced, the students in
this study engaged in peripheral participation in limited ways. From the data collected for this
study all six students reported their undocumented status impacted and still continues to impact
their lives including limitations related to “doing things everyone else does.” Throughout the
interviews the students reflected on their personal experiences and recalled specific moments
they felt the challenge of the duality of living as insider and an outsider in the United States. Of
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 227
the 62 comments made about living as an insider and outsider there were 36 negative comments,
and 26 positive comments. Interestingly, some of the positive comments included access to post-
secondary education, qualifying for DACA and obtaining a driver’s license. However some of
the negative comments included when students were prevented from participating in activities,
restricted from travel and felt discriminated against due to their undocumented status.
First I want to explain how the students in my study came to the realization they were
undocumented, and the effects of their undocumented status. Then I will provide examples of the
negative and positive comments the participants reported based on their personal experiences of
feeling like an “insider” and “outsider.” It is important to understand how the students found out
about their undocumented status especially because of the effects and implications they would
later encounter. For the participants being “undocumented” was not an issue especially because
they never had to self-report their status until they were older due to their college applications.
Two of the students in my study always knew they were undocumented, Stephanie came to the
United States at a young age and described her journey to the United States as challenging and
frustrating. The reader might recall Stephanie and Christian were two of the participants who
arrived to the United States at an older age (Stephanie was 9 years old and Christian was 12
years old). Although Stephanie’s trip to the United States was physically challenging she came to
be reunited with her dad. Upon her arrival she knew she was undocumented, but at the time did
not know her status would come with limitations. Christian arrived at a much older age and also
knew he was undocumented. It is important to remember Cathy, Becky, Javier and Ricardo all
came to the United States at an early age, and did not describe their journey to the United States
as difficult. They all described their journey as somewhat easy, they crossed the border in a car
and were reunited with their family in the United States, just like that. These four students
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 228
believed making the transition from their home country to living in the United States was
relatively easy. These students’ perceptions of the ease of their journey could explain why it was
so difficult for them later in life to understand the limitations and restrictions that came with their
undocumented status.
Initial Recognition of Undocumented Status
The students in my study all arrived in the United States between the ages of five and
twelve, Christian and Stephanie were the only participants who upon their arrival knew they
were undocumented. Four out of the six students did not recall having a conversation with their
parents regarding their status, and even though they were told to keep their status a secret from
people outside the home the participants said they just felt “different.” Becky said, “you know
what, I don’t think my family talked about it [my status]. So I started to feel like there was
something different between me and other students in school.” The first time Becky felt she was
“different” was in seventh grade when Becky’s neighbor was mean to her and her family and
threatened Becky with deportation. Becky said,
I guess it got to the point where I realized I was different from others because this lady,
[my neighbor] knew that we [my family] were undocumented and she told me, “I could
call la migra on you guys whenever I want, and you and your dad are gonna get
deported.”
Becky said prior to this incident, she did not think she did anything wrong but she did remember
her parents cautioned her to “stay away from the police.” Once the neighbor threatened to call
“la migra,” Becky realized there was something different about her and became ashamed of her
status. Becky said, “I think it became something, that I guess was shameful. Yes, it was because
they lady [my neighbor] made it seem like if it was something bad and she kept saying, ‘I’m
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 229
gonna call la migra, you don’t have papers.’” Becky soon realized she had to keep her status a
secret and felt she was “living in hiding” and out of fear and her parents’ advice Becky did not
discuss her undocumented status with people outside the home until high school. For Becky then,
the realization of her status brought about negative emotions and memories.
Even though the students never had extensive conversations about their status with their
parents, the students in my study did remember their parents and family members “warned” them
and told them to “be careful.” These brief warnings were not enough to provide students with the
awareness of their difference. There was 18 comments where the students recalled conversations
with family members regarding their status and the importance of keeping “it a secret.” For
example Cathy recalled,
It was just something that wasn’t talked about. The family knew, everybody in the family
knew. It was just not something that they said out loud. They never sat down with us and
said, this, and this, and this. It was mostly through little warnings like, “don’t go there.
Don’t talk about this with people.”
These warnings from Cathy’s family were hard for her to understand because Cathy’s first
impression about moving to the United States was that her family “was just moving.” Cathy
slowly began to notice her parents put limitations on things she could and could not do, and
began to feel like an “outsider” living in a country she has spent most of her life. Cathy said,
I knew I couldn’t do certain things. It was mostly though my parents’ fear I guess. It was
them. They were like, “No, we can’t go there.” It’s a little difficult for a kid to be like,
why can’t I go there? Why can’t I go to San Diego? Why not? It was a reflection of what
they were scared of that made us feel that apprehension I guess.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 230
The fear Cathy’s parents expressed to her made her cautious of sharing her status with others,
she began to realize she had limitations that prevented her from fully living as an “insider.”
The warnings from the participants’ family members were the primary reason the
students in my study decided not to share their undocumented status with others. Ricardo and
Javier felt the warnings from their family members made them hesitant and fearful in sharing
their status with people outside the home. Ricardo had the same experience as Cathy in that his
parents lightly cautioned him to be careful. Ricardo recalled his parents were scared they heard
stories about other undocumented people and their “secret” was found out. Ricardo said,
They [my parents] were scared because they heard about people that were going to school
and when people found out they told on them. Yeah they were like “oh your parent are
illegal la migra is gonna get you.” They [my parents] were scared we [me and my sister]
would get treated badly, they [my parents] said “don’t go saying this and that at school.”
We just tried to stay like off the radar, we just kept going to school.
At the time Ricardo did not discuss his undocumented status with others, but he did not
understand why it was “such a big deal” probably because the conversations about this were
vague and without clear explanation. He had been living in the United States since he was six
years old and felt like a “normal student,” but having to keep the “secret” was confusing for him.
At such a young age it was hard for some of the students in my study to understand this
dual role of living as an insider and outsider in the United States. For example, Javier was
confused who to trust and who not to trust with his status. Javier said, “My brother said ‘don’t
tell anyone you don’t have papers.’ My brother told me to ‘tell people you’re American,’ and to
‘stay away from cops.’” Javier was confused because in elementary school he was told, “if you
need help the cops are there to help, but now my brother is saying stay away from cops. I was
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 231
confused, but I did what my brother said and stayed out of trouble.” As Javier reflected on this
experience he realized most of his life he had struggles with the dual role of living as an insider
and outsider. The struggle Javier experienced living as an insider and outsider simultaneously
was found in several studies perhaps because Javier arrived to the United States at the age of 6.
Researchers found that students who arrive to the United States before the age of 12 receive most
of their schooling and socialization in the US and feel the have lived the “American experience”
(Baum & Flores, 2011; Gonzales, 2010, Olivérez 2006). This struggle of feeling like an insider
and outsider was confusing for Javier because his school told him one thing and his brother
whom he trusted told him something different.
The students in my study felt it was hard to know whom they could or could not trust
regarding their status especially when for so many years they were told “not to tell anyone.”
Stephanie not only worried about who she could trust; she also worried how people would react
if she told them she was undocumented. Stephanie said, “I don’t really tell people I’m
undocumented, but if I do tell you it’s ‘cause I feel comfortable with you that you’re not going to
treat me differently. You won’t judge, but there is no reason to tell people, so why bring it up.”
Wondering how people would treat her reminded Stephanie that she was still an “outsider”
because documented people never have to share their status with people. Stephanie said,
“Documented people don’t get asked to see their birth certificates. Why am I being asked to see
papers?” Stephanie’s experience is an example of how being an “outsider” is an issue that she
had to deal with daily.
The participants followed their family’s advice and did not share their undocumented
status with others. The reader will recall from Chapter One that undocumented students are
legally entitled to public education as a result of Plyler v. Doe, 1982. The Supreme Court ruled
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 232
that undocumented children are entitled to equal protection under the law according to the 14
th

amendment of the Constitution; they cannot be denied access to public elementary and secondary
education on the basis of their legal status. Despite this ruling, for most of their educational
experiences, they “kept it a secret.” One of the reasons the students did not share their status was
because in elementary and middle school there was no need to tell people. Javier said, “There
was no reason to tell anyone, nobody really asked, so I didn’t feel like I had to tell anyone.”
While the students did not have to share their status in elementary and middle school they had
the chance to feel “like everyone else,” and they did not think “having papers” really mattered. A
Ricardo said in an earlier quote I shared, “We just kept going to school.” However, once the
students in my study were denied the opportunity to participate in an activity or educational
opportunities they soon realized “not having papers” made them “outsiders,” and that this had
implications for them and their futures. In this way, the challenges represented in my conceptual
framework became intertwined, one influencing the other. In this case, and as will be further
detailed below, the personal challenge associated with being an undocumented individual
influenced the school based challenges the students faced, particularly as it related to their high
school experiences and access to post-secondary education.
Examples of Being Denied Access to Opportunities
All six participants recalled specific examples where for the first time in their lives living
in the United States they felt like “outsiders,” despite having lived in this country most of their
lives. Most relevant to this study, all six students in my study encountered limitations that
prevented them from participating in activities such as the ability to travel outside California,
applying to out of state colleges and or internships, and obtaining financial assistance for
educational opportunities (i.e. FAFSA, scholarships) all because they are undocumented. As
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 233
Stephanie said, “its sad because you think you work hard, get good grades and think you can do
something and then you can’t…there’s always those reminders that you’re not American, you
don’t belong here.” Stephanie was frustrated because she worked really hard during school and it
was unfair she had limitations whereas American born and documented immigrant students did
not. There were 20 instances where the students in my study reported feeling like an “outsider”
because they wanted to be a part of a program or activity and were denied for the sole reason
they “were not a legal citizen.” This reality was harder to accept because of the effort students
like Stephanie had put into their studies, in some cases working harder than their peers. This idea
that Stephanie had regarding her work ethic came from her parents. According to researchers
immigrant parents encourage their children to work hard, follow the rules and get good grades
and all of these will lead them to better jobs, and upward mobility (Abrego, 2008; Stanton-
Salazar, 1997; Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Based on Stephanie’s experience she believed working
hard was not enough and not “having papers” was more important.
The first time Ricardo realized his undocumented status would prevent him from
accessing opportunities open to others was when he heard about an opportunity to visit a local
private college to participate in a summer program. Ricardo said,
I was in middle school and they [people from summer program] were talking about this
program. “Oh, you're going to stay for a week and you're going to learn about this and
that. I was like, whoa, that sounds pretty cool,” and I raised my hand. They were like,
“Oh, unfortunately you got to be a citizen, or if you have a Social Security number.” I
didn't know what a Social Security number was. They told me, “Oh, if you were born
here.” I knew I wasn't born here. They're like, “unfortunately, you can't apply.”
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 234
Ricardo recalled he was “bummed” but he thought he would have other chances to do “fun
stuff.” At the time Ricardo did not realize this was not going to be the only time he would be
denied an opportunity because of his status.
Stephanie remembered an example where she felt like an “outsider” when she was denied
an opportunity to receive a scholarship because she was undocumented. Stephanie worked hard
in school and was part of the top 10 of her senior class. A lawyer from her community offered a
scholarship and invited the top 10 students to his house for a celebratory dinner and presentation
of a scholarship. Stephanie applied for the scholarship and felt she had a good chance. Stephanie
was chosen and invited to attend the dinner. She became emotional as she shared her story:
When I applied no one asked if I was undocumented, but later the person organizing it
made a comment to me about being undocumented. I didn’t think it was a big deal. Then
an hour before the event we were told they cut the list to top 5. For some reason the
people who were undocumented got cut off and the top 5 were all documented. You just
knew. You knew, why you weren’t picked. It’s unfair. It’s because I don’t have papers. I
was really upset.
Stephanie could not understand why her undocumented status mattered, especially because she
worked just as hard as everyone else and was invited to the event until she mentioned her
undocumented status. The opportunity simply was not open to her, no matter how qualified she
was otherwise. Stephanie’s example explains how complicated the three challenges described in
the conceptual framework are in influencing a student’s ability to access post-secondary
education. Stephanie was trying to overcome the “financial challenge” by applying and hoping to
get the scholarship, which impacted her “personal challenge” of being “undocumented.” This
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 235
constant struggle of feeling like an “insider and outsider” was something the students in my
study could not escape.
It was difficult for the students in my study to understand why they were being denied
opportunities, and treated like “outsiders” just because they were undocumented. Being denied a
chance to participate in events and activities was especially difficult when the students were
denied educational opportunities. For example Cathy felt like an “outsider” when her high school
was sponsoring a trip to Washington D.C., and because of her status she could not go. Cathy
recalled,
My high school had trips where they went to Washington D. C. I wanted to go. I really
wanted to go, but I couldn’t. That was hard. That’s one of the things that hurts, when
everybody is like, “Are you going to Washington? Why not?” It’s like, I don't want to. I
didn’t want to tell them I really want to but I can’t.
Cathy told a few close friends the reason she could not go but she said, “there was really no point
for everyone to know, it wasn’t going to change anything.” Cathy thought this trip was going to
be a great educational opportunity, but due to her undocumented status she would not have the
chance to travel.
Cathy once again encountered another barrier when she came to the harsh realization that
undocumented students could not apply to out of state colleges. Four out of the six students
wanted to apply to out of state colleges, however, once the students learned about the restrictions
of traveling out of state and the financial challenges associated with it they realized they could
not apply. Cathy said, “I didn’t fully understand it or know exactly my limitations until I was in
high school, and looking into out of state colleges, and thinking yeah I can’t go.” Not only were
the participants limited in terms of traveling outside of California, they also learned Cal Grants
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 236
and AB 540 were only available within the state of California. Stephanie said, “I applied to out
of state schools and got in, but when I knew I could not go out of state or get money out of state I
changed my plans.” It was frustrating for Stephanie to be accepted to some of these out of state
schools, and to know the only reason she could not attend was because she was undocumented.
Stephanie rolled her eyes and said, “It’s so stupid that’s the only reason I can’t go… ‘cause I
don’t have papers. It would have been better if I didn’t get it. It feels bad.” Not having papers
was a frustrating experience for the students especially because this seemed to be the only thing
standing in their way.
Javier was also disappointed to find out he could not travel outside of California and
became angry when he started researching art schools. For example, he wanted to attend art
school in New York, but could not travel and could not afford the tuition. Javier became
emotional when he talked about having to change his future educational goals:
I should be at an art school in New York. My art teacher said I was really good, and we
looked at art schools in New York. I got excited. I knew I was good, I could be a real
artist. Who don’t want to live in New York? I found out I can’t travel outside California,
I can’t afford it [New York] and why bother. That really hurt. I still can’t believe it.
Not being able to go out of state for college was difficult for the students in my study because
they knew they had the grades, and the motivation, but they did not have “papers.” Being denied
opportunities and treated like an “outsider” because they did not have “papers” or a social
security number was difficult for the students to understand and accept. Christian said,
It’s really dumb that people think that just because you don’t have some documents, they
think that you’re less. That’s not true because if you have the motivation, they should
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never stop you. There shouldn’t be barriers or disadvantages you should get just because
you weren’t born here or you came from another country.
Students felt that merit, not immigration status, should drive the kinds of opportunities open to
them. The participants’ comments about having the “motivation” to excel speaks also to the
concept of the “American Dream” and the promise that one can make something of themselves if
and when effort is expended. For students in my study, this was a falsity and a broken unwritten
promise.
As Ricardo reflected on his experience he cried as he shared a story where he was denied
an opportunity to participate in an internship and strive for this American Dream. This internship
was important to Ricardo and he really wanted to be a part of it not only for himself but also for
his family. Ricardo knew his parents made sacrifices to come to the United States for a “better
life” and he felt this internship would not only help him achieve the “American Dream” he also
knew it was a way to repay his parents for all they have done for him. Ricardo said, “I need to do
something to help. I got to make sure I do what I have to do, so I can give my parents a better
life. That's something I want to do. Make them retire, do something good.” Ricardo was hopeful
this internship would give him “real world” experiences and he would be able to use the skills he
learned to apply for more opportunities later in life.
However, before he applied he asked if he had to be a legal citizen. Ricardo said, “This
time I asked do I need a social security number, I don’t have papers can I apply?” Ricardo asked
because he did not want to go through the process of applying and then later find out he would
not qualify. Ricardo was called for an interview and was excited, because he knew how
important this internship was. Ricardo recalled,
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When I went to the interview the lady said, “Oh, you're undocumented. You don’t have
DACA. You don’t qualify.” Right there I got up and I was like, do I leave or do I stay
because I don't want to waste my time or their time. They're like, “Oh, we're going to
speak to somebody.” They spoke to the main guy and he pulled me aside and he was like,
“I'm really sorry, and I'm sorry to tell you this but we work with the federal government.
We can’t hire you, I'm sorry to tell you this.”
Ricardo remembered he was really upset about being denied this opportunity, and said, “I asked,
what if I did have the papers? Like would I got the job? He [main guy] didn't want to say yes or
no because he didn't want to hurt my feelings but he was like, ‘I'm pretty sure.’”
Ricardo left the office crying because he really wanted this internship and was frustrated
because he believed the only reason he did not get it was because he was undocumented. Ricardo
said, “It kind of hurt me, too. It got to me. I was like, damn like. It kind of sucked, just because
some papers you can't get this. This was actually the first time I actually cried for something like
that.” Although Ricardo was upset about being denied an opportunity, his dad used this as an
opportunity to remind Ricardo not to give up. “My dad picked me up and he told me, ‘what
happened? What happened?’ I told him, and the car got silent, and he told me, ‘It's okay. A lot of
things are going to happen like that, but just know you can't give up.’” And while Ricardo’s
father was right, it was difficult for the students to “not give up,” because at times not only did
they feel like outsiders living in the United States, they also did not feel “normal.”
Four out of the six students used the word “normal” to describe their feelings of being an
“outsider” and just “wanted to fit in.” There were 22 instances where the students used the word
“normal” to describe how they wanted to feel. One of the reasons the students did not feel
“normal” was because they did not know if people would accept them due to their undocumented
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status. Cathy was embarrassed to tell people she was undocumented because she was not
“normal.” Cathy said, “I guess it was that embarrassment that was like, I’m not normal. I don't
know what they’re going to think. They’re going to treat me differently.” This embarrassment
and fear of sharing their “secret” made some of the students try to fit in with other “normal”
students. And while they often tried to be normal, sometimes their outsider status prevented them
from being so. For example, Stephanie’s efforts to be a “normal” student during school was
disrupted because she was pulled out of her “regular” class to attend ESL.
Stephanie was embarrassed that she was pulled out of her class to attend ESL, because
she believed only undocumented students had to attend ESL classes. Stephanie tried to hide
being in ESL from her other classmates, “We didn’t really talk about it to other people not in
ESL, they didn’t get it.” It was hard for Stephanie to try and be a “normal” student when she was
being taken out of “regular” classes. Stephanie remembered knowing that if she passed the ESL
test she no longer had to attend ESL classes. She said,
Once we passed the test we were normal. For us to take the test we thought of it as a way
to get out. That’s the way we felt. Everyone hated it [ESL class] ‘cause you weren’t in
the same class as everyone else. It was a big accomplishment for all us to pass the test.
Once we got out of ESL we were with the other normal kids in your grade level.
Stephanie referred to herself as wanting to be “normal” because she wanted to stay in class with
her classmates and wanted to be treated like “everyone else.” The physical removal and
separation of students from regular classes served to constantly remind them that they were not
like “everyone else.” And while many immigrants also feel this difference, this was just one
example of how the undocumented students’ “outsider” identity put limitations and restrictions
on them.
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Students faced discrimination as outsiders. The students not only felt as if they were
discriminated against through the eyes of the law because of the restrictions and limitations their
status brought, they also felt discriminated against by their peers, society, and in the media. For
example, students felt “bullied” by their peers because they were undocumented. Five out of the
six students said at one time or another they believed they were made fun of, bullied, or treated
badly by their peers because they were undocumented. Becky remembered being bullied in
middle school, but at the time did not really understand why. Becky said, “Yes, I was bullied
because I was undocumented. And that’s what I don’t understand because most of them [my
classmates], I don’t know if they were undocumented or not but their parents were Mexican and
I’m pretty sure they [classmates parents’] were undocumented.” Becky never told her classmates
she was undocumented but believed her neighbor told everyone, and that is when the bullying
began. Becky recalled she was scared of the way she was being treated and told one of her
counselors at school, “I was scared and told the counselor the lady [my neighbor] told me she
was going to call la migra on me and they [my counselor] were like, ‘oh don’t worry it’s not
going to happen.’” Becky felt middle school was the first time she noticed peers and classmates
made fun of her because of her undocumented status, but did not understand especially because
she attended a predominantly Latino school. The fear Becky struggled with and the negative
treatment from others is a personal challenge for many undocumented students. The reader will
recall the conceptual framework described “personal challenges” as one of the three interrelated
challenges that could hinder a student’s access to post-secondary education. The presence of
“personal challenges” was also a finding in Abrego’s (2008) study. She found that
undocumented students internalize their feelings such as fear, and embarrassment and this
affected their sense of belonging as well as trusting people outside the home. It was difficult for
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the students in my study to know who they could trust especially when they were in a school
environment with a large immigrant population.
All the participants in my study went to predominantly Latino schools and Christian was
surprised the people in his community did not support and encourage him to enroll in post-
secondary education. Christian realized there were some people in the Hispanic community that
also discouraged him from going to college and getting a good job. When Christian arrived in the
United States the reader will recall he was excited:
I thought I was going to have a normal life, when I came here. There was some people
that, even in the Hispanic community, they used to tell me, “You’re not going to achieve
more than us, you’re going to have a low paying job, you’re not going to college.”
Like Becky, Christian was disappointed when the negative treatment he received came from
people within his own community.
Cathy felt life for any middle school student is a difficult time regardless of their status
but she remembered there were “mean girls” who made comments about her. Cathy said, “Yeah
the mean girls were like, ‘Where do you come from?’ It was like, ‘You talk funny.’ They knew I
wasn’t from here, so it was like ‘where are you born?’ Things like that. The typical mean stuff
‘cause I was not like them.” Cathy did not let this experience bother her. She just decided to stay
away from those girls and focused on school. As the students reflected on their personal
experiences, five out of the six students said if their peers made fun of them they tried “not to let
it bother” them. It seemed Cathy partially dismissed this treatment when she said it was “the
typical mean stuff” that middle schoolers tend to go through.
However, surprisingly, the mistreatment and discrimination didn't stop once the students
in my study graduated from high school. Three out of the six students recalled examples in
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college where they felt their peers mistreated them because of their undocumented status.
Becky’s first year of college she believed she encountered discrimination from a person in the
financial aid office because she was an AB 540 student. Becky said,
Oh yes. I faced a situation when I felt really bad because I went to the financial office and
I told them, oh I'm having trouble with my money. Then the guy [financial aid employee]
was all nice and then I told him I'm like, “oh but I'm doing the DREAM Act. I'm
undocumented. I'm a AB 540 student.” And he totally changed his attitude. He was mean.
He didn’t look at me. He didn’t help me.
Becky was shocked she was discriminated against in college especially because she was
attending a college with a predominantly large Latino population.
Being on a predominantly large Latino college campus the students in my study did not
think they would encounter discrimination. That was not the case; Stephanie indirectly
experienced an example of discrimination by her peers. She recalled an experience when she
attended an end of year awards dinner at her university and her peers made fun of undocumented
students, not knowing Stephanie was undocumented. When Stephanie first started college she
was part of EOP (Educational Opportunity Program) and she was unaware during this awards
dinner the documented students were seated separately from the undocumented students.
Stephanie recalled,
One of the counselors from the undocumented students table went up to do a presentation
and I was placed with the US citizens. I sat with EOP students at the awards ceremony, I
don’t know why. When the counselor got up the people [documented students] at my
table made rude comments and said bad names about the undocumented group. They
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were really mean. I sat across from them but they didn’t know I was part of them [the
undocumented group].
Stephanie was disappointed because she did not understand why even in college undocumented
students were being bullied and made fun of. Stephanie said, “I was shocked it was still going
on. I mean this is college and it’s still happening, we are supposed to be open. It was surprising it
just keeps going.” Stephanie was frustrated about the reactions of her peers but tried not to let it
bother her and no longer talks to any of those people she sat with at the awards dinner.
One explanation for the pervasive discrimination even outside the confines of the K-12
setting was the way the media and presidential candidates have referred to undocumented people
as “illegal.” The six students in my study all mentioned being upset when people including the
media referred to them as “illegal.” Becky said, “it’s shameful because people use the word
illegal. It makes you like, ‘oh my God, I'm illegal.’ And when you're undocumented and just that
word, illegal, I think it makes you, it made me feel bad. It made me feel rejected.” Becky always
had a hard time hearing the word “illegal” especially because she did not think she did anything
wrong. She felt a lot of different emotions when it came to her undocumented status; she felt
shame, rejection, embarrassment and loneliness. Becky said, “Yeah I think that's why I’m
embarrassed being undocumented. It was just embarrassing to be illegal. That's how people used
to put it and it was something that I wouldn't talk about.” It was hard for the students in my study
to completely feel like an “insider” living in the United States because society, the media and
politicians constantly referred to undocumented people as “illegal.” Cathy said, “I really hate that
word…we are not illegal aliens. That’s such a harsh word. It really is.” Although Cathy was hurt
when she was referred to as “illegal” she has been able to walk away from it. The participants
were saddened and frustrated when undocumented people were referred to as “illegal” whether
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in the media or by politicians, which was difficult for them to escape. Cathy said, “It hurts you
every time you read it, and you’re like, what are you? Are you a Visa? Illegal aliens? We’re not
bad people. We’re not here to do bad things. Most of us are here to stay or get a better life.” All
six students communicated being here for a better life and expressed their frustration at being
called “illegal” in a land where there is supposed to be equal opportunity and the ability to aspire
to and attain the “American Dream.”
My study took place during the 2016 Presidential Election and during the interviews all
six students were aware of and referred to the rhetoric of one of the candidates. Javier was angry
with the political issues that were occurring around him, and the “hate” people have for him
because he is undocumented. Javier said, “Watch the news. People don’t want us here. They hate
us. [The republican nominee] hates us and said we are all criminals. We are illegal. He’s making
people hate us for no reason, it sucks.” This example made Javier feel like he is always going to
be an “outsider” and no matter how hard he works people are going to always think badly of
him. Although the focus of this study was not political, there are some legal and political issues
that are attached to being undocumented. The students were understandably concerned with the
roadblocks and barriers they have encountered while trying to pursue their post-secondary goals,
and the uncertainty that comes with this upcoming election.
The biggest concern for the students in my study was what is going to happen to them
and the federal programs that are already in place. All six students were scared about what the
future holds for them, especially in terms of deportation. The reader will recall Becky said “the
fear of I don't know what's gonna happen when Obama leaves. It's really scary. I don't know if at
one point they're going take everything away.” The uncertainty that is connected to the upcoming
election is a difficult for the students, because they finally have a chance to feel “normal.” Five
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out of the six students have grown up in the United States for most of their lives and cannot
imagine living anywhere else; the Untied States is all they know. Becky said, “I've been growing
up in this country for so long and this is the only place I know. I don't know Mexico. If I go back
to Mexico, I have nothing.” The students have worked so hard since arriving in the United States
and now they are worried about what is going to happen to them including being deported back
to where they were born. The students have tried to not feel like an “outsider” but when their
peers, media, politicians and society keep making them feel as if they do not belong in the
United States it is sometimes “frustrating to keep going.”
Despite their frustration, the students in my study refused to give up and found other
ways to reach their goals. Initially all six students were surprised and upset when they first
learned in the eyes of the law they had several restrictions due to not being “born in the United
States.” For example the students did not qualify for FAFSA, federal loans, could not obtain a
social security number, could not legally work in the United States, and in some states could not
get a driver’s license. However, once the students conducted research on their own they found
state programs that were designed to help undocumented students specifically living in
California. The participants found out living in California undocumented students are provided
more resources and opportunities compared to other undocumented students living in other
states.
Resources for Undocumented Students
Although the students in my study encountered restrictions and limitations that made
them feel like outsiders, they did share positive examples of how living in California gave them
opportunities not afforded to other undocumented students in the United States. Five out of the
six students believed living in California provided them an opportunity to feel like “insiders”
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especially when it came to post-secondary education, qualifying for DACA and obtaining a
driver’s license. For example, when the students found out they did not qualify for FAFSA and
could not obtain federal loans, they were disappointed thinking they were not going to be able to
enroll in post-secondary institutions. However, once they found out they qualified for Cal Grants,
AB 540 and the DREAM Act they knew they had options when it came to post-secondary
education. Becky recalled, “I'm getting my tuition paid for. Maybe if I were living in another
state I would feel bad. ‘Cause living here I do have more chances than other undocumented
students.” Five out of the six students recognized living in California they do have more
opportunities than other undocumented students and do consider themselves “the lucky ones.”
Cathy said, “Now I’m here [CSU], I’m extremely grateful for being here. Being here, I see it
more of like being a privilege. I know there is a lot of people who don’t get to go to a university.
Yeah I see it as a privilege.” Some of the students researched the California state laws and
realized that not all states are as “helpful” with undocumented students as California is.
At the time of the study, all six students were attending a CSU because they qualified for
AB 540 and the DREAM Act. As the reader will recall AB 540 (Assembly Bill 540) allowed
undocumented students living in the state of California access to post-secondary education, with
an exemption from non-resident tuition as long as they meet the criteria. This state measure
allows undocumented students to pay the reduced in-state tuition for California public colleges
and universities. Another piece of legislation that helped the students pursue their post-secondary
education was the DREAM Act. The DREAM Act (Development, Relief and Education for
Alien Minors) is federal legislation that provides undocumented students tuition discounts,
pathway to citizenship and be granted “conditional status.” All the students were grateful they
qualified for AB 540 and the DREAM Act, and as Stephanie said, “if I didn’t get AB 540 I
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wouldn’t be in school. Yeah I’m happy I qualify for it.” Qualifying for AB 540 and the DREAM
Act was one of the most important factors that ultimately allowed the students the opportunity to
enroll in a CSU. If you recall one of the challenges described in the conceptual framework was
the financial challenge preventing students from enrollment in post-secondary institutions. By
enrolling in a CSU and being able to pay in-state tuition, the students had an equal opportunity to
obtain a post-secondary degree. In this way, the policies mitigated the financial challenges, and
to some extent the personal challenges, giving them the opportunity to feel like “insiders”
because they were now getting the same opportunity as their American born and documented
peers.
Due to the requirements to qualify for the AB 540 and DREAM Act the students in my
study still knew they were “the lucky ones.” Becky said, “I am that undocumented student who
has more privileges than other students and other undocumented people.” One of the reasons
Becky believed she was privileged was because she had undocumented family members who did
not meet the requirements to apply for AB 540 and the DREAM Act. For example, Becky said,
“my brother dropped out of school when he was a sophomore. When AB 540 passed you had to
graduate from high school to get it. My brother didn’t but if he went to adult school he still won’t
qualify.” Becky is concerned for her brother’s future as well as her undocumented cousin who
does not qualify for the DREAM Act. Becky said,
I have a cousin who came in 2007 and he doesn't have the DREAM Act and he doesn't
have a DACA either because it was a certain deadline. I think it was June and he came
later, so by a couple of months. They're undocumented and they don't have the same
opportunities that I do. They don't have DACA or DREAM Act.
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Although growing up Becky did experience some limitations she was aware that living in
California afforded her more opportunities than other undocumented people.
Another example that made the students feel like they had opportunities to be “normal”
was being eligible for the DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) and the ability to
obtain a driver’s license. Four out of the six participants applied for and qualified for DACA.
This federal program provided undocumented people with a permit to work legally in the United
States, have “temporary permission” to stay in the United States and may be renewed every two
years. Qualifying for the DACA allowed the students the opportunity to apply for employment,
which helped alleviate some of the financial challenges of paying for their post-secondary
education. Ricardo said, “I got the DACA. That has helped a lot, because there were some jobs I
couldn’t apply because I didn’t have the work authorization. Now I have it, I’m taking advantage
of it and applying to whatever job I can.” Being granted the work authorization has allowed
Becky, Stephanie, Cathy and Ricardo the opportunity to gain employment in the United States
and no longer feeling like an “outsider” because prior to receiving the DACA they were not
allowed to legally work in the United States. The students in my study were grateful and had a
positive perspective when it came to applying and qualifying for DACA. Although there were
times the students did not believe they received the guidance they needed from their school-
based staff to complete the DACA application the students in my study were happy with the
impact it had on their financial challenge. Muñoz (2008) study found that the students were not
generally positive about receiving the DACA although they were optimistic of the intention of
the program they believed it was a short-term solution (DACA has to be renewed every two
years). Her study found the process of waiting to hear back from the government, the renewable
aspect and it still lacked federal assistance was frustrating for them. But the students in my study
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saw the DACA as a way to fill a little more like an “insider” with more opportunities then other
undocumented students.
All four students were grateful they could provide for themselves and help their parents.
Cathy said, “my parents help me as much as they could but money is tight, I got a job. Now I can
work so they [my parents] don’t have to worry about me that much.” Cathy was proud she was
able to earn a paycheck and had the opportunity to work in the United States, especially because
her parents were not able to obtain work authorization. “My parents get paid under the table… so
yeah I think they are proud of me.” Cathy continued to work hard because she considered herself
“one of the lucky ones.” Although the students in my study did face limitations they still
believed they have more opportunities than other undocumented students, thus giving them
honorary insider status at times.
The students in my study were grateful they lived in California because being
undocumented they had the opportunity to apply for a California driver’s license. Recently the
state of California passed The Safe and Responsible Drivers Act (AB 60). Beginning January 1,
2015 under this state law any eligible California resident is able to apply for a driver’s license
regardless of their immigration status. Four out of the six students recently obtained their driver’s
license, and believe this has made going to school and finding a job so much easier. As Christian
smiled and said, “I’m lucky because here in California we have more benefits. I just got my
driver’s license and I feel really cool right now.” The students who were able to get a driver’s
license were proud of this privilege and this erased some of the feelings of being different, an
“outsider” or not “normal.” Becky said, “Because I work and I come to school and I have my
driver’s license and everything, I feel like documented people… it's only because I'm here.” The
participants know living in California they have more opportunities then those who live in other
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states and at the time of the study all six participants belonged to student organizations on their
college campuses that served the undocumented student population. Through these organizations
the students in my study were all politically active on and off their college campuses. Since
joining these organizations the students were no longer “ashamed” to share their stories. They
wanted to help and inform other undocumented students that, despite often feeling like an
outsider, they have options, and that post-secondary education is indeed attainable.
Below is a table that provides both positive and negative examples the participants
struggle with the dual role of living as an insider and outsider. Although it is a constant struggle
for them they are optimistic they will be able to achieve their educational goals.
Table 7
Examples of Living as an Insider and Outsider
Participant Example
Stephanie “It’s sad because you think you work hard, get good grades and
think you can do something [apply to out of state colleges] and then
you can’t…there’s always those reminders that you’re not
American, you don’t belong here.”
Ricardo “I asked what if I did have my papers? Like would I got the job? He
[main guy] didn’t want to say yes or no because he didn’t want to
hurt my feelings but he was like ‘I’m pretty sure,’ it kind of sucked,
just because some papers I can’t get this.”
Christian “My major is accounting…in California undocumented people can
get their license. Like a CPA or to be a nurse but if you want to do
that you have to have DACA. I can but they I can’t.”
Becky “I don’t know it’s [being American] both good and bad because I
guess you could get an education if you want, but at the same time
you have all these limitations [no FAFSA].”
Javier “For a long time I tried to be American, but I don’t know how. I
don’t know what being American is.”
Cathy “My high school had trips where they went to Washington D.C. I
wanted to go. I really wanted to go but I couldn’t. That was hard.
That’s one of the things that hurts.”

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Conclusion
The students in my study described the important role institutional agents played in
providing forms of social capital, which helped them successfully enroll in post-secondary
institutions. The students in my study believed they had a difficult time getting support, guidance
and encouragement from some of their school-based staff such as counselors and administrators.
The findings of this study revealed that students reported a majority of support and
encouragement they received came from teachers, parents, siblings, extended family members,
peers and outside community outreach programs. While this study began with a focus on the role
of school-based institutional agents, it was impossible to ignore what the participants believed
were the real sources of social capital.
In my interviews with students it was also hard to ignore the emotional journey the
students had weathered as they pursued post-secondary education. The participants described
growing up in the United States and living in all senses of the word as “insiders” only to learn
that their “outsider” status could not be overcome. The students saw themselves as
simultaneously “insiders” and “outsiders,” and it was difficult to escape this dual identity. The
students reported that because of society, peers, and politicians they are constantly struggling
with the feeling of being “outsiders” regardless of living most of their lives in this country and
trying hard to pursue the life that many of their peers aspired to. And through it all, the students
communicated persevering, whether or not they received help from school-based institutional
agents. They pieced together the support they could garner from other sources, learned how to
seize the opportunities available to them, and let their motivation guide them to success. No
matter the type of support or encouragement others offered the students put the ownership of the
pursuit of their future educational goals on themselves. All the participants were confidant,
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courageous, motivated and hardworking and knew nothing was going to stop them from reaching
their educational goals.

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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
This study sought to understand undocumented students’ perceptions regarding the role
institutional agents played in providing social capital that enabled them access to post-secondary
education. I began this study with a conceptual framework that shaped how I approached this
topic. In this conceptual framework, I highlighted the challenges undocumented students face as
well as the role institutional agents and others outside of school play in students’ pursuit of post-
secondary education. My study drew on social capital theory, arguing that undocumented
students need to build social capital through social networks in order to overcome the challenges
and facilitate their access to post-secondary education. And while the focus of my study was how
institutional agents play a role in mitigating the challenges undocumented students faced, it is
important to note that in many ways other sources of capital such as parents, siblings, extended
family members, peers, and community also played a role in enabling undocumented students to
pursue post-secondary education.
Using a qualitative approach, undocumented students were asked to reflect on their high
school experiences to help answer the following research question: How do undocumented
students reflect on and make meaning of the role of the institutional agents in providing social
capital to access post-secondary education?
Semi-structured interviews were used to hear participants’ stories and perceptions of the
role institutional agents played in providing social capital. In order to answer my research
question I interviewed six Latino/a undocumented students enrolled in a 4-year California State
University (CSU) in the Southern California region. A purposeful sampling technique was used
to identify the six participants for this study. I chose a purposeful sample because according to
methodologists, participants in a qualitative study are best chosen based on their ability to
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provide information that will help understand the problem and answer the research question
(Creswell, 2014; Maxwell, 2013). I was interested in understanding how the participants
overcame their challenges, if any, and to understand how the institutional agents facilitated their
access to post-secondary education. In order to participate in this study the six undocumented
students had to meet the following criteria (a) the participants must be undocumented students
and have moved to the United States as young children, (b) the participants graduated from high
school, received their high school diploma and were enrolled in a 4-year post-secondary
institution at the time of the study and (c) the participants for this study must have been in their
first or second year at a CSU 4-year institution at the time of the study.
All six of the participants in this study were interviewed one or two times, and each
interview lasted between 1-2 hours. Since I used a case study approach I decided to conduct my
interviews over a two-day period. On the first day, the interview protocol (see Appendix A) was
used to gain a better understanding of the undocumented students’ background, such as family,
and culture. The interview questions allowed the participants an opportunity to make meaning of
their lives, experiences and the effects these had on their pursuit of post-secondary education.
The second set of interviews focused on the support (or lack thereof) the participants received
from institutional agents in high school to help them fulfill their post-secondary goals. As a result
of this questioning and because of the semi-structured nature of the protocol, participants also
shared other sources of capital, including immediate and extended family members as well as
outside of school organizations. After the interviews were conducted I transcribed the interviews,
coded the data and then analyzed the data to generate the themes and findings.
My conceptual framework presented in Chapter Two guided the concepts that were
investigated during the interviews. The protocols allowed the student participants an opportunity
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to tell their own personal stories while simultaneously reflecting on how different experiences
over the course of their lives shaped their opportunities to attend college. Below is the conceptual
framework described in Chapter Two including the relationship between undocumented students
and their institutional agents and the social capital they provide to students to overcome
challenges that could prevent students from successfully enrolling into a 4-year university.

Figure 2. Conceptual Framework
Summary of Findings
Through the data analysis process, three main themes emerged regarding what the
students believed influenced their access to post-secondary institutions and impacted their future
educational goals. These findings were developed from the personal stories and experiences of
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 256
the six undocumented students and their reflections of the types of support they believed they
received or did not receive during their high school years. The first theme was the lack of support
the undocumented students believed they received from their school-based agents, specifically
their high school counselors and administrators. The second theme that emerged was the
participants had to find ways to advocate for themselves, including in some cases seeking out
resources outside of high school (i.e., community organizations) to help them achieve their goals
of accessing post-secondary education. The third theme was based on the positive and negative
ways the students felt their undocumented status impacted and continues to impact their lives and
their educational journeys including the feelings of being an insider and an outsider
simultaneously and the implications this dual identity has on their opportunities in this country.
First, I will present a summary of each of the findings. Second, I will describe the
implications and recommendations for practice for school districts and policymakers including
federal and state laws. These recommendations will highlight the importance of providing
services, support and guidance to the undocumented student population. Lastly, I will discuss
future research ideas including participation from undocumented students family members such
as parents.
Theme 1: Students’ Perceptions of Support from School-Based Agents
The students in my study believed their high school counselors and administrators did not
provide enough institutional support, which would have made it easier for them to access post-
secondary institutions. The students believed they should have received more support from their
school-based staff specifically counselors and administrators regarding their pursuit of post-
secondary education because “it’s their job,” to help students access college. This was even more
frustrating when the students felt as if their documented peers were provided additional guidance
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 257
(i.e., FAFSA workshops) and support, whereas undocumented students were not (i.e., no AB 540
workshops). The students reflected on their high school experiences and believed they were not
provided enough guidance, support and encouragement from their counselors and administrators.
A possible explanation for the counselors’ lack of support and guidance might be because they
are not provided the necessary resources and tools to help students access post-secondary
institutions. Researchers have found that counselors at low SES high schools have a heavy
caseload, as well as are not solely providing “college” counseling (Abrego & Gonzales,
2010;Enriquez, 2011; De Leon, 2005). In fact at times, they are also helping with emotional,
social counseling as well as discipline issues (McDonough, 1998). The culture of some of these
high schools are leaving counselors unable to effectively help students prepare and apply to 4-
year institutions. Counselors not being set up by their high schools to help students was
frustrating for the students because the students believed “it’s their job” to help them in their
pursuit of reaching their post-secondary goals.
However, the students felt that their high school teachers went out of their way to help
them by providing positive support, guidance and encouragement. Overall, participants
perceived the teachers had a positive impact on their pursuit of post-secondary education. This
difference in perceptions about counselors/administrators and teachers seemed to result from
students’ perceptions of the roles of each of these school-based staff members. The students
painted a picture of teachers as helpful and caring. While they did not have the information to
give them, understandably so because their role was to teach and not to counsel or advise on
post-secondary options, teachers provided other kinds of support such as emotional and moral
support. As such, while I pursued this study to understand more specifically what practices
school-based agents enacted to help students gain social capital, the conversations with the
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participants revealed most of the students in my study reported they did not receive social capital
from the individuals on their high school campuses who were best positioned to help them.
Theme 2: Student’s Perceptions of Support from Sources Outside of School
The next theme that emerged from the data collected was that because students in my study
believed they were not provided enough support and guidance from their school-based staff, they
had to search outside of school for help. The participants reported various types of social capital
they received from agents outside of school such as emotional and moral support, assistance
regarding applications (i.e., federal/state programs), financial opportunities (i.e., paying for
college), access to workshops, and membership in organizations, which, provided students an
opportunity to “experience college life.” These outside organizations helped bridge a relationship
with the participants as well as mentors in these outreach programs who helped the students see
the reality that they too could enroll in college, live on a college campus and successfully
complete college courses. The social capital the students reported they received had the potential
to help them overcome the three challenges described in the conceptual framework. For example,
one of the challenges was “financial challenges” including students’ inability to think they could
afford to pay for college. Once these individuals outside the school informed students about the
financial resources available to them, they realized their post-secondary goals were attainable.
The social capital the outside sources provided to the students made the process of applying to a
4-year university possible. In other words, these outside sources of social capital opened the
doors for students to continue on the path of pursuing post-secondary education. Though the
original intent of this study was to focus on support from school-based staff, time after time the
participants all stressed how important and vital guidance and support from their parents,
siblings, extended family members, friends, and community organizations were in their pursuit
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 259
of their post-secondary goals. Notably, four out of the six participants joined or participated in
workshops and summer community organizations, which gave them the opportunity to learn
about, experience, and receive guidance regarding enrollment into a 4-year institution.
To be fair, some of the lack of support from school-based staff did not rest solely on staff.
For example, the three challenges described above are interrelated. So while institutional agents
have the ability to provide students with institutional resources such as bridging relationships
with other networks, academic tutoring, mentoring, and emotional and moral support (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997), they were not always well positioned to do so. For example, the “personal
challenges” occurred when the students were told not to share their undocumented status with
people outside of the home. This “challenge” could affect the “school-based” challenge and the
potential help and resources the school-based agents could have provided to the students,
because the counselors were unaware of the students status. Although the students in my study
eventually came to terms with sharing their status they were disappointed when they still were
not provided the support and guidance they felt they needed. However, had they felt more
comfortable to share their status early on, some of the school-based challenges might have been
mitigated. For example, had the counselors known sooner, school-based staff could have
theoretically better prepared students to complete the right courses and prepare for the SATs.
Even when students did communicate their status and were able to access social support
through outside of school means, for the most part, it was accidental rather than intentional. For
some, it was a matter of not overlooking a flyer posted on a wall (sometimes on their high school
campuses), while for others, it was the sheer luck of a parent hearing information on the Spanish
radio station. As such, the opportunities afforded to the students who seized them were not
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 260
intentionally granted or communicated. There was a bit of luck and a bit of maximizing the
social networks the students already had in their immediate circles.
Theme 3: Student’s Perceptions of Living as an Insider and Outsider
The third theme that emerged was undocumented students struggled with the feelings of
simultaneously being an “insider” and “outsider” in the United States. Given that I purposefully
chose undocumented individuals who had been in the United States since childhood, this sense
of duality was a challenge and an important part of students’ reflections. When children arrive at
an early age to the United States they are able to experience most if not all the opportunities as
American born children in regards to education. According to researchers immigrants who enter
the United State before the age of thirteen generally do as well as their American born peers,
they learn English, and the “norms” of American society (Baum & Flores, 2011). The reader will
recall undocumented students are legally entitled to a public K-12 education as a result of Plyler
v. Doe which said undocumented children are entitled to equal protection under the law. Due to
them “living as Americans” they are not aware that later in their educational journey they will be
limited and restricted from being able to enjoy the same opportunities (i.e., financial) as their
documented peers. These undocumented students felt like “insiders” because they attended
schools in the United States and had similar experiences as many American born students. In
fact, for the most part, the students were also “insiders” in the project of schooling, because they
all valued education, bought into the “American Dream” and perceived themselves as expending
hard work and effort so as to enable them a better future. The feelings of being an “outsider” was
due to the fact that many undocumented students had restrictions to basic resources and services
such as health insurance, inability to obtain a driver’s license (in some states), no social security
number (and thus an inability to gain legal employment) and no federal financial assistance for
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 261
college. The students constantly struggled with the feelings of being “outsiders” even though
most of them had lived in this country most of their lives. This struggle was especially difficult
because their families came to the United States for “more opportunities,” “a better life, “ and the
“American Dream.” Yet daily the students in my study were reminded they were not really
“insiders” due to the limitations and restrictions their undocumented status brought with it. When
the participants in my student realized how hard it would be for them to attend college, for
example, this outsider status served to potentially limit their life chances and their ultimate
ability to fulfill their families’ desires that drove them to migrate to this country in the first place.
At the end however, students communicated taking their futures into their own hands, exercising
their agency, and working towards pursuing post-secondary education, despite the challenges
they faced.
Implications for Practice
For this study I wanted to examine the experiences of undocumented students specifically
the resources they received or did not receive during their high school years to ensure they
successfully enrolled in post-secondary education. The undocumented student population is an
important group to examine, because according to the Department of Homeland Security, as of
January 2012, it was reported there were over 11.4 million unauthorized immigrants in the
United States making up almost 30% of foreign-born people. The data also suggested that
California was the leading state with over 2.8 million unauthorized immigrants, which was
approximately 25% of the unauthorized immigrant population (Baker & Rytina, 2013; Flores,
2009). Additionally, according to researchers, as of January 2012 approximately 2.5 million
unauthorized immigrants were under the age of 24 years old, (approximately 1.4 million between
the ages 18 to 24 years old), with 58% being male and 42% being female (Baker & Rytina,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 262
2013). With such a large undocumented student population it is important these students are
provided resources and guidance that will help them achieve their goal of post-secondary
education as well as their parents’ goal of living the “American Dream.” In this section I will
describe some of the implications if undocumented students are not provided guidance and
support during their high school years to help them achieve their post-secondary goals.
It is important to understand the long-term implications if undocumented students are not
provided guidance and support to reach their post-secondary goals. Over the past 15 years the
unauthorized immigrant population has increased. According to the United States census as of
2013, there were 19.5 million college students, including 5.3 million college students enrolled in
two-year colleges. In addition there were 10.5 million college students enrolled in 4-year
colleges, 58.2% students were non-Hispanic white, 16.5% Hispanic, 14.7 % Black and 8.1%
Asian across the United States (www.census.gov). Due to the nature of undocumented students’
legal status it is difficult to get accurate data regarding undocumented students college
enrollment, but according to Pew Research Center they estimate about 25 to 30% of all Latino/a
16 to 24 year olds undocumented students are enrolled in college (www.pewresearch.org). The
low number of undocumented students attending post-secondary education compared to the U.S.
born residents shows a significant gap in educational attainment.
In regards to the undocumented student population there are a few things to consider, (a)
undocumented students should not be limited or restricted from resources because their parents
“unlawfully” entered the United States, in other words, it is unfair to blame them for their
families’ decisions, (b) undocumented students often drop out of school because they think they
cannot afford college, which is not always accurate, and (c) undocumented students are in this
country and they are most likely going to stay here. It is in the public’s best interest to provide
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 263
undocumented students with resources to help them reach their post-secondary goals. Due to the
large undocumented students population it is important they are provided resources that can help
them successfully enroll in post-secondary institutions. It is beneficial for everyone if we assist
undocumented students with access to post- secondary education because of the long-term
affects a post-secondary degree has. Researchers have found a college education leads to better
job opportunities (Abrego, 2008), higher socioeconomic status (Hernandez, 2000) and upward
mobility (Abrego, 2008; Pérez et al., 2009). Therefore, it is important to provide social capital to
undocumented students to help them alleviate some of the challenges described in the conceptual
framework, which can help them access post-secondary institutions. Our society can only benefit
if we provide opportunities to everyone, rather than a select few. In fact, our public compulsory
educational system has evolved in its purpose to ensure that all students are educated,
irrespective of race, ethnicity, national origin, gender, sexuality and ability. The undocumented
students are receiving this educational opportunity from elementary to secondary school, but
then they are no longer provided opportunities as others once they reach post-secondary
education. Which knowing how important and vital a college degree is it seems unfair to all of a
sudden take away their educational opportunities because they were not born in the United States
and do not “have papers”
What’s striking about the findings from this study is that students felt disadvantaged in a
system that espouses equity for all. All six students in my study attended high schools with a
predominantly large Latino/a student population including documented and undocumented
students. Based on the findings the students did not believe their counselors provided enough
encouragement, guidance and support, which could have made access to post-secondary
institutions easier. For example, the students in my study did not think that their counselors
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 264
advocated on their behalf by offering workshops to help them understand the college process
(i.e., AB 540 applications). However, the participants believed their counselors showed more
support for the documented students by providing workshops regarding the FAFSA applications.
The students in my study viewed their counselors as unhelpful despite their potential to advocate
on their behalf by assisting them with both informational resources and emotional and moral
support. The lack of support the students received from their school-based staff affected the three
interrelated challenges described in the conceptual framework (i.e., personal, school-based and
financial challenges) in particular ways when compared to documented peers. Some examples of
the specific challenges the students encountered were (a) school-based staff were not properly
trained or knowledgeable to help students with applications (i.e., AB 540, DREAM Act), (b) the
perceived hostile culture at school and in society towards undocumented students, and (c) the
limitations and restrictions because of a lack of a social security number and “papers.” The
personal challenge of not having a social security number prevents them from being able to
legally work in the United States, which affects the financial challenge not being able to pay for
college and the embarrassment of not having papers prevents them from at times asking for help.
These three interrelated challenges have the potential to prevent students from enrollment in
post-secondary education because one of the challenges has the potential to affect the other
challenges.
So while there are undocumented students with great potential and the ability to pursue
post-secondary education and become valuable members of society, many did not feel they had
the necessary supports in place to make the transition to college seamless. And while this study
only focused on six students, the findings point to a possibility that many capable undocumented
students are being left behind, unable to access post-secondary education. In particular, the
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general sentiment was that they were more disadvantaged than their peers, even those who
shared the same ethnicity and SES.
The next section will describe recommendations of the various ways school districts
could reach out to their undocumented student population to ensure they are provided resources
and guidance in their pursuit of post-secondary education that could help alleviate some of their
challenges. I then move to recommendations for policy makers before closing the chapter with
suggestions for future research.
Recommendations
School Districts
In terms of practice, school districts need to provide counselors with resources and
training, especially because the counselors’ role is seen as critical in providing students with
guidance and emotional and moral support during their high school years. Counselors need to
properly assist undocumented students particularly when the students begin to encounter
limitations and restrictions due to their status. Researchers have found that a student’s
immigration status influenced their high school experiences including the motivation to stay in
school and continued academic success (Norrid-Lacey & Spencer, 2000). In some cases a
student’s motivation and academic achievement has the potential to decrease once the student
becomes aware of his or her limitations and restrictions imposed on him or her due to federal
laws. As undocumented students begin to pursue post-secondary options they realize they have
restrictions and limitations due to their status (i.e., no federal financial assistance, no social
security number). Students need a strong support system from their school-based staff;
particularly counselors to show them there are opportunities for undocumented students to access
college, especially in states like California where there are both federal and state policies
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 266
designed to ease their transitions to college. Therefore, it is important for counselors to be aware
of the added struggles undocumented students encounter due to their immigration status and
need to provide additional support and guidance. Counselors should also be armed with the
informational resources related to post-secondary education access and policies to assist this
population. The counselors’ role is to assist with course work and advising and the American
educational system should promise to be equitable and educate all students. Therefore, it is
incumbent upon school districts to provide counselors the capacity to do this work.
Partnerships between schools and community organizations. One-way counselors
could provide guidance and support to undocumented students is for school districts to create
partnerships with outside community organizations that can provide additional support and
guidance to undocumented students. Given the limited resources of schools, the feasibility of the
above recommendation should be taken under account. As such, given that the four students who
received help from outside community organizations credited those organizations as sources of
social capital that enabled the students in my study the ability to successfully enroll in post-
secondary institutions, there seems to be an important resource that could be further expanded.
However, by partnering with high schools these community outreach programs will be able to
reach more students, and undocumented students in particular at the high school level. These
community organizations could help by offering workshops specifically to help undocumented
students with AB 540, DACA and DREAM Act applications, support, guidance, and the
opportunity for students to learn about their political rights. School districts and schools could
serve as better bridges to these organizations that already have the informational resources
necessary to inform students about their options. These workshops for undocumented students
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 267
would be similar to the FAFSA workshops that some of these high schools are currently offering
to their documented population.
Relationships between counselors and students. Another way counselors could help
undocumented students is by proactively reaching out to the students to offer guidance and
support. While, as noted earlier, sometimes school-based staff do not know who is
undocumented in their student body, there is much they can do to create a safe culture for open
communication. The study participants revealed when it came to guidance and support both
parties (i.e., student and counselors) have the responsibility to reach out to each other for help.
The students in my study were motivated to succeed and they advocated for themselves by
reaching out to counselors for help. Researchers have found that when students are motivated to
succeed in school this motivation helps them strive towards academic success (Conchas,
Oseguera & Vigil, 2012). However, the struggle occurred when the students reached out to
counselors but felt their counselors did not have the time, resources, and sometimes the desire to
help guide them. Students felt it was the “counselors’ job” to provide resources to them. The
school districts need to provide counselors with an opportunity for additional training and
professional development workshops that focus on the needs of the undocumented student
population including understanding their “fear of hiding” and other challenges specific to this
population. As this study revealed undocumented students at an early age are taught by their
families to keep their undocumented status a secret which at times prevents them from going to
school-based staff for help. Counselors need to reach out to students to try and build supportive
relationships with their undocumented student population, which will hopefully allow the
students the opportunity to feel comfortable and safe turning to the counselors for guidance and
support.
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Counselors need to be trained to ensure they are preparing undocumented students from
the very beginning of high school to be college ready. For example, many of the participants
believed their counselors did not encourage them to apply to 4-year universities, enroll in AP
classes, complete A-G requirements, and/or prepare the students for standardize test (i.e., ACT
and SAT). It is important to train counselors to ensure they have the resources to better support
college bound undocumented students early in their high school careers. Part of the training
would include (a) counselors discussing with their students all their college options whether
community college or 4-year institutions, (b) ensuring their students are enrolled in college ready
classes and (c) providing resources and strategies for students to be prepared to take standardized
college admission tests. Researchers have found Latino/a students in high school who by 10
th

grade surround themselves with peers who want to enroll in college, are college ready, and have
completed rigorous academic courses, were strong predictors of post-secondary success (Abrona
& Nora, 2007). However, this is not always enough. Undocumented students are motivated to
reach their post-secondary goals and high schools need to create a college going culture to ensure
the undocumented student population has the resources to successfully enroll in post-secondary
institutions. Researchers found immigrants are more likely than their native counterparts to be
more successful in high school and want to enroll in post-secondary education (Baum & Flores,
2011). It is important that school-based agents are able to help support, guide and encourage
undocumented students to overcome some of the personal, financial and school-based challenges
they might encounter that could hinder their access to enroll in post-secondary institutions.
Therefore, it is imperative for counselors to prepare undocumented students early in their high
school careers to ensure they are on the right path towards post-secondary education.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 269
Although funding to send counselors to professional development, workshops or training,
might not be readily available, a cost effective alternative could be to provide counselors with
FAQ pamphlets. These FAQ pamphlets would have information regarding the application
process and the laws associated with them (i.e., AB 540, DACA and DREAM Act) as well as
contact information of outside agencies, immigration lawyers and community groups to assist
undocumented students outside of school. These pamphlets could provide the students with an
opportunity to reach out to their school-based staff as well as advocate for themselves by being
able to know what outside organizations are available to assist them. These recommendations are
based on the students’ personal experiences and the ways they felt their needs could have been
served better at the high school level.
Creating peer group support systems. In addition to the ways counselors could provide
more support, the students in my study reported they needed a strong support system from other
undocumented students. At the time of this study, all six of the participants were members of
undocumented student support groups on their college campuses. The participants found these
groups provided the additional support and guidance the students felt they were lacking during
their high school years. School districts could provide support systems for undocumented
students by encouraging high school campuses to have on campus clubs and/or student
organizations, and/or undocumented resource centers specifically to provide resources, guidance
and emotional and moral support for the undocumented student population. Researchers have
found when undocumented students joined organizations it served as a “formative experience,”
and students were more likely to assume leadership roles in their community and continue to be
active throughout their adult lives (Perez, Espinoza, Ramos, Coronado & Cortes, 2010). All six
of the students in my study were part of undocumented student support groups on their college
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 270
campuses, and after graduation they hoped to mentor, encourage and work with other
undocumented students to help them achieve their post-secondary goals. And while I would
advocate that schools could do a better job of providing the necessary social capital to their
students, it is important not to underestimate, but rather to foster and grow, the agency in the
students themselves. As the theme of “having to do it myself” speaks to, it is important for
school districts to recognize students’ own need to be empowered, and to pave the way for that to
happen by creating an environment where such mentoring is encouraged.
Policymakers
School districts have the ability to support undocumented students by creating
partnerships with community organizations that focus on college access, providing training for
counselors that facilitate a more positive relationship between counselors and students, and
creating and encouraging undocumented student support groups on high school campuses.
However, when it comes to public policy being changed, especially both federal and state
programs, this can be difficult. As the reader will recall the students in my study constantly faced
the challenge of living a dual role as an “insider” and “outsider” due to the limitations and
restrictions they encountered in their pursuit of post-secondary education. The students in my
study were aware that living in California afforded them more resources and opportunities
compared to undocumented students who live in other states. For example, some of the benefits
they have that their peers in other states do not have are being able to hold a driver’s license and
being able to apply to college as a result of AB 540. In a word, they were able to be “insiders”
thanks to state laws that lifted restrictions. However, depending on the upcoming election and
which political party holds office, some of these programs might be eliminated, which was of
great concern for some of the students in my study. For example, at the time this paper was
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written a federal court issued a temporary injunction, which determined USCIS (US Citizenship
and Immigration Services) no longer can accept request for expansion of the DACA. This
injunction does not affect existing DACA recipients but affects new applicants. The students
feared if more of these federal and state programs are taken away the undocumented student
population will suffer and they will not have the opportunities to reach their post-secondary
goals.
It seems unfair to punish undocumented students for the choices their parents made to
come to the United States for “better opportunities” and the “American Dream.” Although the
state of California allows undocumented students to apply for AB540, which allows them to pay
in-state tuition and AB 131 (law passed January 2012), which allows undocumented students to
in-state tuition and qualify for Cal grants, other states are not as generous as California. In some
states undocumented students pay out of state tuition rates or are seen as “international students”
causing them to pay up to seven times more in tuition rates. More states should follow the
practices California has implemented and pass state laws (i.e., AB 540) that allow undocumented
students the opportunity to pay in-state tuition fees so as to make post-secondary education more
feasible. In order to qualify for AB 540 students must meet eligibility requirements and file an
affidavit they will soon apply for legal residency. The state laws have guidelines that ensure
undocumented students who apply and qualify for these programs are in good standing (i.e., no
criminal background), received their high school diploma and currently attending a post-
secondary institution. These California laws are providing undocumented students who are in
“good standing,” follow the laws, and are enrolled in college an opportunity to achieve the
“American Dream.” These laws are not intended for “criminals,” or those who are not trying to
be “good citizens” in the land they call “home.”
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A lot of students, whether documented or undocumented, face the challenge of how they
are going to pay for their post-secondary education. However, documented students qualify for
FAFSA, scholarships, can legally work and obtain bank loans whereas undocumented students
cannot. Although there are various scholarships for undocumented students which helps pay for
some of their tuition rates, unless a student qualifies for DACA (work authorization) they are
unable to legally work in the United States which adds to their financial challenge of being able
to afford post-secondary education. In order to qualify for AB 540 and the DREAM Act
undocumented students must meet specific criteria that allows them to pay the in-state fees, if
FAFSA came up with specific criteria for undocumented students perhaps they too should be
allowed to qualify for federal financial assistance. Undocumented students come to the United
States to escape violence, for a better life, the American dream, and more opportunities. If they
are motivated to work hard, go to school full time and stay out of trouble, they should be able to
qualify for federal financial assistance. The federal government needs to provide undocumented
students with financial resources similar to the state of California that were signed into law to
help undocumented students reach their post-secondary goals.
In addition to AB 540 the state of California signed into law two additional laws that
provided financial assistance to undocumented students. As of January 2012 the state of
California passed AB 130, which allows AB540 students eligibility to apply for and receive
privately funded scholarships from state colleges and universities. Another law that was designed
to help undocumented students was AB 131, which went into effect January 2013. AB 131
allowed AB 540 the opportunity to receive institutional grants such as State University Grants,
Educational Opportunity Program and Services fee waivers, and Board of Governors fee
waivers. All six students in my study qualified and received monies from AB 540, AB 130 and
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 273
AB 131 and all the participants knew they would not be at a 4-year university without the help of
these laws (www.www.csac.ca.gov). Allowing undocumented students the opportunity to qualify
for and meet eligibility requirements to receive federal financial assistance will help them reach
their dreams as well as their parents’ dreams of having a “better life” in the United States. If we
examine the history of the United States and the principles on which it was founded, namely
freedom and equality, it seems only right to uphold these values by opening the doors to
facilitate undocumented students’ success. The Supreme Court already ruled (Plyer v. Doe) that
undocumented students are entitled to a free K-12 public school education. However, this ruling
did not impact post-secondary education and there are federal laws that prevent undocumented
students from receiving financial benefits (Drachman, 2006). Although the Supreme Court ruled
undocumented students are entitled access to K-12 education they are limited on the access and
opportunity they can receive regarding their post-secondary education. It is true federal laws do
not forbid undocumented students from attending post-secondary education, however many are
discouraged due to financial reasons. Therefore it is important policy makers at the state and
federal level should continue to work hard to pass legislation that will help undocumented
students access post-secondary institutions and a chance at a productive, successful future.
Future Research
This study specifically focused on the undocumented student population in the Southern
California region and only on the personal experiences of six undocumented students attending
local 4-year CSUs. There are two areas that came up during the interviews that would be
interesting to examine for future research. The first area that might be further explored is that of
the school-based staff. This study focused on the students’ perspectives on the role of school-
based staff, but what is missing is the voice of the staff member who were, by and large,
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 274
perceived by the students to be unhelpful. But what explains their inability or perceived
unwillingness to provide more support and social capital? It would be helpful to hear their
perspectives, to understand what constraints they might have and what ways school districts
might support them to be able to fulfill the recommendations outlined above.
As the study revealed the students all came to this country at a young age, because their
parents thought there were better opportunities in the United States. Researchers should examine
the relationship between parents and undocumented students and the reasons parents are
advocating so much for their children and may not be advocating for themselves. Since living
here all the participants have chosen to stay here and continue their pursuit of their post-
secondary education goals. Future research should examine the impact the choice their parents
made for them and how that affects their post-secondary goals.
The second topic that future researchers should investigate is the particular practices of
the community organizations that are perceived to have a positive impact and influence on the
students’ post-secondary goals. All the students who joined these organizations credited these
organizations for making their pursuit of post-secondary education a little bit easier, but why?
Researchers could examine the resources these community organizations are offering and the
reasons the undocumented student population feels they are receiving better guidance and
support from these community programs and not their school-based staff. Researchers could
interview members of these community programs to understand what resources, guidance and
support these organizations are offering students. In other words, a better understanding of the
specific practices of these community based organizations would paint a fuller picture of the
support undocumented students could receive. It might also serve to inform high schools on what
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 275
they can do to better reach out, guide, support and advocate on behalf of the undocumented
student population.
Conclusion
This study focused on six undocumented students who arrived in the United States at an
early age and the social capital they believed they received from school-based staff as well as
outside sources which helped them access post-secondary institutions. Based on the personal
experiences of the participants the findings suggest undocumented students (a) did not receive
enough/expected support from their school-based staff specifically counselors and
administrators, (b) students did receive support and guidance from outside sources including
family, community organizations and friends which opened the doors to post-secondary
education, and (c) students struggled with the duality of living in the United States as an
“insider” and “outsider” simultaneously. It is important to reach out and help the undocumented
population, because there is a large population of undocumented students living in Southern
California. Undocumented students should not be “punished” (i.e., limitations/restrictions) for
the choices their parents made and should be allowed to pursue the “American Dream.” School
districts and policymakers need to make the pursuit of post-secondary education attainable for
undocumented students, especially when they have the same if not better grades, motivation and
effort as their documented counterparts. As Christian said, “just because you don’t have some
documents, they think that you’re less. That’s not true because if you have the motivation, they
should never stop you. There shouldn’t be barriers or disadvantages you should get just because
you weren’t born here or you came from another country.” In the end, students wanted to be
judged, not by the papers they did or did not possess, but by their merit and motivation to pursue
a better life.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 276
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Appendix A
Interview Protocol
Hello today I wanted to ask you a few questions regarding some of the challenges you
encountered as you were trying to access post-secondary education and who if any were the
people who helped you achieve this goal. Primarily I want to understand who at your high school
were there to support you. I’m interested specifically in how undocumented students are able to
find success in enrolling in 4-year post secondary institutions.
The purpose of my study is to examine undocumented students’ aspirations towards post-
secondary education including the challenges you may have encountered in obtaining resources
from people in your high school regarding access to college. I would like to understand your
experiences regarding the resources you were given or not given and how those resources
assisted you in fulfilling your aspirations of attending college.
I appreciate you volunteering to share your perspectives; to participate in this study. I
want to remind you I will audio record this interview only to ensure that I get an accurate
account of your responses. You do not have to answer any question(s) you don’t want to, and
you can withdraw your participation at any time; please feel free to let me know.
As stated earlier your identity will be kept confidential and I will use a pseudonym when
I include your responses in my final paper. I will also give you an opportunity to review the
transcripts to ensure I am holding true to your voice. Do you have any questions before we get
started?
RESEARCH QUESTION: How do undocumented students reflect on and make meaning of the
role of the institutional agents in providing social capital to access post-secondary education?

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 284
I would like to ask you a few questions regarding your family and culture to understand
how they have influenced your educational experiences

1
st
ROUND INTERVIEWS
I. Personal Family Background Information
1. First I’d like to learn a bit about you. Where were you born?
2. Who do you currently live with?
3. What age were you when you came to the United States? Tell me about this
experience. (probe: for who s/h came with, how s/he came, what s/he remembers
about the travel arrangements)
a. At what point did your family explain to you your immigration status?
Describe how they explained it to you.
b. Was it difficult for you to share your immigration status with others? Tell me
about that process of telling others about your immigration status. (probe:
who did you tell? What factors led you to tell them?)
c. Can you share with me the reasons why you and your family moved to the
US? (**if they did not mention in part question 3)
d. What are your thoughts about coming to the US? (Probe: are you happy about
your family’s choice to migrate here or do you wish you had stayed in your
home country?)
4. Tell me about your experience regarding the English language? When did you learn
to speak and read English? How did you learn English?
5. Tell me a little bit about your parents and their beliefs about a college education?
a. What were their goals for you?
b. How about your siblings what are their beliefs about college? What are their
educational goals?
c. How about your extended family? Have you ever discussed college with
them? What advice if any did they give you?
6. Who in your family has been the most influential or supportive in your life when it
comes to education? Can you explain why you chose this person? Provide an example
of how this person supported you.
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 285
Now, I’d like to know more about your perspectives on education.
7. What is your perception of education, generally speaking?
8. What is your perception of college, specifically? (In other words how would you
respond to someone who says “it’s not a necessity”?) Explain.
9. When did you decide you were going to apply to college?
10. How did you come to that decision? Can you walk me through how this decision
came about? (probe: who did you talk to about it initially? What did they say to you?
How did you weigh the pros and cons etc.?)
11. Did you ever doubt you were going to enroll in college? Explain
12. What influence did your family have on your college choice?
a. Was your family involved in the process (visiting schools, applying,)
13. Did you apply to multiple colleges?
a. What factors convinced you to apply to these colleges?
b. What factors prohibited you from applying to other colleges?
14. Describe the types of support you received from family members regarding college.
(Probe: for specific examples of support)
II. Culture
Now, I’d like to ask you some questions about your cultural identity.
15. How do you identify culturally or ethnically? (Hispanic, Mexican, Latina…) why this
and not others?
a. Some researchers believe undocumented students living in the US are seen as
“insiders” and “outsiders” (I will explain this concept to the subject) What do
you think of this idea? Explain. Based on the definition I gave you how do
you see yourself?
16. How do you think who you are shapes how you experience your life?
a. What are some challenges to being XX?
b. What are some benefits of being XX? (probe: for specific examples of things
that s/he experienced that s/he attributes to this cultural/ethnic identity)
17. In what ways does your culture play a role in your life in a way that is different from
other cultures? Give me examples (probe: gender roles? Family values?)
a. What is your perception of the American culture?
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 286
b. Give me examples how you feel your culture is different from the American
culture, if at all.
c. Give me examples that show how you feel your culture is similar to the
American culture, if at all.
d. From what you can see what are some positive perceptions of your culture?
What are some negative perceptions?
18. In what ways does your culture play a role in your experience with school?
a. How do people in your cultural group have different expectations when it
comes to school?
b. How do people in your cultural group experience school differently?
19. Since you have been living in the US since you were little which culture do you feel
more connected to American? Your country? or both? Can you give me an
explanation why you feel that way?
Now I would like to ask you a few questions regarding your educational experiences
III. Educational Experiences & Social Networks
20. Tell me about your school in your home country? **(depends on age when migrated
to US)
a. What did you like about it?
b. What did you NOT like about it?
21. Tell me about your ELEMENTARY school in the US.
a. Give me an example of a good/positive experience you encountered, if any.
b. Give me an example of a bad/negative experience you encountered, if any.
22. Tell me about your MIDDLE school in the US.
a. Give me an example of a good/positive experience you encountered, if any.
b. Give me an example of a bad/negative experience you encountered, if any.
23. Tell me about your HIGH SCHOOL in the US.
a. Give me an example of a good/positive experience you encountered, if any.
b. Give me an example of a bad/negative experience you encountered, if any.
24. In what ways is your educational experience in the US different from the experience
you had in your home country?
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 287
25. In the US were you enrolled in any special programs in high school such as ELL,
GATE, AVID, etc.,
a. Tell me about your feelings about these programs? How appropriate were they
for you? How useful were they for you?
26. Tell me about your friends in high school. (probe: How close were you to other
undocumented students? How close were you to non-undocumented students?)
27. Tell me about your high school teachers. (probe: How encouraging were they? How
did they demonstrate that they cared about you, if at all? How did they provide moral
or emotional support? Can you provide examples?)
28. Did your teachers/counselors know about your undocumented status? Can you
describe how they found out?
a. Did they encourage you to tell other teachers, counselors or administrators at
the school? If so how did they help you start those conversations?
29. How did you feel when you began sharing your immigration status with people
outside the home and specifically in the school setting? How did your family
members feel about you sharing your status? What advice did they give you?
a. After you shared your undocumented status with your teachers, how did it affect
how you were treated, if at all? (probe: how was their treatment of you different
as compared to peers who were not undocumented?)
30. Since you arrived in the US what ways has being undocumented influenced your
school experiences? (Probe: for both positive and/or negative?
a. In what ways do you think your educational experiences are the same as or
different from American born or non-undocumented students?
b. In what ways do you think your educational experiences are the same as or
different from other undocumented students?

**** Before we end for the day, I was wondering if you would like to add anything about
yourself you haven’t had a chance to share yet?

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 288
2
nd
ROUND INTERVIEWS
Thank you for taking the time to voluntarily meet with me. I have a few additional
questions I would like to ask you. I wanted to remind you once again that I will audio record
this interview to ensure I am capturing your perspective accurately. You do not have to answer
any question(s) you don’t want to, and you can withdraw your participation at any time; please
feel free to let me know. As stated earlier, your identity will be kept confidential and I will use a
pseudonym when I include your responses in my final paper. Do you have any questions before
we start?
I’d like to turn now to talking about your choice to apply to college and the events and
experiences leading up to this.
1. What does access to college mean to you?
2. Tell me about your thoughts about accessing college as an undocumented student.
a. How do you think it is more challenging for undocumented students to access
college?
b. How do you think it is no different for undocumented students to access
college when compared to other peers?
3. Tell me about clubs, organizations or programs that were there to help undocumented
students access college.
a. What clubs, organizations, or programs were in existence in your high school to
help undocumented students access college? How did they help?
b. What clubs, organizations, or programs did your community or church groups
have to help undocumented students access college? How did they help?
c. How did you learn about these organizations?
d. How were you involved in these organizations?
4. When it comes to asking for help who do you turn to the most regarding educational
opportunities?
a. Who in your peers groups do you turn to, if anyone?
b. Who in your school do you turn to, if anyone?
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 289
c. Are there any community members you turn to, if anyone?
d. Do you turn to any Church leaders for guidance?
e. Why did you choose those specific people to assist you? Can you give me a
specific example how they supported you?
5. What kinds of support do you seek from these different people? Please give specific
examples (probe: for school related and non-school related support)
6. Tell me about your biggest role model at your high school. Explain why this person
was a role model for you.
7. Are there other role models from your high school that you’d like to tell me about?
a. How did you reach out to these role models when it was time to find out about
college? Or did they reach out to you?
b. Who else besides these role models did you seek out support from to help you get
ready for college (counselors, teachers, other students (undocumented or not)? Or
did others reach out to you?
c. Some people would say that it’s hard for undocumented students to reach out to
people in the school like teachers and counselors to ask for help about going to
college. How would you respond to this?
d. Tell me about the kinds of relationships you’ve built with your teachers and
counselors at your high school. Give me specific examples that show me the
nature of these relationships
8. Who at your high school provided you with information about college and financial
aid?
a. How long have you known this/these person(s)?
b. Is this who you typically go to for guidance?
9. Besides (peers/adults) (depending on what they say in the above question), who else
in your high school do you get your information from regarding the college
application process?
a. Explain to me a positive experience you had when it came to someone at the
school answering your questions about college.
a. Explain to me a negative experience you had when it came to someone at the
school answering your questions about college
UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 290
10. When it comes to getting guidance about education, how do you determine who you
can trust to help you?
11. Can you tell me about a time when you felt someone at your high school (a teacher or
counselor or other school staff member) went out of his or her way to help you get
information about college? Why do you think they did it?
a. What kinds of support did you feel you needed that this person helped you with?
(probe: How did they advocate for you?)
12. Can you think of a time when you felt someone at your high school (a teacher or
counselor or other school staff member) should have done more to help you?
a. What kinds of support do you feel would have better helped you?
b. How might they have better advocated for you?
c. What did you do to make this situation better?
13. What are some ways you provide guidance for other undocumented students when it
comes to education?
14. What were some of the biggest challenges you faced regarding accessing post-
secondary education? (probe specifically for personal, school-based and financial
challenges from the conceptual framework, but start generally)
b. How did you overcome those challenges?
15. Some people say that the challenges for undocumented students are so overwhelming
that they give up on the idea of going to college. How would you respond to this
statement given your own experiences?
16. What would you say to someone who said “it’s the responsibility of the student to
seek out help from their teachers, counselors or others at the school if they want to get
information or support about college?” Explain.
17. Before we move on, is there anything else you would like to add about the support
you received that allowed you to successfully access college?

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 291
State & Federal Measures
I’d like to switch gears now by talking about the state and federal measures aimed at
undocumented students.
18. What do you know about the laws designed to help undocumented students access
college? How did you hear about these laws?
19. What do you know about the following laws? Did you apply for any of these
programs?
a. What have you heard about AB 540?
b. What have you heard about the Dream Act?
c. What have you heard about DACA?
20. What are your thoughts on whether these programs made it harder or easier to attend
college? Explain
21. Tell me about paying for college (probe: how did this pose a challenge to you? How
did you overcome this challenge?)
a. Did you apply for scholarships? How did you hear about these scholarships?
b. Tell me about any support you received to help you apply for these scholarships?
22. How did you become aware that undocumented students do not qualify for state and
federal financial aid? How did this influence your college choice?
23. Some people would say that despite growing up in the US and having a largely
American educational experience, you are still undocumented so you should not have
the same rights when it comes to having equal access to college. How would you
respond to this?
a. How do you think the teachers, counselors and administrators would respond
to this?
24. Is there anything that you feel I should have asked you?
25. Is there anything else that you would like to add?

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 292
Appendix B
Recruitment Letter

Subject: Recruitment for Dissertation study

Dear Student:

My name is Michelle Merchain and I am currently a doctoral student at the University of
Southern California. I am currently working on my dissertation. I am conducting a study in
which I would like to understand if there was anyone at your high school who supported you
during your process of enrolling in post-secondary education, and who they were. The research
question for my study is: How do undocumented students reflect on and make meaning of the
role of the institutional agents in providing social capital to access post-secondary education?

This study is a reflective piece in which I would like to understand the various challenges (if
any) you may have encountered on your path towards post-secondary education. It is important
for me to understand your experiences regarding the resources you were given or not given and
how those resources assisted you in fulfilling your aspirations of attending college.

The focus is on undocumented students; therefore to be eligible, you must be an undocumented
student, have moved to the United States during early childhood, have graduated from high
school, received a high school diploma, are currently enrolled in a 4-year post-secondary
institution and must be either freshman or sophomore at a CSU 4-year institution.

Participation in this study is voluntary and will not affect your relationship with CSU.

The study procedures involve 2 separate interviews each lasting approximately 1-2 hours and
another meeting to review the interview transcripts. The interviews will be audio-recorded to
ensure accuracy. Your identity will be kept confidential, pseudonyms will be used to protect your
identity.

If you have any questions about this study, or are interested in participating, please feel free to
contact me, Michelle Merchain merchain@usc.edu.

Thank you for your time,

Michelle Merchain

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 293
Appendix C
Information Sheet
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education

INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

Undocumented Student’s Personal Reflections of the Role Institutional Agents Play in
Providing Social Capital Towards Post-Secondary Education

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Michelle R. Merchain and faculty
advisor Dr. Artineh Samkian at the University of Southern California, because you are an
undocumented student having moved to the United States at early childhood, have graduated
from high school, and received a high school diploma, are currently enrolled at a 4-year
institution as a first or second year student. Your participation is voluntary. You should read the
information below, and ask questions about anything you do not understand, before deciding
whether to participate. Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. You may
also decide to discuss participation with your family or friends. You can keep this form for your
records.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to examine undocumented students’ aspirations towards post-
secondary education including the challenges and success they encountered in obtaining
resources regarding access to college.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked to participate in 2 audio-recorded
interviews. Each interview will last approximately 1-2 hours. The interview questions relate to
your background, including family, education and personal experiences in regards to post-
secondary education.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are some minor risks, for example, someone may find out that you are undocumented. You
do not have to answer any question(s) you don’t want to.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
You may not directly benefit from your participation in this study. It is hoped that the results of
this study will help researchers understand the various challenges undocumented students
encounter regarding access to post-secondary education, and the important role institutional
agents play in providing social capital to overcome those challenges and/or to pave a smoother
path to college.

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 294
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will be compensated with a $15 fast food gift card; the card will be issued at the end of your
participation. You do not have to answer all of the questions in order to receive the gift card.

CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. The members
of the research team, the funding agency and the University of Southern California’s Human
Subjects Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors
research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

The audio-tapes will be transcribed and then destroyed, once the transcripts have been verified.
You will be given the opportunity to review the transcripts of your interviews.

Identifiable data will be maintained separately from your responses; your responses will be
coded with a false name (pseudonym). The data will be stored on a password-protected laptop.
Identifiable information will be destroyed once the study has been completed. The remaining
data will be kept for three years after the completion of the study and then destroyed.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.

ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
You can choose not to participate in this study; your relationship with your school, or USC, will
not be affected, whether or not you participate in this study.

INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact (Michelle R.
Merchain the Principal Investigator, or Dr. Artineh Samkian the Faculty Advisor at the following
email addresses, merchain@usc.edu or samkian@rossier.usc.edu

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu

UNDOCUMENTED STUDENTS’ REFLECTIONS 295
SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have
been given a copy of this form.

AUDIO/VIDEO/PHOTOGRAPHS
□ I agree to be audio-recorded

□ I do not want to be audio-recorded

Name of Participant

Signature of Participant Date

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the participant and answered all of his/her questions. I believe
that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely consents to
participate.

_______________
Name of Person Obtaining Consent

Signature of Person Obtaining Consent Date

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The purpose of this study was to examine undocumented students’ personal reflections on their journey towards accessing post-secondary education including the challenges and successes they encountered in obtaining support from institutional agents. This study sought to explore the significant ways institutional agents provided or did not provide social capital, which could help undocumented students access post-secondary education. The findings from this qualitative case study were developed from the personal stories and experiences of six undocumented students and their reflections on the types of support they believed they received or did not receive during their high school years. The first theme was the lack of support the participants believed they received from their school-based staff (i.e., high school counselors/administrators). The second theme that emerged was the participants had to find ways to advocate for themselves, including in some cases seeking resources outside of high school (i.e., community organizations) to help them achieve their goals of accessing post-secondary education. The third theme was based on the positive and negative ways the students felt their undocumented status impacted and continues to impact their lives and their educational journeys, including the feelings of being an insider and an outsider simultaneously. The students in my study believed they had a difficult time getting support, guidance and encouragement from some of their school-based staff such as counselors and administrators. The findings of this study revealed that students reported a majority of support and encouragement they received came from teachers, parents, siblings, extended family members and outside community outreach programs. This study recommends school districts and policymakers reach out to their undocumented student population to ensure they are provided resources and guidance in their pursuit of post-secondary education that could help alleviate some of their challenges.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Merchain, Michelle Renée (author)

Core Title Undocumented students' personal reflections on the role institutional agents play in providing social capital towards post-secondary education

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 08/01/2016

Defense Date 06/20/2016

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag institutional agents,OAI-PMH Harvest,post-secondary education,school-based staff,social capital,undocumented students

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Samkian, Artineh (committee chair), Baca, Reynaldo (committee member), Slayton, Julie (committee member)

Creator Email merchain@usc.edu,michelle.merchain5@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-289558

Unique identifier UC11279499

Identifier etd-MerchainMi-4689.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-289558 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-MerchainMi-4689.pdf

Dmrecord 289558

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Merchain, Michelle Renée; Merchain, Michelle Renee

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA