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Running Head: NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS
PERSPECTIVES OF NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS
by
Deanna Ing Campbell
________________________________________________________________________
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2016
Copyright 2016 Deanna Ing Campbell
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 2
Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to my grandparents who together have had a profound
influence on who I am. From the roots of their work during their time on this earth, my journey
in this life has grown and blossomed in ways I never expected, but looking back makes perfect
sense. My Wai-Gong, who only knew me as a toddler, took huge risks and worked tirelessly to
provide a future for his family. My Wai-Po was the most brilliant, albeit “uneducated,” woman I
have ever known. My grandmother, Lola, taught me about passion and beauty. Granddad Don,
well, I wish you could have been here for this, I know you would have loved to be on this leg of
the journey with me. And, Barbara, I am so sorry I missed you. Thank you for your struggles and
your passions, which provided me with the opportunities that have made me who I am today.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 3
Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I would like to thank Dr. Artineh Samkian for sharing with and
instilling in me her love of qualitative research—the curiosity of learning about others’
experiences, the responsibility of authentically telling others’ stories, the joy (and sometimes
pain) of being allowed a glimpse into others’ lives, and the fear of possibly getting it all wrong.
She has guided me on this journey with her experience, expertise, suggestions, encouragement,
and most of all, enthusiasm. As a result, this process has been extraordinarily challenging and
rewarding personally, professionally, and academically. There is no other guide I would rather
have trusted so completely on this grand adventure. Thank you, Dr. Samkian!
I am also so very grateful to my parents and sister who have always supported me in
every adventure I have embarked upon and who have never expressed even a hint of doubt that I
could achieve what I set out to do. Without your unconditional love, unwavering faith, and
incredible moral (the daily text messages!) and physical (the food, the housekeeping, the Nellie
walks!) support this latest adventure would not have been possible.
To the study’s participants, my colleagues, and friends in the Native American
community, thank you for being so open with me, for continuing to deepen our partnership, and
for making me feel so welcome in your community. Obviously, this study would not have been
possible without your partnership every step of the way. I hope that our work together will
benefit your community and that I will continue to learn from you.
My dear friends, did you know that without your frozen vegan gluten-free enchiladas,
beat-up surfboards, spur-of-the-moment dog sitting, quiet room near the coast, immaculate house
cleaning, quick-outdoor-adventures-that-I-just-needed-to-show-up-for, space when I needed
space, shoulder when I needed a shoulder, chocolate cake and beer, chauffer services, lectures on
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 4
La Crise de la Francité, Sangha, love, and patience, I would not have been able to make it
through the day-to-day of this latest adventure? Thank you so very, very much. I am grateful to
you more than you possibly know.
Thank you to my incredible team of colleagues who always go above and beyond for our
students, who inspired me to conduct a study about our students, and who showed deep interest
in this study along the way. Thank you to Dr. McAteer who has been a role model for the type of
positive change and influence educators can have within their communities; thank you for also
being a mentor.
And thank you to my dedicated, serious, and hard-working committee members, Dr. Julie
Slayton and Dr. Kristan Venegas, who challenged and pushed me to go beyond what I knew I
was capable of doing.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 5
Table of Contents
List of Tables 8
List of Figures 9
Abstract 10
Chapter One: Introduction 11
Background of the Problem 14
Statement of the Problem 21
Purpose of the Study 22
Significance of the Study 22
Researcher Role and Identity 23
Definitions 24
Organization of Dissertation 25
Chapter Two: Literature Review 27
Integration, Involvement, and Engagement Literature 32
Institutional Departure (Integration) Theory 34
Theory Summary 40
Student Involvement Theory 40
Student Engagement Theory 43
Empirical Studies Framed by Integration, Involvement, and Engagement
Theories 45
Conclusion 54
Persistence in the Community College Context 55
Testing Persistence Theories in the Community College Context 58
Studies Broadly Examining Student, Institutional, and External Factors on
Persistence 69
Financial Aid and Persistence 74
Faculty and Persistence 76
Alternative Conceptualizations of Persistence 82
Conclusion 86
Native Americans in Higher Education 88
Conclusion 114
Conceptual Framework 115
Paradigmatic Foundation of Conceptual Framework 116
Theories and Experiential Knowledge Underlying Conceptual Framework
Structure 119
Components and Concepts of the Conceptual Framework 121
Conclusion 132
Chapter Three: Methods 134
Research Design 134
Indigenous Epistemology, and Critical Race and TribalCRIT Theories 137
Indigenous Epistemology 138
Critical Race and TribalCRIT Theories 141
Site Selection 142
Sample and Population 143
Instrumentation and Data Collection Procedures 146
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 6
Interviews 147
Focus Group 150
Data Collection Procedures and Logistics 153
Data Analysis 154
Limitations and Delimitations 156
Researcher Positionality 157
Threats to Internal Validity (Credibility or Trustworthiness) 159
Reliability and External Validity (Generalizability or Delimitations) 162
Conclusion 163
Chapter Four: Findings 164
Theme 1. Pathways of Native American Students through Community College 169
Why College and Why RCC? 172
Educational Goals 180
Identifying Majors 184
Nonlinear Pathway to Educational Goals 187
Theme 2. Community College Factors 203
Interactions with Faculty 208
Creating a Friendly, Open-minded, and Guiding Classroom
Atmosphere 209
Pushing, Encouraging, and Challenging Students 213
Being Available, Responsive, and Flexible in Addressing Student
Needs 217
Acknowledging Students 220
Implementing Useful Instruction-, and Curriculum-, Related
Strategies and Techniques 222
Campus Environment 228
Interactions with Students 236
Campus Services and Programs 247
Staff Interactions 252
Theme 3. Student Development and Growth 253
Dawn Rochelle 256
Dida 260
Dorothy 261
Ellen 262
Joseph 264
Lucy 266
Norma 267
Quwma 268
SaddsMah 270
Tashina 270
Theme 4. External Factors 272
Family 274
Work 283
Tribal Ed Center 285
Financial Aid 286
Significant Life Challenges 288
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 7
Tribal Community 289
Friends 292
Theme 5. Cultural Influences 294
Identity 297
Cultural Symbols, Behaviors, Beliefs, and Expectations 302
“Rez Life” 308
Racism 315
Curriculum 321
Historical Trauma 330
Native American Classmates 339
Conclusion 344
Chapter Five: Discussion 346
Summary of Findings 349
Theme 1. Pathways of Native American Students through Community
College 353
Theme 2. Community College Factors 354
Theme 3. Student Development and Growth 356
Theme 4. External Factors 356
Theme 5. Cultural Influences 358
Contributions of Study 361
Implications for Practice 363
Further Research 367
Conclusion 368
References 372
Appendix A: Persistence Theories (Integration, Involvement, and Engagement) Glossary 387
Appendix B: Individual Interview Protocol (1
st
Interview) 388
Appendix C: Demographic Questionnaire 394
Appendix D: Focus Group Protocol 396
Appendix E: Individual Interview Protocol (2
nd
Interview) 400
Appendix F: Memo Protocol 403
Appendix G: Recruitment Letter 405
Appendix H: Information Sheet 406
Appendix I: Evolution of Diagrammatic Representation of Conceptual Framework 409
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 8
List of Tables
Table 3.1: Participants’ Selected Demographic Information 136
Table 3.2: Incorporating Hart’s (2010) Indigenous Axiology Values in Study 140
Table 4.1: Summary of Findings 167
Table 4.2: Native American Community College Student Educational Goals 181
Table 4.3: Native American Community College Student Pathways to Educational Goals 200
Table 5.1: Summary of Findings 351
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 9
List of Figures
Figure 2.1: Tinto’s (1975) Theory of Integration 36
Figure 2.2: Tinto’s (1987, 1993) Theory of Integration 39
Figure 2.3: A Conceptualization of Tinto’s (1975) Model (Brunsden et al., 2000) 51
Figure 2.4: Webb’s (1989) Research Model of College Student Degree Persistence 64
Figure 2.5: An Alternative Model of Student Persistence (Stuart et al., 2014) 86
Figure 2.6: Conceptual Framework: First and Second Components 123
Figure 2.7: Conceptual Framework: First, Second, and Third Components 125
Figure 2.8: Conceptual Framework: First, Second, Third, and Fourth Components 128
Figure 2.9: Complete Conceptual Framework: First through Fifth Components 131
Figure 5.1: Complete Conceptual Framework 350
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 10
Abstract
Community colleges are increasingly accountable for student outcomes and have been
focused on closing outcome gaps among groups of students. Nevertheless, Native American
students have continued to be among the lowest performing ethnic groups. Yet there has been a
dearth of studies on Native American community college student experiences. This dissertation
addresses the lack of research by presenting perspectives of Native American community college
students. Native American students’ perspectives on their educational experiences and how those
experiences supported or hindered achievement of their educational goals provide a foundation
for understanding why outcome gaps persist. Further, these perspectives suggest ways the gaps
can be closed. The interviews and focus group conducted with 10 Native American community
college students resulted in qualitative data that revealed factors that influenced students’
educational experiences and educational goals. This study finds that students’ pathways through
community college, factors within the community college (faculty, campus environment,
students, services, staff), student development, factors external to the community college (family,
work, financial aid, “significant life challenges,” tribal community), and cultural factors
(identity, symbols, behaviors, expectations, “rez life,” racism, curriculum, historical trauma,
Native American classmates) influenced educational experiences and goals. This study posits
that by supporting the positive factors and mitigating the negative factors, community colleges
can better support Native American students in achieving their educational goals and thus move
closer to closing equity gaps. Further, this dissertation recommends further research on each of
these factors and how the factors influence and impact Native American community college
student success.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 11
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Native American students are among the lowest performing ethnic groups—as measured
by course retention, successful course completion and certificate and degree completion rates—
in the California Community College [CCC] system (CCCCO, n.d.). Recently, the CCC system
was mandated to close the various outcome gaps among student groups (CCCCO, n.d.). Yet
strategies to support increased outcomes for Native American community college students are
largely unknown. One reason is that research on Native American CCC students does not exist.
This study attempted to provide the first step toward addressing the outcome gap for Native
American community college students by first understanding their experiences in the CCC
system (specifically at Rural College Center [RCC], a small rural center of a CCC) and second
understanding how those experiences supported or hindered achievement of their educational
goals.
From the time of the first colonial colleges, Native Americans have faced a higher
education system that has been alternately apathetic and hostile to supporting Native American
students’ educational goals (AIHEC, n.d.; Belgarde, 1996; Carney, 1999; Lomawaima, 1999;
McClellan, Tippenconnic Fox, & Lowe, 2005; Tierney, 1991). Even today, in an environment in
which education systems and organizations have been facing increasing scrutiny to demonstrate
accountability through successful student outcomes, Native Americans have continued to be less
successful than nearly all other ethnic groups (Bragg & Durham, 2012; CCCCO, n.d.; Goldrick-
Rab, 2010; McPhail, 2011; NCES, n.d.). Continued lack of research on Native American
community college students could arguably be considered ongoing apathy. Community colleges,
with their open access mission, have historically measured success by increased enrollment
(Nunley, Bers, & Manning, 2011). However, the CCC system has shifted focus from enrollment
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 12
to student outcomes (such as retention, success and completion) in recent years and numerous
efforts have been implemented to address outcome gaps among various ethnic groups (CCCCO,
n.d.; CCLC, n.d.; Ching, Felix, & Bensimon, 2015). Even though Native American students are
among the lowest performing ethnic groups in the CCC system, efforts to close outcome gaps
have not addressed Native American student needs specifically (CCCCO, n.d.; CCLC, n.d.;
Ching et al., 2015).
Focusing this study on Native American students in the CCC system was important for a
number of reasons. Despite Native Americans representing a relatively small percentage of the
overall population in California, more Native Americans are living in California than any other
state (US Census, 2010). Additionally, California does not have any tribal colleges. It is the only
one of the three states with the largest Native American populations (together comprising 52% of
the total Native American population) without a tribal college (US Census, 2010; USDE, n.d.).
Tribal colleges, which are often open enrollment for Native American students and free or low
cost, have been shown to provide curriculum, services, and campus environments that are
culturally relevant and result in positive experiences for Native American students, and thus are
more likely to support successful outcomes (Brown, 2003; Martin, 2005; Rousey & Longie,
2001). Without a tribal college in California, Native American students do not have nearby
access to the programs and services unique to tribal colleges and are subsequently
disproportionately enrolling in the CCC system (because of the open enrollment and low cost).
As a result, more Native American students are enrolled in the CCC system than in the
University of California [UC] and California State University [CSU] systems combined
(CCCCO, n.d.; CPEC, n.d.; CSU, n.d.; UC, n.d.). Even so, Native Americans comprise a very
small percentage (0.47%) of total students in the CCC system. Further, there is a lack of
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 13
concentration of Native American students attending any single CCC (CCCCO, n.d.). Not
surprisingly, research focused on Native American college student outcomes in California,
specifically in the CCC context, is non-existent (CCCCO, n.d.).
Research is available on Native American students in postsecondary education more
generally, but that research is sparse (Adelman, Taylor, & Nelson, 2013; Brown, 2003; Freeman
& Fox, 2005; Gloria, & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Guillory, 2008;
Hunt & Harrington, 2010; Jackson, Smith, & Hill, 2003; Larimore & McClellan, 2005;
Lundberg, 2007). We do know quite a lot about student success factors in the community college
system more generally (Barbatis, 2010; Barnett, 2011; Bensimon, 2007; Bers Smith, 1991;
Calcagno, Bailey, Jenkins, Kienzl, & Leinbach, 2008; Dowd & Courey, 2006; Fike & Fike,
2008, Halpin, 1990; Hawley & Harris, 2006; Jacoby, 2006; McArthur, 2005; McClenney, 2007;
McClenney & Marti, 2006; Nora, 1990; Sorey & Duggan, 2008; Stuart, Rios-Aguilar, & Deil-
Amen, 2014; Wells, 2008) and efforts to support student success in community colleges,
particularly among ethnic minority groups, have been widespread (CCCCO, n.d.; CCLC, n.d.;
Ching et al., 2015). However, given that Native American student outcomes are lower than most
other ethnic groups, it appears that further research and efforts may be needed to better serve
Native American students. So, why have student outcomes among Native American community
college students continued to lag nearly all other ethnic groups? In order to answer this question,
an understanding of Native American student experiences and how those experiences influenced
student outcomes is critical.
Yet to date, experiences of Native American community college students in California
have not been studied. Further, the Native American student voice has been lost among the data
on student success in California. There were 5,673 Native American students among the 1.2
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 14
million community college students enrolled in California during Spring 2015 (CCCCO, n.d.).
Those Native American students were spread across 84 CCCs (CCCCO, n.d.). Only two of those
colleges had a Native American student population exceeding 3% of the total student body:
Redwoods (5.6%) and Cerritos (3.3%) (CCCCO, n.d.). Because Native American student
enrollment represented such a small percentage of the CCC system overall and of each individual
institution, their experiences were largely unnoticed and unheard because those experiences were
represented by aggregate student data. Thus, it was important to move beyond aggregate data and
examine individual Native American student experiences in the CCC system. This study sought
to explore Native American student experiences in the CCC system through students’ voices.
Hearing Native American student experiences in the community college context was just one
step toward more effectively supporting achievement of their educational goals. Understanding
how Native American students defined their educational goals and how their experiences
supported or hindered achievement of those goals may inform how the CCC system can support
or remove barriers to achieving those goals. In this chapter, I provide a context for this study
through describing the background of the problem, the statement of the problem, the purpose of
the study, the significance of the study, and the organization of the dissertation.
Background of the Problem
Given the history of Native Americans in higher education, it is not surprising that Native
Americans are among the lowest performing ethnic groups in the CCC system. McClellan et al.
(2005) argued that there has been a lack of any real effort to support Native Americans in higher
education in more than 200 years of history. Others asserted that the history of higher education
for Native Americans has been one of assimilation and eradication of culture, language and self-
determination (AIHEC, n.d.; Carney, 1999; Tierney, 1991). McClellan et al. (2005) believed that
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 15
an understanding of the history of Native Americans in higher education was critical for
supporting Native American students in the future. Thus, I present a very brief history of Native
Americans in higher education as background to this study. The history of Native Americans in
higher education has often been viewed as having three distinct periods: the colonial period
(beginning with the first contact between European settlers and ending with the Revolutionary
War), the federal period (beginning with the first treaty relationships between the United States
government and Native American nations until the self-determination period), and the self-
determination period (beginning arguably around 1934 to the present) (AIHEC, n.d.; Carney,
1999; Tierney, 1991). None of these periods were particularly supportive of Native American
higher education; in fact, most periods reflected education policies that sought to acculturate
rather than educate Native Americans.
The colonial period for Native American higher education was generally characterized as
a period of colonizing Native Americans by educating them in the ways (culture, language,
dress, and so forth) of the colonists (Lomawaima, 1999; Tierney, 1991). Because of this
objective and the resulting resistance among Native Americans, very few Native Americans
participated in higher education during this period. Although three of the nine colonial colleges
explicitly incorporated Native American education into their missions, little effort was made to
recruit or serve Native American students’ needs by offering relevant or useful curriculum
(AIHEC, n.d.; Carney, 1999). Ultimately, of the 47 Native American students enrolled at
colonial colleges, only four graduated during the colonial period (AIHEC, n.d.; Carney, 1999).
The federal period was characterized by a lack of development in higher education for
Native Americans despite a growth in higher education overall (Belgarde, 1996). Where there
was development, it focused on Christianization and forced acculturation of Native Americans
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 16
(Belgarde, 1996). It was not until 1830 that the first treaty addressing Native American higher
education was signed (Belgarde, 1996). By the early 1900s there were only two institutions of
higher education that specifically served Native American students (McClellan et al., 2005).
Some cited the 1928 Merriam Report, which encouraged Native American participation
in higher education and the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 that affirmed Native American
sovereignty and self-determination in education as the beginning of the self-determination period
for Native American higher education (Carney, 1999; McClellan et al., 2005). Although this
period reflected a focus on vocational education, it also supported an appreciation of Native
American culture and incorporation of culture into curriculum (AIHEC, n.d.). The GI Bill and
the start of the Bureau of Indian Affairs’ scholarship program in 1948 led to a growth in Native
American students in higher education (McClellan et al., 2005). Nevertheless, Native American
enrollment in higher education increased from 2,000 (0.36% of the total Native American
population) in the late 1950s to only 3,500 (0.42% of the total Native American population) in
the late 1960s (McClellan et al., 2005; Sandefur, Rindfuss, & Cohen, 1996). It was likely that
despite more favorable education programs, the slow growth was a result of federal government
actions in the 1940s and 1950s “to terminate its trust relationship with Native Americans,
relocate Native Americans from reservations…, and shift responsibility for Native American
services to the states” (McClellan et al., 2005, p. 10).
Others argued that it was not until the 1960s, when the federal government backed away
from these termination and relocation policies, that the self-determination period began (AIHEC,
n.d.). In 1968, the first tribally controlled community college was established (Belgarde, 1996).
Soon after, the Navajo Community College Act of 1971, the Indian Education Act of 1972, the
Indian Self-Determination and Assistance Act of 1975, and the Education Amendments of 1978
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 17
were passed and provided support for Native American self-determination in education
(Belgarde, 1996). By 1980 there were 19 tribal colleges, another 8 were established by 1990, and
at the time of this study there were more than 30 (Belgarde, 1996; USDE, n.d.). Although the
growth in tribal colleges was considered a positive development in Native American higher
education—namely because they provided curriculum relevant to Native American students,
embraced Native American culture, and were often located in or near tribal communities—by
1990 more Native Americans were enrolled in community colleges than in tribal colleges
(NCES, n.d.; USDE, n.d.).
The fact that more Native American students were enrolled in community colleges
compared to tribal colleges was likely a result of the rapid growth in the number of community
colleges. Between 1960 and 1990, the number of community colleges more than tripled to nearly
1,000 institutions (Clotfelter, 1991). Some argued that community colleges were established to
maintain White progressive ideology, which aimed to ensure White middle-class students would
have continued access to elite institutions by providing another option—community colleges—
for the increasing number of ethnic minority and lower socio-economic status students
graduating from high school (Beach, 2011; Weisberger, 2005). Critics contended that this agenda
was advanced through democratic rhetoric of open access (through free or low cost community
colleges) to higher education (Beach, 2011; Weisberger, 2005). Regardless, students of all
backgrounds and ethnicities took the open access mission of community colleges seriously and
enrollments in community colleges expanded rapidly from 2.2 million in 1970 to 7.2 million in
2010 (Beach, 2011; NCES, n.d.). Despite success in providing access, community colleges have
recently been criticized for not focusing on success and completion (Bailey & Morest, 2006). In
the last 15 years, the increased enrollments in the CCC system led to fiscal constraints, which in
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 18
turn led to a greater focus on accountability—ensuring that funding was spent to achieve
outcomes and that all students were achieving those outcomes. Thus, community colleges have
shifted their focus to outcomes (success) and closing equity gaps,
1
specifically among ethnic
minorities (Bailey & Morest, 2006; Bragg & Durham, 2012).
Approximately 43.6% of all Native American students enrolled in higher education are
enrolled in associate’s degree-granting institutions as opposed to 31.4% of White students
(NCES, n.d.). This is due in part to Native American students’ poor academic preparation.
Native American students have been more likely than White students to have social risk factors
that lead to low academic preparation for college (low parental education, language other than
English spoken at home, limited learning opportunities at home, and poor teacher perceptions)
(Freeman & Fox, 2005). Average SAT and ACT scores for Native American students have been
significantly lower than average scores for White students (Freeman & Fox, 2005). Low
academic preparation has precluded many Native American students from enrolling in
baccalaureate degree-granting institutions that often have selective admissions, compared to
open admissions for community colleges. Baccalaureate degree-granting institutions are also
more expensive than public associate’s degree-granting institutions (community colleges). For
example, tuition for one year at a CCC is only 25% of tuition at the CSU and less than 10% of
tuition at the UC (CCCCO, n.d.; CSU, n.d.; UC, n.d.). Also, 25% of Native Americans currently
live in poverty making the cost of postsecondary education a significant factor in choice of
institution (Pew Research, n.d.). Another reason Native American students are more likely to
1
I use the term “equity gap” to refer to the persistent gap in outcomes (achievement gap) that is often a
result of gaps in opportunities (Milner, 2010). As a result of unequal access to learning opportunities, certain groups
of students—often low SES and certain ethnic minorities, including Native Americans—continued to score lower
than other groups (achievement gap). These gaps together were increasingly referred to as an equity gap—lack of
fairness in education, inequitable access to learning opportunities, and inequality in educational achievement,
attainment and benefits (www.edglossary.org).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 19
attend associate’s degree-granting institutions is their proximity to tribal reservations. For
example, tribal colleges, predominantly associate’s degree-granting institutions, are typically
located on tribal reservations or near Native American communities (NIEA, n.d.). Additionally,
community colleges are often situated closer to tribal reservations than baccalaureate degree-
granting institutions (US Census, 2010; CCCCO, n.d.). In California, where the greatest number
of Native Americans reside (US Census, n.d.), 64.5% of Native American undergraduates are
enrolled in the CCC system (CCCCO, n.d.; CPEC, n.d.). Yet the completion rate (earning a
degree or certificate in 6 years or fewer) in the CCC system (35.9%) is significantly lower than
in the UC (83%) or CSU (50.4%) systems (CCCCO, n.d.; CPEC, n.d.; CSU, n.d.; UC, n.d.).
Further, the completion rate for Native American students in the CCC system—31.8% compared
to 48.7% for Asian, 37.9% for White, and 32.2% for Hispanic students—is among the lowest of
any other ethnic group (the completion rate for African Americans is slightly lower than for
Native Americans) (CCCCO, n.d.).
Recently, closing outcome (equity) gaps such as the completion gap noted above has
been an important focus for the CCC system. Students completing little or no college education
have typically earned less than those with a college degree—and that gap has been widening
(Autor, 2011). Marcotte, Bailey, Borkoski, and Kienzl (2005) found that for each year of
community college completed students earned 5% to 10% more than students with no college
education. College completion has been a critical factor for improving Native American
economic mobility (Haskins, Holzer, & Lerman, 2009). Economic mobility has been and likely
will continue to be essential for the future of Native Americans as they are among the poorest
ethnic groups (Pew Research, n.d.).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 20
Additionally, the impact of low degree attainment among Native American students has
been and is likely to continue to be of economic importance not only to the students themselves,
but to society as a whole. The U.S. education system has not been preparing enough students for
the demands of an increasingly skilled workplace (Community College Virtual Symposium,
2012); President Obama has called upon colleges to increase completion rates to meet the
growing demand for skilled employees (Obama, 2009). More broadly, many have argued that a
modern democracy relies not only on the economic benefits of a skilled workforce, but also on
an educated citizenry. Further, Brayboy (2006) suggested that the success of tribal communities
relies on successful education of Native Americans for effective leadership and members with an
understanding of tribal governance, issues and administration.
In 2008, RCC, a CCC center located in a county with Native Americans comprising
approximately 13% of the total population, established a partnership with the Tribal Ed Center, a
tribal organization (whose mission is to increase access to postsecondary education and career
training for Native Americans), to increase enrollment of Native American students at RCC (US
Census, 2010). Prior to the partnership, Native American students comprised 7.5% of RCC’s
student body (RCC, n.d.). By 2012, 18% of the student body was Native American (RCC, n.d.).
While enrollment of Native American students at RCC has increased, completion rates (earning a
certificate or degree) have remained low (RCC, n.d.). Despite implementing research-based
strategies to improve success and completion for community college students, 3-year completion
rates for Native American students at RCC was 2.7% compared to 14.3% for White students at
the time of this study (RCC, n.d.).
There remains a dearth of research focusing specifically on Native American students in
postsecondary education (Hunt & Harrington, 2010; Jackson et al., 2003; Larimore & McClellan,
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 21
2005; Lundberg, 2007). While nearly two-thirds of Native American students in California
attend CCCs (CCCCO, n.d.), nearly all research on Native American college students have
focused on baccalaureate degree-granting institutions and applied broad theories—such as
integration, engagement, and involvement theories—to Native Americans experiences (Guillory
& Wolverton, 2008; Larimore & McClellan, 2005; Lundberg, 2007; Jackson et al., 2003).
Bowman (2003) asserted that the lack of research on Native American students in postsecondary
education reflects the lack of urgency in addressing the continued failure of the system to support
Native American students.
Statement of the Problem
At the time of this study, more Native American students were enrolled in the CCC
system than any other system of higher education nationwide (CCCCO, n.d.; NCES, n.d.). Yet
very little is known about Native American student experiences in the CCC system other than the
data show that they have had lower rates of successful outcomes than most other ethnic groups
(CCCCO, n.d.; RCC, n.d.). Research on Native American students in postsecondary education
has shown that Native American students faced many challenges that also affect other minority
ethnic groups, such as low-SES, poor academic preparation, and lack of education resources at
home (Freeman & Fox, 2005). However, the same research showed that these challenges were
often more pronounced for Native American students (Freeman & Fox, 2005). Further, other
factors unique to Native American students may have also influenced student success in
postsecondary education such as family and tribal community culture and expectations, and the
historical context of education for Native Americans (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; McClellan et
al., 2005; Martin, 2005; Rousey & Longie; 2001). In order to address equity gaps among Native
American community college students in California, it is important to first examine Native
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 22
American student experiences in the CCC system and explore the factors that either supported or
hindered Native American students’ success in higher education so as to add to the literature
base on this important and largely overlooked student population.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to explore Native American student experiences at a CCC
center (RCC) and to examine whether students’ experiences supported or hindered achievement
of educational goals. Native American voices have remained largely unheard in higher education
particularly in the CCC context where more Native American students are enrolled than in
baccalaureate degree-granting institutions (NCES, n.d.). Thus, this study listened to the voices of
Native American CCC students. The study was designed to explore how Native American
students described their experiences at RCC, a small CCC center. Further, this study was
designed to understand whether Native American students described those experiences as
supporting or hindering achievement of their educational goals. Additionally, another important
goal of this study was to inform programs and practices at RCC to better support Native
American students in achieving their educational goals. The following research questions guided
this study:
1. How do Native American students describe their experiences at RCC?
2. How do those experiences support or hinder achievement of their educational goals?
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because it gives voice to Native American students in the CCC
context. There has been a gap in the literature focusing on Native American students in the
community college context, particularly in the CCC system. At the time of this study, more
Native American students were enrolled in the CCC system than in any other postsecondary
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 23
education system. Thus, the contributions of this study may have implications for a large number
of Native American students, as well as other CCCs serving Native American students. Further,
because Native American students as a whole have lagged behind other minority ethnic groups in
student outcome measures in the postsecondary education system, this study may be important in
understanding the factors associated with Native American student outcomes more broadly.
Lastly, the results of this study may inform the design and development of programs and
practices to better support Native American students at RCC, a CCC center, and possibly at other
CCCs.
Researcher Role and Identity
I, the researcher, am the director of RCC, the study site. As such, I have and continue to
work closely with the Tribal Ed Center staff. I believe that I have a strong professional and
personal relationship with the Tribal Ed Center staff. We have worked closely, and successfully,
over the prior eight years to increase college-going rates among Native American students in our
community. I view the partnership between our two organizations as a strong and collaborative
partnership through which we have endeavored to support Native American student success. The
Tribal Ed Center staff was instrumental in identifying and inviting students to participate in this
study and in developing instrumentation. In my role as an administrator at RCC, I have regularly
interacted with students. Over the years, that interaction has increased as I purposefully
embraced theories and practices that suggested interaction with students fostered student success.
Such interactions included “brown bag” lunches and other informal opportunities for me to meet
and get to know students and build community. My role as administrator at RCC, and my focus
on supporting Native American student success, posed potential threats to internal validity due to
researcher bias and reactivity. Another important factor for this study is that I am not Native
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 24
American. Smith (2012) raised a number of concerns about non-Native American researchers
researching Native American experiences. I attempted to address those concerns throughout this
study. These threats and concerns are addressed in Chapter Three in the section discussing the
study’s limitations and delimitations.
Definitions
A glossary of terms used in the persistence theory literature reviewed for this study is
presented in Appendix A. In this section I present a few terms that are used frequently
throughout this study. The following are my operational definitions and rationale for the terms.
Associate’s degree-granting institution: a postsecondary institution that confers
associate’s degrees, but does not confer baccalaureate degrees. Most community colleges and
many tribal colleges are associate’s degree-granting institutions. Commonly called “2-year
colleges,” I avoided the term, “2-year colleges,” because many students enrolled in an associate’s
degree-granting institution have been, or are likely to be, enrolled for more than 2 years.
Baccalaureate degree-granting institution: a postsecondary institution that confers
baccalaureate degrees. Commonly referred to as “4-year colleges,” I avoided the term, “4-year
colleges,” because more and more students enrolled in baccalaureate degree granting institutions
have been, or are likely to be, enrolled for more than 4 years.
Ethnicity: a categorization of a group whose members identify with each other on the
basis of common historical or shared cultural experiences. Ethnicity was used in this study to
refer to both ethnicity and race. Ethnicity was a more accurate reflection of the group, Native
Americans, to which the study’s participants belong. Although the group, Native Americans, is
often considered a race, race refers to a shared biology. Of importance for this study was
understanding shared historical and cultural experiences, rather than a shared biology.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 25
Native American: indigenous peoples in the geographic area of the United States,
excluding Native Hawaiians. Most demographic data categorized Native Hawaiians separately
from Native Americans (including Alaskan Natives). Native American was used in this
dissertation rather than American Indian, Indian, or Indigenous Peoples because most of the
people I worked with in the RCC community referred to themselves as Native, or Native
American. At the time of this study, no consensus existed among researchers or Native
Americans on the preferred terminology.
Persistence: continuance of formal education from one period to another. This term was
defined differently in various studies based on persistence in the same institution or within the
system, and persistence between specified periods. In this study, persistence was a proxy for
achievement of educational goals. Educational goals were defined by each participant in the
study. Thus, persistence was defined very broadly.
This study used these terms when reflecting the researcher’s voice. When reviewing
empirical or theoretical studies, I used the terminology used in the respective studies.
Organization of the Dissertation
This study is organized into five chapters. Chapter One provides a context for the study,
including the background of the problem, the statement of the problem, the research questions,
and the significance of the study. Chapter Two is a literature review of the research problem. The
literature reviewed included persistence theories that highlight the role of the institution,
empirical and theoretical studies on persistence in the community college context, and literature
on Native American student persistence in higher education. Based on the literature reviewed, a
conceptual framework for the study is presented. Chapter Three describes the research methods
of the study beginning with research design, and including: philosophical assumptions and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 26
paradigms, site selection, population and sampling methods, instrument selection and
description, data collection methods, data analysis process, researcher positionality, threats to
internal validity, and reliability and external validity issues. Chapter Four presents the study’s
results, findings, and discussion of the findings. Chapter Five summarizes the findings, identifies
implications and limitations of the study, and discusses areas for further research.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 27
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This study sought to understand how Native American students described their
experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered their educational goals. A
secondary purpose of this study was to understand Native American student experiences at RCC
to inform institutional practices that may better support students in meeting their educational
goals however participants defined those goals. Whether those goals were success—earning a C
or better in a class, completion—earning a certificate, degree or transfer eligibility, or some other
goal entirely, students cannot pass classes nor can they complete desired programs if they do not
continue to participate in the college context over a period of time sufficient to achieve their
goals. Thus, I relied on persistence literature, which examined the reasons students chose to
either continue in or depart from the college environment as a way to understand student
experiences in the college context and how those experiences influenced educational goals. A
broad body of persistence research demonstrated that student characteristics, institutional factors,
the interaction between the student and the institution, and external factors influenced college
student persistence (Astin, 1984; Bean & Metzner, 1985; Berger & Milem, 1999; Braxton &
McClendon, 2002; Brunsden, Davies, Shelven, & Bracken, 2000; Cabrera, Nora, & Casteneda,
1993; Demetriou & Schmitz-Sciborki, 2011; Hossler, 2006; Kuh, 2001, 2003; Kuh, Cruce,
Shoup, Kinzie, & Gonyea, 2008; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980, 1991; Stage, 1989; Tinto, 1975,
1987, 1993).
Yet researchers cautioned that examining and addressing student departure and
persistence should not be undertaken without first understanding student experiences in the
college context (Tierney, 1992, 2000; Tinto, 1993). Tinto’s (1993) theory of integration
explicitly relied on the ethnomethodological premise that “what one thinks is real, has real
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 28
consequences” (p. 136), suggesting that students’ perceptions of their experiences influenced
their decisions about persistence. Further, Hiraldo (2010) suggested that giving students of color
a voice to describe their experiences in higher education was central to analyzing an institution’s
climate and addressing institutional practices to support student outcomes. Thus, before seeking
to inform institutional practices to support persistence, success, and completion, I needed to
understand student experiences in the college context. This study, through examining how
students described their experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered
achievement of their educational goals, was the foundation for that understanding. Nevertheless,
to frame the question of how Native American students described their experiences at RCC and
how those experiences supported or hindered achievement of their educational goals, I drew
from literature that examined the reasons students chose to persist at a particular institution of
higher education. For example, a student might have decided to persist semester-to-semester if
she had a goal of completing a certificate, degree, or transfer requirements within a certain time
frame. Another student might have decided not to persist if the cost (both current and future) of
attending school outweighed the benefit of working full-time in a particular semester.
This study focused on persistence literature that highlighted institutional factors that
influenced students’ decisions to persist, was set in the community college context, or examined
Native American student experiences. Since one of the goals of this study was to inform actions
at RCC that may support achievement of educational goals (which requires some degree of
persistence and relies on persistence as a proxy for achievement of educational goals), of
particular interest were persistence theories highlighting institutional factors—characteristics and
actions—that influenced students’ decisions to persist. Integration theory was the first theory of
persistence that emphasized the interaction between the student and the institution as a factor of
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 29
persistence (Tinto, 1975, 1987, 1993). Two additional theories, involvement and engagement,
built upon Tinto’s integration theory and provided a basis for better understanding the various
types of interaction between the student and the institution, which influenced students’ decisions
to persist in the higher education setting (Astin, 1984; Kuh, 2003).
While it was important for this study to understand the institution’s role in students’
experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered their educational goals, it
was also important to place that understanding in the context of persistence literature more
generally in the community college context as well as for Native American students more
specifically. In the community college context, empirical evidence suggested that integration,
involvement, and engagement theories alone might be insufficient for understanding student
persistence (Barbatis, 2010; Dowd & Coury, 2006; Nora, 1990; Sorey & Duggan, 2008; Wells,
2008; Stuart et al., 2014). Further, empirical studies focusing on Native American student
experiences revealed additional factors that might influence success and persistence decisions
(Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Jackson & Smith, 2001; Jackson et al., 2003; Lundberg,
2007; Reyner & Dodd, 1995; Rousey & Longie, 2001). As such, integration, involvement, and
engagement theories as well as empirical studies on persistence in the community college
context and empirical studies on success and persistence for Native American students
specifically provided a basis for the framing of this study, and as such are presented in this
chapter.
First, I present integration, involvement, and engagement theories, which provided an
understanding of an institution’s role in college student persistence (Astin, 1984; Kuh, 2003;
Tinto, 1975, 1987, 1993). Tinto’s (1975, 1987, 1993) theory of institutional departure
(integration) provided a basis for understanding students’ decisions to leave an institution. Tinto
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 30
(1975, 1993) argued that students who integrated into academic and social systems within the
school were less likely to depart. Astin (1984) categorized his student involvement theory as a
theory of student development with origins in student persistence research. Astin (1984) defined
involvement as the amount and quality of physical and psychological effort students committed
to the academic experience and suggested that there was a direct proportional relationship
between involvement and academic development. Kuh (2003), drawing from Astin’s (1984)
work, emphasized student engagement as a key factor in student development. Kuh (2003)
defined student engagement as having two components, student effort and time engaged in
academic activities. Together these theories provided a framework for exploring how students
interacted with the institution at RCC.
Second, I reviewed literature examining student persistence in the community college
context. Much of the persistence literature was set in the baccalaureate degree-granting college
context (Berger & Milem, 1999; Brunsden et al., 2000; Cabrera et al., 1993; Kuh et al., 2008;
Milem & Berger, 1997; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980, 1991). A number of characteristics typical
of community colleges presented challenges to dominant theoretical and empirical research on
persistence. For example, community colleges are typically non-residential, open-access, less
expensive, associate’s degree-granting, and have a broader mission that may include other
objectives (basic skills, job skills, continuing education) in addition to certificate, degree, and
transfer program completion. Examining empirical studies on persistence in the community
college context provided additional insights for understanding Native American student
experiences at RCC. Some of the literature on persistence in the community college context
supported the hypotheses proposed in integration, involvement, and engagement theories
(Halpin, 1990; Nora, Attinasi, & Matonak, 1990). Other studies revealed the importance of
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 31
specific student characteristics as well as external factors such as financial aid and family
obligations for persistence (Barbatis, 2010; Fike & Fike, 2008; Hawley & Harris, 2006; Nora,
1990; Sorey & Duggan, 2008; Stuart et al., 2014; Wells, 2008). Community college persistence
literature added to the framework for understanding student experiences at RCC.
Finally, I present literature that reviewed Native American student success and
persistence. Because of the limited research on Native American persistence in higher education,
I also included studies that examined Native American success in higher education. Native
American success and persistence studies provided an understanding of the unique and varied
experiences of Native American students in higher education. Further, these studies
demonstrated how those experiences influenced Native American student persistence. In
particular, Native American success and persistence literature highlighted the role of family and
tribal community in persistence decisions for Native American students (Guillory & Wolverton,
2008; Jackson & Smith, 2001; Jackson et al., 2003; Rousey & Longie, 2001). This body of
literature further added to the framework for understanding Native American student experiences
at RCC.
In sum, I used integration, involvement, and engagement theories, community college
persistence literature and Native American success and persistence literature to answer the
following research questions and to inform the data collection and analysis process:
1. How do Native American students describe their experiences at RCC?
2. How do those experiences support or hinder achievement of their educational goals?
I conclude this chapter with a description and illustration of my conceptual framework drawn
from and informed by the literature reviewed. The conceptual framework provided a guide for
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 32
my study’s methods determining the data I collected, the instruments I used to collect the data,
and the process I used to analyze the data.
Integration, Involvement, and Engagement Literature
In order to understand how Native American students described their experiences within
a higher education context, this study examined higher education persistence theories that
emphasized the role of the institution in student persistence. In particular, Tinto’s (1975, 1987,
1993) theory of integration, Astin’s (1984) theory of involvement, and Kuh’s (2003) theory of
engagement examined the role of institutional actions, the role of student perceptions and
behaviors, and the interaction between the two in student persistence. Although other studies
examined the role of interaction between the student and the institution in student persistence,
they focused more narrowly on a specific aspect of interaction (academic advising, student
orientation, faculty engagement), rather than interaction more generally (Anderson, 1997;
Braxton, 2000; Braxton & McClendon, 2002; Habley, 2004; Hossler, 2006; Wyckoff, 1998). A
glossary of select terms used in integration, involvement, and engagement theory literature is
presented in Appendix A.
Bean (1981) built upon Tinto’s (1975) theory of integration and Astin’s (1977) theory of
involvement by adding academic variables, and internal and external environmental factors to
interaction with the institution (Metz, 2004). Nevertheless, interaction was only one of many
factors, not the central focus of Bean’s (1981) model. Similarly, Terenzini and Reason (2005)
developed a framework of student persistence based upon the work of Tinto (1993) and Astin
(1984). However, interaction between student and the institution was also only one of many
factors in their model (Terenzini & Reason, 2005). In fact, organizational context (structural and
demographic characteristics)—source of support (private versus public funding), curricular
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 33
mission (research, vocational, and so forth), size and admissions selectivity—was identified as a
critical factor of student persistence (Reason, 2009). Since one of the goals of this study was to
inform institutional action to support student success, organizational context was not as
important in understanding student experiences at RCC. For example, as director of RCC, I do
not have control over funding sources, curricular mission, or admissions selectivity. Persistence
theories emphasizing the interaction between the student and the institution provided the
foundation for understanding student experiences. As director of RCC, I have influence over
institutional programs, services and practices that may influence interactions between the student
and the institution.
Tinto’s (1975, 1987, 1993) theory of integration was one of the first theories to focus on
the college institution as a primary factor of student persistence (Tinto, 1993). Prior persistence
theories examined either student characteristics or environmental factors, but did not address the
interaction between the two (Bean, 1980, 1981; Bean & Metzner, 1985; Spady, 1970, 1971).
Following Tinto (1975), Astin (1984) and Kuh (2003) sought to broadly explain the types of
interactions between students and the college institution. Astin (1984), in his theory of student
involvement, synthesized findings from numerous empirical studies in which student perceptions
and behaviors were linked to persistence. These perceptions and behaviors, Astin (1984) argued,
were a function of institutional environment. Kuh (2003) described his theory of engagement as
a slight departure from involvement theory focusing more heavily on the institution’s role in
influencing student perception and behavior rather than a student’s quantity and quality of
involvement (Wolf-Wendel, Ward, & Kinzie, 2009). Each of these theories was unique among
persistence theories as they focused on the interaction between the student and the college
institution and how that interaction supported positive student experiences. Additionally, all
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 34
three theories were developed with the intention of providing insights for institutional actors to
effect change to better support persistence (Wolf-Wendel et al., 2009). First I present each
theory: integration, involvement and engagement. I then review select empirical studies testing
or using these theories. Finally, I identify additional areas needed for review in order to answer
the study’s research questions.
Institutional Departure (Integration) Theory
Tinto (1975) in his article, “Dropout from higher education: A theoretical synthesis of
recent research,” emphasized the interactive integration, or lack thereof, between student and
institution as a primary factor in a student’s decision to depart from or persist in college. Tinto
(1975) sought to explain the processes of interactive integration between student and institution
that led different students to depart from the institution. He criticized previous studies for
describing, but not explaining the interactive processes leading to departure, and overlooking the
role of the institution in those interactive processes. Thus, prior studies were not well-suited to
the needs of institutional actors seeking strategies to retain students on campus. Further, he
faulted other studies for not differentiating between voluntary and involuntary departure; his
theory focused on voluntary departure. Tinto (1975) drew analogies from Durkheim’s (1951)
theory of suicide, which suggested that in order to become a member of a new group (society),
individuals must integrate into the social system. Insufficient integration with respect to both
values and collective affiliation would lead to withdrawal from that society. Durkheim (1951)
suggested that societal structures and norms could be modified to enhance integration and reduce
withdrawal. Tinto (1975) applied these ideas to the college context suggesting that students who
insufficiently integrated into the academic (values) and social (collective affiliation) systems of
the college environment (society) would be more likely to depart (withdraw).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 35
Durkeim’s (1951) theory of suicide described the societal conditions that resulted in
suicide rates in a society, but did not explain individual suicide. To develop a theory that
explained individual withdrawal from a particular institution, Tinto (1975) incorporated
individual student characteristics such as family background, individual attributes, and pre-
college schooling. He also included student expectations and motivation, which were described
as goal commitment (expectations and motivation toward a certain degree or level of education)
and institutional commitment (affiliation and attachment to a particular institution). Tinto (1975)
believed that student characteristics, expectations and motivation would influence students’
perception of the college environment and therefore how students integrated into the academic
and social systems. At the same time, Tinto (1975) described the interaction between student and
institution as simultaneous integration: the actions of the institution influence student integration
and the involvement of the student influence actions of the institution. For example, an
institution might have policies to include students in governing bodies on campus such as a
college council. In turn, student input might change the nature of future college policies and
organizations. According to Tinto’s (1975) theory it was this process of integration that most
directly affected students’ decisions to persist or depart. Tinto (1975) also identified external
factors such as “cost-benefit analysis” as having a role in students’ departure decisions, but that
if students perceived academic and social integration to be strong and positive, they were likely
to persist despite external factors.
Tinto’s (1975) initial theory of integration (see Figure 2.1) described persistence as a
longitudinal process of interactions between a student and the academic and social systems of the
institution during which those interactions influence goal and institutional commitments, which
ultimately lead to persistence or dropout decisions. Tinto’s (1975) model recognized that
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 36
students enter college with diverse family backgrounds, individual attributes (gender, ethnicity
and ability), and pre-college experiences (academic preparedness and social attainment), which
influence their commitment to academic goals (degree attainment and degree level—bachelors,
masters or doctorate, as well as major) and institutional commitment. These pre-college
characteristics and commitments influence a student’s performance and interactions with both
the academic (grade performance and intellectual development) and social (peer-group and
faculty interactions) systems. Combined, these behaviors influence a student’s perception of
academic and social integration that result in adjustment of goal and institutional commitments.
The model predicted that as perceptions of academic and social integration become more
positive, goal and institutional commitments become stronger and a student persists. Conversely,
the model predicted that as a student perceives poor academic and social integration, goal and
institutional commitments become weaker and a student may decide to drop out.
Figure 2.1. Tinto’s (1975) Theory of Integration. A conceptual schema for dropout from
college depicting Tinto’s (1975) theory of integration. From “Dropout from higher education: A
theoretical synthesis of recent research,” by V. Tinto, 1975, Review of Educational Research,
45(1), p. 95. Copyright 1975 by the American Educational Research Association.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 37
In Tinto’s (1987, 1993) follow-up book describing his theory of integration—Leaving
College: Rethinking the Causes and Cures of Student Attrition—he elaborated on his reasons for
finding prior theories of persistence insufficient. He argued that most theories were either
focused entirely on psychological or entirely on environmental—social, economic, and
organizational—factors of persistence. Tinto argued that while psychological models cited
individual abilities and dispositions as primary factors of persistence, they provided an
incomplete understanding of departure because research did not reveal a particular “departure-
prone” set of personal traits. Psychological models also ignored the role of the environment in
departure and did not provide institutions with strategies to address departure. Environmental
theories, on the other hand, encompassed social, economic, and organizational theories of student
persistence. Tinto (1987, 1993) criticized social theories for stressing external forces in student
departure at the expense of institutional forces and thus missed the variation in persistence across
institutions. He argued that economic theories emphasized factors that were usually secondary
considerations for student departure—lack of funding, for example. Finally, Tinto (1987, 1993)
pointed out that organizational theories did not explain individual student departure, rather
departure across institutions. As such, Tinto found weaknesses in environmental theories that
attempted to explain departure from institutions.
Tinto (1987, 1993) believed that looking beyond studies of education would provide
other perspectives for understanding individual student persistence. Thus, Tinto (1987, 1993)
added insights from Van Gennep’s (1960) work on “rites of passage” to his previous analogs
from Durkeim’s (1951) studies of suicide to enhance his theoretical framework. Van Gennep
(1960) believed that an individual experiences three distinct stages during the rites of passage
when joining a new group: separation from the past, transition into the new setting, and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 38
incorporation through adopting new norms and expectations. The stages provide a way of
thinking about student persistence as a longitudinal process and recognizing the difficulty
students may face in the early years as they separate from former groups—high school, family,
and work—and transition into college.
Tinto’s (1987, 1993) expanded theory placed stronger emphasis on the idea that the
college institution is only one of many commitments or environments that a student must
navigate. These external commitments influence and alter goals and plans, but also may compete
with academic commitments and pull students from the academic environment (Tinto, 1987,
1993). While he deepened his theory by incorporating other influences on students’ ultimate
goals and outcomes, Tinto still maintained his position on the important role of the institution.
Tinto (1987, 1993) suggested three principles to guide practical application of integration
theory focusing on institutional action. He suggested that institutional policies and programs
should be first committed to students and their welfare. Second, these policies and programs
should be committed to education of all students (Tinto, 1987, 1993). The third principle that
Tinto (1987, 1993) proposed was the commitment to integration of all students into the social
and intellectual community of the institution.
Tinto’s (1993) second edition of Leaving College: Rethinking the Causes and Cures of
Student Attrition, did not diverge significantly from the first (Tinto, 1987) edition. However, in
response to critiques and research conducted since 1987, Tinto (1993) described how his theory
applied to the experiences of older students, students of color and students in the community
college context. Additionally, he emphasized the importance of student experiences in the
classroom for persistence.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 39
In summary, Tinto’s (1987, 1993) revised model (see Figure 2.2) included three key
modifications to his original model (1975), which are shaded in the figure below. Tinto’s (1987,
1993) expanded theory of integration added the external community through “external
commitments” as a factor influencing students’ goal and institutional commitments, academic
and social interactions, and social and academic integration. Additionally, Tinto (1987, 1993)
refined his description of students’ individual attributes pre-college as “skills and abilities.”
Lastly, Tinto (1987, 1993) included students’ intentions as a factor influencing goal and
institutional commitments.
Figure 2.2 Tinto’s (1987, 1993) Theory of Integration. A longitudinal model of institutional
departure depicting Tinto’s (1987, 1993) theory of integration. From Leaving college: Rethinking
the causes and cures of student attrition (2
nd
Ed.) by V. Tinto, 1993, p. 114. Copyright 1993 by
the University of Chicago Press.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 40
Theory Summary. Tinto (1975, 1987, 1993) argued that individual departure should be
viewed as arising from a longitudinal process of interactions between, on the one hand, an
individual student possessing a set of attributes and skills and having certain goals and
motivations, and, on the other, members of academic and social systems within an educational
institution. His theory of integration described processes specifically within the academic and
social systems of an educational institution leading to student persistence or departure. Tinto
(1975, 1987, 1993) argued that in order to avoid departure, students must integrate into academic
and social systems within the school and that both institutional actors and practices as well as
student perceptions and behaviors played a role in the interactive integration processes. Further,
Tinto (1975, 1987,1993) posited that whether a student departed or persisted could be predicted
by the level of academic and social integration, which could evolve over time as integration and
commitment to academic and occupational goals interacted. Tinto (1993) described academic
and social integration as “the individual [becoming] a competent member in the social and
intellectual (academic) communities of the college” (p.136).
Student Involvement Theory
Similar to Tinto’s (1993) theory of integration, Astin (1984) in his theory of student
involvement defined involvement as both academic and social and “hypothesized that the more
involved that student is, the more successful he or she will be in college” (Wolf-Wendel et al.,
2009, p. 410). Further, Astin (1984) believed that involvement could be supported by
institutional actions and that it provided an explanation for student experiences leading to
persistence (Wolf-Wendel et al., 2009). Thus, Astin’s (1984) theory of involvement provided a
framework for understanding student experiences at RCC and how those experiences might
support or hinder achievement of educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 41
Astin (1984) in “Student involvement: A developmental theory for higher education,”
sought to make sense of student development literature. His theory of involvement emerged from
a desire to simplify research findings and to explain the influence of environment on student
development. Additionally, Astin’s (1984) theory incorporated influences from a broad base of
theories such as psychoanalysis—Freud’s concept of cathexis, and classical learning theory—
“time-on-task.” Lastly, Astin’s (1984) intent was to develop a theory that would be useful not
just for researchers, but also practitioners in developing more effective school environments.
Astin’s (1984) involvement theory defined involvement as the amount and quality of
physical and psychological effort students committed to academic experiences. Astin (1984)
emphasized the behavioral, as opposed to the motivational, aspects of involvement. Additionally,
Astin (1984) described involvement as occurring along three continua—involvement of an
individual student, involvement in a particular object, and involvement across time. He
suggested that there was a direct proportional relationship between involvement and learning.
Further, Astin (1984) argued that effectiveness of education policy was a function of its capacity
to increase involvement.
He contrasted his theory with earlier theory types including subject-matter, resource, and
individualized theories (Astin, 1984). Astin (1984) argued that subject-matter theories focused
on exposure to content with students playing a passive role in learning. In contrast, his theory
suggested that what students do, rather than what faculty do, was more important for learning
(Astin, 1984). Thus, students should play an active role in their development. Resource theories,
according to Astin (1984), asserted that the more resources—such as libraries, computers,
faculty, counselors, and financial aid—available for students, the greater their learning and
development. Astin (1984) criticized resource theories for not considering how those resources
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 42
were used by students. Lastly, individualized theories postulated that no single method of
instruction could meet the needs of all students (Astin, 1984). Thus, individualized approaches
borrowed from many other theories to create individualized programs for students (Astin, 1984).
Astin (1984) pointed out that these theories were limited in that there was a finite number of
approaches that could be made available to students. Thus, individualized theories were
impractical for understanding student learning and development. Astin (1984) believed that his
involvement theory bridged the variables of subject-matter, resource, and individualized theories
of student learning and development outcomes through the level and quality of student
involvement. In contrast to student development theories, Astin’s (1984) involvement theory
focused on how the student developed, rather than the outcome of development stages.
Astin (1984) outlined factors that contributed to student involvement, including student
time available, residence (on or off campus), participation in honors programs, student-faculty
interaction, and academic, athletic, and student government involvement. These factors helped
inform practical applications of the theory. For example, faculty and administrators should focus
on engagement rather than mechanics of student development and learning, and student affairs
professionals should assume an increasingly prominent role on campus (Astin, 1984).
Astin’s (1984) theory of involvement provided a framework for understanding student
experiences at RCC through their behaviors, specifically involvement in various activities and
across time as well as interactions with faculty, and how those experiences supported or hindered
achievement of educational goals. Additionally, Astin’s (1984) theory of involvement provided
insights into institutional actions that supported student involvement and subsequently attainment
of educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 43
Student Engagement Theory
Another theory that centered on the interaction between students and the institution as a
factor of student persistence was Kuh’s (2001, 2003) engagement theory. This theory provided
another framework for understanding Native American student experiences at RCC and how
those experiences supported or hindered achievement of academic goals. Kuh’s (2001, 2003)
engagement theory was inspired by seven principles, which were a result of a 1986 Wingspread
retreat—a gathering of leading educational scholars to synthesize research on teaching and
learning held at Wingspread, the Johnson Foundation international education conference facility
(Chickering & Gamson, 1987). These principles, measures, theories and indicators were later
supported by Pascarella and Terenzini (1991) in their review of research on college students. In
particular, Kuh’s (2001) ideas about engagement were influenced by Pace’s (1980) quality of
effort measures, Astin’s (1984) theory of involvement, as well as Chickering and Gamson’s
(1987) indicators of promising practices in undergraduate education from the Wingspread retreat
(Kuh, 2001; Wolf-Wendel et al., 2009). Kuh (2001), in developing his theory of engagement,
was also responding to college rankings, which did not reflect institutions’ performance on these
research-supported principles. Kuh (2003), rather, believed that institutions should be measured
on how well they fostered learning. Further, he asserted that research demonstrated that students
learn when engaged in “educationally purposeful activities” (Kuh, 2003, p. 25). Thus, Kuh
(2001) and a team of education researchers developed the National Survey of Student
Engagement [NSSE] to measure what research suggested were institutional practices that
supported student engagement. The survey was first administered in 2000 (Kuh, 2001).
Kuh (2001), drawing on Astin’s (1984) work, emphasized student engagement as a key
factor in student success. Student engagement was defined by two components, student effort
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 44
and time engaged in academic activities, similar to Astin’s (1984) involvement theory (Wolf-
Wendel et al., 2009). Kuh (2003) described the principle of engagement as having three
components: the more time students spent on a topic, the more they learned; the more practice
and feedback students received, the more competent they became; and the more students
engaged in promising educational practices, the more they developed lifelong learning habits.
Kuh (2001) also incorporated how institutions allocated resources and organized
opportunities to encourage students to engage in those activities into his engagement theory
(Wolf-Wendel et al., 2009). Thus, Kuh (2001) diverged slightly from Astin’s (1984) theory
placing equal responsibility on the institution. In doing so, Kuh (2001) also built upon Tinto’s
(1993) integration theory, which emphasized both the institution’s responsibility and the
student’s responsibility. Tinto (1993), however, was concerned with causes of departure—such
as lack of integration—rather than the specific activities and behaviors that led to integration
(Wolf-Wendel et al., 2009). Kuh (2001), through the NSSE project sought to determine the
extent to which students engaged in behaviors supporting academic success. The project also
measured the extent to which institutions implemented practices supporting engagement and thus
academic success (Kuh, 2001).
Through NSSE, Kuh (2003) and others highlighted five benchmarks that measured the
educational activities related to learning—engagement factors. The benchmarks were:
1. Level of academic challenge;
2. Enriching educational experiences;
3. Student-faculty interaction;
4. Active and collaborative learning; and
5. Supportive campus environment.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 45
Kuh (2001) argued that without measuring the extent to which students and institutions
engaged in behaviors and activities that fostered academic success, institutions could not make
judgments or decisions about the effectiveness of their institutions. Institutions were encouraged
to measure and evaluate their practices in order to improve effectiveness through NSSE and
other sources of data. Additionally, Kuh (2003) urged institutions to continuously evaluate
practices to determine whether or not they increased student engagement.
Kuh’s (2001, 2003) theory of engagement provided another framework for understanding
student experiences at RCC. This study sought to understand how student experiences supported
or hindered achievement of educational goals. A significant part of student experiences at RCC
was likely to be interactions with the institution. Thus, understanding which types of institutional
practices supported success might help in understanding student experiences at RCC, specifically
interactions with the institution that supported or hindered achievement of their educational
goals.
Empirical Studies Framed by Integration, Involvement, and Engagement Theories
In this section I present a sample of empirical studies that operationalized key constructs
of integration, involvement, and engagement theories in order to test their explanatory and
predictive value for persistence. Numerous studies found that many of the key constructs of the
theories had explanatory and predictive value, but that some of the key constructs were not
relevant in understanding persistence (Kuh et al., 2008; Milem & Berger, 1997; Munro, 1981;
Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980). One study found that Tinto’s (1975) model as a whole did not
adequately describe persistence decisions (Brunsden et al., 2000). By operationalizing key
constructs of integration, involvement and engagement theories, these empirical studies provided
a more nuanced understanding of how the interaction between students and the institution
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 46
influenced persistence. As such, they offered a more solid framework for understanding how
Native American students might describe their experiences at RCC and how those experiences
supported or hindered achievement of educational goals.
Pascarella and Terenzini (1980) examined the predictive validity of academic and social
integration on first-year college student persistence, irrespective of students’ entering
characteristics, as presented by Tinto’s integration theory. This quantitative longitudinal study
was conducted at a large private university with a sample of 1,905 randomly selected incoming
freshmen. Sample participants were sent a survey that resulted in a 76.5% usable response rate.
A second survey the following Spring semester was sent to the reduced sample, resulting in a
53.1% usable response rate. The survey included 34 items aligned with dimensions of Tinto’s
(1975) model, four of which were excluded because they did not load .35 or above on any of the
five factors—peer-group interactions, interactions with faculty, faculty concern for student
development, and academic and intellectual development—resulting from a screen test. The
study controlled for a number of pre-college characteristic variables including: sex, ethnic origin,
initial program enrollment, academic aptitude, high school extracurricular activities, expected
informal contacts with faculty, parents income, mother’s formal education, father’s formal
education, student’s expected highest academic degree, importance of graduating from college,
and choice in attending this university. The study also controlled for two independent
involvement variables associated with academic and social integration: freshman year grade
point average and involvement in extracurricular activities. It was important for the study to
control for academic and social integration to isolate predictive contribution of institutional
integration factors. The study’s dependent variable was freshman year persistence/voluntary
dropout behavior.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 47
Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1980) study results showed that the five factors aligned with
factors in Tinto’s theory—peer-group interactions, interactions with faculty, faculty concern for
student development and teaching, academic and intellectual development, and institutional and
goal commitments—together accounted for 44.45% of the variance in the correlation matrix.
Based on low intercorrelations among the five factors, the study found each appeared to be
assessing aspects of integration that were relatively independent of each other. Results suggested
that by adding the five institutional integration factors to the pre-college characteristics and
involvement variables, correct identification of persisters increased from a 50% chance to 80.8%.
Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1980) study thus suggested that Tinto’s (1975) model reasonably
predicts persistence.
Munro (1981) used path analysis to test Tinto’s integration theory using a quantitative
longitudinal study in order to derive a more causal model. The study included the following
independent variables: socioeconomic status, ethnicity, sex, aptitude, locus of control and self-
esteem, high school grades, perceived parental aspirations, educational aspirations, academic
integration, social integration, goal commitment, and institutional commitment; and the
following dependent variables: persistence in institution and persistence in higher education.
Using a sample from the National Longitudinal Study of the High School Class of 1972, the
study included 6,018 students entering 4-year colleges full-time in the Fall of 1972. Munro
(1981) found that academic integration was much more predictive of persistence than social
integration. Further, the study found that goal commitment had the strongest effect on
persistence. Nevertheless, the combined variables in the model only accounted for a small
amount of variance in persistence. Institutional commitment was not found to be predictive.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 48
Thus, unlike Pascarella and Terenzini (1980), Munro (1981) found that Tinto’s theory did not
significantly explain persistence.
In a more recent quantitative study, Milem and Berger (1997) sought to identify the
relationship between Astin’s (1984) involvement and Tinto’s (1975, 1993) integration theories,
in particular the specific behavioral and perceptual components of integration. The research
questions asked:
1. What behavioral mechanisms (talk with faculty outside a class, helped another
student with a problem, and so forth) in the campus environment(s) facilitate or
inhibit the integration process?
2. Does the addition of behavioral involvement constructs (involvement with faculty,
involvement with peers, academic nonengagement, and so forth) improve our
understanding of the integration process?
3. What is the relationship between student behaviors and student perceptions in the
integration process?
Milem and Berger (1997) collected data via surveys as part of a longitudinal study of first
year persistence at a selective, private, residential, mid-sized southeastern university. Survey data
were collected just prior to freshman entering the university, midway through their first semester,
and midway through their second semester. The data reflected responses from 46.4% of the
incoming freshman class and generally representative of the population—51% female, 84%
White, and 53% coming from families with income in excess of $100,000.
Data were analyzed using seven sets of independent variables: student background
characteristics, initial level of commitment to the institution, mid-Fall behavior/involvement
measures, mid-Fall perceptual measures, Spring behavioral/involvement measures, academic and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 49
social integration, and mid-Spring commitment to the institution. The dependent variable was a
measure of student persistence reflecting students’ assessment of the likelihood of enrolling in
the subsequent term. The data were tested though a path-analysis using a series of structural
equations to estimate the direct effects of the model constructs through a standardized partial
regression coefficient, which showed the effect of each construct holding all else constant.
Milem and Berger (1997) found that certain entry characteristics (gender, ethnicity,
income, and GPA) had positive pathways to various types of involvement and integration. For
example, for women, White, and African American students, there was a positive pathway to
institutional commitment at entry. Further, women had a strong positive pathway to early
involvement with peers, perceived support from institution and peers, participating in organized
activities and activities with peers and social integration. However, there was also a strong
positive pathway to academic non-engagement in the Spring semester. White and African
American students showed a positive pathway to institutional commitment. White students also
showed a positive pathway to social activities in Fall and Spring semesters, but academic non-
engagement in the Spring semester. For African American students, a positive pathway was also
demonstrated for activist involvement, but a negative pathway to perceived institutional support
in the Fall semester. For students entering with strong GPAs, a positive pathway was shown for
involvement in organized activities and perceived institutional support, but negative faculty
involvement and involvement in social activities in the Fall semester.
Milem and Berger (1997) found early involvement positively influenced perceptions. For
example, peer involvement in the Fall semester showed positive pathways to perceived
institutional and peer support, and involvement with faculty and activist involvement in the
Spring semester. Involvement with faculty showed positive pathways to perceived institutional
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 50
support, involvement in organized activities, with faculty and in social activities in the Spring
semester. Academic non-engagement showed negative pathways to perceived institutional
support and peer support, involvement with peers, social and activist activities and institutional
commitment. Involvement in social activities showed a positive pathway to perceived peer
support, involvement in social and activist activities and with faculty, and negative pathways to
academic and college non-engagement.
Milem and Berger (1997) also found that Fall involvement measures such as peer
involvement and involvement with faculty were positive pathways to perceived institutional
support and academic and university non-engagement were negative pathways to perceived
institutional support. Further, involvement in social activities in the Fall semester were linked to
positive perception of peer support, involvement in Spring social activities, faculty involvement,
involvement in activist activities and to negative academic and university non-engagement.
Perceptual measures such as perceived institutional support showed positive pathways to
academic integration; perceived peer support showed positive pathways to social integration.
Spring involvement with peers and involvement with faculty showed positive pathways to
academic integration, while involvement in social activities showed positive pathways to social
integration. However, while social integration led to positive institutional commitment and intent
to reenroll, academic integration did not show a pathway to either institutional commitment or
intent to reenroll. Institutional commitment showed a positive pathway to intent to reenroll.
Unlike Munro (1981), Milem and Berger (1997) found that the various forms of integration
suggested in Tinto’s (1993) model did influence persistence.
More recently, Brunsden et al. (2000) in a quantitative study sought to test Tinto’s (1993)
model as a whole through path analysis. Brunsden et al. (2000) argued that previous studies
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 51
focused on testing parts of Tinto’s (1975) model rather than the model as a whole. Thus,
Brunsden et al. (2000) applied path analysis using LISREL8 and a goodness of fit test to accept
or reject Tinto’s (1975) model as a whole. Because concepts in Tinto’s (1993) model were
loosely defined, Brunsden et al. (2000) operationalized the factors by forming a
conceptualization of Tinto’s (1975) model (see Figure 2.3).
Figure 2.3 A Conceptualization of Tinto’s (1975) Model (Brunsden et al., 2000). A path
diagram of the Brunsden et al. (2000) model conceptualizing Tinto’s (1975) model. From “Why
do HE students drop out? A test of Tinto’s model,” by V. Brunsden, M. Davies, M. Shelven, and
M. Bracken, 2000, Journal of Further and Higher Education, 24(3), p. 303. Copyright 2000 by
Routledge.
Brunsden et al. (2000) used a questionnaire completed by 264 first-year, degree-seeking
university students within a month of enrollment during the Fall of 1996. Participants were 176
males, aged 18 to 57 years old and 88 females aged 17-48 years old. Convenience samples were
taken from a computer studies course at an English university and a psychology course at a
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 52
Scottish university. Enrollment status one year later was obtained for all participants. The
questionnaire contained form A of the Eysenck Personality Inventory to measure extroversion
and introversion; the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale to measure self-esteem; the Satisfaction with
Life Scale to measure satisfaction with life; and researcher generated questions to identify pre-
entry characteristics, levels of institutional and goal commitment, and prospective levels of
integration into the university’s social and academic systems. Brunsden et al. (2000) used
PRELIS 2 to create a mixed matrix of polychoric and polyserial correlations. The conceptualized
model of Tinto’s (1975) model was specified and estimated using LISREL8 using maximum
likelihood. Brunsden et al. (2000) found that the goodness of fit indices (x
2
= 347.38; df = 58; p <
0.05; GFI = 0.85; RMSEA -= 0.85; CN = 56) suggested the model was not an acceptable
description of the data. Thus, Brunsden et al. (2000) found that the model as a whole did not
provide a good fit for the empirical data.
Kuh et al. (2008) in a quantitative study sought to determine the relationship between
student behaviors and institutional practices that foster student success as measured by academic
achievement and persistence. Essentially, Kuh et al. (2008) sought to test engagement theory by
asking:
1. Does engagement during the first year of college have a significant impact on first-
year grade point average and chances of returning for a second year of college, net of
the effects of student background, pre-college experiences, prior academic
achievement, and other first-year experiences?
2. Are the effects of engagement general or conditional? That is, do the effects of
engagement on the outcomes under study differ by such student characteristics such
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 53
as race and ethnicity (for GPA and persistence) and prior academic achievement (for
GPA only)?
Kuh et al. (2008) used data from 18 baccalaureate-granting institutions that had
administered the NSSE between 2000 and 2003 and met two criteria: sufficient respondents to
meet analytical methodologies and sufficient ethnic diversity among respondents. Eleven
institutions were predominantly White institutions, four were historically Black colleges and
universities, and three were Hispanic-serving institutions. Seven were undergraduate institutions,
seven granted masters degrees, and four granted doctorates. Although the institutions varied in
the percentage of first-year students living on campus, none of the institutions were completely
commuter institutions. In addition to NSSE responses measuring engagement and collected
during the Spring semester, background and pre-college data were collected at the time of ACT
or SAT registration, and academic (grade point average and persistence) and financial aid
information were collected from institutional research databases throughout the year. A sample
of 6,193 students who had complete data were included in the study.
Student engagement was represented by three measures from NSSE—time spent
studying, time spent in co-curricular activities, and a global engagement measure comprised of
responses to 19 NSSE items. In the first stage of data analysis, using ordinary least squares, Kuh
et al. (2008) estimated separate models for first-year students of general effects of time-on-task
and engagement on first-year grade point average, and persistence to second year. The first
model estimated effects of student background characteristics, prior academic performance and
involvement on first-year grade point average and persistence to second year. In the second
model, first-year experiences and grades were added to variables in the first model to identify the
impact of these factors on grade point average and persistence. In the second stage of data
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 54
analysis, Kuh et al. (2008) estimated models to test for conditional effects—the extent to which
influence of engagement on grade point average and persistence differed by background
characteristics.
Kuh et al. (2008) found that background characteristics accounted for 29% of variance in
first-year grades, but that adding engagement measures accounted for an additional 13% variance
in grades. Further, they found that engagement in educationally purposeful activities had a small,
compensatory effect on grade point average of students entering college with lower academic
achievement, but a more significant, compensatory effect for Hispanic students compared with
White students. For persistence, Kuh et al. (2008) found that background characteristics
accounted for 58% of variance and engagement measures accounted for an additional 14% of the
variance. Additionally, they found that Black students benefitted more (were more likely to
persist) from increasing engagement in educationally purposeful activities. In summary, Kuh et
al. (2008) found that engagement factors did have some impact on persistence, but that
background characteristics had a much greater impact.
Conclusion
Integration, involvement, and engagement theories provided a foundation for
understanding how the interaction between the institution and the student influenced persistence.
Persistence, in this study, was used as a proxy for understanding achievement of educational
goals. Because one of the goals of this study was to inform programs and practices at RCC to
better support Native American students in achieving their educational goals, understanding how
students interacted with the institution (the students’ experiences at RCC) was important. The
empirical studies testing integration, involvement, and engagement theories demonstrated that
many of the interaction factors had an impact on persistence decisions—faculty interactions
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 55
(concern with student development and teaching and academic development) and peer
interactions. However, in many cases, the models as a whole did not adequately fit the empirical
data. Further, in many cases, interaction factors explained only a portion of the influence on
persistence decisions with other, for example, non-interaction factors such as goal commitment
and background characteristics, playing much more of a role.
This study was concerned with Native American students in the community college
context. All of the empirical studies reviewed in this section were conducted with students
attending baccalaureate degree-granting institutions. Key differences between characteristics of
baccalaureate degree-granting institutions and characteristics of community colleges—
commuter, part time, open access, and so forth—suggested that interactions between community
college students and the institution may be different than interactions between students attending
baccalaureate degree-granting institutions and those institutions. Thus, in the next section, I
present studies examining persistence in the community college context.
Persistence in the Community College Context
In this section I review empirical studies and theoretical articles that focus on student
persistence in the community college context. In contrast to the previous section, which narrowly
focused on persistence literature that highlighted the interaction between students and the
institution as the key factor in persistence, I now present more broadly literature that examined
persistence in the community college context regardless of emphasis on the interaction between
student and the institution as a key factor. Empirical studies on integration, involvement, and
engagement theories had studied persistence of students primarily in baccalaureate degree-
granting, predominantly White, institution settings (Kuh et al., 2008; Milem & Berger, 1997;
Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980). Critics of integration, involvement, and engagement theories
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 56
argued that community college students faced numerous other factors often external to the
institution that may have much more influence on persistence than interactions with the
institution. For example, community college students are more likely to live off campus (and not
spend much time outside of class interacting with the institution), be older (and thus have
responsibilities to dependent children and a spouse), work more hours (possibly full-time
limiting time available to spend on extracurricular activities), be low-SES (and thus face
financial challenges), be of an ethnic minority group (and may find the institutional culture
unfamiliar), and come from a background that does not emphasize college (the student might be
a first generation college student) (AACC, n.d.). Thus, in order to understand Native American
student experiences in a community college setting, it was important to not only examine studies
that applied integration, involvement, and engagement theories in the community college setting,
but also explore studies that examined persistence in the community college setting more
broadly.
A number of early empirical studies sought to test or apply Tinto’s (1987, 1993) concepts
of academic and social integration in the community college context (Bers & Smith, 1991;
Halpin, 1990; Nora et al., 1990; Voorhees, 1987; Webb, 1989). Other studies explored Kuh’s
(2003) theory of engagement through Community College Survey of Student Engagement
(CCSSE) results (McClenney, 2007; McClenney & Marti, 2006). Many studies examined
general characteristics of community college students that were related to persistence (Fike &
Fike, 2008; Hawley & Harris, 2006) or explored a specific factor more characteristic of
community college students such as need for financial aid, minority status, low academic
preparation, and non-traditional age (Barbatis, 2010; Dowd & Coury, 2006; Nora, 1990; Sorey &
Duggan, 2008). Still other studies examined community college institutional characteristics
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 57
particularly the role of faculty in persistence (Barnett, 2011; Bensimon, 2007; Calcagno et al.,
2008; Jacoby, 2006; McArthur, 2005). Wells (2008) and Stuart et al. (2014) sought to broaden
the framework for examining persistence in the community college setting by advancing
alternative models. In sum, these studies and theoretical articles provided a foundation for
understanding the experiences of community college students generally and how those
experiences might support or hinder achievement of educational goals using persistence as a
proxy for achievement of educational goals.
Although there are numerous studies that examine the role of ethnicity in community
college student persistence, I did not examine those studies this section (Crisp & Nora, 2010;
Hagedorn, Maxwell, & Hampton, 2001). Community colleges typically serve a
disproportionately large percentage of ethnic minority students; at the time of this study, more
than 45% of enrollment in associate’s degree-granting postsecondary institutions were non-
White (NCES, n.d.). In California, more than 70% of community college students were of an
ethnic minority group (CCCCO, n.d.). Thus, studies on community colleges because of their
enrollment demographics reflect the persistence factors of ethnic minority students. In order to
understand the unique factors influencing persistence of Native American students, I present
literature on persistence for Native American students specifically in the next section.
In this section, I first present theories that tested integration and engagement theories in
the community college context. Next, I present studies that examined a broad range of student
background characteristics as well as institutional and external factors in community college
student persistence. I then present studies that focused more narrowly on specific factors on
community college student persistence: financial aid and role of faculty. Finally, I present
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 58
articles that advanced alternative conceptualizations of student persistence in the community
college context.
Testing Persistence Theories in Community College Context
In a quantitative study, Voorhees (1987) examined the conceptual connections between
variables in persistence models developed for 4-year institutions and variables from research in
community college persistence. Voorhees (1987) sampled 369 students enrolled in one of 56
random classes selected to take the Student Opinion Survey at a small, suburban community
college in the Fall of 1984. The sample unintentionally slightly underrepresented females, but
was a close demographic representation of the population otherwise. In addition to the attitudes
and opinions profiled in the Student Opinion Survey, 26 additional questions covering concepts
shown to be related to persistence by previous research were also included. Students who
returned in either the Spring or Fall of 1985 were classified as persisters, the dependent variable.
Independent variables included: gender, enrollment status, purpose for enrolling, minority status,
intent to return, satisfaction with college, grade point average, informal interaction with faculty,
and weekly study hours. Voorhees (1987) used logit analysis to determine which factors needed
to be included in the model to adequately predict persistence. Voorhees (1987) found that
females persisted at a higher rate than males, purpose for enrolling—2-year transfer—was
positively associated with persistence, and intent to return was significantly associated with
persistence. Other variables (full-time versus part-time attendance, minority status, and general
satisfaction with the institution) were either non-significant or independent of persistence. Thus,
Voorhees’s (1987) study found that integration, involvement, and engagement theories did not
fully align with the experiences of community college students. Some factors of integration,
involvement, and engagement theories—purpose of enrolling and intent to return—were
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 59
positively associated with persistence for 2-year institutions, while others—enrollment status,
grade point average, and general satisfaction with institution—were not. Further, Voorhees’s
(1987) study found that in the community college context gender was associated with
persistence, but ethnicity was not.
Halpin (1990) sought to determine if Tinto’s theory of integration was applicable to
understanding community college student persistence. In his quantitative study, Halpin (1990)
adapted Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1980) survey and administered it to first-year students
enrolled in freshman composition (over 90% of first-year students were enrolled in this course)
at a small community college. Seventy-six percent of the total cohort (291 students) responded.
The study’s background variables included gender, highest expected degree, and parents’
educational background. The study’s environmental variable set included length of commute,
work, involvement in college organizations, informal conversations with faculty, and perceived
burden of college cost. The study’s integration variable set included social integration (peer
group relations and informal relationships with faculty), academic integration (academic and
intellectual development, and faculty concern for teaching and student development), and
commitments (institutional and goal commitment). The dependent variables were persisters,
withdrawers, and dismissals. Using a series of three-group discriminant function analyses,
Halpin (1990) found that the integration variables significantly predicted persisters. Combined,
faculty concern for teaching and student development, academic and intellectual development,
and interactions with faculty accounted for 74.5% of variance and institutional and goal
commitments and interactions with faculty accounted for 25.5% of the variance. In this study,
unlike Voorhees’s (1987) study, Halpin (1990) found that integration theory was a good fit for
explaining persistence in the community college context.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 60
In a quantitative study, Nora et al. (1990) examined the applicability of Tinto’s (1975)
integration theory among academically underprepared community college students. In their
study, they explored the effects of exogenous variables: family background, precollege
schooling, getting ready, and encouragement by significant others; and endogenous variables:
initial commitments, academic integration, and social integration, on student persistence. From a
population of 1,036 first-time freshmen enrolled in basic skills courses in a large multi-campus
community college from Fall 1984 through Spring 1987, 253 usable surveys were returned. The
researchers conducted a principal components factor analysis and found that the survey items
representing academic integration, social integration, initial commitments and encouragement by
significant others were consistent with Tinto’s (1975) model. Using path analysis in conjunction
with causal theory, Nora et al. (1990) found that students whose parents had high incomes were
less likely to have initial commitment. Further, initial commitment and getting ready had
significant direct effects on both academic integration and social integration. Additionally, the
study found that precollege schooling and academic integration had a significant positive impact
on persistence, but most notably, getting ready and social integration had a significant negative
impact. Nevertheless, similar to Halpin (1990), Nora et al. (1990) found that Tinto’s (1975,
1987) theory of integration generally provided a good explanation for community college student
persistence.
Bers and Smith (1991) in their quantitative study, “examined the extent to which
academic and social integration further our understanding of the persistence of 2-year college
students” (p. 432). They also explored whether educational objective and intent to enroll were
more or less relevant than integration for understanding community college student persistence.
Bers and Smith (1991) randomly selected 1,142 students enrolled on the 10th day of the Fall
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 61
1988 term at a Midwestern midsized suburban community college. Of this sample, only 420
students provided social security numbers allowing the researchers to obtain student information
from the institution’s database. Bers and Smith (1991) noted that persistence literature typically
examined first-year student persistence. However, for their study a sample of all enrolled
students was examined. They explained that because of difficulty in identifying first-time, full-
time, freshman students as well as factors typical of community colleges—heterogeneous
population, high percentage of part-time students, and open admission policies—using a sample
representing a close approximation of first-time, full-time, freshmen students would be a
representation of only a small segment of the student body.
The survey instrument used by Bers and Smith (1991) was the annual Current Student
Survey, which contained items about student educational objectives, educational plans,
enrollment plans, and demographic characteristics. Also included in the survey were 30 items
developed by Pascarella and Terenzini (1980) to measure academic and social integration. Using
social security numbers, the researchers also collected academic data including retention to
Spring term (used as a measure of persistence), academic performance and academic status.
Nevertheless, the researchers noted that Fall-to-Fall retention is often considered a better
measure of persistence for community college students and that retention is often a problematic
measure of persistence since community college students may depart after one semester to
transfer to another institution.
Bers and Smith (1991) used a principal components factor analysis using Pascarella and
Terenzini’s (1980) 30 items to determine if the same factors would predict persistence for
community college students. The factor analysis yielded a five-factor solution; three items did
not result in any factors and were excluded. The five integration factors that emerged were:
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 62
academic and intellectual development, peer group interactions, interactions with faculty, faculty
concern for students and teaching, and institutional and goal commitment. The factors were
“highly similar” (p. 545) to Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1980) set of factors, although Bers and
Smith’s (1991) study resulted in some differences of items included in each factor.
Bers and Smith (1991) used setwise discriminant analysis and classification analysis to
estimate the contribution of the integration factors, educational objective, intent to reenroll and
student background characteristics to persistence. The researchers found that employment status
contributed the most to persistence; the more hours a student worked, the less likely she was to
persist, although a student employed part-time was more likely to persist than a student not
employed at all. The researchers also found that educational objective contributed substantially
to persistence; students in pursuit of a degree or transfer were more likely to persist than those
seeking work training or personal enrichment (consistent with Voorhees’s (1987) and Halpin’s
(1990) findings). Both academic and social integration contributed to persistence, but social
integration had a stronger contribution (in contrast to the findings of Nora et al. (1990)).
Nevertheless, Bers and Smith (1991) found that educational objective, intent to reenroll and
employment status made a larger contribution than the integration factors. Further, Bers and
Smith (1991) found that although precollege characteristics, educational objective, intent to
reenroll, and the integration scales all affected persistence, the total R-squared was small
indicating that there were still other factors to consider in explaining persistence decisions.
Webb’s (1989) quantitative study sought to develop a theoretical model of community
college persistence based largely on persistence models developed by Tinto (1975) and Bean and
Metzner (1985) and adapted for community college students. Webb (1989) obtained data from
three campuses of a large urban multi-campus community college district for students who had
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 63
completed the ASSET placement test and advising program—required for all students enrolling
in math, English or reading courses—between Fall 1983 and Summer 1985 and matched that
data with college academic records. The data resulted in 36,603 student records representing the
following demographics: 56% full-time enrollment, 15% Black, 20% Hispanic, 57% White, 8%
Asian-American, 55% female, 45% male, and 35% enrolled in vocational programs. Webb’s
(1989) model included the following independent variables: age, gender, ethnicity, ESL status,
high school certificate, ASSET scores, commitment to major, employment goals, educational
goals, transfer goals, student reported need for assistance (financial, employment, career
planning, and basic skills), vocational program enrollment, purpose of attending, degree goals,
day or evening enrollment, full- or part-time enrollment, GPA, and number of courses passed
first semester. Degree persistence was the dependent variable. Webb (1989) used stepwise
regression analysis to explore the large number of independent variables thought to be related to
degree persistence (dependent variable).
Webb (1989) did an initial regression using only precollege factors and found that these
variables accounted for nearly 21% of variance in degree persistence. Vocational program status
(accounted for 14.3% of variance), 2-year degree plans, and reason for attending college were
the primary contributing variables accounting for 18.7% of total variance in degree persistence.
A second regression was run which included first-year academic performance; predictability of
the model increased to 31.5%, with these two variables accounting for 30% of total variability. In
Webb’s (1989) model below (see Figure 2.4), the dark lines represented factors that had a
primary effect on persistence, the light lines represented factors that had a secondary effect on
persistence, and the dotted lines represented factors that had a possible effect on persistence.
Based on his research, Webb’s (1989) model suggested that high school academic achievement,
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 64
goal commitment, external environment, and expected student-college fit had primary effects on
degree persistence, while other factors had secondary or possible effects (see Figure 2.4).
Figure 2.4 Webb’s (1989) Research Model of College Student Degree Persistence. From “A
theoretical model of community college student degree persistence,” by M. Webb, 1989,
Community College Review, 16(4), p. 47. Copyright 1989 by Sage Publications.
McClenney (2007), in a technical report, reviewed 5 years of results of the annual
Community College Survey of Student Engagement [CCSSE] since its inception in 2001. The
CCSSE is the community college version of the annual NSSE, which measures engagement and
is based on Kuh’s (2003) engagement theory of student persistence. McClenney (2007) reported
six key themes emerging from 5 years of CCSSE data: student engagement as a proxy for
persistence, engagement for high-risk students has a more significant impact on persistence than
for other students, part-time students are less engaged than full-time students, faculty members
perceived significantly higher levels of engagement with students than students perceived with
faculty members, engagement is fostered intentionally by design, and frequent and early
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 65
engagement is most critical for student success. Given that this was a technical report, the author
stated themes but did not present findings.
McClenney and Marti (2006) in their quantitative study sought to link CCSSE results
with educational outcomes. They employed three validation studies to establish this link: Florida
Community College System [FCCS], Achieving the Dream [AtD], and HSS Consortium
Institutions [HSS]. In the FCCS validation study, McClenney and Marti (2006) sampled a total
of 4,823 students enrolled in the FCCS between 2002 and 2004 who had also taken the CCSSE
and whose information could be matched in the FCCS database. The researchers then created
three analytical files: a merged long cohorts file (1,958 cases of students who first enrolled
between 1996 and 2002 and were tracked through 2005), a merged short cohorts (2,658 cases of
students who first enrolled between 1996 and 2002 and were tracked for three semesters—this
included many students in the long cohort, but also those who were not enrolled through 2005),
and a cross-sectional performance file (3,544 cases of students who were enrolled during the
2003-2004 academic year as it was a year when the most students completed the CCSSE, but
because it is a cross-section, did not provide information on persistence). The FCCS was selected
as a study site due to its long-term and high-quality data, common course numbering system, and
common placement test standards. The study used the following categories of independent
variables that were provided by the FCCS and CCSSE data: identifiers, student characteristics,
CCSSE response descriptors (highest degree attained, goal for attendance, and number of risk
factors), educational background, test scores, enrollment status, term variables, and course
enrollment data. Dependent variables in the study were performance measures through two or
more “milestone events” such as second-year persistence rate, 3-year degree completion rate and
transfer-ready rate. McClenney and Marti (2006) used three analytical methods on each
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 66
analytical file: bivariate correlations, regression analysis, and logistic regression analysis. The
researchers found that for the long cohort, CCSSE benchmarks and items were significant net
predictors of GPA and degree completion, and had positive net effects on transfer-ready status.
For the short cohorts, active and collaborative learning, student effort, and class assignments had
significant net effects on GPA. Support for learners, class assignments, and school opinions were
significant net predictors of credit completion. McClenney and Marti (2006) found that most of
the results of the FCCS validation tests confirmed a link between CCSSE benchmarks and
student outcomes.
In the AtD validation study, McClenney and Marti (2006) collected data from 24
community colleges participating in the AtD initiative and merged it with CCSSE survey data
from 2002 to 2004 to examine the link between CCSSE responses (engagement) and student
outcomes. A total of 1,623 respondents had complete data sets. AtD independent variables
included: enrollment, college algebra course completion, college English course completion,
developmental math course completion, developmental English course completion,
developmental reading course completion, cumulative GPA, cumulative credits, credit-
completion ratios, persistence, and attainment. The researchers used three methods to analyze the
data. With regard to CCSSE benchmarks and persistence, the researchers found that four of the
five CCSSE benchmarks—active and collaborative learning, student effort, academic challenge,
and student-faculty interaction—had positive net effect on persistence as measured by credit
completion ratios. Active and collaborative learning had a positive net effect on persistence as
measured by year-to-year enrollment.
Lastly, in McClenney and Marti’s (2006) HSS validation study, they sampled community
colleges that were members of the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities or had
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 67
student bodies that were comprised of more than 25% Hispanic students and had participated in
CCSSE between 2002 and 2004 to establish a link between student outcomes and CCSSE
benchmarks. Data was collected from CCSSE, NCES, and IPEDS, which resulted in a total
sample of 3,279 complete records. McClenney and Marti (2006) used the following independent
variables: cumulative GPA, first-to-second term persistence, first-to-third term persistence, total
credit hours, enrollment, and average credit hours completed. The researchers used several
statistical analyses and found that CCSSE benchmarks were predictors of student outcomes.
Academic challenge and support for learners were the most consistent predictors of outcomes
(McClenney & Marti, 2006).
The Center for CCSSE’s (2015) technical report provided a 10-year summary of CCSSE
results. The CCSSE (2015) survey items were grouped according to benchmarks of effective
educational practice: active and collaborative learning, student effort, academic challenge,
student-faculty interaction, and support for learners. CCSSE (2015) respondents’ demographics
did not change materially over the previous 10 years, with the exception of a six percentage point
increase in Latino respondents and an eight percentage point decrease in White respondents.
Enrollment status, age, and gender remained relatively similar. Results showed continued
increase in all benchmarks over the 10-year period. Together, the McClenney (2007),
McClenney and Marti (2006) and CCSSE (2015) articles showed a strong linkage between
engagement factors and persistence in the community college context. Further, they
demonstrated that as community colleges measured and recorded engagement, they increased
their focus on it and thus increased not only engagement, but persistence.
These studies indicated that integration, involvement, and engagement theories may have
explanatory value in describing community college student persistence. However, they also
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 68
revealed that the integration, involvement, and engagement factors do not necessarily influence
community college student persistence in the same way and to the same extent as for students in
baccalaureate degree-granting institutions. For example, a number of studies found that
integration, involvement, and engagement factors (such as interacting with faculty, faculty
concern for teaching and student development, academic integration and development, social
interaction, student support programs, and active and collaborative learning) supported
persistence in the community college context (Bers & Smith, 1991; CCSSE, 2015; Halpin, 1990;
McClenney, 2007; McClenney & Marti, 2006; Nora et al., 1990). But some of those same
studies, as well as others found that goal commitment and external factors played a substantial, if
not greater, role than integration factors in student persistence in the community college context
(Bers & Smith, 1991; Halpin, 1990; Webb, 1989). In fact, Voorhees (1987) found that
integration factors (interacting with faculty and social or peer interactions) did not predict
persistence, but goal commitment (purpose of enrolling) and intent to re-enroll did. Further, two
studies in particular (Bers & Smith, 1991; Webb, 1989) highlighted that other factors must be
explored in order to fully understand student persistence in the community college context.
Webb (1989) found that among other factors the external environment had a primary effect on
persistence. Bers and Smith (1991) found that employment status (one such external factor)
contributed the most to community college student persistence. Thus, studies testing integration,
involvement, and engagement factors in the community college context resulted in mixed
findings suggesting that other factors may also have an important role for community college
student persistence. I now present studies that broadly examine factors that may influence
community college student persistence including student background characteristics, institutional
factors, and external factors.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 69
Studies Broadly Examining Student, Institutional, and External Factors on Persistence
Recognizing that the demographics of community college students as a whole are
different than the student body in many baccalaureate degree-granting institutions, researchers
began to examine persistence factors for community college students more broadly. In one
quantitative study, Hawley and Harris (2006) analyzed characteristics of first-year students that
impacted persistence at a large, urban community college. Using factor analysis, the researchers
classified student personality and behavioral characteristics; discriminant function analysis was
used to predict persistence. Hawley and Harris (2006) relied on data from the Cooperative
Institutional Research Program Freshman Survey in 2000 sent to 2,079 students of which 362
responded and 133 had usable data. The sample was representative of the population of incoming
freshmen.
The multivariate factor analysis on student personality resulted in five factors, which
together accounted for 58.72% of the explained variance in students’ self-perceptions: helper,
one who is conscious of others, incorporates spirituality, and has a perceived understanding of
oneself; learner, one who is focused on being competitive academically; well-rounded, one who
is physically and emotionally healthy; artist, one who is focused on creative endeavors; and
writer, one who describes oneself as a good at communicating through writing. The multivariate
factor analysis on student behavior resulted in three factors that together accounted for 46.4% of
the explained variance among student behavior: active, one who participates in extracurricular
activities; reflective, one who is introspective; and unfocused, one who spends time engaged in
activities that do not contribute to the school experience.
The researchers applied discriminant function analysis to build a model that would
distinguish between persisters and nonpersisters. Their resulting model predicted 78.8% of the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 70
persisters. The amount of remedial coursework strongly predicted nonpersistence; the more pre-
college coursework students needed to take the less likely they were to persist. Being Black or
Latino strongly predicted persistence, but being Mexican American predicted nonpersistence.
The highest negative predictor of persistence was expecting English proficiency to be a problem;
the more students expected language ability to be a problem, the less likely they were to persist.
Also, the time between high school and college was a negative predictor of persistence; the
longer students were out of high school, the less likely they were to persist in college once they
enrolled. Student motivation to transfer to a 4-year institution was one of the strongest predictors
of nonpersistence; students with high motivation to transfer to a 4-year institution would leave
(nonpersist) as soon as they could transfer. Cumulative GPA was also a strong predictor of
persistence. Being academically oriented, well-rounded and artistic were positive predictors of
persistence. Students’ expectations of staying at the institution was also one of the strongest
predictors of persistence. Expectations that family responsibilities or transportation would be a
barrier was also a strong predictor of persistence. However, expecting that financing college
would be a barrier was a predictor of nonpersistence. Hawley and Harris (2006) presented
numerous factors that predicted persistence: student personality, student behavior style, amount
of remedial coursework needed, ethnicity, expectations (about English proficiency, staying at the
institution, family responsibilities, transportation, and financing school), time between high
school graduation and college enrollment, motivation to transfer to a 4-year institution, and GPA.
In summary, their study emphasized that persistence decisions for community college students
were influenced by student characteristics, institutional factors, as well as external factors.
Fike and Fike (2008) studied factors of student persistence in community college using
variables that differentiated community college students from university students. The variables
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 71
included in their quantitative study included age, ethnicity, basic skills course completion, and
units enrolled. Additionally, Fike and Fike (2008) included parental education, financial aid, and
enrollment in online courses as factors of persistence. The study was conducted at a large urban
community college with a sample comprising 9,200 first time college students who first enrolled
in the Fall 2001, 2002, 2003 or 2004 terms. Dependent variables for persistence were first-year
Fall to first-year Spring persistence and first-year Fall to second-year Fall persistence. The study
relied on multivariate logistic regression models to predict the odds of student persistence while
controlling for other variables, including student demographics.
Fike and Fike (2008) found that successful completion of a basic skills reading course
was the strongest predictor of persistence; other predictors included taking an online course,
receiving financial aid, units enrolled, successful completion of a basic skills writing course, and
participation in student support services. Successful completion of a basic skills mathematics
course both positively and negatively predicted persistence. Number of units dropped negatively
predicted persistence. A number of findings from their study largely did not align with findings
from the Hawley and Harris (2006) study. In particular, while Fike and Fike (2008) found that
completion of basic skills reading and writing courses predicted persistence, Hawley and Harris
(2006) found that the more remedial coursework a student needed to take, the less likely the
student was to persist. Nevertheless, Fike and Fike (2008), similar to Hawley and Harris (2006),
found that student characteristics, institutional factors, and external factors influenced
community college student persistence.
Barbatis (2010) in a qualitative study sought to understand what underprepared and
ethnic minority students in a learning community believed led to their persistence in a
community college compared to their peers who dropped out. Using semi-structured interviews
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 72
and focus groups, Barbatis (2010) sampled 22 students who had participated in a learning
community at a large Southeastern urban community college with a diverse student body: 36%
Black, 39% White, 22% Hispanic and 3% Asian. Six students had graduated, 12 students were
within one or two semesters of graduation (together defined as persisters) and four students were
no longer enrolled (dropouts). The researcher interviewed each student for approximately 1 to
1.5 hours. Six persisters and one dropout attended the focus group. All interviews and the focus
group were transcribed by the researcher. Student archived data was used to access year-to-year
retention, GPA, age, ethnicity, gender, first generation college status, and learning community
participation. The researcher used a constant-comparative method to analyze the data.
Barbatis (2010) identified four themes: precollege characteristics, external college
support and community influences, social involvement, and academic integration. Subthemes
emerged within each theme. Students perceived a sense of responsibility, goal orientation,
resourcefulness, determination, cultural and racial self-identification, and faith as the precollege
characteristics that enabled them to persist. Persisters also identified immediate and extended
families as well as high school friends and teachers as influencing their decision to attend college
and to persist. Participation in school activities and clubs was also viewed by students as having
a positive role in their persistence. Lastly, Barbatis (2010) found that persisters credited positive
interactions with faculty, understanding college expectations and study habits with a positive
influence on their persistence. Dropouts were more likely to be deterred by life events. Barbatis
(2010) in this qualitative study confirmed findings of Hawley and Harris (2006) and Fike and
Fike (2008)—persistence for community college students was linked to student characteristics,
interactions with the institution, and external factors.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 73
In a quantitative study, Sorey and Duggan (2008) explored the differences between
persistence predictors between “traditional-aged” (18 to 24 years of age) and “adult” (25 years of
age or older) students at a community college. Specifically, they asked what were the predictors
of institutional persistence for traditional-aged degree-seeking first-time students, what were the
predictors of institutional persistence for adult degree-seeking first-time students, and do the
predictors for traditional-aged degree-seeking first-time students differ significantly from those
for adult degree-seeking first-time students?
Sorey and Duggan (2008) randomly selected 350 degree-seeking adult students and 350
degree-seeking traditional-aged students who entered the college for the first time in August
2005. Students were surveyed in October 2005 and March 2006. Sixty-eight traditional-aged
students responded and 55 adult students responded. The researchers relied upon two-way
contingency table analysis to determine the relationship of predictor variables and student
persistence. Discriminant analysis was then used to examine differential predictors of persistence
for adult and traditional-aged students.
The study found that for traditional-aged students, encouragement and support, academic
integration, Fall GPA, and intent to leave were the strongest predictors of persistence (Sorey &
Duggan, 2008). For adult students, the study found that social integration, institutional
commitment, degree utility, encouragement and support, finances, an expressed intent to leave,
and academic integration were all predictors of persistence. Sorey and Duggan’s (2008) study
indicated that external factors were more important predictors of persistence for adult students
compared to traditional aged students in the community college context. In California, more than
40% of community college students were adult students at the time of the study (CCCCO, n.d.).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 74
These studies emphasized the importance of factors outside of the institution—student
characteristics and external environment factors—in persistence decisions of community college
students. Further, they highlighted that persistence was influenced by numerous factors within
each of these categories: student characteristics (amount of remedial coursework needed,
precollege preparation, time between high school and college, goal orientation, cultural identity,
faith, traditional versus nontraditional aged), institutional factors (student support services,
interactions with faculty, social integration), and external factors (finances, family, friends,
degree utility).
Financial Aid and Persistence
Among external factors of persistence, financial aid was one of the factors with which
educational institutions were most involved. Community college students are more likely to be
low-SES than students attending 4-year institutions. Thus, in examining student persistence in
community colleges, understanding the role of financial aid was important.
Nora (1990) in a quantitative study tested a structural equation model of retention for 2-
year college student persistence. Specifically, Nora (1990) examined how financial aid, both
campus-based resources and noncampus-based resources, impacted student persistence. The
study sample was selected from a total population of 883 first-time Chicano students enrolled
full- or part-time in 1982 in a community college. The study sample of 170 students represented
a random selection of entering students who received some form of financial aid between 1982
and 1985. The study included five endogenous variables: academic performance, three types of
campus-based resources (grants, work study, and loans), and the dependent variable, retention
(persistence). Three exogenous variables were included: noncampus-based resources, high-
school grades, and student financial need.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 75
Nora (1990) used three equations in his structural equation model. The first equation
tested the effects of precollege variables (financial need and amount of noncampus-based
resources, specifically Pell grants, received) on amount of campus-based resources received. The
study found that students who had higher financial need and received higher noncampus-based
resources received higher campus-based resources. The second equation tested exogenous
variables (high-school grades, financial need, and amount of noncampus-based resources
received) and one endogenous variable (amount of campus-based resources received) on
academic performance. The study found that although noncampus-based resources and financial
need did explain some variance in academic performance, they were not as significant as high-
school grades. The third equation tested the effects of amount of noncampus-based resources
received, grades, financial need, amount of campus-based resources received, and academic
performance on retention (persistence). The study found that students with higher levels of
campus-based resources and academic performance had higher levels of retention (persistence),
but noncampus-based resources had a much larger effect on retention (persistence) than any
other variable. Together the study results indicated that community college students who
received higher noncampus- and campus-based resources were more likely to persist, with
noncampus-based resources having the largest effect on retention.
Dowd and Coury (2006), in their quantitative study sought to determine the effect of
federal loans on persistence for community college students using a single-stage logistic
regression. The study examined the effect of grants, loans, and work-study aid on community
college student persistence and degree attainment and whether the effect differed by student
income and dependency status. The study used results from two surveys conducted by the
National Center for Education Statistics—the National Postsecondary Student Aid study in 1989-
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 76
90 and the Beginning Postsecondary Students, Second Follow-up in 1994. The study found a
significant association between taking loans and persistence. Twenty-seven percent of borrowers
persisted compared to 45% of non-borrowers. Grants and work-study did not have a significant
effect on persistence. None of the forms of aid had a significant effect on degree attainment.
Limited access to financial resources to fund education was often discussed as a major
barrier to student persistence; education administrators often look first to financial aid as the
solution to low retention. Nora’s (1990) study supported this belief, particularly with respect to
federal Pell Grants. However, Dowd and Coury (2006) had opposing findings. In their study,
borrowers had lower persistence rates than non-borrowers. Further, they found that grants did not
have a significant effect on persistence or degree attainment (Dowd & Coury, 2006). At RCC,
one of the primary focuses for increasing Native American student access and completion has
been through providing financial assistance. These studies show that the influence of financial
aid on student persistence is inconclusive. Thus, in order to understand how student experiences
at RCC supported or hindered achievement of their educational goals, examining the role of
financial aid on their experiences at RCC was important.
Faculty and Persistence
Community college administrators have the ability to determine the faculty-to-student
ratio, the part-time to full-time faculty ratio, and the level of involvement of faculty in activities
and programs outside of the classroom. Community colleges often have large class sizes, rely
significantly on adjunct faculty, and typically do not have expectations of faculty participating in
programs outside of the classroom. Studies in the community college setting (Bers & Smith,
1991; Halpin, 1990; Nora et al., 1990) affirmed the role of academic integration and social
integration, particularly informal interactions with faculty and faculty concern and caring
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 77
(Halpin, 1990)). In the community college context, faculty interaction is often the primary way
students engage with the institution. Understanding how these interactions supported or hindered
student persistence and in turn achievement of educational goals was important in answering the
research questions. Thus, I now present studies that examine more closely the role of faculty in
community college student persistence.
In a quantitative study, Calcagno et al. (2008) sought to identify specific institutional
characteristics of community colleges correlated with successful educational outcomes, including
persistence, specifically credit accumulation, degree attainment, and transfer to a 4-year
institution. Calcagno et al. (2008) explored the following factors controlled by the institution or
state policymakers: college size, tuition amount, percentage of part-time faculty, expenditure per
student, distribution of expenditures across various institution functions, relative focus on
certificates versus degrees, and amount of financial aid. The study employed four models. The
first model, a binary outcome model, measured attainment of any degree, certificate or transfer to
a 4-year institution as success and assumed that the variance in likelihood of success was only a
result of observable institutional factors. The second model, also a binary outcome model,
assumed that the variance in likelihood of success was only a result of unobservable institutional
factors (faculty and administration leadership and relations). The third model incorporated an
attendance weight for each institutional factor to incorporate the influence of institutional factors
of each community college a student attended up until the outcome event (certificate, degree,
transfer or last enrolled). The fourth model employed a continuous outcome measure using
cumulative number of credits as a dependent variable and an alternate measure of success.
Calcagno et al. (2008) used the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 for student and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 78
enrollment information. The sample size was 2,196 high school graduates enrolled initially in
community college. These students were enrolled in 536 community colleges.
Calcagno et al. (2008) found that students attending medium (1,000 to 5,000 full time
equivalent students [FTES]) and large (more than 5,000 FTES) community colleges were less
likely to earn a certificate or degree, or transfer than students attending a small (less than 1,000
FTES) community college. Further, they found that the larger the percentage of part-time faculty,
the less likely students enrolled at that institution would succeed. Nevertheless, the study found
that individual student characteristics (high school GPA, family income, and parental college
attainment) were more influential on student outcomes than institutional factors.
Jacoby (2006) in his quantitative study used National Center for Educational Statistics
Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System data from 2001 for all 1,209 public 2-year
colleges in all 50 states, Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico to study the effects of part-time
faculty on student persistence in community colleges. Multiple regression analysis was used to
determine whether graduation rates at community colleges varied as reliance on part-time faculty
increased, holding the effects of certain student, institutional and state policy characteristics
constant. The dependent variables included graduation rate, net graduation rate, and overall
degree ratio. The independent variables included faculty-to-student ratio and the ratio of part-
time to total faculty. Other institutional and student characteristic variables included: tuition,
financial aid ratio, ethnicity, school size, state community college ratio, and state ratio of 2-year
to 4-year enrollment.
Jacoby (2006) found that increases in the ratio of part-time faculty at community colleges
had a highly significant and negative impact upon graduation rates. Other findings included
negative impact on graduation rates of increased percentage of part-time students, increased
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 79
minority enrollment and larger school size. However, the study found that community colleges
with high faculty-to-student ratios and high part-time faculty ratios had higher graduation rates
than low faculty-to-student ratios and low part-time faculty ratios.
In a thought piece based on an earlier study (Dowd et al., 2006), Bensimon (2007)
highlighted the role of the practitioner (faculty) as institutional agent in the success (persistence)
of marginalized students in the community college context. She further indicated that dominant
paradigms—Tinto (1975, 1993), Astin (1984) and Kuh (2003), among others—focused on the
role of the student, the role of the institution and the interaction between the two as the key
factors in student persistence. She suggested that a theory was needed that emphasized the
characteristics of practitioners in student persistence. Bensimon (2007) related student
perspectives of practitioners as being a key factor in their success. Thus, this thought piece
suggested that it was important to explore the characteristics of practitioners (faculty) in the
experiences of Native American students at RCC.
In her quantitative study, Barnett (2011) sought to investigate the meaning of validation,
and the relationship between validating experiences and a sense of academic integration and
intent to persist in college, specifically in the community college context. Barnett’s (2011) study
used correlational methods to examine community college student experiences with validation as
defined by ways in which faculty reach out to students that make them feel more integrated into
the institution. Barnett (2011) described examples of such actions as talking with students about
personal goals, showing an appreciation for personal and cultural history, and taking extra time
to assist with course material. Further, Barnett (2011) used exploratory principal components
analysis to identify underlying subconstructs. Barnett’s (2011) study identified academic
integration as a student’s sense of integration stemming from validation experiences and leading
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 80
to intent to persist in college. Intent to persist was measured by whether or not a student planned
to return to college the following Fall semester.
Barnett’s (2011) study surveyed students in daytime (as opposed to evening) introductory
college level English classes at a community college in the Spring of 2006. Enrollment in college
level English was used as a proxy for degree-seeking students who were ready for college-level
coursework. In total, 333 students in 22 classes completed the survey. Sample demographics
closely matched population demographics with the exception of underrepresentation of White
students, and slight overrepresentation of African American, Asian and “other” students. More
significantly, the sample was comprised of 64% full-time students versus 37% for the
population, likely because only daytime classes were surveyed.
Barnett (2011) entered survey responses into SSPS. Exploratory principal components
was used to identify subconstructs of faculty validation; factors with eigenvalues over one were
retained. Multiple linear regression was used to test the relationship between faculty validation
and academic integration, faculty validation and intent to persist, and academic integration and
intent to persist. Students planning to graduate in Spring 2006 were eliminated from the analysis.
Control variables included age, ethnicity, gender, mother’s education, college GPA and number
of enrolled credits.
Barnett (2011) found that faculty validation had discernable subconstructs, four of which
explained a significant proportion of variation. Students feeling known and valued explained
23.2% of the variation, caring instruction explained 14.8% of the variation, appreciation for
diversity explained 11.4% of the variation and mentoring explained 10.1% of the variation.
Faculty validation explained 47% of the variance in academic integration; all of the
subconstructs were significant predictors of academic integration with caring instruction the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 81
strongest predictor followed by mentoring, student being known and valued, and appreciation for
diversity. Faculty validation was found to moderately predict intent to persist the following
semester. Faculty validation subconstructs—students known and valued, and mentoring—
significantly predicted students’ intent to persist. The study also found that academic integration
modestly predicted a great likelihood that students would have an intent to persist. Further,
academic integration had a direct effect on a student’s intent to persist, while faculty validation
had an indirect effect, influenced by a student’s sense of academic integration.
McArthur’s (2005) descriptive account of an innovative faculty-based advising program
sought to present student perceptions of whether faculty-based advising influenced their
persistence at a community college. The faculty-based advising program was implemented by
faculty members of one department in a small, East Coast, suburban community college. The
program implemented proactive faculty outreach in one department to supplement the college’s
existing advising program. Surveys assessing the value of the program were mailed to students in
the program and administered to students in the general college population for comparison. Of
the 300 surveys administered to the general population, 222 were completed; of the 104 surveys
sent to students participating in the program, 33 were returned after two mailings and a follow up
phone call.
McArthur (2005) found, based on survey results, that general population students did not
know they had a faculty advisor, believed they had received poor advice from their advisor, and
perceived the faculty as uncaring. Survey results from students participating in the program
revealed that students had a higher sense of awareness of the advising program, were highly
satisfied with the advising they received and perceived the faculty to care about them. Although
this study did not link the advising program to persistence, it provided insights into students’
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 82
perceptions of experiences with faculty members, particularly when those experiences were
initiated by the faculty members.
This study (McArthur, 2005) along with others (Barnett, 2011; Bensimon, 2007;
Calcagno et al., 2008; Jacoby, 2006) highlighted the importance of faculty in community college
student persistence through high faculty-to-student ratios, more reliance on full-time faculty as
opposed to part-time faculty, connection with and validation from faculty, and faculty advising.
The findings of these studies helped to frame the specific ways in which Native American
students at RCC might have experienced interactions with faculty and how those interactions
supported or hindered achievement of educational goals.
Alternative Conceptualizations of Persistence
Wells (2008) advanced a new model of persistence in the community college context
suggesting that persistence was tied to students’ social and cultural capital. Wells (2008)
developed a new model based on his empirical quantitative study in which he hypothesized that
1. Social and cultural capital positively affected persistence from first to second year in
postsecondary education (at both community colleges and 4-year institutions); and
2. Social and cultural capital had a smaller positive effect on persistence in community
colleges than they did on persistence in 4-year institutions (for example, individual
background matters more at 4-year institutions, implying that community colleges
were more meritocratic).
Wells’s (2008) sample of 1,726 students was drawn from the National Education
Longitudinal Study (1988 to 1994) of students who received a high school diploma in 1992, who
were enrolled in a 2-year or 4-year institution in September 1992, and for whom data of interest
were complete. The binary dependent variable, persistence, was defined as enrollment at any
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 83
postsecondary institution one year later in September 1993. Wells (2008) used Perna’s (2000)
variables—parental education, parental educational expectations, student educational
expectations, importance of college attendance to the people around the student during high
school, whether or not most or all of the student’s high school friends planned to attend college,
the quality of the high school attended, the extent to which the family had academic resources
available at home, the extent to which test-preparation tools were used for the college transition,
and parental involvement in the student’s educational life—to represent social and cultural
capital. Wells (2008) used binary logistic regression in four steps to analyze the data. The first
model included all social and cultural capital variables. The second model included a dummy
variable to identify whether or not the first institution a student attended was a community
college. The third model included a variable to represent full- or part-time enrollment. The fourth
model included interaction variables to show conditional effects of social and cultural capital
between 2- and 4-year institutions. The following control variables were used in all models:
ethnicity, gender, tuition costs, financial aid, student employment hours, family income, reading
and mathematics scores, whether or not a student was in a college preparatory high school
program, whether a student was in a public or private postsecondary institution, and size of the
institution.
Wells (2008) found that in the first model for both 2-year and 4-year institutions and for
both part- and full-time enrollment, five of the nine social and cultural capital variables—parent
college education, student college expectations, importance of college attendance to the people
around the student during high school, the extent to which the family had academic resources
available at home, and the extent to which test-preparation tools were used for the college
transition—were statistically significant in explaining persistence. Model two found that while
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 84
these same five variables were significant, community college was not statistically significant
indicating that students who start at a community college do not have lower persistence rates.
Wells (2008) also found in model three that part-time status was not statistically significant. In
both the second and third model, Wells (2008) found that institution type and enrollment status
were not main factors impacting persistence; social and cultural capital factors explained a
significant portion of this variance. Model four found that although community colleges had
lower persistence for students with high social and cultural capital, community colleges had
higher average rates of persistence for students with low social and cultural capital.
Thus, Wells (2008) found that social and cultural capital was a factor of persistence, but
it was less important of a factor for community college students. Wells’s (2008) model suggested
that high social and cultural capital led to greater persistence (and thus, postsecondary
institutions served to preserve existing hierarchies, and social and cultural status). The model
also suggested, however, that community colleges might serve to increase mobility between low
and high social and cultural capital. This model provided additional insights in understanding
persistence decisions of students with low social and cultural capital. This study provided
insights into how social and cultural capital variables such as parent college education, student
college expectations, importance of college attendance to the people around students during high
school, might influence students’ experiences at RCC and achievement of their educational goals
and was thus used in this study to frame, examine, and understand Native American student
experiences.
Stuart et al. (2014) in their theory of community college persistence suggested that labor
market structure and value of credential influence students’ decisions to persist. Essentially,
Stuart et al. (2014) claimed that cost-benefit analysis was a direct factor that should be
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 85
considered in understanding persistence (see Figure 2.5). Their model was based on human
capital theory, social integration (Tinto, 1975) and socio-academic integration (Deil-Amen,
2011). Stuart et al. (2014) suggested that students relied on a continuous process through which
original goals (initially influenced by personal attributes and prior academic experiences) were
modified based on experiences during college, which occurred both within and outside the
college environment. Stuart et al. (2014) claimed that one experience that has not been explicitly
considered in other theories was changing perceptions about educational requirements, economic
value, and demand for jobs for which they were training. They included these factors along with
consideration of costs and benefits from three perspectives: pecuniary, psychic, and opportunity.
Stuart et al. (2014) posited in their alternative model of student persistence in community
colleges that when perceived costs outweighed benefits of training for a particular credential,
students would decide to drop out (see Figure 2.5). This theory provided insights into how
Native American students at RCC might adjust their original educational goals based on
perceptions about educational requirements, economic value of degrees, and demand for jobs.
Additionally, understanding the influence of such factors on students’ experiences at RCC might
also provide an understanding of how those experiences influenced achievement of educational
goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 86
Figure 2.5 An Alternative Model of Student Persistence (Stuart et al., 2014). From “How
much economic value does my credential have?” by G. R. Stuart, C. Rios-Aguilar, and R. Deil-
Amen, 2014, Community College Review, 42(4), p. 332. Copyright 2014 by Sage Publications.
Conclusion
The studies on community college student persistence reviewed in this section generally
supported the factors—academic and social integration—of persistence advanced by integration,
involvement, and engagement theories. In particular, academic integration factors related to
faculty interactions (including lower student to faculty ratio, greater full-time to part time faculty
ratio, and faculty validation) were cited by numerous studies that examined persistence generally
in the community college context (Barbatis, 2010; Barnett, 2011; Bensimon, 2007; Calcagno et
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 87
al., 2008; Jacoby, 2006; McArthur, 2005). However, there was evidence that academic and social
integration factors were insufficient to explain the full scope of student persistence in the
community college context. In particular, numerous external factors and student characteristics
were found to be important predictors of community college student persistence. For example,
finances, including expectations about paying for college and availability of financial aid
influenced persistence decisions for community college students (Dowd & Courey, 2006; Fike &
Fike, 2008; Hawley & Harris, 2006; Nora, 1990; Sorey & Duggan, 2008). Other external factors
included family, friends, degree utility, and social and cultural capital (Barbatis, 2010; Sorey &
Duggan, 2006; Stuart et al., 2014; Wells, 2008). Student characteristics included precollege
preparation, time between high school and college, cultural identity, faith, goal commitment, and
expectations about college (Barbatis, 2010; Calcagno et al., 2008; Hawley & Harris, 2006). What
was clear was that faculty, financial aid, and student characteristics played an important role in
community college student persistence. Studies on community college student persistence helped
me begin to frame Native American student experiences in the community college context and
how those experiences might have supported or hindered achievement of educational goals.
However, because Native American students comprised such a small percentage of overall
community college enrollment (only 0.47% of the total student body in the CCC system at the
time of this study) these studies might not capture the specific and varied experiences of Native
American students in the community college context. Thus, it was important to explore
specifically Native American student persistence literature. In the following section, I present
studies that examined Native American student persistence in postsecondary education.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 88
Native Americans in Higher Education Context
In the previous section, I reviewed empirical articles that focused on persistence for
community college students regardless of ethnicity. As nearly half of all community college
students were of ethnic minority groups (nearly two-thirds in California at the time of this study),
the literature on community college students incorporated the experiences and factors of
persistence for ethnic minority students generally. Research existed on persistence of specific
ethnic minority groups—Latino, African American, and so forth—in community college, as well
as success and persistence for these groups in higher education more generally. However, these
studies were beyond the scope of this study. In order to understand the experiences of Native
American students in the community college context, in this section I review literature that
focused on the specific experiences of Native American students in the higher education context.
Given the dearth of research on Native American college student persistence, I included articles
that examined general experiences, success and retention of Native American college students. In
sum, these studies provided a foundation for understanding the experiences of Native American
students generally in higher education and how those experiences supported or hindered
achievement of educational goals in the community college context.
Reyner and Dodd’s (1995) qualitative study examined what academically successful
students in one postsecondary school setting encountered and what persons or support services
helped with their academic success. The study used a convenience sample of 24 American Indian
students that the researchers were able to contact out of 38 who were enrolled as seniors in
Spring 1993 at the study site. The researchers interviewed half of the sample by phone and the
other half in person. The study sample represented 11 different tribes, six different majors, and
75% had a specific career goal.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 89
Reyner and Dodd (1995) found that half of the students measured academic success by
exogenous factors (completing course requirements) and half measured academic success by
endogenous factors (meeting personal goals). All but three students believed they were
academically successful; one of the three had never considered the notion of being academically
successful. Respondents cited the following as factors they believed led American Indian
students to be successful: maturity, determination, ability to cope with racial and cultural
differences, family encouragement, ability to adjust to new situations, parents, and support
systems. Eighty-three percent of respondents stated that family influenced their success; others
credited teachers, friends, as well as their tribal community. Many respondents mentioned the
following barriers faced by American Indian students: prejudice, finances, language, and alcohol;
other barriers mentioned by one or two respondents included: work, low expectations, family
issues, lack of housing, fear of asking questions, child care problems, poor academic preparation
and low self-esteem. Nearly all students indicated that they considered leaving college due to one
or more of these barriers. All but one student believed racism existed on campus and 83%
believed that racism was a barrier to their academic success. When faced with challenges to
academic success, 75% of the respondents said they turned to support services on campus and
some said they would turn to faculty. Of those who had sought academic help from faculty one-
third said they did not receive the help they sought. Thirty percent of participants noted that
caring and understanding was the primary way faculty helped them learn; other factors included
willing to answer questions, providing examples, relaxing deadlines, and being culturally
sensitive. Participants said that communication and language was the number one way faculty
hindered learning followed by negative attitudes, being rigid and defensive, not keeping office
hours, lecturing without question and answer sessions, being inconsiderate, being unclear,
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 90
talking above students, lacking awareness of cultural differences, being prejudiced, not caring,
and exhibiting negative attitudes toward the class. This early qualitative study highlighted a
number of factors Native American students attributed to supporting or hindering academic
success.
Jackson and Smith (2001) in their qualitative study examined the postsecondary
transition experiences of Navajo Indians to understand why so few persisted in postsecondary
settings. The 22 study participants were randomly selected from students who graduated in 1995
and 1996 from a small high school on the Navajo Nation reservation; the sample represented
25% of the total graduates. The sample was comprised of 10 men and 12 women with an average
age of 19.4 years. Students were interviewed between 1 and 2 years after graduation and all had
considered postsecondary education while in high school. At the time of the interview, of the 22
participants, 13 were attending school full-time, three were attending part-time, three were
working full-time and not attending school, and three were unemployed and not attending
school.
For the study, faculty members and graduate students from a large university counseling
program who were trained in qualitative interviewing skills conducted 20 to 60 minute
interviews (using a guided interview format), which were recorded and transcribed for analysis
by the researchers (Jackson & Smith, 2001). Interviews were conducted until the point of
saturation. The researchers analyzed the data using the following four step process: an unfocused
overview of the text, interpretations through successive readings of the material, finding
language that accurately conveyed the findings, and consultation with the participants. In the
study, the final step was completed by consulting with teachers and administrators with
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 91
experience in postsecondary transition rather than the students. Students were not contacted for
member checking because of cultural and logistical barriers.
Jackson and Smith (2001) found the following themes relevant to understanding
postsecondary transition for Navajo students: family connections (family pressure, family
financial problems, family conflicts, and family encouragement), discrepancy between high
school and college learning environments, focus on faculty relationships, vague educational and
vocational construct (misunderstanding the relationship of postsecondary training to careers,
vague postsecondary plans, anxiety about taking educational and vocational risks, and
misunderstanding the relationship of careers to each other), and connection to homeland and
culture.
Within the theme, family connections, Jackson and Smith (2001) found that students felt
pressure from family that, often simultaneously, was experienced as pressure to perform
academically and to stay close to home. One student said that her mother wanted her to stay
close to her, but her siblings, cousins, aunts, and uncles said that since she was the first in the
family to go to college they wanted her to go away and succeed. Another finding within the
family connections theme was that family financial problems resulted in difficulties staying in
school. One student described the difficulty paying for school and deciding to ultimately return
home because of lack of funding. Another student said that family support came in the way of
encouragement, not money and paying for school was a challenge to academic success. Another
family connection finding was that family conflicts interfered with academic success. One
student described having to move out because of conflicts with a stepfather. Another student
returned home frequently to provide emotional support to parents going through a divorce. As a
result, the student missed classes, which impacted the student’s grades. Lastly, within the family
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 92
connections theme, Jackson and Smith (2001) found family encouragement, which often
emanated from relatives who had attended college, resulted in greater self-confidence for
students. One student described how an uncle talked to him about what it took to become an FBI
agent, something that the student wanted to become. These talks gave the student the courage
and confidence to pursue the schooling and training required to become an FBI agent.
Jackson and Smith (2001) found, within the discrepancy between high school and college
learning environments theme, that one student described it as “that between a nurturing mother
and a demanding father” (p. 17); others expressed surprise at the difficulty of college,
particularly after doing well in high school. Jackson and Smith (2001) found, within the focus on
faculty relationships theme, that participants had positive and negative experiences based on the
types of connections they had with faculty resulting from how well faculty knew the students,
how personable they were, and class size. For example, one student described a favorite teacher
who was “nice and supportive of stuff like that,” (p. 20), which resulted in the student learning “a
lot of different things” (p. 20).
Within the vague educational and vocational constructs theme, Jackson and Smith (2001)
found students lacked a clear understanding of educational pathways, did not have clear
educational or vocational goals, and did not understand how education led to certain careers.
When asked what their educational or vocational goals were, one student replied, “I’ve thought
about—I just—to tell you the truth, I’m really undecided,” (p. 22), another replied, “no, I haven’t
made a choice now, and probably later on as time goes by I’ll make a choice,” (p. 21), and
another student responded, “well, general education” (p. 21).
Within the connection to homeland and culture theme, Jackson and Smith (2001) found
that students faced confusion surrounding conflicting messages of becoming successful (leaving
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 93
the reservation) and tribal connection (staying home), which led to some students self-limiting
career choices in order to balance the conflicting messages. One student’s response highlighted
the conflict when asked where he would go when finishing his degree: “where I would go for
corporate lawyer is probably in Texas, where all those oil fields are,” (p. 26), but then when
asked how would it be to leave home, responded, “So, I’d rather be here if I had a choice; I
would rather be here and help out with the family,” (p. 26). Jackson and Smith’s (2001) findings
were largely consistent with findings of other later studies, particularly with respect to family
connections and connection to homeland and culture (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Jackson
et al., 2003; Rousey & Longie, 2001), as well as faculty relationships (Gloria & Robinson
Kurpius, 2001; Jackson et al., 2003; Lundberg, 2007). Further, Jackson and Smith (2001)
introduced the idea of transition from high school to college culture, and vague educational and
vocational constructs, as a challenge for student success.
In another quantitative study, Gloria and Robinson Kurpius (2001) examined the
influence of psychosociocultural factors (self-beliefs, social support, and comfort in the
university environment) on the non-persistence decisions of American Indian undergraduate
students, and hypothesized that positive self-beliefs, strong social support, and comfort in the
university environment would be associated with decreased non-persistence decisions. The study
was conducted at a large, southwestern university where American Indians comprised only 2.3%
of the student body. The sample of 83 American Indian undergraduate students (approximately
10% of all American Indian students) was recruited through education and liberal arts classes
and included all students who volunteered and completed a research packet by the following
class meeting. Most of the students in the sample reported being Navajo with others belonging to
Diné, Creole, Seminole, Inuit, and Eskimo tribes. The sample was 80.7% female, between 17
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 94
and 43 years old (median age of 21 years old), relatively evenly spread among freshman,
sophomores, juniors and seniors, had a mean GPA of 2.92, and were education (26.5%), nursing
(13.3%), liberal arts and sciences (13.3%), biological sciences (9.6%), and social science (9.6%)
majors. Other background information collected included: high school coursework and GPA
(3.45 mean GPA), parental education, marital status (69.6% single), religious affiliation (59.8%
reported other and none), commuter status (61.4% lived in off-campus housing), and how
education was financed (89.2% received scholarships).
Gloria and Robinson Kurpius’s (2001) study had one dependent variable, non-
persistence, and nine independent variables organized into the three psychosociocultural factors:
self-beliefs (college self-efficacy, degree tasks self-efficacy, and self-esteem), social support
(family, friends, and mentors), and comfort in environment (environment, cultural fit, and stress).
Data was gathered with a survey packet that included a demographic sheet and 10 instruments
measured by numerous inventories and scales that assessed psychosociocultural factors and non-
persistence decisions. Using a series of two-step regressions, Gloria and Robinson Kurpius
(2001) found that social support, university comfort, and (positive) self-beliefs all predicted
persistence, with social support the strongest predictor followed by university comfort and then
self-beliefs. Within social support, role of faculty/staff mentoring was the strongest predictor of
persistence. Comfort in the environment was also a predictor of non-persistence decisions with
positive perceptions of the institution and good cultural fit predicting persistence; stress was not
a predictor of persistence. Although not as strong of a predictor of persistence as social support
and comfort in the environment, self-beliefs and each of its variables (college and task self-
efficacy, and self-esteem) were significantly related to non-persistence decisions. As Lundberg
(2007) and Jackson et al. (2003) later found, Gloria and Robinson Kurpius (2001) found that
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 95
faculty relationships and comfort in the environment (commitment to diversity (Lundberg, 2007)
and dealing with racism (Jackson et al., 2003)) were strong predictors of persistence for Native
American students. Further, similar to the finding of Jackson et al. (2003)—developed
independence/assertiveness—Gloria and Robinson Kurpius (2001) found negative self-beliefs
were related to non-persistence decisions.
Rousey and Longie (2001) in their single case study asked what is it that tribal colleges
are doing, thinking, or providing differently than mainstream institutions that might explain their
success and retention of very high-risk students, specifically Native American students. As
insiders, the researchers, Rousey (a consultant to the school site for 7 years) and Longie
(president of the school site), conducted interviews and observations, and reviewed thousands of
pages of documents from 1994 to 1999 in order to answer their research question. The tribal
college studied was a tribally chartered 2-year institution in the Midwest located in the largest
town on the reservation (population of 1,200). Chartered in 1974, the institution received full
accreditation in 1989 and was tasked with educating students from an eighth-grade to college
sophomore level. At the time of the study, retention at the college was 32% (similar to other
tribal colleges) compared to 10% for Native American students at non-tribal institutions.
Rousey and Longie (2001) found that, at the time of the study, 95% of the students were
tribal members. To provide context on this population, it is important to note that 53% of tribal
members were below poverty level, 3% of adult tribal members had college degrees, the high
school dropout rate was 44%, unemployment was more than 60%, and one in five families had a
member committed to an in-patient substance abuse treatment center. At the time of the study,
the tribal college was isolated from other education institutions. Even though the college was
considered a local college, it was located in an area that was difficult for local students to get to.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 96
Retention was a primary focus for the college that had implemented numerous programs to
address the issue of attrition.
Rousey and Longie (2001) found that culture and family support, and the indirect role of
the tribal college in family support, were practices the tribal college had implemented to support
Native American student retention. The researchers found that students’ culture was incorporated
throughout the college’s operations: staff were at ease facing negative issues affecting retention
(alcoholism and poverty), orientations directly addressed risk factors (first-generation students,
lack of transportation, and family issues), the college’s cultural mission was emphasized (a large
sign mounted at the entrance stated the mission), and staff and faculty were trained to teach
students strategies to overcome risk factors. The researchers also found that the college enabled
students to pursue higher education without being separated from their families and tribal
community, a factor supporting retention. The researchers further noted that after transfer to 4-
year baccalaureate institutions, Native American student retention declined dramatically—a
result of, among other factors, separation from family and community. Culture and family
support (Rousey & Longie, 2001) as factors of student success were consistent with findings
from other later studies (Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008;
Jackson et al., 2003; Lundberg, 2007). However, Rousey and Longie (2001) also highlighted the
tribal college’s role in family social support as a factor of student success.
Although Martin (2005) did not conduct a study, as an expert practitioner, he wrote a
thought piece that described ways in which tribal colleges incorporated culturally relevant
strategies to support Native American students, including: employing the Family Education
Model [FEM], incorporating Native American cultural symbols, providing postsecondary
transition programs, offering culturally relevant academic and support programs, and providing
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 97
programs supporting transfer from tribal colleges to 4-year institutions. Martin (2005) wrote
from his perspective as a former president of Southwestern Indian Polytechnic Institute, Haskell
Indian Nations University, and Tohono O’odham Community College (IAIA, n.d.). His thought
piece description of tribal college practices that supported student success was consistent with
findings from Rousey and Longie (2001). Thus, the findings from Rousey and Longie (2001)
supported by descriptions from Martin’s (2005) thought piece provided insights into
understanding Native American student experiences at RCC and how those experiences
supported or hindered their educational goals.
In a qualitative study, Jackson et al. (2003) sought to “articulate academically successful
Native American college students’ perceptions of factors that facilitated and detracted from their
efforts to graduate from college” (pp. 550-551). The researchers used four criteria for including
participants in the study: first, students who had lived primarily on a reservation prior to
college—these students were more likely to experience a cultural adjustment; second, students
whose parents both identified as Native American—these student were more likely to identify as
Native American; third, students who were seniors in good academic standing—these students
were likely to graduate, but were more accessible than graduates; and forth, students who had not
been enrolled more than 7 years—these students were more likely to be full-time students for
much of their college experience. The demographics of the resulting participants were as
follows: the eight male and seven female students represented four tribes (Navajo/Diné, Paiute,
Pueblo and Ute) in three states, were 20 to 32 years of age (mean age of 25.6), and had GPAs
ranging from 2.20 to 3.68 (mean GPA of 2.90). The sites, all southwestern 4-year colleges, were
selected to represent a range of institution size and focus (teaching versus research); all sites had
student bodies that were approximately 75% to 90% White.
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Each of the three researchers conducted at least three, 45 to 75 minute, one-on-one
interviews using a list of topics with guidelines and sample questions to avoid leading
participants to a particular response, but also to elicit both deep and broad responses (Jackson et
al., 2003). In the interview questions, Jackson et al. (2003) attempted to limit researcher
assumptions and thus preconceived ideas about factors contributing to academic success, with
the exception of the following: higher education is assumed to be valuable and various factors
help or hinder education achievement, and these factors are assumed to be cultural, social,
institutional, or familial.
In order to limit researcher bias, Jackson et al. (2003) emphasized the philosophical
(relational ontology) and epistemological (hermeneutic and dialectic) foundations of the study.
These foundations led the researchers to incorporate Kvale’s (1996, pp. 30-31) 10 tenets for
interviewing:
1. Attention to the everyday “life world” of the participants.
2. Efforts to understand the meaning of the themes in the dialogue.
3. Dialogue aimed at qualitative rather than quantitative knowledge.
4. Encouragement of in-depth descriptions of the participants’ experience.
5. Encouragement of descriptions of specific experiences.
6. A deliberate openness to novel and unexpected perspectives.
7. Focus on the phenomena of interest without using restrictive questions.
8. Acknowledgement of possible ambiguities and contradictions in the dialogue.
9. Awareness of new insights that may come to interviewer and participant in the
interview.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 99
10. Knowledge that each interviewer brings varying degrees of sensitivity to different
aspects of the participants’ experiences and perspectives. (Jackson et al., 2003, p.
552)
Participants also completed a demographic questionnaire. The researchers recorded,
transcribed and then interpreted the interview responses using various interpretive qualitative
methods. Jackson et al. (2003) interpreted the interviews using three stages: conducting an
unfocused overview of the text, making tentative interpretations through successive readings,
and finding language to accurately convey findings. Ultimately, themes were retained only if the
two researchers who conducted analysis reached consensus about their validity. The third
researcher presented the retained themes to three participants and 12 Native American leaders
not involved in the interviews who provided a validity check. Comments from the validity check
were incorporated into the findings.
Jackson et al. (2003) identified two levels of findings, which they defined as “surface
themes” that were straightforward and consistent with previous research findings, and “deep
themes” that were more complex, personal and in some cases contradictory. The surface themes
were factors that were perceived to support college completion and included family support
(encouragement and other support from family members), structured social support (Native
American clubs, offices and organizations), faculty and staff warmth (level of engagement and
friendliness), exposure to college experiences and possible vocations (prior positive
experiences), developed independence and assertiveness, and reliance on spiritual resources.
Jackson et al. (2003) found that most students experienced encouragement from parents and first
or second degree relatives to attend college and that the encouragement often felt like an
imperative to be academically successful. One student said that relatives would “sell the cows”
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 100
to pay for college. Jackson et al. (2003) found that most students were initially reluctant to
participate in Native American clubs or visit multicultural offices on campus, but often later
attributed their success to these structured social support services. One student suggested that
participation in such programs should be mandatory and another felt that seeing Native
American role models was an important motivator. Jackson et al. (2003) found that students
distinguished between institutions with a high degree of faculty and staff engagement versus
institutions with a low degree. Students believed that a high degree of engagement led to the
perception that the faculty and staff cared about them, which increased students’ confidence and
feeling that they had a safe place to go to ask questions. Another finding was that students who
had prior exposure to college or a vocation felt more comfortable transitioning to college and
knew what to expect, which ultimately supported their success. Students also reported a distinct
transition—that happened at different times and in different circumstances—during which they
developed independence and assertiveness. All students attributed their academic success to this
transition. One student described joining a Native American club on campus and for the first
time began to speak out at meetings and eventually ran for office. Jackson et al. (2003) also
found that students relied on spiritual resources to help them succeed academically. Students had
varying levels of spirituality; one student described relying on prayers during stressful times,
another described having a ceremony done, which significantly influenced her outlook on
education and enhanced her focus on academic success.
Jackson et al. (2003) described the following deep theme findings: dealing with racism
(surprising prevalence and degree), nonlinear path (none of the participants had experienced a
direct path through higher education), and paradoxical cultural pressure (conflict between being
successful in college and maintaining identity as member of tribal community). Jackson et al.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 101
(2003) found that students described dealing with racism as adding a heavy burden to their
education experience. For example, students alternately felt ignored or singled out, which
required one student to work harder to break down barriers in order to participate in group work,
and led to another student feeling less willing to speak out because of the pressure of speaking
“for all brown people in the world” (p. 557). Jackson et al. (2003) found that none of the students
had a linear path, but rather a cyclic academic path: all had attended at least three schools, most
had earned an associate’s degree first, many had breaks of up to 2 years, and all had periods
during which they struggled academically—even the students who ultimately graduated with
honors and had earned high cumulative GPAs. Further, they found that students spoke of this
cyclic path matter-of-factly with no apology and actually saw value in a cyclic, rather than linear,
progression through college. Lastly, Jackson et al. (2003) found that students experienced what
the researchers termed paradoxical cultural pressure. Students described feeling a tension
between being successful in college versus maintaining their identity as a member of the Native
American community. For example, some students felt supported by their friends and family, yet
worried about being accepted once they became college graduates. One student related that
family members said what he was studying was useless and only “for White people” (p. 559). On
the one hand, students found having a connection with other Native American students on
campus helped them feel supported, but on the other felt that connection could be a negative
influence—encouraging them to go drinking, rather than study. Other students found that they
wanted to return home after graduation to help their community, but could not find work in their
field at home. Others felt they had to cut ties altogether (and avoid the problems on the
reservation such as alcoholism) in order to be successful. Thus, Jackson et al. (2003) found that
some factors—namely surface themes (family support, structured social system, faculty/staff
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 102
warmth, exposure to college/vocation, developed independence/assertiveness, and reliance on
spiritual resources) that supported Native American academic success were some of the same
factors that support community college students’ success generally, but that these factors had
specific Native American nuances. In addition, Jackson et al. (2003) also found that there were
other factors—deep themes (dealing with racism, non-linear path, and paradoxical cultural
pressure)—that were unique to the Native American experience and both supported and hindered
student success. Jackson et al.’s (2003) findings were largely consistent with earlier studies:
Reyner and Dodd’s (1995) findings—maturity, ability to cope with racism, family
encouragement, parents, and support systems as factors of success; Jackson and Smith’s (2001)
findings—family connections, faculty relationships, and connection to homeland and culture as
factors of persistence; Gloria and Robinson Kurpius’ (2001) findings—social support and self-
beliefs as factors of persistence; and Rousey and Longie’s (2001) findings—tribal college
factors, such as culture and family, supported Native American student success.
Lowe’s (2005) personal account as a Native American student in higher education
highlighted the cyclic path discussed by Jackson et al. (2003). In this account, she related her
experience to accounts of other students from other studies by highlighting a common theme.
Although academically well-prepared for, excited about, and fully supported (financially,
socially and psychologically) in, attending higher education, Lowe (2005) during her first year of
college skipped classes, returned home frequently, was put on probation, and decided not to
return the Fall of her second year. When Lowe (2005) returned to school the Spring of her
second year, she recognized the need to rely on her own identity and strength in order to persist.
This personal account (Lowe, 2005) illustrated Jackson et al.’s (2003) finding that even students
who graduated with honors and earned high GPAs struggled with periods of academic challenge
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 103
and many took breaks along the way—what Jackson et al. (2003) describe as a cyclic academic
path.
Brown’s (2003) qualitative study examined perceptions transfer students from tribal
colleges had regarding their own readiness to attend a 4-year institution. The researcher
identified tribal college graduates entering a large state university in Fall 2001 who had 45 or
more credits and a 3.0 GPA or higher; 15 students met these parameters and were contacted by a
letter, followed by a phone call. Eleven students agreed to participate in the study. All
participants were members of a federally recognized tribe in the same state as the transfer
university; all had strong tribal community connections. Students had varying reasons for
transferring to the state university, ranged in age from 21 to 48, six were married, seven had
children (two were single parents), only four were first-generation college students, and they
represented seven different majors. Participants were interviewed twice—once at the beginning
of the Fall 2001 semester and once at the beginning of the Spring 2002 semester. Brown (2003)
found that all participants perceived attending a tribal college before transferring to a 4-year
university as valuable. The reasons cited by participants for why attending a tribal college before
transferring to a 4-year institution was valuable included: proximity of tribal colleges increased
accessibility, supportive atmosphere facilitated learning, cultural consistency provided comfort,
and knowing faculty and other students enabled students to gain confidence. Similar to Rousey
and Longie’s (2001) findings that highlighted tribal college practices that support student
success, findings from Brown’s (2003) study helped in understanding whether Native American
students at RCC experienced similar factors that supported transfer readiness, a possible
educational goal for Native American students at RCC.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 104
Huffman’s (2003) quantitative study examined if Native American student persistence
was affected by whether a student grew up on or off the reservation. Huffman’s (2003) study
used data from a survey on Native American experiences at a small Midwestern university
(where Native Americans comprised approximately 5% of the student body) during a 5-year
period. Of the total 232 Native American students enrolled during that period, 86 returned
completed surveys (37% response rate). This sample was divided into two groups (the
independent variable): students who spent most of their life growing up on a reservation (66%)
and students who did not (34%). The two groups were only significantly different in age
distribution—the reservation sample was skewed toward students 30 years of age and older.
Huffman (2003) created three scales to evaluate perceived barriers to persistence. The
scales were constructed using responses (on a 5 point scale from 1=not at all to 5=a great deal) to
a series of items in each of the three perceived barriers to persistence: academic difficulties,
financial difficulties, and personal/social difficulties. Three other dependent variables were
included in the study: satisfaction with college experience, difficulty in transition to college, and
impact of college experience on appreciation of American Indian heritage. The study used
Pearson correlations and t tests to analyze the data. Huffman (2003) found that students from
reservations reported greater academic difficulties, but that there were no significant differences
between reservation and non-reservation students in their experiences of financial, or personal
and social difficulties. Huffman (2003) also found that despite differences in experiences with
academic difficulty, there were no significant differences in the overall college experience
between reservation and non-reservation students. Nevertheless, Huffman (2003) found that
reservation students experienced greater difficulty transitioning to college. Yet, once in college,
reservation students were more likely to report that college had positively influenced
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 105
appreciation of American Indian heritage (Huffman, 2003). These findings suggested that
understanding whether students were from or lived on the reservation helped inform the
understanding of Native American student experiences at RCC. Further understanding how this
factor influenced their experiences also helped to suggest how it supported or hindered Native
American students in achieving their educational goals.
In their quantitative study, Pewewardy and Frey (2004) sought to assess similarities and
differences in the racial attitudes between American Indian students and non-Indian students, and
to determine whether American Indian students’ satisfaction regarding student support services
differed from that of non-Indian students at a predominantly White institution. The study site
was a state university (land grant institution) in the southern Midwest granting associate’s,
bachelor’s, and master’s degrees, and a mission of providing educational programs relevant to
people in its service area. Three tribal groups were located in the university’s service area. No
ethnic courses were offered at the study site, faculty included two American Indians, and no
American Indian student services were available.
Pewewardy and Frey’s (2004) sample consisted of 409 undergraduate students—296
female and 115 male—31% of the students were 22 years old or younger, 30% were 23 to 30
years old, and 39% were 30 years old or older. Students of color were generally older than White
students. The ethnic composition of the sample was 60.5% White, 17.6% African-American,
7.4% American Indian, 6.1% Latino, 3.2% Asian-American, and 5.1% other. In order to answer
the research questions, the study examined only the results of the 245 White and 30 American
Indian students.
Pewewardy and Frey (2004) used a survey consisting of 33 questions developed by
students, under guidance of their instructor, in a multicultural psychology course offered at the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 106
study site. The original survey, which consisted of 88 questions, was pilot tested and
subsequently trimmed to 33 questions based on readability and relevance of items. The survey
had two sections: a background section and a study section that included questions addressing
racial climate on campus, student support services, cultural diversity on campus, perceptions and
attitudes about cultural diversity, and ethnic fraud (non-Native American students claiming to be
Native American to obtain benefits for Native American students). The researchers used a
principle components factor analysis and found that six factors—institutional support, genetic
equality, campus climate, motivation to succeed, ethnic fraud, and White privilege—accounted
for 64% of response variance.
The study results used two subscales—summed responses for institutional support items
and summed responses for campus climate items—to make comparisons between White and
American Indian students using t-tests (Pewewardy & Frey, 2004). The researchers found that
there was a significant difference in perception of institutional support for ethnic and
multicultural issues and understanding; American Indian students had a stronger belief in the
value of this type of institutional support than White students. The difference between American
Indian and White student responses to the item, self-identification of ethnic identity without any
official documentation appears to be a significant institutional and national problem, was
significant with American Indian students’ responses showing greater agreement than White
students’ responses. Another area where American Indian and White student responses differed
significantly was related to racial stereotypes. American Indian students were more likely than
White students to agree with the item, ethnic minorities are not as motivated to succeed as
Whites, in general. Findings from Pewewardy and Frey’s (2004) study helped to inform
understanding of Native American student experiences at RCC, which is a predominantly White
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 107
institution, particularly in understanding the differences in experiences and perspectives of
Native American students compared to White students. Specifically, Pewewardy and Frey (2004)
found that Native American students placed a greater value on institutional support for
multicultural issues than White students, similar to Lundberg’s (2007) finding of institutional
commitment to diversity as a factor supporting Native American student learning. Also, their
finding that Native American students were more likely than White students to believe that
ethnic minority students were not as motivated to succeed as White students might be tied to
self-beliefs, which Gloria and Robinson Kurpius (2001) found were linked to persistence.
Lundberg’s (2007) quantitative study, designed to inform programs and practices to
support Native American student success, asked the following questions:
1. How do course learning, writing experiences, engagement with faculty, peers, and
others in co-curricular experiences, and the institution’s commitment to diversity
contribute to learning for Native American students?
2. Which of these variables are the strongest predictors of learning?
Lundberg (2007) sampled 643 students who self-identified as “American Indian or Other
Native” (students identifying another ethnicity in addition to American Indian were not included)
from a database of over 20,000 students who took the College Student Experiences
Questionnaire [CSEQ] (Pace & Kuh, 1998) between 1998 and 2001. All students were enrolled
in non-tribally controlled, baccalaureate degree-granting colleges. Eighty-four percent of the
sample students were typical undergraduate students: under 23 years of age, enrolled full-time,
living on campus, and unemployed or working fewer than 10 hours per week. The sample
included 59% women and 44% first-year students who were enrolled in institutions (72% public)
some of which granted doctoral degrees (48%) or master’s degrees (36%).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 108
Lundberg (2007) used the 166-item, self-reporting CSEQ, which assesses where students
spend time and effort, and what they learn in their college experience. The study used two
dependent variables—gains in academic learning and gains in personal learning—to answer the
research questions. The variable, gains in academic learning, was measured using a composite of
15 items assessing self-reported gains using a 4-point scale (1=little to 4=very much) in the
following areas: understand art, enjoy literature, broad general education, understand importance
of history, knowledge about other parts of the world, aware of different philosophies, write
clearly, present ideas through speaking, use computers, analyze quantitative problems, think
analytically, put ideas together, understand science, understand new development in science, and
aware of consequences of new applications in science. Gains in personal learning was measured
using a composite of five items assessing self-reported gains using a 4-point scale (1=little to
4=very much): developing one’s own values, understanding self, ability to get along with others,
function as a team player, and developing good health habits. Lundberg’s (2007) study
incorporated the following independent variables comprised of a composite of various survey
items: involvement with others outside the classroom (composite of six items), time spent in
course learning activities (composite of two items), and student satisfaction with faculty,
administration, and classmate interactions (composite of three items). The study incorporated
student background variables (year in college, enrollment status, hours worked, commuter
status), institution variables (type—public, master’s, and doctoral, selectivity, and student’s
perception of commitment to diversity). Lundberg (2007) used a stepwise method of entry in
three blocks to regress the dependent variables onto the independent variables. In order to control
for student and institutional characteristics before analyzing the dependent variables, Lundberg
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 109
(2007) entered student characteristics first, followed by institutional characteristics, and lastly,
the independent variables: involvement, learning, and satisfaction.
Lundberg (2007) found that the independent variables predicted 49% of variance in
academic learning; information in conversations was the strongest predictor (β=.289) with year
in college (β=.218), institutional selectivity (β=.209), conversation topics (β=.197), institution
commitment to diversity (β=.159), and relationships with faculty members (β=.151) also strong
predictors. Combined, involvement variables contributed 26% to variance in academic learning,
followed by institutional characteristics (14%) and student characteristics (8%). Lundberg (2007)
also found that combined involvement variables contributed 21% to variance in personal
learning, followed by institutional characteristics (17%) and student characteristics (5%).
Information in conversations (β=.252) was also the strongest predictor of personal learning, with
year in college (β=.226), institution commitment to diversity (β=.219), campus facilities
(β=.188), institution selectivity (β=.148), and institution type—master’s degree granting—
(β=.137) also strong predictors. In sum, Lundberg’s (2007) study confirmed that many of the
factors identified in integration, involvement, and engagement theories also supported Native
American student learning (Astin, 1984; Kuh, 2003; Tinto, 1992). However, institutional
commitment to diversity was also a strong predictor of student learning for Native American
students, which may be similar to Gloria and Robinson Kurpius’s (2001) finding of university
comfort and good cultural fit as a factor of student persistence. Lundberg’s (2007) study also
confirmed the importance of a positive relationship with faculty for Native American student
learning, factors that emerged in prior studies (Jackson et al., 2003; Reyner & Dodd, 1995).
In Shotton, Oosahwe and Cintrón’s (2007) qualitative study, they investigated whether
larger, more structured peer groups provided a more permanent positive effect on American
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 110
Indian student integration and persistence through examining student experiences in an
American Indian peer mentoring program. The study was conducted in Spring 2005 at a
midsized, public, predominantly White, Midwestern university with a population of 27,000 of
which 25% were minority students and 6.3% were American Indian students. The American
Indian students represented numerous regions and tribes, and were from both reservation and
non-reservation tribal communities. The study focused on the influence of the peer-mentoring
retention program for freshman, sophomore and transfer American Indian students that was
established in 2001 by American Indian students perceiving a need. Seven mentors aged 19 to 22
(three seniors and four juniors) participated in the study. All participants were former mentees
and as a group roughly reflected the tribal and regional diversity, as well as gender composition
(five female and two male), of the university’s American Indian population. These students were
referred through the American Indian Student Services office and selected based on purposeful
sampling: retention program participation, current university enrollment, and tribal membership.
Shotton et al. (2007) used phenomenology as a research approach and followed a
postpositivistic approach incorporating “culturally grounded meaning” with focus groups
representing group phenomenology. Thus, Shotton et al. (2007) conducted a series of interviews
(open-ended) and focus groups (stimulus for group elaboration) as data collection methods. The
focus groups met in researchers’ offices on campus, lasted 60 to 90 minutes, had three or four
participants, and used predetermined questions exploring perceptions of peer mentors,
experiences with retention program, and perceptions of factors associated with American Indian
persistence. Focus group participants were permitted to elaborate and engage with each other and
the researcher. Five of the focus group participants were invited to participate in a 30 to 60
minute face-to-face interview based on their experience with the program, openness and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 111
availability. The interview used broad questions asking students to describe their experience with
the program and perceptions of what contributes to persistence. The researchers recorded and
transcribed the focus groups and interviews.
All three researchers participated in reviewing and classifying focus group and interview
data (Shotton et al., 2009). Each researcher individually divided categories into themes and then
the researchers brought individually identified themes together for comparison and analysis;
themes identified by all three researchers were retained. Shotton et al. (2009) found two key
themes: key elements are necessary for the initial establishment of peer-mentoring relationship
and peer mentors play an important role in helping American Indian students overcome potential
barriers to their academic success. The researchers found that the following four factors must be
in place for a successful peer-mentoring relationship: peer mentor’s commitment to the program
and the mentee, peer mentor’s expression of genuine care for the mentee, the mentee’s
perception of peer mentor as admirable, and the peer mentor’s and mentee’s ability to relate to
each other. In the study, participants revealed three ways in which peer mentors helped mentees
overcome potential barriers to academic success: connecting students to the community;
providing support (emotional, encouragement, help with personal issues, and academic support);
and providing guidance (academics, developing goals, reconciling conflict, leadership, and
personal development). Shotton et al.’s (2007) findings helped inform how interactions with
other students—both formal and informal peer mentors—influenced Native American student
experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered achievement of their
educational goals.
In their qualitative study, Guillory and Wolverton (2008) explored the similarities and
differences between Native American student perceptions and the perceptions of state
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 112
representatives, university presidents and faculty about persistence factors and barriers to degree
completion for Native American students at three northwestern universities. Guillory and
Wolverton (2008) used what they call a “multiple case study-like” approach with two analysis
stages: within-case (gathering data to learn about relevant variables) and cross-case (developing
explanations for each case and identifying commonalities across cases). Study sites were selected
based on the following characteristics: land-grant universities, close proximity to large Native
American populations, similar Native American enrollments (total number and percentage of
student body), and service area included rural areas.
Student participants were selected for the study by invitation from a Native American
staff member at each university who was in frequent contact with the students (Guillory &
Wolverton, 2008). The sample of 30 students represented juniors, seniors and graduate students
from 20 different tribes who grew up on or near their respective reservations. The average age of
the sample was 26 (ranging from 18 to 43) and nearly one-third of the sample were first-
generation college students. Despite the wide variation across the student sample, the researchers
treated the students as a homogenous group because each frequently participated in Native
American organizations and cultural activities that allowed them to express their collective
“Indianness.” Guillory and Wolverton (2008) collected student data through 90 to 100 minute
recorded focus group interviews (comprised of nine to 11 students each) and a personal
background questionnaire.
One state board of education member from each state was selected for the study based on
their knowledge of shaping state policy on diversity; data was obtained by a 45 minute phone
interview (Montana board member) and written responses (Idaho and Washington board of
education public affairs officers) (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008). Presidents (considered the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 113
“voice” of the institution) from the three universities were interviewed for up to 1 hour. Three
faculty members (teaching, counseling and advising) from each university were also interviewed
for up to 1 hour. Interviews were held in interviewees’ respective offices and were recorded.
These three different groups of institution actors, 15 individuals in total, were considered as one
homogenous group—the institution—having potential (policy set by boards of education),
indirect (policy implementation directed by university presidents), or direct (policy execution in
practice by faculty members) impact on student persistence.
Guillory and Wolverton (2008) found three factors (in descending order of importance)
that students attributed to persistence: family (nuclear and extended providing support in various
forms), giving back to tribal community (education as an instrument to better conditions for
tribal members), and on-campus social support (faculty, staff, and peers providing psychological
and academic support). The researchers found two factors the institution (board members,
presidents and faculty) attributed to Native American student persistence: adequate financial
support and academic programs (academic and support programs specifically tailored to Native
American interests). The researchers found that the students perceived three barriers to
persistence: family (a pull from family away from academic context and activities), single
parenthood, and inadequate financial support. The institution cited two barriers to persistence for
Native American students: inadequate financial resources and lack of academic preparation. The
perceptions of the institutional actors focused on finances and academics as primary factors
supporting or hindering Native American student success. The students identified family as the
primary factor that both supported and hindered their academic success. This finding was
consistent with what Jackson et al. (2003) defined as a deep theme (a complex, personal and in
some cases contradictory theme, as opposed to a surface or straightforward theme) of
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 114
paradoxical cultural pressure, Jackson and Smith’s (2001) finding of family connections as
having both positive and negative impact on persistence, and Reyner and Dodd’s (1995) finding
of family as both supporting and hindering academic success. Tribal community and on-campus
social support were other factors students identified as supporting their academic success. This
finding was also consistent with Gloria and Robinson Kurpius’s (2001) finding that social
support was a factor in persistence, Jackson et al.’s (2003) surface theme of structured social
systems supporting academic success, Jackson and Smith’s (2001) finding that connections to
homeland and culture supported persistence, and Rousey and Longie’s (2001) finding that
incorporating culture was one strategy tribal colleges used to support student success. Guillory
and Wolverton (2008) also found that students perceived finances as hindering persistence if it
was not available, which was consistent with other studies (Jackson & Smith, 2001; Reyner &
Dodd, 1995).
Conclusion
What was clearly missing from the literature was empirical studies on Native American
students in the community college context. Nearly all studies were situated in baccalaureate
degree-granting institutions or associate’s degree-granting tribal colleges. Nevertheless, the
qualitative and quantitative research available on Native American students in the higher
education context generally provided some consistent findings regarding factors that supported
or hindered Native American student success and persistence. A number of these factors were
factors of success and persistence for community college students generally. Such factors
included: self-beliefs, motivation, expectations, financial issues, work, poor academic
preparation, faculty and staff relationships, and family influences. However, these studies also
highlighted the unique ways these factors influenced Native American student success and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 115
persistence. For example, self-beliefs, motivation, and expectations were in some cases different
for Native American students—Jackson et al. (2003) found that the cyclic, rather than linear,
path through education was described by Native American students matter-of-factly and as
having value; Pewewardy and Frey (2004) found that Native American students were more
likely than their White counterparts to believe that ethnic minorities were not as motivated to
succeed as White students. More significantly, the existing research highlighted unique factors
that influenced success and persistence for Native American students in higher education. Such
factors included the often paradoxical role of family and tribal community on student success,
reliance on spiritual resources, and dealing with racism towards Native Americans.
Conceptual Framework
In this section I present my conceptual framework, which formed the basis of this study.
Maxwell (2013) defined the conceptual framework as the beliefs and ideas the researcher holds
about the phenomena being studied. A conceptual framework emerges from the researcher’s
worldview—ontology and epistemology—and thus provides the approach to how the world and
its phenomena are studied (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006; Maxwell, 2013). Broadly, this worldview
(paradigm) provides the basis for use of various research methodologies that frame and provide
possible answers to a research question (Maxwell, 2013). More specifically, a conceptual
framework contains what the researcher is going to study including the possible concepts,
relationships between the concepts, and theories about those relationships, that lead to such
phenomena (Creswell, 2014; Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009; Miles & Huberman, 1994).
Maxwell (2013) suggested four sources for constructing a conceptual framework: experiential
knowledge, existing theory, pilot studies, and thought experiments. I begin by identifying the
paradigms through which I approached this study and which created the foundation for the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 116
conceptual framework. I then explain how theories, empirical studies, and experiential
knowledge established the structure of the conceptual framework (the relationship between the
components and concepts). Finally, I describe how existing theories and related empirical
studies, including this study, provided the basis for determining which components and concepts
were incorporated into the conceptual framework and the factors included in each component.
The conceptualization of the framework remained essentially consistent throughout the study.
However, the diagrammatic representation evolved in order to better represent and align with the
conceptualization. Appendix I describes the evolution of the diagrammatic representation of the
conceptual framework.
Paradigmatic Foundation of Conceptual Framework
Although many researchers have argued that grounding a conceptual framework in a
paradigm is not necessary particularly in qualitative research (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006;
Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009) where the researcher is not testing a theory, but rather is
exploring social phenomena and/or meaning making, I found that clarifying the ontological and
epistemological assumptions of this study was helpful in developing my conceptual framework
and research methods. Nevertheless, I believed that Maxwell’s (2013) portrayal of a
paradigmatic “bricolage”—using whatever tools necessary to fit the context—was a helpful
approach to combining seemingly disparate paradigms in developing a conceptual framework for
this study. This study drew primarily from an interpretivist paradigm (relativist ontology and
transactional or subjectivist epistemology), but recognized that there might exist some objective
reality (subtle realist paradigm), similar to the critical realist paradigm Creswell (2014) argued
for in qualitative research (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006; Creswell, 2014).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 117
Through an interpretivist paradigm, knowledge (reality) is constructed through social
interactions and individual experiences, and how we develop knowledge is tied to how we
understand ourselves, others and the world (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006; Creswell, 2014). The
interpretivist paradigm supports qualitative research—collecting data, for example, through
interviews and focus groups with the researcher as an instrument—as a way of knowledge
construction through social interactions and individual experiences. Additionally, this paradigm
supports research questions that seek to understand experiences of participants affirming that
those experiences are the participants’ reality.
Adding to an interpretivist paradigm, a subtle realist paradigm posits that there is some
objective reality, while recognizing that how we know is socially constructed. This study sought
in part to identify practices to support Native American students’ success. Thus, as the
researcher, I held a belief in some objective reality (practices that will support Native American
students’ success). Asking how Native American students’ experiences supported or hindered
their educational goals was an attempt to identify that objective reality (socially constructed).
Because this study sought to understand the experiences of Native American students at
RCC, it was essential that as a non-Native American researcher, I remained open to realities and
ways of constructing knowledge that were different from my own. Thus, this study was also
approached through Indigenous ontology and epistemology. Indigenous paradigm states that
knowledge is relational, not just between researcher and subject, but with all of creation (cosmos,
beings, ideas, and concepts) (Hart, 2010; Wilson, 2001). Knowledge is not the realities, but the
relationship with the realities (Wilson, 2001). Thus, Indigenous paradigm supports a qualitative
study approach, particularly in constructing reality though understanding Native American
student experiences at RCC (the first component of my conceptual framework) as influenced by
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 118
(the relationships with) student characteristics (the second component), various aspects of the
institution (the third component), and external factors (the fourth component), all of which are
situated within a cultural context (the fifth component of my conceptual framework) as
determined by each participants own experiences and perspectives.
Additionally, as an administrator of an institution (community college center) in a system
(higher education) that was established by and created to support the dominant culture, I also
approached this study from a critical theory paradigm in order to remain critical of dominant
notions of reality and open to how Native American students constructed their experiences.
Thus, this study incorporated critical theory paradigms, specifically ontological and
epistemological beliefs from critical race and TribalCRIT theories. Specifically, critical theory
ontology rejects the notion of reality if that “reality” is created and shaped by historical social
forces and incorporated into social structures that are assumed to be “real” (Cohen & Crabtree,
2006). Critical race theory was an important paradigm for this study in its focus on counter-
storytelling, permanence of racism, and Whiteness as property in the construction of reality
(Hiraldo, 2010). TribalCRIT advanced by Brayboy (2006) added to the ontological and
epistemological bricolage of this study and thus the foundation for building the conceptual
framework. TribalCRIT tenets such as: knowledge has new meaning when examined through an
Indigenous lens, educational policies toward Indigenous peoples are linked around assimilation,
tribal philosophies and beliefs are central to understanding the lived realities of Indigenous
peoples, and stories are not separate from theory, helped the researcher examine the experiences
(realities) of Native American students at RCC and understand how those experiences supported
or hindered achievement of educational goals. Thus, concepts from critical race and TribalCRIT
theories were reflected in the conceptual framework by situating the first four components—
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 119
student experiences at RCC, student characteristics, institutional factors, and external factors
within a cultural context (the fifth component). In essence, critical race and TribalCRIT theories
were used in this study to frame how I approached participants and their experiences, reminding
me that factors that influenced participants’ experiences at RCC and how the factors influenced
participants’ experiences at RCC were situated in each participants’ own cultural context, which
was likely to be different from my own cultural context and possibly influenced by some of the
tenets of these theories. Critical race and TribalCRIT theories were not used to identify specific
factors or relationships that influenced students’ experiences at RCC.
Combined, these paradigms—interpretivist, subtle realist, Indigenous, and critical race—
provided the philosophical basis of my conceptual framework for understanding Native
American student experiences and how those experiences supported or hindered achievement of
students’ educational goals. Further, these paradigms guided the methods of the study as I
describe in Chapter Three.
Theories and Experiential Knowledge Underlying Conceptual Framework Structure
In addition to grounding the conceptual framework in a bricolage of paradigms, I drew on
theories of student persistence to develop the structure and relationships between concepts in my
conceptual framework. Persistence was used in this study as a proxy for achievement of
educational goals. Persistence theories helped define the concepts and frame the relationships
among concepts relevant to understanding Native American student experiences and how those
experiences led toward (or hindered) achievement of educational goals. More specifically, the
persistence theories I used were ones that emphasized the role of interaction between student and
institution in persistence—integration, involvement, and engagement theories (Astin, 1984; Kuh,
2003; Tinto, 1993). I chose to start from the point of interaction between the student and the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 120
institution because of my role as director of RCC and my ability to influence RCC programs and
practices. Although helpful to my conceptual framework, all three of these persistence theories
viewed persistence as a linear, longitudinal process: students moving through the institution
experiencing a series of interactions that might or might not lead to persistence (Astin, 1984;
Kuh, 2003; Tinto, 1993). My conceptual framework was not linear or longitudinal.
Although I drew on persistence theories, I also relied on my own experiences to develop
the structure and relationship between concepts in the conceptual framework for this study.
Based on my experiential knowledge—one of four sources Maxwell (2013) cited for
constructing a conceptual framework, students in community college often do not move through
education institutions in a linear path; my experience has shown that students often experience
the community college as a cyclic path. For example, a student might attend a community
college to complete nursing prerequisite courses, but on completing the first clinical nursing
assistant course, might leave the community college to start working full-time for a care center.
After a few years working, the student might decide that clinical nursing is not a career he wants
to pursue. The student might then return to school and decide to use the nursing prerequisites
already completed to pursue an associate’s degree in kinesiology. Upon completion of that
degree, the student might have an option to transfer to a CSU to earn a bachelor’s degree in
kinesiology. However, the student might have children and might decide not to move to attend a
CSU, instead opting to work at the local physical therapy center as an aide. In this example, the
achievement of educational goals was clearly not linear; in fact, it progressed in cycles of
attending college, leaving college, changing focus, returning to college, and so forth. The cyclic
path in this example was influenced by factors external to the institution and whether those
external factors supported or hindered achievement of educational goals at various points in time.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 121
The external factors in this example—family, finances, and work experience—in turn, might
have also been influenced by the student’s experience at the institution. In my conceptual
framework, I argued that the process of achievement of educational goals is influenced by
student characteristics, student interactions with the institution, as well as interactions with
external (to the institution) factors, all of which are situated within a cultural context, and that the
process is cyclic—students coming into and out of the institution as various factors become more
or less important and educational goals change.
Components and Concepts of the Conceptual Framework
In order to develop the conceptual framework, I first grounded the conceptual framework
in a bricolage of paradigms. The interpretivist paradigm, which views reality as a result of
socially constructed interactions and begins with how we view ourselves, suggested that the
conceptual framework should incorporate how the student views herself (in this study, the
student’s experiences at RCC) as influenced by interactions with various components (student
characteristics, institutional factors, and external factors). The subtle realist paradigm, which
posits that there exists some objective reality, suggested that findings from empirical studies
should inform factors to include in each of the components of the conceptual framework.
Indigenous paradigm (and critical race and TribalCRIT theories) suggested that remaining open
to other realities is an important component of the conceptual framework; this concept was
reflected in the conceptual framework by identifying how various factors (institutional, external,
student) either supported or hindered achievement of educational goals as a result of being
situated within a cultural context (fifth component). Second, I drew from theories of student
persistence and experiential knowledge to inform the structure (components one through five),
and relationships (circular arrows representing a nonlinear, cyclic path) between components in
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 122
the conceptual framework. Third, I relied upon findings from empirical studies that tested
persistence theories, were situated in the community college context, and examined Native
American postsecondary student experiences, which were presented in Chapter Two. I used the
findings from these studies to identify specific factors to include in each component of the
conceptual framework. Finally, findings from this study—in particular from themes one
(pathways of Native American students through college) and three (student development and
growth)—were added to factors within the components of the initial conceptual framework.
Together, these paradigms, theories, experiential knowledge, and findings informed how the
conceptual framework represented students’ experiences with the education institution and the
influences of each of the components and factors of the conceptual framework on students’
achievement of their educational goals.
This study’s conceptual framework began with the first component, an orange circle,
which represents student experiences at RCC (see Figure 2.6). The basis for the first component
was persistence theories—integration, involvement, and engagement—that emphasized the
interaction between the student and the institution (Astin, 1984; Kuh, 2003; Tinto, 1993) and
thus informed student experiences at RCC and how those experiences might support or hinder
(plus and minus signs) achievement of educational goals. The second component, a yellow
circle, represents the student’s background characteristics (parents’ educational attainment,
ethnicity, gender, and so forth), academic preparation (high school GPA, college preparatory
programs, college resources at home, and so forth), motivation for enrolling in college (and
specifically RCC), their postsecondary education path to date, self-confidence, and educational
goals. Many of these student background, pre-college, and motivational characteristics were
found to be factors that influenced persistence in numerous empirical studies (Barbatis, 2010;
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 123
Bers & Smith, 1991; Calcagno et al., 2008; Halpin, 1990; Hawley & Harris, 2006; Kuh et al.,
2008; Munro, 1997; Nora et al., 1990; Pascarelli & Terenzini, 1980; Reyner & Dodd, 1995;
Tinto, 1975, 1987, 1993; Voorhees, 1987; Webb, 1989). The circular arrow between the first
(orange) and second (yellow) components represents the influence student characteristics have
on student experiences at RCC as well as the influence student experiences at RCC have on
(some) student characteristics such as motivation, self-confidence, and educational goals. The
interaction of these influences, in turn, might support or hinder achievement of students’
educational goals (the plus and minus signs in component one) at various times (representing a
cyclic path).
Figure 2.6 Conceptual Framework: First and Second Components
The third component, a blue circle, represents various aspects of the institution such as
academic (faculty/classroom) interactions, student support service/program interactions, and
social/peer interactions (see Figure 2.7). Many of the specific factors in the third component are
drawn from integration, involvement, and engagement theories—faculty concern for student
development and teaching, faculty encouragement and support, academic challenge and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 124
development, tutoring and support programs, collaborative learning, peer interactions, social
integration, and campus fit—were informed by empirical studies testing these theories (CCSSE,
2015; Fike & Fike, 2008; Halpin, 1990; Kuh et al., 2008; McClenney & Marti, 2006; Munro,
1981; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980), as well as other research that examined persistence more
generally and Native American postsecondary student success (Barnett, 2011; Bensimon, 2007;
Gloria & Robison Kurpius, 2001; Jackson et al., 2003; McArthur, 2005; Reyner & Dodd, 1995;
Sorey & Duggan, 2008). The circular arrow between the first (orange) and third (blue)
components represents the reciprocal influence between institutional factors and student
experiences at RCC. Thus, representing that the institution (and each aspect of the institution)
influences student experiences and student experiences influence the institution (and each aspect
of the institution). For example, the institution might host a semi-structured start-of-semester
barbeque to encourage students to build connections with other students in their respective fields
of interest. Following the barbeque, a student might suggest ideas for the following semester
barbeque such as having employers attend so students could build relationships with future
employers. As a result, the institution might change through the influence of student experiences.
As another example, the CCSSE (2015) measured student engagement patterns and effectiveness
of institution practices in increasing engagement since 2001. Over the last 10 years, engagement
increased steadily in every measure (CCSSE, 2015). These results demonstrated that institutions
responded to student perceptions and experiences (of engagement) by changing institution
behavior and focusing on effective practices. These effective practices led to greater student
engagement (CCSSE, 2015). Thus, the changes the institution made in interaction patterns,
influenced student experiences (demonstrated by increased engagement). Thus, the circular
arrow represents the cyclic and interactive influence the institution (and all the factors and actors
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 125
within the institution) and the student’s experience at RCC have on each other. When the student
had positive interactions with the institution, those interactions were likely to result in the student
continuing to engage with the institution, which would support the student’s educational goals
(plus sign in component one). Negative interactions were likely to result in the student
disengaging from the institution, which would hinder the student’s educational goals (minus sign
in component one). How the student experienced the interactions with the institution was
influenced by the student’s overall experiences at the institution.
Figure 2.7 Conceptual Framework: First, Second, and Third Components
The fourth component of the conceptual framework was based on empirical studies of
student persistence in the community college context, of Native American students in
postsecondary education, as well as experiential knowledge from my 10 years working in the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 126
community college context with Native American students. Though integration, involvement,
and engagement theories incorporated factors external to the education institution, they did not
emphasize such external factors in student persistence decisions (Astin, 1984; Kuh, 2003; Tinto,
1993). Further, these theories evolved from empirical studies that were conducted primarily in
selective, residential, baccalaureate degree-granting institutions with predominantly full-time,
White, traditional-aged students. In the community college context, many students are
underprepared, are from a low socioeconomic background, are older, represent ethnic minorities,
and attend part-time (NCES, n.d.). Research on Native American students in postsecondary
education confirmed many of these factors and highlighted other external factors that influence
Native American student experiences. In my 10 years of experience at RCC, I found that external
factors—finances, family demands, and work—often play a significant role in our students’
persistence decisions. In fact, many empirical studies demonstrated the importance of external
factors on community college student persistence (Barbatis, 2010; Hawley & Harris, 2006; Nora,
1990; Webb, 1989; Wells, 2008). Those external factors that influenced student experiences also
influenced the institution’s behavior (due to the interaction between external factors and student
experiences at RCC, which in turn influenced interactions between the student experiences at
RCC and institutional factors, which again influenced how the student experienced RCC and
whether those experiences supported or hindered achievement of educational goals). For
example, RCC offered English as a second language [ESL] classes in the evenings on campus
(five miles from town). Many of the students enrolled in the class did not have reliable
transportation to the campus in the evenings (external factor). Thus, many of the students would
frequently miss classes and ultimately drop out (student experiences at RCC). Students who did
not complete the class were unlikely to enroll in other RCC classes (influence of student
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 127
experience on institutional factors). RCC moved the location of the ESL class to the local high
school campus, which was downtown (institutional factor). Students could walk, ride bicycles, or
take public transportation to class (influence on student experience at RCC). Enrollment and
retention increased significantly (positive influence on achievement of educational goals).
Thus, the fourth component of my conceptual framework incorporated a fourth (green)
circle, which represented external factors, including: family (children, family support, and family
issues or commitments) financial resources (socioeconomic status and financial aid), work (hours
per week), value of school (cost-benefit analysis of certificate or degree), and community (see
Figure 2.8) (Barbatis, 2010; Dowd & Courey, 2006; Fike & Fike, 2008; Gloria & Robison
Kurpius, 2001; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Hawley & Harris, 2006; Jackson & Smith, 2001;
Jackson et al., 2003; Nora, 2003; Reyner & Dodd, 1995; Sorey & Duggan, 2008; Stuart et al.,
2014). Most of these factors were interrelated and fluid, but more importantly, they influenced
students’ experiences with the institution and their decisions to enter into or depart from the
institution. Nevertheless, departure decisions, particularly in open-admissions institutions such as
community colleges, were not necessarily final. Often persistence decisions were fluid with
students transitioning from part-time to full-time enrollment, taking a semester or more off, or
returning to pursue another discipline as a result of institution interactions, but also external
factors. In the example above, when the ESL class was moved to the high school, many students
returned, completed the course and then continued on to take other RCC courses. In this fourth
component of my conceptual framework, the circular arrow between the first (orange) and fourth
(green) components represents the notion that external factors influence a student’s experience in
the school context (see Figure 2.8). Increased work hours, for example, might result in less
participation, preparation and motivation in the classroom. But also, a student’s experience in the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 128
school context influences external factors. Achievement and success in academic studies might
increase a student’s confidence and result in positive perspectives about school, which in turn
might lead to a student setting higher educational goals, influencing siblings to go to college, and
a change in the student’s overall family dynamic—such as placing more value on education.
Thus, in the conceptual framework, external factors in combination with institutional factors and
student characteristics influence student experiences in the school context which combined might
support or hinder achievement of their educational goals at various times.
Figure 2.8 Conceptual Framework: First, Second, Third, and Fourth Components
The fifth and final component of the conceptual framework reflected experiential
knowledge, empirical research, and tenets from critical race and TribalCRIT theories, which
suggested that factors influencing experiences of Native American students in the education
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 129
system, and the experiences themselves, were influenced by each student’s cultural context. In
my role as director of RCC and in partnering with local tribal organizations, I observed a
distinction in the emphasis of the role of family and community, and the type of classroom
interactions with faculty and other students, in Native American student educational experiences
as compared to those of non-Native American students. Empirical studies showed that self-
beliefs, family, tribal community and interactions with faculty had an influence on Native
American student experiences and in some cases their persistence decisions (Jackson et al., 2003;
Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Huffman, 2003; Jackson &
Smith, 2001; Rousey & Longie, 2001). Some of these factors—such as family—are included in
external factors (green) in the conceptual framework, other factors—such as interaction with
faculty—are included in institutional factors (blue), and still others—such as self-confidence—
are included in student characteristics (yellow). Indigenous theories and paradigms suggested
that research on Native American experiences in the education context should examine those
experiences through Indigenous lenses and using Indigenous voices (Brayboy, 2006; Hart, 2010;
Hiraldo, 2010; Wilson, 2001). Thus, the fifth component completed my conceptual framework
and is depicted by a fifth circle (purple) which encompasses all other components. This circle
represents that external factors, institutional factors, student characteristics, and student
experiences within the school context all reside within a cultural context and cannot be examined
separately from the cultural context. The cultural context reflects each student’s own unique
cultural context. The cultural context for each participant in this study might reflect experiences
that are unique to Native Americans—and thus the fifth component begins with and was
informed by Indigenous theories and paradigms, as well as critical race and TribalCRIT theories.
However, the cultural context in this conceptual framework was intended to encompass the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 130
entirety of a student’s cultural context and not be limited to Indigenous culture. Together, these
factors—external, institutional, and student characteristics, which are situated within a cultural
context, influence whether student experiences at RCC supported or hindered achievement of
educational goals (see Figure 2.9). In addition, as student characteristics, institutional factors,
and external factors influenced student experiences at RCC, these student experiences resulted in
student growth and development, which in turn influenced their educational goals and
motivations (student characteristics), for example. Thus, the movement of students through RCC
was likely to be nonlinear and even cyclical depending on the back-and-forth influences between
the various factors (institutional, external, and student characteristics) and student experiences at
RCC. Both Jackson et al. (2003) and Lowe (2005) identified the nonlinear, cyclic education path
as a common experience for Native American students.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 131
Figure 2.9 Complete Conceptual Framework: First through Fifth Components
This conceptual framework (Figure 2.9) informed my approach to exploring how Native
American students described their experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported or
hindered achievement of their educational goals. I drew from various paradigms, theories,
empirical research, and experiential knowledge to develop this conceptual framework. As such,
it was used as a guide for identifying, collecting, coding, and analyzing data relevant to this
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 132
study. For the purposes of this study, I aimed to elicit and document student experiences at RCC
through students’ own voices and understand how they believed these experiences supported or
hindered achievement of their educational goals. While the conceptual framework did not change
as a result of the study, in some cases factors within each component were added or modified to
reflect the results of the study. The changes are described in Chapter Four.
Conclusion
This literature review examined how persistence literature, beginning with theories that
focused on interactions between student and institution—integration, involvement, and
engagement, might provide insights into how students experience the institution and how that
experience might support achievement of educational goals. Integration, involvement, and
engagement theories were developed and initially tested with students in baccalaureate degree-
granting institutions. A number of community college characteristics suggested that interaction
between students in the community college context and the institution might be different from
the interactions between students in the baccalaureate degree-granting institution context and the
institution. Specifically, for community college students interactions with the institution played a
much smaller role in student persistence. Thus, I reviewed persistence literature more broadly in
the community college context. Additionally, due to the limited research on Native American
student persistence and lack of research on Native American students in the community college
context, I reviewed success and persistence literature broadly for Native American students.
My conceptual framework drew from these bodies of literature as well as my own
experiential knowledge. The first component represents student experiences at RCC and whether
those experiences support or hinder achievement of educational goals as informed by persistence
literature. The second component represents student background characteristics, goals, and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 133
motivations—factors identified in persistence literature, studies on community college
persistence, and studies on Native American postsecondary student success—and how those
factors influence and are influenced by student experiences at RCC. The third component
represents institutional factors identified in persistence literature and empirical studies on
persistence in the community college context. The fourth component represents external factors
supported by persistence literature in the community college context as well as studies on Native
Americans in postsecondary education. The fifth component represents the cultural context in
which all other components reside, as suggested by Indigenous epistemology and critical race
and TribalCRIT theories, but is intended to also encompass a student’s entire cultural context.
These five components, combined with the interactive, cyclical influence of student
characteristics, institutional factors, and external factors with student experiences at RCC
provided a framework for understanding how Native American students experienced the
community college context. Further, my conceptual framework acted as a starting point for
understanding how Native American students’ experiences at RCC supported or hindered
achievement of their educational goals.
The following chapter describes the methods that were used in this study to answer the
research questions. The methods drew from the study’s conceptual framework and incorporated
additional aspects of Indigenous epistemology and critical race and TribalCRIT theories. These
foundations were incorporated throughout all aspects of the study including site selection,
sample and population criteria, instrumentation, data collection and analysis, and strategies to
maximize validity.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 134
CHAPTER THREE: METHODS
This chapter describes the qualitative research approach including, site selection, sample
and population criteria, instrumentation, data collection and analysis, and validity strategies that I
used to conduct this study. The purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of Native
American students at RCC. Further, the study sought to understand how those experiences at
RCC supported or hindered achievement of Native American students’ educational goals. This
qualitative study was guided by the following research questions:
1. How do Native American students describe their experiences at RCC?
2. How do those experiences support or hinder achievement of their educational goals?
Research Design
This study used a qualitative
2
approach, which was designed to develop an understanding
of the meaning participants (Native American students) made of phenomena (experiences at
RCC) (Creswell, 2014; Merriam, 2009). A qualitative design enables researchers to explore how
people interpret their experiences, how they construct their worlds, and what meaning they
attribute to their experiences (Merriam, 2009). A qualitative study allowed me to conduct a
holistic exploration of possible factors that influenced experiences that supported or hindered
Native American students at RCC in achieving their educational goals. Interviews and a focus
group were the primary methods for gaining an understanding of student experiences at RCC.
Both methods were appropriate for my research questions, which were descriptive and sought to
understand meaning-making (Creswell, 2014; Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009).
The research questions ask how Native American students describe their experiences at
RCC and how those experiences support or hinder achievement of educational goals. I believe
2
This study used a basic qualitative approach as opposed to other, more specialized qualitative approaches
such as ethnography, grounded theory, or phenomenology (Merriam, 2009).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 135
that how students perceive and describe their experiences reflect their reality of those
experiences; I do not attempt to verify what “actually” happened and whether the description of
their experiences was “valid.” This approach is consistent with an interpretivist paradigm which
suggests that how we develop knowledge (reality) is tied to how we understand ourselves, others
and the world (Cohen & Crabtree, 2006; Creswell, 2014). I am also interested in how students
perceive and describe how experiences at RCC supported or hindered achievement of their
educational goals. Similarly, I rely on student perceptions and descriptions of how experiences
influenced their educational goals; I do not attempt to verify whether those experiences
“actually” supported or hindered their educational goals through cross-referencing student
transcripts. Examination of transcripts and understanding links between student experiences and
success rates, retention, and completion for example, were beyond the scope of this study.
As Creswell (2014) described, “researcher as key instrument” (p. 185) is one of the “core
characteristics that define qualitative research” (p. 185). In this study, I, the researcher, was the
key instrument selecting the study’s site and sample, as well as developing the protocols and
conducting all of the interviews and the focus group. Further, I wrote all of the reflection memos,
transcribed the interviews, and analyzed the data. Thus, it was important to examine researcher
positionality and its role in this study. The role of researcher positionality is identified in each of
the sections of this chapter, but presented in detail in the limitations and delimitations section.
The unit of analysis was 10 Native American students who had completed at least 12
units at RCC in the past 5 years. Although I had intended to further purposefully select students
to reflect the diversity of Native American students attending RCC with respect to age, gender,
and whether or not they had dependent children, ultimately I was only able to arrange interviews
with 10 students. Thus, I chose to interview all 10 and omitted further purposeful selection.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 136
Nevertheless, these 10 students appeared to represent the diversity of Native American students
at RCC (see Table 3.1). Although disaggregated demographic data (age, gender, and dependent
children) of Native American students at RCC was not available, because of the small campus
size and based on my experiential knowledge of the student body, the diversity of the study’s
sample appeared (based on my own experiential knowledge) to represent the diversity of RCC’s
Native American student population. Participants represented a range of ages with three
participants in their 20s, three in their 30s, three in their 40s, and one in her 50s. There were
eight female and two male participants. All, but two participants had dependent children in their
household. Selecting students with at least 12 completed units in the past 5 years enabled me to
explore the experiences of students who had attended RCC for the equivalent of one full-time
semester in recent years.
Table 3.1
Participants’ Selected Demographic Information
Pseudonym Age Gender Number of Dependent Children
Dawn Rochelle 46 F 3
Dida 25 F 2
Dorothy 22 F 1
Ellen 48 F 0
Joseph 40 M 1
Lucy 30 F 5
Norma 37 F 1 (niece)
Quwma 37 M 5
SaddsMah 51 F 3 (grandchildren)
Tashina 23 F 0
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 137
This qualitative study provided insight into the experiences of Native American students
at RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered achievement of their educational goals.
The methods I used in this study drew from my conceptual framework, presented in Chapter
Two. Understanding the meaning Native American students attached to their experiences may
inform programs and practices at RCC to better support achievement of Native American
students’ educational goals.
Indigenous Epistemology, and Critical Race and TribalCRIT Theories
This study was interested in understanding Native American student experiences at RCC.
As a non-Native American researcher researching Native American student experiences, I
attempted to remain open to realities and ways of constructing knowledge that were different
from my own through incorporating aspects of Indigenous epistemology, and critical race and
TribalCRIT theories in the methods of this study. Wilson (2001) proposed that research on
Indigenous peoples should “move beyond an ‘Indigenous perspective in research’ to ‘researching
from an Indigenous paradigm’” (p. 175). Wilson (2001) believed that constructivist
epistemology (used in an interpretivist paradigm) and critical race theory alone do not fully
represent Indigenous ontology and epistemology. Additionally, Brayboy (2006) argued that “no
research should be conducted with Indigenous Peoples that is not in some way directed by a
community and aimed toward improving the life chances and situations of specific
communities…” (p. 440). I present some of the tenets and concepts from Indigenous
epistemologies, and critical race and TribalCRIT theories that were incorporated into the
methods of this study.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 138
Indigenous Epistemology
According to Hart (2010) understanding Indigenous knowledge requires that the
researcher be open to different realities through new paradigms, epistemologies, methodologies,
and axiologies. In this study I attempted to maintain openness to different realities by employing
tenets from Indigenous epistemology and axiology. One key tenet of Indigenous epistemology is
reciprocity, also described as relational accountability (Hart, 2010; Wilson, 2001). Wilson (2001)
suggested researchers consider the following questions:
1. What is my role as researcher?
2. What are my obligations as researcher?
3. Does this method allow me to fulfill my obligations in my role as researcher?
4. Does this method help build a relationship with my research topic?
5. Does this method build respectful relationships with other participants?
These questions guided the methods of this study and guided my research and reflection memos
in order to ensure that relational accountability was maintained throughout the study (see
Appendix F for research and reflection memo protocols). I referred to these questions in
developing the interview and focus group protocols. Drafts of the protocols were reviewed by
various leaders in the tribal community including, the Tribal Council Chairman, the Tribal
Council’s Education Sub-committee members, the Tribe’s Education Office Director and the
Tribal Ed Center Director. Feedback was discussed and incorporated. Primarily, the feedback
affirmed that the questions were worded in a culturally appropriate way. A few suggestions
about how to make the questions clearer were provided and incorporated. Further, I reflected on
each interview and the focus group to identify ways to adjust how I conducted the interviews and
focus group in order to better maintain relational accountability. One example was that after
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 139
listening to the recording of one of the first interviews, I realized I had unintentionally
interrupted the participant’s thoughts a number of times by saying “uh huh” too quickly. Thus, in
subsequent interviews I tried to focus on staying silent and pausing for a longer period of time to
allow participants to continue a thought that might require additional consideration. In this way, I
was aiming to build a respectful relationship by showing that by staying silent, I respected
students’ need to reflect and take their time in responding. It also reinforced my role in
supporting participants in sharing experiences, rather than hindering participants from sharing
experiences.
Hart (2010) also suggested that Indigenous epistemology relies on storytelling and
perceptual experiences. Wilson (2001) highlighted storytelling (personal narratives), but also
talking circles, as primary methods of building knowledge. This study relied on interviews
(personal narratives) and a focus group (talking circle) to collect data, thus valuing the stories of
the participants and recognizing the importance of talking circles in building knowledge. Further,
both Hart (2010) and Wilson (2001) suggested that practicality is an important component of
knowledge building in Indigenous epistemology. Wilson (2001) referred to participatory action
research as a good fit with Indigenous methodologies; Hart (2010) asserted that knowledge
should only be built in order to be applied. Thus, although a true participatory action research
project was not undertaken for the purposes of this dissertation, this study aimed to understand
Native American student experiences at RCC in order to inform programs and practices that
support Native American students. Part of that effort included presenting the proposal and initial
findings for this study to the Tribal Council. The presentation to Tribal Council was not intended
as a way to obtain approval for the study. Rather, my intent was to share with the community
how the study was conducted and address any concerns. The presentation was originally
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 140
scheduled to be given prior to the beginning the data collection process, but as a result of
scheduling conflicts, the presentation was given after the data collection was completed, but
prior to final analysis and write up of the findings. The Tribal Council was very supportive of the
study and invited me to return to discuss the implications of the study’s findings for practice. In
this way, the building of knowledge through this study might be applied to support Native
American student success at RCC. This study also incorporated the values outlined in Hart’s
(2010) Indigenous axiology (see Table 3.2). In the table below, the left column is a selection of
values mentioned by Hart (2010), while the right column represents the steps I took in this study
to incorporate those values.
Table 3.2
Incorporating Hart’s (2010) Indigenous Axiology Values in Study
Value Incorporating Value in Study
Indigenous control of
research
Study relied on tribal leaders’ input for design of data collection
instruments.
Respect for individuals
and community
Study engaged with tribal organizations to select and contact
participants, participants were informed of confidentiality and
voluntary participation.
Reciprocity and
responsibility
Study participants provided input on preliminary findings, were
provided a final report of the study, and were invited to help
develop plans for future program and practices at RCC based on
the final report.
Deep listening, reflective
non-judgment, honor what
is shared, and awareness
and connection between
the logic of mind and
feelings of heart
I took only occasional notes during interviews and the focus
group; I recorded interviews and the focus group by audio with
permission. With only occasional note-taking I was able to be
fully focused on listening and observing participants. Notes and
memos were completed immediately following each interview
and the focus group in order to capture researcher thoughts and
emotions.
Self-awareness and
subjectivity
I completed reflection memos that identified and addressed biases
following each interview and the focus group.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 141
Critical Race and TribalCRIT Theories
Hiraldo (2010) suggested five tenets of critical race theory [CRT] that are applicable in
higher education. In order to address Hart’s (2010) assertion that in order to understand
Indigenous knowledge, the researcher must be open to different realities through new paradigms,
epistemologies, methodologies, and axiologies, this study incorporated four of the tenets. First,
Hiraldo (2010) stated that counter story-telling is a primary method for understanding individuals
from non-dominant cultures; this study relied on interviews and a focus group as counter story-
telling methods. I incorporated the second, third and fourth tenets through interview questions,
memo writing, and data analysis. The second tenet of CRT posited that racism is permanent as a
result of the institutions and systems that were created to support and maintain the dominant
paradigm; interview questions, memo writing, and data analysis explored whether students
experienced racism and if so, whether that racism was maintaining institutional structures at
RCC. The third tenet of CRT posited the idea of Whiteness as property particularly with the right
to education; the study’s methods focused collection, reflection, and analysis of data on
determining whether students experienced a sense that education was not their right. The fourth
tenet of CRT critiqued the liberal belief that equality is equity; the study sought to elicit whether
students experienced adequate support to enable them to achieve educational goals, regardless if
that support was different from what other students needed or received. I aimed to maintain
awareness of the second, third and fourth tenets throughout the data collection and analysis
process in order to understand whether Native American experiences at RCC reflected these
tenets.
3
3
The fifth tenet of CRT that Hiraldo (2010) stated as being applicable in higher education posited that
interest convergence resulted in White individuals being the primary beneficiary of civil rights legislation and
policies such as affirmative action. Since RCC is an open access postsecondary institution, affirmative action in
enrollment was not applicable.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 142
Brayboy’s (2006) theory of TribalCRIT was based on many of the tenets of CRT. In this
theory, Brayboy (2006) also argued that research should be done with Indigenous peoples only if
it is intended to improve situations for their communities. This study honored that belief. One of
the intended purposes of understanding Native American student experiences at RCC is to
inform programs and practices to better support Native American students at RCC. Because of
my role at RCC—site director—I may be able to implement strategies informed by this study.
My ability to implement strategies will depend on other factors that may or may not make the
implementation feasible or the best course of action.
Site Selection
This study was interested in the experiences of Native American students at RCC, a
small, isolated, rural community college center in California located near a tribal community. At
the time of this study, more Native Americans lived in California than any other state (US
Census, 2010). Within California, more Native American students (5,673 Native American
students in Spring 2015) were enrolled in the CCC system than in all other higher education
institutions in California combined (CCCCO, n.d.; CSU, n.d.; NCES, n.d.; UC, n.d.). At the time
of this study, only two of 84 CCCs had a Native American student population greater than 3% of
the total student body—Cerritos (3.3%) and Redwoods (5.6%). Numbers of Native American
postsecondary students were small and dispersed throughout California, and research with Native
American students in the CCC system was very limited. RCC is in a unique position. It is a small
center of a CCC, with enrollment around 200 to 250 students per semester. As a result of RCC’s
proximity to a tribal community (2.5 miles away) and isolation from other postsecondary options
(the nearest baccalaureate granting institution is a 4-hour drive away), the Native American
student population typically ranged between 10% and 19% of RCC’s student body
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 143
(approximately 20 to 25 students each semester) (RCC, n.d.). As such, although a small center of
a community college, RCC had a relatively high percentage of Native American students
compared to CCC campuses (CCCCO, n.d.).
Another key reason the site for this study was RCC was because I, the researcher, am the
director of this CCC center and have a vested interest in using findings from research to improve
the services we provide to our students. Additionally, the study was conducted in partial
fulfillment of requirements for a doctorate in education such that the researcher could implement
change in educational practice. The significant percentage of Native American students attending
RCC, the proximity to the tribal community, and the close partnerships developed with tribal
organizations resulted in RCC focusing on increasing enrollment and success of Native
American students. Further, as director of RCC, I had access to Native American students who
had attended RCC through my existing relationships with local tribal organizations. Such
“backyard research” (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992) raises concerns about power imbalances between
researcher and participants, maintaining confidentiality, and potential risk to participants and
researcher, and, thus, accuracy of data. These concerns are addressed in the limitations and
delimitations section of this chapter.
Sample and Population
This study used non-probability, purposeful sampling to select participants, a typical
sampling method for qualitative studies (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). I was interested in
understanding Native American student experiences at RCC. All Native American students who
attend RCC are served in some capacity by a local tribal organization (Tribal Ed Center).
4
4
Based on a comparison of the number of students identifying as Native American each semester at RCC
(between 2010 and 2015) and the number of students served by the Tribal Ed Center (taking at least one class at
RCC) in each of those semesters, I was able to determine that all students identifying as Native American at RCC
between 2010 and 2015 were receiving some type of service from the Tribal Ed Center.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 144
Services provided by the Tribal Ed Center included funding for tuition, fees, books, and supplies,
as well as other services such as orientation, assessment, advising, tutoring, and career
counseling. I worked with the Tribal Ed Center to identify all Native American students who had
completed at least 12 units at RCC between Fall 2010 and Spring 2015—30 students in total.
Twelve units represents a full-semester load; students who had completed a full-semester load in
the last 5 years were likely to have had a variety of experiences at RCC. Also, I focused on the
past 5 years in order to explore student experiences that reflected recent practices at RCC.
From the population of students who met these requirements—30 Native American
students who had completed 12 units at RCC in the past 5 years, I relied on the Tribal Ed Center
to introduce me to possible participants. The Tribal Ed Center sent out an invitation from me to
these students to an informational session about this study. The invitation letter is included in
Appendix G. Interested students had the opportunity to either attend the informational session or
contact me privately to find out about the study. Students did not need to attend the informational
session to participate in the study. By relying on the Tribal Ed Center, I was able to reach out to
potential participants without gaining access to their names and contact information from the
Tribal Ed Center; the Tribal Ed Center contacted students and interested participants contacted
me directly or gave the Tribal Ed Center permission to forward their contact information to me.
Thus, the Tribal Ed Center did not know which students ultimately participated in the study; this
was an attempt to mitigate potential risk to participants resulting from participating in the study.
Fifteen students agreed to participate in the study and provided me with their contact
information. I contacted the students by phone to introduce myself (if they did not attend the
informational session), answer any questions, and arrange a time for the first interview. I was
able to arrange interviews with 10 participants although I continued trying over a 3-month period
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 145
to schedule interviews with the remaining five students who had agreed to participate. Most of
the five students who did not participate explained that they were too busy to participate.
Although my intention was to select from possible participants students who represented
the diversity of the Native American student population at RCC with respect to age, gender, and
number of dependent children, because only 15 student were interested in participating in the
study and I was only able to arrange interviews with 10 students, I chose to interview all 10
students rather than implementing further purposeful selection (to mirror the diversity among
RCC’s Native American student population) and further reducing the number of participants.
While such additional maximum variation (purposeful selection) sampling (Maxwell, 2013;
Merriam, 2009) would have allowed me to reflect the typical heterogeneity of the Native
American student population at RCC, I felt that maximizing the number of participants would
provide more robust data and outweighed the benefits of further purposeful selection from the
sample of 10. Ultimately, the diversity of the 10 students in age, gender and number of
dependent children closely reflected the typical (observed) heterogeneity of the Native American
student population at RCC based on experiential knowledge of the researcher (disaggregated
demographic data for Native American students at RCC was not available) (see Table 3.1).
The Tribal Ed Center staff suggested an informational session so students could learn
about the study and so that I could introduce myself and my background—where I came from
and who my family is—and thus highlight researcher positionality. In addition, sharing family
history and location is a common method of introduction for members of the local tribe and was
suggested by the Tribal Ed Center staff and other tribal leaders as a cultural practice that would
enable potential participants to get to know me. During the informational session, I shared with
students my identity (non-Native American) and discussed issues of power (my role as director).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 146
Further, I committed to them that I would endeavor to reflect on these biases throughout the
study and work toward listening to their stories and experiences, and recording them as
authentically as possible. I informed students that I would share with them draft results of the
study and incorporate their feedback to ensure accuracy.
I sought to understand Native American students’ experiences at RCC by ensuring all
participants were Native American and had completed 12 units at RCC in the past 5 years.
Although I did not intentionally select students who represented the diversity of Native
American students in terms of age, gender, and number of dependent children due to the small
number of participants, the participants did appear to represent the diversity of the Native
American student population. Thus, I was able to demonstrate that Native American students
were not a homogenous population, but I was also able to identify common themes across Native
American students, regardless of different background factors. The involvement of the Tribal Ed
Center—through incorporating their suggestion of an informational session, for example—was
also indicative of my desire to uphold the values and tenets of indigenous epistemology and
methodology. It was through this sampling of participants that I was able to understand Native
American student experiences at RCC.
Instrumentation and Data Collection Procedures
This section describes the process that I employed to collect data for my study.
Interviews and focus groups are data collection methods consistent with a qualitative research
design that draws from an interpretivist paradigm, Indigenous epistemologies, and critical race
and TribalCRIT theories (Brayboy, 2006; Creswell, 2014; Hart, 2010; Hiraldo, 2010; Maxwell,
2013; Merriam, 2009; Wilson, 2001). Furthermore, these methods of data collection were
appropriate for answering my research questions. I employed an interview—focus group—
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 147
interview approach to collect the data. An interview—focus group—interview approach was
important in order for me to first identify key themes common among most participants, as well
as unique individual experiences through individual first interviews. These themes and unique
individual experiences were then explored in more depth during the focus group to determine if
the “unique” individual experiences were actually shared experiences and to flesh out nuances
within the common themes. Finally, the second individual interview allowed me to follow up
with each participant to find out if they had thoughts that they were not comfortable sharing
during the focus group. Further, the interview—focus group—interview approach provided an
opportunity for participants to examine and reflect upon their own experience individually, with
the group, and then individually again. This progression was aligned to the indigenous
epistemology that values talking circles as a way of building knowledge (focus groups), while
also ensuring that I could gain the perspectives of each participant individually and to hear their
voices one-by-one. In the following sections, I describe in more detail the procedures of each
component of the data collection process. Issues surrounding researcher positionality and
researcher as key instrument in the data collection process—how power imbalances and
therefore researcher reactivity, for example, influence participant responses—are discussed in the
limitations and delimitations section of this chapter.
Interviews
The purpose of this study was to understand how Native American students described
their experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered achievement of their
educational goals. A one-on-one interview with each of the 10 participants (approximately 15
hours for all 10 interviews), followed by a focus group with seven of the participants
(approximately 2 hours), which in turn was followed by another one-on-one interview with nine
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 148
of the participants (approximately 4.5 hours for all nine interviews) were the primary methods of
data collection (approximately 21.5 hours total of interview and focus group data collection).
This study’s conceptual framework guided the concepts covered in the first interview. In
the initial conceptual framework (which guided the study’s protocols, but was later revised based
on the study’s findings), I posited that Native American student experiences at RCC were
influenced by interactions with institution and external factors, both of which were influenced by
cultural factors. Further, my conceptual framework suggested that students’ experiences at RCC
were cyclic rather than linear. The cyclic nature of experiences was believed to be a result of
interactions between students, the institution, and external factors through which students were
influenced by, and in turn acted as an influence on the institution and their external environment.
Although the conceptual framework guided the interview protocol, particularly for the first
interview, this study was intended to be exploratory. I sought to use the conceptual framework as
a starting point to organize what was already known about persistence and about Native
American students in the higher education context. I also sought to remain open to understanding
the unique meaning students made of their experiences at RCC. As such I remained open to
participants’ storytelling, while also remaining connected to the study’s purpose and my
conceptual framework. The second interview with each participant occurred after the focus
group. The purpose of the second interview was to explore in depth, and check for validity,
themes that emerged during the first interview and the focus group, as well as to act as a
mechanism for member checking.
As the qualitative researcher, I was the primary instrument of data collection by
conducting all interviews, recording them with audio, and transcribing them. I took only
occasional notes during the interviews in order to facilitate relationship building and deep
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 149
listening—focusing fully both mentally and emotionally with the participants and their stories.
Occasional note-taking enabled me to keep track of ideas and topics to explore later during the
interview without interrupting the flow of the participants’ narratives. Further, research and
reflection memos were created immediately following each interview. Research memos enabled
me to describe impressions, reactions, and thoughts that were used to analyze data and write
reflection memos (Maxwell, 2013). Reflection memos enabled me to reflect on the applicable
tenets of Hiraldo’s (2010) critical race theory—racism is permanent, Whiteness as property, and
the critique of equality is equity—and maintain many of Hart’s (2010) values of Indigenous
axiology—reflective non-judgment, honoring what is shared, awareness and connection between
the logic of mind and feelings of heart, self-awareness, and subjectivity.
The first interviews began with a somewhat unstructured section using an informal tone
(the opening), which aimed to emulate a conversation in order to build a relationship between the
researcher and participant and to uncover possible factors influencing student experiences not
included in the conceptual framework (Hart, 2010; Merriam, 2009; Wilson, 2001). The second
section of the first interview used a semi-structured interview format where various types of
interactions with the institution, external factors, and cultural themes guided the types of
questions asked during the interview (Merriam, 2009). This dual approach was critical in order to
balance the desire to enable open story-telling on the part of the participant, while also ensuring
that questions were asked that specifically addressed the research questions. Interview
participants were asked to complete a brief demographic questionnaire at the end of the first
interview (Appendix C). Demographic information was helpful in demonstrating the
heterogeneity of RCC’s Native American student population, applicability of findings to other
contexts, as well as consistency with findings of prior studies of Native American students in
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 150
general. Because demographic questionnaires can be perceived as intrusive and cold, I presented
the questionnaire after the first interview after rapport with participants had been established to
mitigate the perception of intrusiveness. The second interview followed a two-section format.
The first section was somewhat unstructured to facilitate further ideas and reflections a
participant might have following the first interview and the focus group (the opening). The
second section followed a semi-structured format to explore themes that emerged from the focus
group in depth and to check for validity (eliciting thick descriptions and triangulation) (Creswell,
2014; Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). Specific interview protocols for the first and second
interviews are included in Appendix B and Appendix E, respectively. Interview protocols were
reviewed by tribal leaders to ensure cultural appropriateness and to incorporate relevant
recommendations made by tribal leaders. All reviewers affirmed the cultural appropriateness of
the protocols. A few reviewers suggested slight wording changes to make the questions clearer;
those suggestions were incorporated into the protocols. The interview protocols ensured that key
concepts from the conceptual framework, as well as themes that were initiated by participants
and that emerged from focus groups, were explored. Also, interview protocols ensured that
Indigenous epistemology and axiology, and critical race and TribalCRIT theory tenets were
maintained throughout the data collection process for this study. Interviews were particularly
well-suited for exploring participants’ (Native American students’) experiences (at RCC) and the
meaning they made of those experiences (how those experiences supported or hindered
achievement of educational goals).
Focus Group
The purpose of this study was to understand how Native American students described
their experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered achievement of their
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 151
educational goals. An optional focus group (which lasted two hours) with seven participants was
conducted to further construct, as a group, meaning of experiences at RCC. Focus groups are
consistent with an interpretivist paradigm (and constructivist epistemology), as well as
Indigenous epistemologies (Hart, 2010; Merriam, 2009; Wilson, 2001). Wilson (2001) described
focus groups as similar to “talking circles,” an Indigenous method designed to build knowledge
relationally. Further, the focus group aligned with my conceptual framework, which emphasized
the cyclic and interactive influences between students and the institution, students and the tribal
community, and students with each other. The focus group followed the first set of interviews
after rapport had been created with each of the participants individually. This was a strategic
move on my part, as it maximized the possibility that all focus group participants would feel
comfortable enough to enter into the conversation. Yet, it was important to recognize that I could
not guarantee the confidentiality of the focus group. Thus, participants were informed that
participation in the focus group was optional.
While the study’s conceptual framework was the basis for the focus group topics, other
factors and themes that arose during the first set of interviews were incorporated into the focus
group protocol. Further, the focus group protocol intentionally sought to identify any themes that
were not included in the conceptual framework or did not arise through the first set of interviews.
Focus groups are typically not recommended for discussion of topics that are sensitive or
personal (Merriam, 2009). However, through intentionally designing the location and facilitation
of the focus group, I aimed to create a safe, intimate, and confidential environment, which
fostered discussion of experiences that were sensitive and personal. The focus group was held at
RCC on a Friday evening around dinner time—a time when the campus is typically closed. A
light dinner and child care was provided on site. The focus group was held in a small conference
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 152
room with arm chairs arranged around an oval table, rather than a classroom or large public
space in order to create an intimate, comfortable, and safe environment. The focus group
protocol was piloted with a small group of Native American friends and colleagues to ensure that
the protocol and facilitation were appropriate to topics addressed and would elicit rich, open
discussion. Suggestions (wording changes to clarify questions) from the pilot group were
incorporated into the focus group protocol.
As the researcher, I acted as the facilitator for the focus groups. Similar to the interviews,
the focus group sessions were recorded with permission using audio. For the same reasons as
mentioned in the previous section, I used minimal note-taking during the focus group sessions
and completed research and reflection memos immediately following the focus group. The focus
group protocol is provided in Appendix D. The focus group was followed by the second set of
individual interviews as described in the previous section. Indigenous epistemology described
knowledge as relational and shared (Wilson, 2001). Thus, the focus group was used in this study
to build a shared knowledge of participants’ experiences at RCC and how those experiences
supported or hindered achievement of educational goals. An example of how the focus group and
second interview built shared knowledge was when all but one focus group participant suggested
incorporating Native American content into course curriculum to make Native American
students more comfortable. One participant (Joseph) explained that curriculum should make
students uncomfortable in order to expand their thinking. During the second interviews, all of the
other participants who had attended the focus group stated individually that they had thought a
lot about Joseph’s perspective and many had either changed their minds or modified their views
about incorporating Native American content into curriculum at RCC. In this way, the focus
group enabled students to engage in relational and shared knowledge building.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 153
Data Collection Procedures and Logistics
Data was collected through interviews and a focus group, as well as research and
reflection memos (see Appendix F) using protocols to guide these data collection methods.
Participants had an option of choosing where the interviews took place (RCC, Tribal Ed Center,
the public library study room, or any other location suitably quiet and private for an interview).
All, but three participants chose to meet at my office at RCC. The other three participants chose
to meet in an unused office at the Tribal Ed Center. Since most of the participants chose to meet
at RCC for the first interview, the focus group took place at RCC in a small conference room.
Providing options for the location of the interview enabled students to feel most comfortable.
The second interviews took place in various locations selected by participants including my
office at RCC, the town park, a table outside a café, and via phone. Locations for the second
interviews were much more varied to accommodate participant work and family schedules.
Additionally, since rapport was already established, students felt more comfortable with a less
formal environment. Further, I anticipated the second interviews to be significantly shorter than
the first interviews and thus felt confident that recording the phone conversations or meeting
outside would be logistically feasible.
First interviews were scheduled for a two hour time-slot to allow relaxed story-telling and
discussion as well as sufficient time to explore the various factors and themes included in the
conceptual framework. First interviews took between 45 minutes and two and a half hours. The
focus group was scheduled for a two and a half hour time-slot to allow for participants to become
comfortable with each other and to enable deep discussions. The focus group lasted about two
hours. The second interviews were scheduled for a one hour time-slot. Most of the second
interviews lasted about 30 minutes. Memo writing time-slots were scheduled for 30 minutes
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 154
following each interview and the focus group. Thus, in total, approximately 29 hours were spent
collecting data (interviews, focus group, memo writing) for this study. Interview and focus group
session recordings were transcribed within 24 hours of each session to allow for, in combination
with research and reflection memos, modification of protocols to maintain values proposed in
Hart’s (2010) Indigenous axiology, as needed. Although I planned to use transcription software
to transcribe all interviews and focus group sessions, I found that transcribing the interview and
focus group recordings manually was more effective. It enabled me to revisit the entire session
and build upon my researcher and reflection memos after hearing the interview for a second
time. After the first rough transcription, I listened to the recording again while reviewing the
transcription to correct any errors and to elicit any further reflections and thoughts on the
interviews and focus group sessions. Although I planned to schedule only one interview or focus
group per day in order to allow time for memo writing, transcription, reflection, and modification
of protocols in between interview and focus group sessions, some days I had to schedule more
than one interview to accommodate participants’ schedules.
Data Analysis
The data for this study included interview and focus group transcripts, and research and
reflection memos and relied on a generic analytic technique (as opposed to an ethnographic
technique, grounded theory approach, phenomenological analysis, and so forth) to analyze this
data (Lichtman, 2014). All interviews and the focus group were recorded by audio with
permission. Occasional notes were taken during the interviews and the focus group to identify
topics to be explored further or clarified later, so as not to interrupt the flow of the participants’
narratives. Research and reflection memos were written immediately following each interview
and focus group session. The audio for each interview and focus group was transcribed manually
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 155
in a Microsoft Word document within 24 hours of the session, and edited while listening to the
audio recording a second time. Transcriptions were broken into single-idea units, primarily
sentences and paragraphs. Over 1,700 single-idea units were collected for this study. Each of the
single-idea units was individually copied from the Microsoft Word document and pasted into the
third column (order of the single-idea unit and participant pseudonym were entered into the first
and second columns, respectively) of a seven-column table in an Excel spreadsheet; an
individual spreadsheet was created for each interview or focus group. The fourth column
identified whether the unit reflected a positive (+), negative (-), or neutral (0) influence on
educational goals, and open codes (Merriam, 2009) were entered into the fifth column. A second
review—axial or analytical coding (Merriam, 2009; Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014)—of the
items sought to group items and codes into categories, themes and constructs which were entered
into the sixth column. In order to address potential bias due to researcher positionality and
incorporate tenets from Indigenous epistemologies, and critical race and TribalCRIT theories,
another level of analysis was conducted on items. Using various analytic tools—questioning,
comparisons, exploring various meanings of words, examining language, examining emotional
context of items, and structure of narratives—recommended by Corbin and Strauss (2008), I
reviewed items to identify other possible categories or themes not initially identified, and re-
coded any items to adjust for researcher bias. These changes were noted in the seventh column.
After all first round interviews were coded and analyzed, these preliminary findings were used to
inform modifications to the focus group protocol. Similarly, after the focus group session was
coded and analyzed, preliminary findings were used to inform modifications to the second round
interview protocol. After the second round interviews were coded and analyzed, I again applied
analytic tools to review all codes and themes in order to move toward conceptual and theoretical
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 156
meaning of Native American students’ experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported
or hindered achievement of educational goals. Lastly, preliminary conceptual and theoretical
findings were presented to interview and focus group participants to provide another level of
respondent validation (member checks). Preliminary findings were modified to reflect participant
feedback. Only a few participants provided feedback and the feedback was limited to minor
clarifications.
After all interviews and the focus group were completed, and the data transcribed in a
Microsoft Word document, broken into single-idea units, and entered into Excel spreadsheets,
individual interview and the focus group spreadsheets were combined into a single spreadsheet.
This allowed data to be sorted by various themes, factors (or findings) within each theme, as well
as by the positive, negative, or neutral influence on participants’ educational goals. Thus, I was
able to count how many single-idea units were aligned with each finding and theme.
Additionally, I was able to count how many single-idea units had positive, negative or neutral
influences on participants’ educational goals in aggregate, by theme, and by finding. It is through
this analysis that I attempted to quantitize the qualitative data from this study.
Limitations and Delimitations
This section discusses how the study design and methods addressed threats to internal
validity (credibility or limitations), reliability, and external validity (generalizations or
delimitations). Because researcher as key instrument is a core characteristic of qualitative
research (Creswell, 2014) and researcher positionality has the potential to influence all aspects of
the study’s process (Holmes, 2014), I begin this section by presenting this study’s researcher
positionality.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 157
Researcher Positionality
Researcher positionality can be viewed as a function of the lenses through which the
researcher views the study, the influences the researcher has upon the study as a result of biases,
the position the researcher has relative to the study’s subject and participants, and an
understanding of how the researcher influences the study (Holmes, 2014). As discussed in the
paradigmatic foundation of the conceptual framework section of Chapter Two, this study drew
primarily from an interpretivist paradigm (relativist ontology and transactional or subjectivist
epistemology), but recognized that there may exist some objective reality (subtle realist
paradigm). However, as the researcher, I remained open to realities and ways of constructing
knowledge that were different from my own. Thus, I also approached this study through
Indigenous ontology and epistemology, specifically recognizing that knowledge is relational and
that it is the relationship with realities, rather than the realities themselves, that are considered
knowledge. Further, I also attempted to approach the study from a critical theory paradigm,
specifically critical race and TribalCRIT theories.
Among the biases that may have influenced this study include my identity as a non-
Native American, but also as a half-White, half-Asian American woman. Thus, it is likely that
participants may not have been completely forthright in their responses to interview and focus
group questions, particularly regarding answers that may have been critical of how non-Native
Americans related to and treated Native Americans. However, my non-White appearance, and
the fact that I identified myself to students as half-Asian, may have allowed participants to open
up to me more than they would have if I appeared or was fully White. In fact, upon the
completion of a second interview, a participant shared that she would not have been comfortable
discussing the types of racism she experienced if I had been White. Further, as Smith (1999)
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 158
described, being a member of the group can also be problematic for the researcher, as
participants may be more critical of the researcher’s role and thus more aware of potential
differences between researcher and participant (such as social class, level of education, role in
the community, and so forth), which in turn may influence forthright responses. So while being
an “outsider” may have influenced what I was told, being an “insider” may not have solved all
the problems (Fay, 1996).
Another source of bias may have been participants’ perception of my role at RCC and
relationship with the Tribal Ed Center. Specifically, participants may have been reluctant to
criticize RCC faculty, staff, or programs fearing negative repercussions. They may have been
reluctant to criticize the Tribal Ed Center for similar reasons. Conversely, participants may have
focused on positive responses in an effort to preserve the relationship between RCC and the
Tribal Ed Center and to ensure that financial and programmatic support were maintained for
Native American students. Additionally, knowing that I am in a position to influence change at
RCC, participants may have exaggerated or downplayed experiences in order to influence study
recommendations.
I am in a position of power relative to the study’s subject—Native American student
experiences at RCC—in my role as the director of RCC and thus any positive or negative
feedback may be viewed as direct criticism of me. The position that I hold as researcher relative
to participants is also a position of relative power. I had the ability to guide the direction, focus,
and tempo of the interviews and focus group through the protocols, but also by how I chose to
conduct the interviews and the focus group. As such, these positions of relative power may have
influenced students’ participation in the study and their responses to the interview and focus
group questions. Further, my position—both as the director of RCC and researcher—of relative
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 159
power also may have influenced the data analysis and findings through how I categorized and
grouped single-unit ideas into various factors (findings) and themes and determining whether
those factors had a positive, negative, or neutral influence on educational goals.
Threats to Internal Validity (Credibility or Limitations)
Internal validity can be defined as how well the research findings reflect reality
(Merriam, 2009). In this study two of the primary threats to internal validity were researcher bias
and researcher reactivity. As the director of RCC, I was very conscious of bias due to my
position of leadership and authority at RCC and how that bias might permeate all aspects of this
research. Two sources of bias arose from being in this position: first, as researcher and director
of RCC, I had to be aware of any specific research agenda that might conflict with answering the
research questions in an unbiased manner; second, participants may not have been forthcoming
in their responses due to my position of authority at RCC. These validity threats were mitigated
by the following factors. One part of RCC’s mission is to serve the communities in its service
area (including the tribal community) and one of RCC’s goals is to increase enrollment and
success of Native American students at RCC. Since one purpose of this study was to inform
programs and practices at RCC that will better support Native American students, answering the
research questions using highly valid methods also supported my agenda as director of RCC. To
mitigate researcher reactivity—participant responses may not have reflected their complete, true
perceptions of experiences at RCC because they may have wanted to please me or were fearful
of negative repercussions—the informational session explained my role and protocols
emphasized confidentiality. For example, I explained to students that as the director of RCC I did
not evaluate, hire, or fire faculty. I also explained that I did not have access to individual student
records and did not assign grades. Further, I emphasized that confidentiality would be
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 160
maintained. Participants, study site, and all other identifying descriptors were not included in the
findings. Storage of data was and continues to be accessible only to the researcher (passcode
protected), and participants were asked not to identify faculty, staff, or other individuals by name
during interviews and focus groups. While confidentiality cannot be guaranteed in a focus group,
participation was optional. Further, students agreed that they would maintain confidentiality, but
confirmed that they understood that confidentiality in a focus group setting could not be
guaranteed.
Further, as a non-Native American, I also recognized that I may view the world with a
different paradigm than Native American students. Additionally, as a non-Native American, I
was likely to be viewed as an outsider to Native American students. In order to address these
biases and threats to internal validity, I incorporated into every stage of research checks for bias.
Such checks included incorporation of and focus on Indigenous epistemology and methodology
through all stages of the research process, Tribal Ed Center collaboration in identifying and
inviting participants, protocols based on Indigenous epistemology for research and reflection
memos, review of interview and focus group protocol by tribal leaders, piloting focus groups
with Native American friends and colleagues, presenting the study and initial findings to the
Tribal Council, and reflecting on Indigenous epistemology, and critical race and TribalCRIT
theories in data analysis. For both researcher bias and researcher reactivity, I incorporated a
practice of researcher reflexivity through regular reflection memos to ensure that I was
continuously addressing these limitations. Lastly, as a result of RCC’s partnership with the
Tribal Ed Center, I was often present at the Tribal Ed Center and regularly participated in a
number of Tribal Ed Center programs and activities. Many of the participants recognized me, or
at least my name, and knew that I had a long and positive relationship with the Tribal Ed Center
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 161
staff. Thus, I had some initial credibility and rapport with participants, which might have
mitigated some researcher reactivity due to being non-Native American and an outsider.
Although some Native American students may not have had a positive relationship with the
Tribal Ed Center staff (and thus may have viewed my positive relationship with staff as an
alienating factor), students interested in participating in the study did not need to notify the
Tribal Ed Center staff that they were interested. Thus, the Tribal Ed Center staff did not
ultimately know who participated in the study and the use of pseudonyms preserved participant
confidentiality.
Another threat to validity was that this study was based on the perceptions of a relatively
small number of self-selected participants. Arguably, by using an interpretivist paradigm, reality
is a social construct. As such, participant perceptions were a reflection of reality. Although this
study used a sample of only 10 participants, this sample size represents approximately 15% of
total Native American students enrolled at RCC over the past five years. Lastly, although the
Tribal Ed Center collaborated in identifying and inviting participants, participation in the study
was voluntary. Thus, the sample was self-selected. In order to minimize other threats to internal
validity, the following additional methods, recommended by Merriam (2009) and Maxwell
(2013), were used in this study:
1. Adequate engagement and involvement in data collection: this study spent on average
1.5 hours per participant per first interview and 30 minutes per participant per second
interview for an estimated total of 19.5 hours of interviews and two hours for the
focus group for a total of 21.5 hours over the course of five months;
2. Rich data: the interview and focus group protocols included unstructured time to
allow for participants to tell their story as well as semi-structured time to ensure
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 162
certain topics were covered, all interviews and the focus group were recorded with
audio to capture not only full transcripts, but also volume and tone, and research and
reflection memos were completed following each interview and the focus group;
3. Triangulation: this study used an interview—focus group—interview data collection
method to triangulate themes in the data;
4. Search for discrepant evidence and negative cases: the study used analytic tools such
as questioning (Corbin & Strauss, 2008) during the data analysis process to identify
discrepant evidence and negative cases;
5. Numbers: the sample for this study was 10 Native American students which
represents approximately 15% of Native American students attending RCC in the past
five years; the coding process enabled the researcher to tabulate the number of times
each code, category, and theme emerged in the interview and focus group data, thus
preventing atypical instances from being seen as typical ones; and
6. Respondent validation: the study’s methods incorporated member checking as the last
step of data analysis; participants reviewed preliminary findings and their input was
incorporated into the study’s final findings.
Reliability and External Validity (Generalizability or Delimitations)
The design and methods of this study also attempted to address issues of reliability
(replicability of research results) and generalizability (applicability of research results to other
contexts). By creating an “audit trail” through a detailed description of the methods and data
collection process, maintaining comprehensive records of the interviews and focus groups (audio
recordings and full transcriptions), and research and reflection memos, I believe this study
addressed reliability as much as a qualitative study can be reliable. Similarly, by describing the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 163
study site and participant characteristics in detail, especially given that there are 84 community
colleges in California that serve Native American students, some of which are located near tribal
communities, all of which have very low percentages of Native Americans as a percentage of the
total student body (Native American students comprise less than 3% of the student body in all
but two CCCs), I believe that implications of this study could be used to examine Native
American student experiences within the CCC context. Ultimately, the rich description of the
setting and the participants might enable readers to explore how the findings might apply to their
own contexts.
Conclusion
This study sought to understand Native American student experiences at RCC and how
those experiences supported or hindered achievement of educational goals. One other purpose of
the study was to inform programs and practices that support Native American students at RCC.
Data for this study was collected through interviews, a focus group, and research and reflection
memos. The conceptual framework guided the data analysis process, but the methods of the
study also enabled exploration of possible factors and themes not identified in the conceptual
framework. The methodological approach of this study was based on an interpretivist paradigm
incorporating tenets from Indigenous epistemology, and critical race and TribalCRIT theories.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 164
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
The purpose of this dissertation was to explore the experiences of Native American
community college students. Further, this dissertation sought to examine how those experiences
supported or hindered Native American community college students in achieving their
educational goals. The following research questions guided this study:
1. How do Native American students describe their experiences at Rural Community
College [RCC]?
2. How do those experiences support or hinder achievement of their educational goals?
I was interested in understanding Native American student experiences at RCC. Students cannot
experience RCC unless they are enrolled in and continue to persist at RCC. Thus, this study is
grounded in persistence literature, which examines reasons students choose to either continue in
or depart from the college environment as a way to understand student experiences. I was also
interested in how students’ experiences supported or hindered their educational goals. I relied on
educational goals, rather than retention, persistence, or completion to determine whether students
believed their experiences at RCC led to successful outcomes. I believe that educational goals
are a more precise measure of a student’s own assessment of their educational success because:
first, educational goals are defined by the student, rather than arbitrary conventions (associate’s
degrees called “2-year degrees”); second, a student’s educational goals may not align with
common definitions of retention, persistence, or completion; third, retention (generally measured
as enrollment in a course through the end), persistence (commonly measured as enrollment
semester-to-semester or fall-to-fall), and completion (often defined in the community college
context as earning a certificate or degree within six years of first enrollment) may not be relevant
in the Native American context (Jackson et al., 2003; Lowe, 2005).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 165
Five broad themes of experiences that students believed influenced their educational
goals emerged from the data. The first theme that emerged was the students’ descriptions of their
pathway through college, including: reasons for attending college, specifically RCC; their
educational goals; how they identified a major; and their educational pathway to date. The
second theme consisted of students’ experiences at RCC, including: interactions with faculty,
staff, and other students, and the environment and practices at RCC. The third theme highlighted
students’ development, growth, and changing priorities. The fourth theme covered factors
external to RCC that influenced students’ achievement of educational goals, such as family and
work. Lastly, the fifth theme included experiences that were shaped by cultural influences.
Although cultural influences appeared throughout all of the other four themes, I included
all experiences in which students highlighted cultural influences as a separate theme. By
separating experiences that students identified as being shaped by cultural influences into a
separate theme, I was able to present findings, through evidence, of community college
experiences that were related to Native American culture and, thus, possibly specific to Native
American students or other disenfranchised community college groups. This was an important
distinction to make because one aim of this dissertation was to highlight experiences of Native
American community college students that may be different from dominant groups, especially
given the dearth of research on Native Americans in the community college context. It may be
the case that the experiences of Native American community college students were similar to
other disenfranchised groups. Identifying these similarities, however, was beyond the scope of
this study.
Three of the five themes—theme two (community college factors), theme four (external
factors), and theme five (cultural influences)—were largely consistent with my initial conceptual
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 166
framework, which informed the approach to exploring how Native American students described
their experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered achievement of their
educational goals. However, I intended the conceptual framework to be used primarily as a
guide, rather than a static framework that bounded data collection and analysis. In other words, I
also aimed to elicit and document student experiences at RCC regardless of whether the
experiences fit into the conceptual framework. Thus, a number of the findings in theme one
(pathways of Native American students through community college) and theme three (student
development and growth) were not part of the initial conceptual framework, but were reflected in
the revised conceptual framework as important factors that emerged from the data.
Within each of the five themes were a number of findings describing various experiences
and factors that students identified as influencing achievement of their educational goals. In each
finding, the data revealed clear commonalities across student experiences. However, the data
also showed that student experiences were quite varied; factors that were significant for some
students were inconsequential for others. This pointed to the need to see Native American
student experiences as diverse, even while similarities existed.
Additionally, although the majority of specific experiences were described as positive
(903 positive mentions), all of the Native American community college students described
experiences that hindered achievement of their educational goals (544 negative mentions). In
many cases, these negative experiences were attributed to factors that also contributed to positive
experiences. In other words, some factors did not fit neatly into one or the other category. Rather,
a more complex picture emerged with participants naming some factors as both supporting and
hindering the achievement of their educational goals. In this chapter, I present the evidence
supporting each finding within each of the five themes, including evidence of the complex
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 167
influence of various factors on students’ achievement of educational goals. A summary of the
findings is presented in the table below (see table 4.1). Because this study aimed to present
Native American community college experiences in their own voices, in the following sections I
present the evidence in many instances through long block quotations in order to capture more
authentically the students’ voices, rather than relaying their experiences through my voice.
Table 4.1
Summary of Findings
Theme Finding Factors Influence
(Positive/
Negative)
Times
Mentioned
College Pathways Why RCC?
Why
College?
Nearby
Expectations/work related
reasons
+
+
206
Educational
goals
Associate’s degree & transfer +
Identify
major
Finding a “fit” +
Nonlinear
pathway
Burden/“feel bad”
Enabled achievement of
goals/success
-
+
Community
College Factors
Interactions
with faculty
Friendly, open-minded?
Pushing, challenging?
Available, responsive?
Acknowledges students?
Pedagogy/curriculum
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
410
Campus
environment
Welcome/quiet atmosphere
Physical attributes
Lack of activities
Location
Classroom (size/number of
students)
+
+/-
-
+/-
+
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 168
Interactions
with students
Not fitting in, no interaction
Study group, new people,
student worker, hanging out
-
+
Campus
services and
programs
Educational pathways
Tutoring
Course offerings (time,
subject)
+/-
+/-
+/-
Staff
interactions
Friendly, helpful, welcoming +
Student Growth
& Development
Self-doubt Early educational experiences - 264
Gaining
confidence
Growth, motivation, timing +
External Factors Family Primary caretakers
Other relatives
Dependents
Romantic partners
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
338
Work Hours of work
Encouragement, flexible
schedules, guidance
-
+
Tribal Ed
Center
Funding
Guidance
Know students
Partnership with RCC
+
+/-
+
+
Financial aid Scholarships, grants, aid
programs, in-kind support
+/-
Significant
life
challenges
Illness, death, pregnancy,
addiction, depression, divorce
incarceration, special needs of
children, family drama
+/-
Tribal
community
Support, employment +/-
Friends “Bad element” -
Cultural
Influences
Identity Come from/gone through
Traditions
Special people
+
+
+
538
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 169
Symbols,
behaviors,
beliefs,
expectations
Artifacts, events, staff
Social conventions
Spirituality
Go to/pay for college
+/-
-
+
+/-
“Rez life” Stuck/support
Workforce education/hire
Tribal events
Role models/“bad element”
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
Racism Invisible
Stereotypes
+/-
+/-
Curriculum US history
Other courses
Relevance
Represent all Native
Americans
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
Historical
Trauma
Rise above, break cycle
Do not belong
Perspectives on education
+
-
-
Native
American
classmates
Understood, same journey
Keep an eye out
Pushed, checked in, studied
together
+
+
+
Theme 1. Pathways of Native American Students through College
The first theme that emerged from the data was that the Native American community
college students who participated in this study exhibited similarities in their pathways through
college: why they chose to attend college (and RCC specifically), their educational goals, how
they selected a major, and their higher education pathway to date. However, upon deeper
examination of each of these pathway components, unique experiences emerged. This theme
provided a starting point for understanding students’ collective and individual experiences at the
community college, specifically RCC, and how those experiences supported or hindered
achievement of their educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 170
In this section, I provide evidence for each of four findings under theme one. I start by
previewing each finding before delving deeper into each one. The first finding was that students
had different reasons for attending college in general, but all of the students explained that they
had chosen to attend this specific college, RCC, over others was because it was located nearby
(and in some cases this meant that they were near families and tribal support). This finding was
similar to Rousey and Longie’s (2001) finding that a local college enabled Native American
students to pursue higher education without being separated from their families and tribal
communities, a factor supporting retention. Yet the reasons students stated for going to college in
general were split evenly between students who enrolled in college because going to college was
an expectation, and students who enrolled in college for work-related reasons. Nevertheless,
students felt that regardless of their motivations for going to college and for attending RCC,
simply having some kind of motivation was important for achieving their educational goals—
they had a reason for going to college. Further, RCC was a good option because of location.
The second finding that emerged from the data was that all 10 participants had a specific
educational goal of obtaining at least an associate’s degree. Some had already earned a certificate
or an associate’s degree and most were considering or working toward transferring to another
institution to earn a bachelor’s degree. Many cited successful completion of a certificate or a
degree as giving them confidence to continue on to transfer and earn a bachelor’s degree.
A third finding was that 90% (nine) of the participants had selected a major by the time
of the study. Eight of the participants who had selected a major described selecting human
services as their major because the courses were interesting, a good fit, or would lead to
increased job opportunities. These participants described the positive, significant influence of
selecting a major on their experience at the community college and on their educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 171
This finding—that 90% of participants in this study had selected a major and had clear
educational and vocational goals, which supported achievement of educational goals—was
inconsistent with Jackson and Smith’s (2001) finding that Native American students did not have
clear educational or vocational goals, which hindered student success.
The first three findings were consistent with Tinto’s (1975, 1987, 1993) model. Although
Tinto (1975, 1987, 1993) asserted that the interaction with the college (theme two) was a more
important factor for persistence than commitments to educational goals, he argued that
commitment to educational goals influenced a student’s interactions with both the institution’s
academic and social systems.
In contrast to Tinto (1975, 1987, 1993), Bers and Smith (1991) found that educational
objective, along with other factors, made a larger contribution toward explaining persistence in
the community college context than integration factors. Similarly, Webb’s (1989) research-based
model suggested that for community college students, goal commitment and other non-
integration factors had primary effects on degree persistence, while academic integration had
secondary effects. Voorhees (1987), as well, found that for community college students, purpose
of enrolling and intent to return were positively associated with persistence. Again, the first three
findings were consistent with research in the community college context.
The fourth finding was that 70% of the participants described their college pathway as
indirect and lengthy, in other words, a “nonlinear path” as described by Jackson et al. (2003) or a
“cyclic” path as described by Lowe (2005). Even so, many of the participants in the study
described their nonlinear path as supporting their educational goals, even if it raised doubts about
their ability to achieve their educational goals and challenged their self-confidence at times.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 172
These findings helped to answer the research questions. First, they set the stage for
examining Native American students’ experiences at RCC by addressing why they were
attending college, RCC specifically; highlighting that the students had specific goals that were
meaningful for them; and pointing out that in all cases students’ pathways through community
college were nonlinear. Second, the findings addressed how Native American student pathways
through the community college supported or hindered achievement of their educational goals. In
the remainder of this section, I examine and describe in greater detail each of the findings related
to the first theme, Native American student pathways through college, and how they addressed
the research questions.
Why College and Why RCC?
The first finding that emerged from the data relating to student pathways through college
was that half of the participants initially enrolled in college because going to college was an
expectation, something they knew they would do. The other half of the participants enrolled in
college for work-related reasons.
Of the five students who believed going to college was an expectation, three of the
students had college preparatory courses in high school or parents who strongly believed that
college was required, and always assumed they would go to college because that was “just the
way it was.” The other two students described a specific moment when they were motivated by
close relatives who had earned a degree and decided at that moment that college was something
that they wanted to do.
Dida, for example, explained that even after she stopped participating in her high
school’s Advancement Via Individual Determination [AVID] (college preparatory) program, she
never considered not attending college, “I think it [AVID] just gave me some, like I still wanted
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 173
to go to college. It never dropped my mind. Like, yeah. I don’t see myself quitting it.”
Dorothy also showed potential as a young student and was placed in AVID in high
school. She did not have the same feeling as Dida that she always wanted to go to college, but
rather that one just goes to college after high school. As a result of being in AVID, Dorothy felt
that she ought to go to a “big university.” Dorothy explained:
I was in AVID, yeah. When I was in [middle school], I was just really good. And I was
doing really good in school. And I didn’t realize that I had potential until my freshman
year in high school. And I was trying to take the easy classes. Cuz I was like, “I’m just
gonna finish high school and go to college.” That’s how I thought it was [just finish high
school and then I could go to and be successful at any college]. The AVID teacher was
just like, “Nope. You have to take this class [AVID]. You’re going to be in this and just
pushed me in the [AVID] program.” So, I was like, “ok, cool.” I feel like I would
probably have eventually gone to college or gone on to the college path. But I wouldn’t
have gotten scholarships or done as well in school if I wasn’t in that college prep
program…. And AVID made me feel like, oh, I could go on to a big university. And I
did, I went to a university. And I got into all of the colleges I applied to.
For Dida and Dorothy, the college preparatory course, AVID, was not only instrumental in
motivating them to go to college after high school, but played a role in ensuring they put a plan
in place to go to college. In other words, the program helped them be more intentional about
going to college.
Although not enrolled in college preparatory courses, Tashina described always knowing
she would go to college and feeling that college was expected:
No, I was expected [by my mother] to [go to college after high school]. I was always
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 174
thinking what do I want to do? Where do I want to go to college at? Something, yeah,
that I wanted to do. I enjoy going to college. I couldn’t imagine not going to school.
Yeah, it’s just something, yeah, I couldn’t imagine not going to school right now.
For Dida, Dorothy, and Tashina, college was an expectation and a topic that was discussed
regularly at school, with friends, and in Tashina’s case, with her mother. Tashina reflected back
on conversations with her mother about the importance of going to college right after high
school:
Oh, it was always, she would explain to me how she wished she could have continued on
with college. And of course when she had me she wasn’t able to [continue on with
college] and had to find work. She’s like, “of course, this is your opportunity right
now.”…I mean I only have myself to think about. And I’ll try to get my higher education
now before I have a family. Not that it’ll be any time soon. But she’s always just saying,
“I wish I could have [continued on with school].” Cuz she really could have gotten far
with it. How much she likes school.
Dida spoke regularly with her aunt and grandmother about going to college. But they were also
role models for her:
My family, um, my grandma and my aunt, they were always big on school. My grandma
is, well she was, she used to work as a preschool teacher. And I guess that she said she
helped open [a local school]. And she worked like under, I forgot her name, but she
worked under, before for a preschool, under the high school. And she worked in [a
nearby town], too. And my aunt has her bachelor’s [degree] in early childhood
development. And she works for [a local social service organization]. So, I guess them
always pushing me ahead for better educational goals. And them having it [a degree]. It
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 175
set the bar for me. I know I want to go to school and I really like school. And they’ve
always helped me love school. And that’s always really helped.
Dida, Dorothy, and Tashina all enrolled in college right after high school. Having the sense that
college was expected supported their persistence, despite life challenges that would come up
later (described in the nonlinear pathway to educational goals section below) and result in
changes and interruptions to their educational path. What seemed to be a unifying factor was the
setting of this expectation by teachers, friends, or family members who served as sources of
encouragement to pursue postsecondary education.
Other students also had role models who had gone to college and encouraged them to go
to college. Ellen described how seeing a close relative’s diploma inspired her to make up her
mind that she wanted to earn an associate’s degree:
I always knew I wanted an AA because I remember my auntie in [another state]. She
went to a [state university] branch in [another state] and got her AA and I remember her
going, “Oh, I got my AA.” And I remember looking at [her diploma] and thinking, I’m
gonna get one of those someday. So I knew it when I started that I was going to get [an
associate’s degree], but I just didn’t know when. I knew one day I was going to [earn a
degree].
Although Norma told of a similar motivation to go to college—because close relatives had
earned degrees, her decision was also in part a result of feeling as though she needed to measure
up:
It was something like, I always wanted to go to college. Like my sister has her master’s
[degree] in theology. My brother has [a master’s degree in] English, English lit[erature].
And so, you know, I was like, I haven’t done nothing really…. And so, like, I was just, it
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 176
was just the time for me to go to college to pursue something.
For both Ellen and Norma, setting their minds on the self-selected goal of earning an associate’s
degree has been an important influence in motivating them to enroll in college and to continue
taking courses, supporting achievement of their educational goals.
Five students enrolled in college for work-related reasons, either because their job
required additional coursework or they believed going to school would improve their job
prospects. One student was required by her employer to take classes. Dawn Rochelle started
taking child development classes “because of a job.” She explained, “I think to stay in the
job…you had to have so many credits to stay in the job. So I had to take those [child
development] classes.” Dawn Rochelle continued, “…education wasn’t really thought of until I
started going to work. That was at [a tribal organization that worked with families and children].
I might not have gone to [college] if I didn’t have that job.” Dawn Rochelle was the only student
who was directed to take classes to maintain her job. But other students felt work-related
pressure to enroll in college.
For example, another student, SaddsMah, began attending RCC because she was told that
without a degree she had limited career options:
I think the real eye-opener was when, um, I applied for another job within the company I
work for now. And, um, they came right out and told me there was no way I was going to
get an interview because I had no degree. I had no formal education. I had all kinds of
certificates and trainings that I had done. But, um, until I get some kind of degree they
were not going to even consider me. So that was my first big eye opener.
Similarly, Joseph explained “[I was] stuck in a dead end job….So I had to come [to college]. The
only thing to do was to go back to school.” He continued:
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 177
Plus, when I got on to the tribal council, I needed to have better knowledge of budgets,
legal, just a lot of stuff you had to learn being on the tribal council. So, I figured that I
could get a degree here at the college and it would help me in that aspect, as well.
Quwma, on the other hand had a promising career, but realized that the physical nature of the
career limited his ability to continue on the same path. Thus, he had to go to college to prepare
for another career. He explained:
You know, I’ve got [firefighting] certificates and everything. I’ve fought fires for years.
But then you know your knees and your back only last so long when you fight wildland
fires and stuff. Thought I’d get out before I was one of the busted ones. You know, I got
to a GS5 [government pay grade] and, um, I could have stayed in. But then finding a next
spot [promotion] would have been a lot longer than it would getting an education.
Lucy, realized after having her first child that going to college was important in order for her to
support her children financially. Lucy described that realization:
Um, I think when I hit 19 and I had my first daughter [I realized college was important].
And it was a struggle to make ends meet. And I know if I would have gone to college that
it wouldn’t be that hard having a child and having to provide for them…. So that’s when I
realized, hey, I should have gone to school, made a career. You know, and help my
family when they were younger. I mean I’m doing it now, but it’s definitely harder.
For Dawn Rochelle, SaddsMah, Joseph, Quwma, and Lucy, work-related reasons for enrolling in
college served as a strong motivator (in one case a directive) and shaped as well as supported
achievement of their educational goals.
Why did students choose RCC specifically? For nearly all students, the proximity of RCC
to where they lived was the primary reason for choosing RCC. Quwma explained, “I love the
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fact that the school is here….Um, I really like that it’s located here, in [this town]. Because
there’s [no other college] around here.” Joseph described a similar sentiment, “it was the closest
place in the vicinity besides outside the valley. Uh, and yeah. Pretty much [the reason I chose
RCC is] the location, cuz I’m always coming to the town that it’s in.” For Quwma and Joseph,
their reason for choosing RCC was because it was the only option in the region. Ellen had a
slightly different perspective, “[RCC], it’s always been there and I know there is a way to get
your education….And it [RCC] was always there. I always went back.” Ellen described RCC as
not so much the only option in the area, but as a reliable, consistent presence that would always
enable her to pursue her education. For Tashina, when asked why she chose RCC her response
was much simpler “it was, just, I liked the area.” While each of these examples demonstrated
that the main reason students chose RCC was because of its location, the value of the location
held slightly different meanings. For Quwma and Joseph location meant the only option in the
region, for Ellen it meant a reliable presence in the community, and for Tashina the location was
a place she liked. Although all four were motivated to go to college, they all explained that if
RCC was not located nearby, they probably would not have been able to go to college.
Other students explained that they could not leave the area to go to college. Norma,
Dawn Rochelle, and SaddsMah chose RCC because they were raising dependents and could not
leave the area to attend another college. Norma was raising her niece, Dawn Rochelle her sons,
and SaadsMah her three grandchildren. In addition, both Dawn Rochelle and SaadsMah had full-
time jobs that they did not want to leave to go away to college. All three believed that they would
not have enrolled in college if RCC was not located near the reservation.
Lucy, Dida, and Dorothy all chose RCC after first attending another college, but for
different reasons. Lucy explained that, “finances in [another state] was hard because they [the
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tribal communities] don’t really offer [financial assistance] for Natives. So I moved to [this state]
cuz this state [the tribal community] helps with funding [for Native Americans].” She chose
RCC because she moved to the local reservation, where she was eligible for tribal support and
had family to assist her. For Lucy, finances and location were the primary drivers for choosing
RCC, but in turn, those factors supported her educational goals. Without funding assistance from
the tribal community and in-kind support from family in the area, Lucy would not have been able
to afford to go to college.
Dida went away to a tribal college and moved back to the area when she realized she was
pregnant so that she could benefit from family support—both emotionally and financially. She
was one course shy of earning her associate’s degree from the tribal college. She explained that
RCC enabled her to complete her degree and that she is “happy that [RCC is] here.” Similar to
Lucy, the decision to enroll at RCC was based on finances and location—family in the
community could help with financial and in-kind support. Additionally, those factors supported
her educational goals. By returning home to continue her education at RCC, Dida was able to
benefit from tribal funding for pay for her education at RCC and financial, in-kind, and
emotional support from her family which enabled her to continue attending college.
Dorothy, who had been accepted into a state university as a result of participation in the
AVID program, returned home after one semester because of several factors. She did not feel she
was a good fit for the university explaining, “I kinda felt like nobody really got who I was. I
didn’t really feel connected. And I didn’t feel like there was a huge, uh, Native, um, population
at the time.” Because of this, she felt the university did not “really offer [her] anything.” Dorothy
described herself as not being ready “emotionally” to leave the reservation to attend a university,
stating, “…this is, you know, the reservation, and then there’s [the town]. Like my home, and my
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bigger home. So it was kinda hard to go away from both places. So I was double homesick, I
guess.” She also felt the financial burden of going to a university:
At [the university], I had scholarships. Um, I don’t think any of them were renewable
every year. They were just like little ones that I got….Um, and then so, when I went to
[the university] I realized that I wasn’t going to be able to afford this. I’m going to have
to take out bigger and bigger loans every time. And so that was one of the other reasons
why I left [the university]. Because I didn’t want to be bombarded by a bunch of loans by
the time that I graduated.
After returning home from the university, Dorothy enrolled at RCC the next semester, which
alleviated both the financial pressure and the feelings of disconnectedness and homesickness.
Like Lucy and Dida, Dorothy’s decision to enroll at RCC was based on finances and location
(returning home alleviated feelings of disconnectedness and homesickness), both of which when
addressed by returning to enroll at RCC supported her educational goals.
For all of the students in the study, having a clear reason for attending college supported
achievement of their educational goals by providing motivation to enroll and persist in college.
Additionally, having RCC nearby enabled students to go to college, whether they were unable to
leave because of family and work commitments, or returning home due to finances and
community support.
Educational Goals
The second finding that emerged from the data was that all 10 participants had a specific
educational goal of earning at least an associate’s degree. In all but one case, the students had
identified a specific field of study for their associate’s degree. Additionally, nearly all
participants were considering or working toward transferring to another institution to earn a
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bachelor’s degree or higher. However, several participants had not yet determined the specific
field of study for their bachelor’s degree (see Table 4.2).
Table 4.2
Native American Community College Student Educational Goals
Student Degree Attainment Educational Goal
Dawn
Rochelle
Certificate of
Achievement and AS in
Human Services (RCC)
Complete transfer requirements, transfer to a
baccalaureate degree-granting institution to
earn a BS. Considering Psychology or Social
Work.
Dida AS Degree (Tribal
College)
Certificate of
Achievement and AS in
Human Services (RCC)
Complete transfer requirements, possibly
transfer to a baccalaureate degree-granting
institution to earn a BS. Considering
Psychology or Social Work.
Dorothy Certificate of
Achievement in Human
Services (RCC)
Complete AS in Human Services. Complete
transfer requirements. Transfer to a
baccalaureate degree-granting institution to
earn a BS in Social Work.
Ellen Certificate of
Achievement and AS in
Human Services (RCC)
Considering completing transfer
requirements. Possibly transfer to a
baccalaureate degree-granting institution to
earn a BS in Social Work.
Joseph Certificate of
Achievement in Business
(RCC)
Complete AS in Business. Complete transfer
requirements. Possibly transfer to a
baccalaureate degree-granting institution to
earn a BS.
Lucy Certificate of
Achievement in Human
Services (RCC)
Complete AS in Human Services. Possibly
complete transfer requirements. Possibly
transfer to a baccalaureate degree-granting
institution to earn a BS.
Norma Certificate of
Achievement in Human
Services (RCC)
Complete AS in Human Services. Possibly
complete transfer requirements. Possibly
transfer to a baccalaureate degree-granting
institution to earn a BS. Considering
Psychology or Human Services.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 182
Quwma None Complete AS. Complete transfer
requirements. Transfer and earn a BS.
SaddsMah None Complete AS in Human Services.
Considering continuing on.
Tashina Completed coursework
for Certificate of
Achievement in Human
Services (RCC)
Complete Certificate of Achievement in
Human Services (need to complete internship
hours). Complete AS in Human Services.
Considering completing transfer
requirements.
Although eight of the 10 participants articulated a desire to transfer to another institution
to earn a bachelor’s degree, most of the participants were uncertain about their specific plans to
earn a bachelor’s degree: whether they would leave the area to go to another institution (or look
for an online program), when they would go if they decided to leave, and how they would pay
for a bachelor’s degree.
Dawn Rochelle, for example, after stating that she wanted to earn a bachelor’s degree to
become a psychologist, described her uncertainty about transferring to another institution.
“Sometimes I just want to [move away]. But there are still issues [related to my son and law
enforcement] going on here. So I just want the issues to be gone before I go away…I don’t know
how it would be to move away and go somewhere.” Other students also voiced a desire to leave
the area to continue their education similarly describing factors hindering them from leaving the
area.
The cost of transferring and enrolling in another institution was a concern for some of the
students. When asked about how she would cover the tuition cost of another institution, Dida
replied, “that terrifies me. Because now I have two little girls that depend on me. And, like, their
dad’s not very helpful. So, yeah. It’s basically just me [covering financial obligations]. Yeah.”
Quwma was also concerned about the cost of transfer, not only the educational costs, but also the
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cost of housing and child care since many of those costs were currently shared or covered by his
extended family. Many other students received tuition assistance at RCC, as well as financial (or
in-kind) support from extended families for child care and housing. These financial benefits
available at RCC increased the cost of transferring—these same benefits would no longer be
available if students left the area.
Despite these concerns, all of the participants identified an educational goal beyond an
associate’s degree, whether a bachelor’s degree or simply “continuing on.” Quwma described the
sentiment, “Well I’d really like to earn my degree. Something more than an AA. An AA is just to
me, maybe it’s like a stepping stone. It is a lot to get an AA. But I want more.” Although Lucy
had already earned her certificate and was only two courses away from earning an associate’s
degree, explained, “I’m just gonna keep going to school ‘til I find out what, what it is I want to
do. Maybe I’ll just be a permanent student. Keep on going ‘til I feel like I’m done. Which I don’t
think you could ever be finished learning. So, I don’t really…that’s my goal, I guess, be a
student ‘til I find out what I want to do.” Yet knowing about the participants’ circumstances,
current challenges, and concerns about transfer, I wondered whether (although beyond the scope
of this study), without more concrete plans, students would actually achieve their goals of
transferring to another institution to earn their bachelor’s degrees and beyond.
In general, the participants were fairly specific about their immediate goals while
attending the community college (see Table 4.2). They also had educational goals beyond the
community college. However, those goals were somewhat less defined. Additionally, the
participants did not have a clear plan of how they would achieve their educational goals beyond
the community college. In most cases, the students had achieved or were close to achieving their
immediate, specific educational goals. While the flexibility of a community college opened the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 184
door for Native American students to persist in a nonlinear way, the concern of many higher
education researchers was that less defined educational goals and the absence of a clear plan on
how to achieve those goals may hinder students’ achievement of those goals. The data from this
dissertation was not intended to resolve this issue. However, barriers to transfer is an important
consideration to keep in mind, particularly since this dissertation aimed to examine whether
experiences at RCC supported or hindered educational goals. Nevertheless, it was the student’s
own assessment of whether experiences at RCC were supporting or hindering achievement of
their educational goals that was being explored in this study.
Identifying Majors
A third finding under the theme, pathways of Native American students through college,
was that all but one participant in this study had declared a major at the time of the study. Of
those nine, eight—all of the women in the study—were pursuing a degree in human services.
Half of the students pursuing human services were students who initially enrolled in college
because attending college was an expectation. The other half initially enrolled in college for
work-related reasons. For those who chose human services, half selected the major after
enrolling in one of the human services courses and realizing that human services was, “a good
fit.” One student selected human services because she wanted to “help people.” Another student
selected human services because she thought she could get hired locally. The remaining two
participants did not explain why they chose human services. One of the two male participants
enrolled at RCC intending to pursue a degree in business and explained that he chose business
because it would help him perform his role on the Tribal Council. The other male participant,
Quwma, had not declared a major at the time of the study. Quwma had only been enrolled for
four semesters, whereas the average number of semesters participants had been enrolled at RCC
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 185
was eight. In this section, I focus on how, and the reasons why, students chose human services as
a major (since eight of the nine students who had selected a major, selected human services), as
well as the influence selecting a major had on achievement of educational goals.
Many of the participants described struggling through general education courses or other
required courses, such as child development courses in Dawn Rochelle’s case. However, once
they started taking human services courses, they started to earn better grades and enjoyed their
class experiences more. Tashina, described this experience, “I wasn’t really sure what I wanted
to do. But then I thought about human services. I went and took those classes and actually did
very well in them, better than the general ed[ucation] classes. I enjoyed them a lot.” Tashina
described the feeling of human services courses being a good fit, “the human services program, I
think it’s great for me. It just seemed like it was a perfect fit. I just went with the classes. Yeah, it
was just like a perfect match.” When asked what most supported her educational goals, Tashina
replied, “[finding] my human services program.” Norma also described being introduced to, and
eventually choosing, human services as a major because it was a good match:
Um, well, when I came here in the beginning, I started for the business program. But then
I ended up switching to human services….Oh, so my mom and my cousin were coming
up here for human services. They were trying it out. They told me to take a class. I’m not
sure which class it was….I don’t know, when I went to human services it just seemed I
found what I liked. You know. More than business. I think I was just doing [business]
for, you know, my people to help them out. But more when I came to human services I
found something that I loved to do. That I want to do to help people and it was more
beneficial to me.
Dida discovered she wanted to help people, as well, when she was the vice president of her
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 186
dormitory council at the tribal college. She explained that that experience helped define her
educational goals:
I think it [being vice president of the dormitory council] did [help define my educational
goals]. I think it gave me a lot more um, [understanding] for my educational goals. Just
like I really wanted to help people and I really wanted to make, um, connections with
certain people. Like one-on-one interactions with people that would come in [to the dorm
office]. That’s when I kinda felt like, wow. That’s when I wanted to go into, you know,
just helping people. You know, just like even social services. Or something like that. But
I wasn’t really sure. And they don’t have that [a social services degree at the tribal
college]. They have a social work class at [the tribal college], but, um, I wasn’t, um, put
into the program yet. Um, cuz they get pretty full. Yeah, so when I came here, it was like,
oh, yeah. I could go into the human services program.
For Tashina, Norma, and Dida, the experience of finding the human services program and
realizing that it was a good fit for their interests was instrumental in defining their educational
goals and earning a certificate of achievement and an associate’s degree in human services.
For other students, finding the human services program increased momentum towards earning a
degree. Dawn Rochelle, described struggling in general education courses, but picking up
momentum once she started the human services program. She started taking general education
courses in the early 1990s, but explained:
I was really interested in the human services or the psychology area. And I enjoyed going
to those classes because I was interested. And, I don’t know, I really started to enjoy
those classes. And the more I took, um, I thought, oh, I can do this.
In other words, finding a field that “fit” made coursework more enjoyable, which facilitated
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 187
Dawn Rochelle’s progress toward achieving her educational goals. Similarly, SaddsMah
described picking up momentum after enrolling in human services courses:
Once I got going, I really didn’t know what I was going to do, and then when I realized
what I wanted to do was be in human services field then I just said ok. I started getting a
little more focused.
For Dawn Rochelle and SaddsMah, finding a major that they wanted to pursue supported
achievement of their educational goals, as the courses became more interesting allowing them to
become more focused and feel more competent.
Ellen chose human services primarily for the job potential of that degree in the local
community:
I just did the human services one cuz I knew, you know, there’s a lot of that around here,
you know. Places that you can get employed and that was the main thing I was looking
for, employment. And so, I finished that one [degree] and so I graduated with my AS in
human services.
It is possible that one of the reasons for employment demand locally in the human services field
was the high incidence of alcohol and substance abuse and addiction, which resulted in other
issues, such as physical and emotional violence and incarceration, in the Native American
community. All of the participants spoke about experiences with alcohol and substance abuse
and addiction, or related issues. Perhaps this was also why many of the participants wanted to
pursue a field where they could help people and felt that human services was a perfect fit.
Nonlinear Pathway to Educational Goals
A fourth finding under the theme, pathways of Native American students through college,
was that all of the participants described their pathway as “nontraditional”—taking a long time
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 188
(more than four semesters) and being nonlinear or cyclical (attending multiple colleges, taking
periodic breaks in enrollment). In most cases, students expressed initial disappointment that their
college path was not a traditional path, but later realized that they were very proud of their
accomplishments. This finding was consistent with Jackson et al.’s (2003) “deep theme” (a more
complex, personal, and in some cases contradictory finding) that a nonlinear path through
college was a factor that was common to the Native American college student experience and
both supported and hindered student success.
Dawn Rochelle’s experience was an example of a pathway that had taken more than four
semesters. Dawn Rochelle had been going to RCC since the early 1990s and for most of the time
during which she was enrolled she had only taken one class at a time, a practice that was
common among most of the participants who were working. Dawn Rochelle described the
practice as, “…a good thing because it’s easier, but it’s a bad thing because [completing my
transfer credits is] going to take forever.” She also described completing transfer credits as
seeming, “…so hard because it’s been dragged out for so long.” Other students, whether recent
high school graduates who were no longer on the “traditional” college path or students who had
been attending community college on and off for a decade or more, also experienced the feeling
of accomplishment—being able to achieve their educational goals one course at a time, while
also feeling frustration that achieving their educational goals was taking a long time.
Dida who had completed two associate’s degrees since graduating from high school in
2008 and had been working on her transfer credits also felt that her path through college was
taking a long time, “it makes me feel like I’m really far from my goal and, like, where I want to
be. Because I kinda wanted to have a sort of time line. Um, and I think I gave myself a far
enough timeline. But I’m just, I don’t know.” For Dida, she feared that the longer it took for her
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 189
to earn her transfer credits the less likely she would leave the area and transfer to a baccalaureate
degree-granting institution:
It kind of just made me think, like, if I wanted to just stay here for a while. Because I
found like a, a pretty good job. Like, I really like it. I really enjoy it. And I, I’m afraid,
like, the longer I stay, I won’t want to leave. I kinda do [want to leave to earn my
bachelor’s degree].
Similar to Dawn Rochelle, Dida was working full time and enrolled at RCC part time. While this
schedule was likely to enable her to successfully complete her transfer credits (allowing enough
time to focus on and do well in each course while working), Dida felt that by extending the time
to complete required credits, the schedule would also reduce her likelihood of transfer because of
a growing attachment to her job.
Dorothy attended a state university after graduating from high school, but was not ready
financially, mentally, or emotionally to go away. She returned home after one semester and
enrolled at RCC:
I feel like maybe I should have started at RCC….I feel like if I would have stayed home I
would have finished faster. I probably would have been done with my AA by now. But
I’m not. But at the same time, I’m not like disappointed in myself because, like, life
happens.
Although Dorothy second guessed her decision to go to a state university, she did not feel
disappointment in taking longer than planned to earn her degree. In fact, Dorothy described the
transfer to RCC as a better learning environment for her and much more affordable. These
factors, Dorothy believed, provided emotional and financial support for achievement of her
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 190
educational goals. In other words, without the burden of feeling disconnected and home sick as
well as reduced financial pressure, Dorothy was better able to focus on her coursework.
Similar to Dawn Rochelle, Ellen first attended RCC in the early 1990s. After seven
semesters, and several breaks in between, Ellen earned a certificate and associate’s degree in
human services. She also had been working full time while taking only one RCC course at a
time. She was currently working on her transfer credits. However, Ellen had a different
perspective on how the two decades it took to earn her degree has influenced her educational
goal of transferring to earn a bachelor’s degree:
My, I was really down on myself, too, [for taking a long time to earn my degree]. But
once I started getting through it, and going to class and knowing that I was going to finish
in December or in April and May, I’m going to be done. So, I just looked at it as a
journey that I needed to go through and where I needed to get to the end of the class. At
times I was disappointed in myself, but not, I wasn’t at the end. At the end it was all
worth it. You know, now I don’t regret anything, but then it was like traumatic, but I got
through it, though.
Ellen explained that earning her associate’s degree, even though it took a long time, gave her the
confidence and increased her momentum toward completion of her transfer requirements:
Then after that [earning an associate’s degree], I was like, ‘I’m, I’m, I really know what
I’m doing now.’ I was like, ‘what do I really want to do now? I did it. I can go anywhere
now. I did the basics, I did the basic stuff. Now where am I going to go?’
Gaining confidence through earning an associate’s degree enabled Ellen to wonder what she
could do next. For Ellen, it was no longer a matter of how long it took for her to complete the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 191
“basic stuff,” but the fact that she did. The accomplishment of earning an associate’s degree
encouraged her to continue her education.
Norma had a more practical perspective on the length of time it took her to achieve her
educational goals:
Well I can understand them [the other participants] saying it takes a long time, because
some classes aren’t offered, like, every semester. Or, you know, you might change your
focus point like I did. Like, at one time I was majoring in business and then I switched
over to human services. And so, you know, I could finish up the business still. I could
have that. But, you know, I chose to go do the human services route. And I don’t know if
that’s what they mean it takes a long time. But I know that’s what took me a while and
why I was up there [at RCC] for a while.
The discovery of self and purpose was described by six of the participants who believed the
length of time in school included the time it took to figure out what they wanted from their
educational journeys. Norma described this perspective by explaining that she did not have a
clear picture initially of what she needed to take to achieve her educational goals and how that
extended the time to achieve her goals:
Not knowing which classes to take toward educational goals is what took me a long
time, too. Because in the beginning I took classes just because I thought they were fun.
You know what I mean? If I want to hurry and finish, then I would have just stayed on
my focus point; select classes that I needed.
But Norma continued, explaining that she needed to go through the process of trying different
courses in order to find the path that was right for her:
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 192
Yeah, I think I took the path that was best for me because in the beginning I realized that
I didn’t want to do business because I’m not really a math person….But [the business
professor] said it’s good to take the human services because you need to know people in
order to work in the business field. And then as I went on more, and more, into the
human services field I felt that that’s the area that I was called to do….And the amount of
time doesn’t really matter to me. Because I know it takes time to learn stuff. You know?
And I know that one day I’ll finish and get there. But, you know, it takes time to learn.
For Norma, the length of time she spent in school was appropriate and met her needs. She did not
feel that same sense of pressure or disappointment that some of the other students felt, rather she
appreciated taking “the time to learn.” In fact, one of the qualities SaddsMah appreciated about
RCC was that she could pursue her educational goals at her own pace, without pressure, as she
described it:
And, um, to finish what I started with no pressure….I think that there could be pressure
coming from counselors saying now you need to do this, this, and this. And there’s not
[the pressure]. It’s like, ok, these are the things you need to do. Let’s see what we can do
to help you get there. Just not, you have A to Z and you’re going to do A to Z. They work
with you. So, that means a lot.
Rather than feeling disappointed about taking her time, SaddsMah felt that the ability to take
classes at her own pace was an important factor in achieving her educational goals.
In a sense, all of these students had some notion about how long one was supposed to
spend at community college and that their own path was taking longer. Tashina, a recent high
school graduate working full time, summed this sentiment up nicely:
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 193
That’s what I thought at first when I was in the process of taking classes. I thought, wow,
it’s taking me a really long time. That’s a good point to bring up. Cuz it kinda does bring
you down a little bit. As long as you’re still doing it, I think that’s what builds you up
again. As long as you’re still doing it and you’re not stopping. I mean I think it doesn’t
matter what age you are and everything. At first it did. It did affect me. I was like where
am I supposed to be in my life? It’s like everything happens for a reason, I believe. And I
think still, just continue on the path. And that’s all that matters toward getting your
educational goals covered. Um, so at first [taking a long time to reach my educational
goals] did [bother me], but not so much anymore. And I’m still in the process of like, of
course I’m still young, but I’m like as long as I get to where I am. As long as I’m happy
with what I’ve accomplished, then I feel like the feeling comes no matter what age I am.
I’ll be totally fine with it as long as I’m able to be where I want it to be.
This tension between the “right” length of time and participants’ actual time earning a certificate,
degree or transfer credits resulted in self-doubt for some of the students. Yet ultimately, as
Tashina described above, most also described their individual path as the path that was best for
them, enabling them to achieve their educational goals.
Consistent with Jackson et al.’s (2003) finding, all of the students experienced a
nonlinear path through college attending other institutions or stopping and returning, or planning
to return, to college, or both. In most cases, this nonlinear path both supported and hindered
achievement of educational goals. Again, Dawn Rochelle’s experience provided a good example
of a nonlinear path both supporting and hindering achievement of educational goals. In addition
to the child development courses she took through RCC in the early 1990s, she enrolled in
classes through another community college that were being offered on the reservation.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 194
Enrollment in those courses impacted her ability to qualify for financial aid later on. She
explained:
I did take, I wonder if that was before, some computer classes. I wonder if that was
through [another community college] before the child development [classes at RCC]. I
went through one of their programs, which probably used up a lot of my credits. So that’s
why I don’t qualify for financial aid anymore. So I did go through those [other courses].
It had to be in between the child development [courses]. Maybe it was before. I can’t
remember; it was so long ago.
By taking a nontraditional pathway, and thus earning “excess” credits, Dawn Rochelle became
ineligible for financial aid before she completed her degree. This had a negative impact on her
educational goals putting pressure on her to find other ways to fund her education later on.
Dawn Rochelle’s experience also highlights other features of the nontraditional pathway:
no initial plan, starting and stopping, and taking one class at a time. Dawn Rochelle enrolled at
RCC because her job required continuing education units in child development courses, but
explained how she ended up earning a degree in human services:
I started taking child development classes. Because I, uh, because of a job. And I wasn’t
doing so well then, um, in those classes. Mainly the child development ones I wasn’t
doing so well in. And then I just continued on taking classes here and there. And I
thought I would go for my human services certificate. And I was working on those
classes and then [another professor’s human services] program came along. And I
completed [the certificate] with those classes from the other certificate that was offered in
human services. And then I decided to go for the degree in human services. So I wasn’t
planning all this stuff. It just kinda happened. And, um, and now I’m trying to work on
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 195
my transfer classes but my life is overwhelming right now. Also, I’m going to stop from,
for a break now right after this class.
In addition to this upcoming break from school, Dawn Rochelle described other times in the past
when she believed she took a number of breaks from school:
Um, but I had, um, my mom pass away in 2006. Or ’07. My dad, 2009. My stepdad,
2010. My sister, 2010. So, like, that time is kinda like all a big blur. So I don’t remember
if I was taking classes in between then or not. I have to look at my schedule.
Dawn Rochelle’s experience highlighted some common features of pathways through
community college that other participants also experienced. Students either enrolled in college
because of work-related reasons or because college was an expectation. After attending, most
found classes that they enjoyed and eventually declared a major. However, work demands—
seven of the 10 participants were working and all but one were working full time—limited
enrollment to one, or two, courses per semester. Some students started college, but then stopped
because they “weren’t ready,” eventually returning once they recognized the value of education.
All of the students in this study described currently being committed to, and working toward,
their educational goals. Nevertheless, major life events resulted in all but one of the students
taking time off from school, in some cases, multiple times. The influence of these factors on
educational goals are presented in greater detail in theme three, student development and growth,
and theme four, external factors.
Dida described a different, but also nonlinear, path through college. She started taking
general education credits at RCC immediately after graduating from high school, but then
decided to leave to attend a baccalaureate degree-granting tribal college because:
When I first started going here in early 2008, 2009, it was kinda weird. I guess when you
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 196
get out of high school you want, like, the whole college experience. And then, uh, I came
here and there was like barely anybody here…. And I think that kinda had, like, an effect
on me. I kinda just wanted to go and experience something different. So that’s when I
decided to go to [the baccalaureate degree-granting tribal college].
After finding out she was pregnant, Dida returned and reenrolled at RCC one class shy of
earning an associate’s degree from the tribal college. She had since completed her first
associate’s degree in liberal arts and her second associate’s degree in human services. At the time
of this study, Dida was currently working on her transfer credits.
Dorothy had a similar experience as Dida, leaving after high school graduation to attend a
baccalaureate degree-granting university. However, for various reasons described in a previous
section, she returned home after a semester and enrolled at RCC. Dorothy had been working on
her associate’s degree in human services, but was now taking a break from school explaining, “I
haven’t finished my degree yet because I had this little guy [her newborn baby].” For Dorothy,
her nonlinear path allowed her to find a school that felt more comfortable—financially and
emotionally, which supported her educational goals. However, her path was again interrupted for
the time being due to a major life event. Despite the interruption, Dorothy planned to enroll next
semester when her son was a bit older.
For Lucy, the birth of her first child changed her educational path by motivating her to go
to college. Lucy’s educational pathway began with a scholarship to a community college when
she was 16, which she did not accept. She explained why she did not accept the scholarship:
…I graduated when I was 16. And I had a scholarship to go to a community college. Um,
but I didn’t take it because you know, my parents didn’t really make it important. They
didn’t show me that it was important. They had a few college courses when they were
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 197
younger, but um, they never completed. So, when I got a scholarship, it was just like, oh,
ok. It didn’t seem like such a big deal to me. Cuz it wasn’t a big deal to them.
At 19, Lucy gave birth to her first child and realized that she needed to earn a degree to provide
for her family. She enrolled in, and completed one semester, at a college in another state where
she was living at the time. Because of the lack of financial support for Native American students
in that state, she transferred to RCC because she had family ties to this area. After a year waiting
to earn resident status, Lucy began taking classed at RCC. When I first interviewed Lucy in
November, she described her educational goals as wanting an associate’s degree in human
services and possibly something beyond:
Um, well you know, I haven’t really [set long term goals]. I wanna keep going to school
and I have gone through the human services [program], um, to get my certificate and I
should have my [associate’s] degree after two classes, but I keep putting math off. Um,
but I, ah, I don’t really know. I would like to be a drug and alcohol counselor. But then I
wanna do other things and so I haven’t really set that goal.
By my second interview with Lucy three months later, she had decided to take a break from
school after this semester, one class shy of her degree, because her first child, now 11 years old,
“is at an age where she really needs her mother right now.” In all three examples, significant life
events, deaths and births, required a change or break in the students’ educational pathway. Other
students also experienced significant, but different, life events which interrupted their
educational path.
Ellen’s experience was similar to Dawn Rochelle’s—she started at RCC eighteen years
ago, but then stopped. As she described it, “then I got divorced and all that and I just forgot about
it [school].” Five years ago Ellen started again at RCC. She explained, “about five years ago, I
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 198
had stuff going on in my life so I had to straighten up.” But even so, Ellen’s re-entry to college
was intermittent. Lack of self-confidence and fear of succeeding caused her to re-enroll and drop
numerous courses before she started enrolling and completing courses more consistently:
And so I went back and I took an English class. And I did good. I got a B and I was, like,
shocked. I was like, “oh, my god, did I really just do that?” You know, I was like, it
scared me to where I stopped. I didn’t go back again for another semester. I was like, I
guess I didn’t have enough self-esteem or something going on. So I went and signed up
for the next level. And then I got scared and I dropped it….And I remember my instructor
going, “just do this class, this next one. You don’t have to take those other ones.”…And
so I did it. I passed that class. I got another B….And then after that, she’s [the instructor
was] all, “well, ok, if you’re gonna take the next one, the next one is the one you need if
you’re going to transfer.” And I thought, oh, my god. One day I’m going to transfer.
For Ellen, low self-confidence interrupted her educational path and negatively impacted her
educational goals. However, as she tried, and successfully completed, one class at a time, she
gained self-confidence and ultimately persisted along her educational path, which supported her
educational goals.
Tashina spoke frankly about how symptoms of depression and searching for a job
interrupted her educational pathway:
I went to [the local] high school and I graduated in 2010. Then right after high school I
went to RCC. I did just general ed[ucation] classes. But then unfortunately I only did a
year because I wasn’t doing very well. But, um, so I kinda took a break….I think I had
symptoms of depression. And I remember after, like when I got my grades back and I
kinda didn’t do so well. I got down [emotionally] and went to therapy about it. That’s
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 199
when I figured out I was kinda lost. I didn’t know what I wanted to do….It kinda turned
into a longer break because I was trying to find a job. But then once I found a job things
kinda got better. Then I, um, attended here again….I completed all of [the courses in my
major]. So, now it’s back to focusing on general ed. Unfortunately, not this semester
[because of work], but next semester, I wanna take them next semester.
Tashina’s educational path was interrupted by depression, searching for a job, and most recently,
work demands. These interruptions had a negative impact on educational goals at the time.
However, these same interruptions may have enabled Tashina to address her symptoms of
depression and find a stable job so that she could be successful in her classes and work toward
her educational goals.
For all participants, a nontraditional educational path both supported and hindered their
educational goals. In many cases, the nontraditional educational path enabled students to explore
different colleges and various classes to find the best fit. Perhaps more importantly, taking breaks
in the their educational path allowed students to focus entirely on major life events—births,
deaths, divorce, depression, finding a job—and then return to school when they were ready to
focus on classes. In this way, the nontraditional path supported educational goals by allowing
students the opportunity to take classes when they were more focused and more likely to be
successful. Nevertheless, with each break a student took from their education was the possibility
of that student not returning to complete their educational goals.
Within the theme, pathways of Native American students through community college, it
was clear that intent to enroll and goal commitment, as found by Tinto (1975, 1987, 1993),
Voorhees (1987), Webb (1989) and Bers and Smith (1991), were factors that the Native
American community college students in this study described as defining their experience at
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RCC and as supporting their educational goals. Part of the goal commitment for many of the
participants was finding and selecting a major course of study that they felt was a “good match.”
Once they were committed to a particular major, some students experienced a feeling of
accelerated momentum towards their educational goals. Nevertheless, consistent with the
findings of Jackson et al. (2003) and Lowe (2005), all of the participants in this study
experienced a protracted and nonlinear educational path (see Table 4.3). Further, the protracted
and nonlinear paths served to both support and hinder their educational goals.
Table 4.3
Native American Community College Student Pathways to Educational Goals
Student Pathway to Educational Goals
Dawn
Rochelle
Dawn Rochelle first began taking general education college courses in the late
1980s—about five years after graduating from high school—through another
community college that was offering courses at the Tribal Ed Center. She did
not do well in those courses. In the early 1990s, she enrolled in courses at RCC
because her employer required her to complete continuing education units in
Child Development. She did not do well in those courses either. But she did
take a Human Services course and did better in that course. She continued on
taking one course at a time toward a certificate in Human Services. However
due to family illnesses and death and other major life challenges, she
periodically took a semester or a few years off from school. During this period,
the program changed, but she eventually completed the certificate, and an
associate degree in Human Services. She is now working toward completing
her transfer requirements to pursue a bachelor’s degree in Psychology or Social
Work.
Dida Dida began taking general education courses at RCC after graduating from
high school in 2008. She was disappointed by the lack of activities and campus
atmosphere and transferred to an associate-degree granting tribal college. After
finding out she was pregnant, one semester short of completing an associate
degree, Dida returned home and enrolled at RCC. She graduated in 2015 with
two associate degrees—one in liberal arts and another in human services. She
is now working on completing her transfer requirements and plans to possibly
transfer to a baccalaureate degree-granting institution to earn a bachelor’s
degree in Psychology or Social Work.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 201
Dorothy Dorothy attended a prestigious state university immediately after graduating
from high school. She attended for one semester then returned home and
enrolled at RCC. She left the state university because her financial aid did not
cover all of her costs and she was concerned about incurring debt. She also felt
isolated from other Native Americans and homesick for her tribal community
and hometown. Additionally, Dorothy expressed a lack of knowledge or
understanding of Native American history among faculty at the state
university. Dorothy took a semester off when she found out she was pregnant.
She planned to return after her baby was born, but he was born with significant
medical issues. Dorothy plans to return to RCC next semester taking one or
two courses at a time in order to complete an associate degree in Human
Services. She then plans to complete transfer requirements in order to transfer
to a baccalaureate degree-granting institution to earn a bachelor’s degree in
Social Work.
Ellen Ellen first started taking courses at RCC about 18 years ago when she was in
her early 30s. For many years, Ellen would take courses, drop courses, and
take semesters off. Although her husband was not supportive of her pursuing
an education, after she divorced, she forgot all about college. Friends and
family encouraged her to go back and about five years ago she returned and
earned her associate degree in Human Services. She is considering completing
transfer requirements to transfer to a baccalaureate degree-granting institution
to earn a bachelor’s degree in Social Work.
Joseph Twenty years after graduating from high school, Joseph decided to go to
college because of a “dead end” job and to help him in his role on tribal
council. He began taking online courses and then started taking courses on the
RCC campus. He earned a certificate and an associate degree in business.
Joseph is now working toward completing transfer requirements. He is
considering possibly transferring to a baccalaureate degree-granting institution
to earn a bachelor’s degree in business.
Lucy About ten years after graduating from high school at the age of 16, and after
having her first child, Lucy realized that going to college would help her better
support her family. She was living in another state and started taking courses at
a state university in that state. She had family ties to this community and knew
that there was significant financial support for Native Americans attending
college at in this state and in this community. She decided to move to this
town, but had to wait a year to establish residency. Lucy has five children and
works full-time. Thus, she has been taking one course at a time over the past
several semesters and has earned her certificate in Human Services. During the
first interview, she spoke of continuing her education as far as it would take
her. However, a few months later during the second interview, she said that she
was planning to take some time off school so that she could spend time with
her oldest daughter who “really needs her mother right now.” She expressed
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 202
interest in eventually earning her degree in Human Services and transferring to
earn a bachelor’s degree.
Norma Norma enrolled at RCC over a decade after graduating from high school. She
had been struggling with addiction and after becoming sober, she felt that she
needed to “do something with her life.” She enrolled at RCC and began
pursuing a certificate in Business. However, after taking a Human Services
course, she realized that Human Services was what she was meant to do.
Norma earned a certificate in Human Services. She is currently taking time off
to focus on raising her niece who is now a senior in high school. Norma plans
to earn an associate degree in Human Services. She is considering eventually
completing transfer requirements and earning a bachelor’s degree in
Psychology or Human Services.
Quwma Quwma attended another community college a few years after high school, but
he felt that the classes were too large and the campus too impersonal and
eventually left. Quwma was incarcerated, which interrupted his college path,
but during that time he read voraciously and believed that one day he would
return to college. He later had a successful career as a hot shot fire fighter, but
realized that such a physical career was taking a toll on his body. He decided to
enroll at RCC full time. He is working toward completing and associate
degree. Quwma plans to complete transfer requirements and eventually earn a
bachelor’s degree. He is currently undecided about his major.
SaddsMah SaddsMah began taking college courses for the first time about four years ago
when she was in her late 40s. She was planning on attending a tribal college
immediately after graduating from high school, but met her romantic partner
on the way to the college, did not attend classes, and returned to this town.
SaddsMah has spent the past three decades working, raising her children and
now grandchildren. However, she realized that although she has significant
work experience, she needed education credentials to continue to be considered
for promotions. She has earned her certificate in Human Services by taking one
course at a time over the past four years. She plans to complete an associate
degree in Human Services and she is considering continuing on to earn a
bachelor’s degree eventually.
Tashina Tashina graduated high school in 2010 and immediately enrolled in general
education courses at RCC. She completed one year, but did not do very well
because she was suffering from symptoms of depression. She took a break to
address her symptoms and to find a job. She eventually returned to RCC and
enrolled in Human Services courses, which she really enjoyed. She decided to
pursue a degree in Human Services. Tashina plans to complete a certificate in
Human Services—she has completed her coursework, but needs to complete
her internship hours. She then plans to complete an associate degree in Human
Services, her transfer requirements, and eventually a bachelor’s degree.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 203
Theme 2. Community College Factors
The second theme that emerged from the data was that students’ experiences and
interactions at the community college, RCC, were generally positive and supported their
educational goals (261 positive mentions compared to 94 negative mentions). Further, students
described their experiences at RCC as influenced by five factors: interactions with faculty,
interactions with RCC’s physical environment and atmosphere, interactions with other students
at RCC, the services and programs offered at RCC, and interactions with RCC staff. The factor
that students cited as having the most influence, both positive and negative, on their educational
goals was interactions with faculty. Students discussed the influence of faculty on their
educational goals (156 times) nearly as often as the influence of the college environment (98
times) and interactions with other students (62 times) combined. Although students discussed
RCC services and programs (50 times) and interactions with staff (29 times) as aspects of their
experiences at RCC and influences on their educational goals, they mentioned these factors
combined less than either interactions with faculty or the college environment and only slightly
more than interactions with other students. This theme, community college factors, included
student experiences at RCC once they chose to attend RCC and throughout their path at RCC.
Additionally, this theme explored how those experiences supported or hindered achievement of
students’ educational goals. In this section, I present the findings within the theme, community
college factors, which emerged from the data. The following five findings were related to the
five factors—interactions with faculty, campus environment, interactions with students, campus
services and programs, and staff interactions—that students identified as influencing their
experiences at RCC.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 204
In general, all 10 participants had positive overall experiences and interactions at RCC.
The overall experience was described by several students as, “a really great experience.” Other
students said that the experience made them “feel really good.” When asked what more RCC
could do to improve students’ experiences, Tashina replied, “Hmm, I think I’m pretty ok with
how everything has been going [at RCC]. I mean I’ve had a good experience here. I don’t think
there was much more [that would be needed to improve experiences].” Yet despite a generally
positive experience, all participants had specific examples of not only supportive interactions,
but interactions that hindered their educational goals.
The first finding was that all students cited support from, and acknowledgement by,
faculty members as one of the primary factors supporting achievement of their educational goals.
Conversely, when faculty support and acknowledgement were absent, students disengaged from
the classroom experience, which negatively influenced achievement of their educational goals.
Some students also cited curriculum and instruction (the content, how the content was delivered,
and the perceived motivation of faculty members) as faculty interaction factors within the
community college context influencing their educational goals. Regardless of whether faculty
interactions were positive or negative, within the community college factors theme students cited
factors related to faculty interactions more frequently than any other factor as defining their
community college experience and influential in achieving their educational goals.
The second finding was that the college environment, both the physical space and the
atmosphere, mattered to students in the achievement of educational goals. The campus
environment influenced their educational experience and goals in a number of ways including,
the atmosphere on campus (welcoming and quiet), the physical attributes of campus (small
campus size), campus activities (or lack thereof), location of the campus (close proximity to the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 205
community), and classroom environment (small classrooms and class sizes). Overall, students
described the influence of the campus environment on their experience and educational goals as
positive (66 times) over four times more than they described the influence as negative (16 times).
Campus environment was the second most frequently mentioned factor within the theme,
community college factors, after interactions with faculty.
The third finding was that interactions with other students on campus influenced
educational goals. All 10 participants in the study described interactions with other students as a
factor in shaping their educational experience and influencing their educational goals. All 10
participants cited interactions with students at RCC that positively influenced their educational
goals. The positive influence of interactions with other students (45 times) was mentioned nearly
three times more than the negative (or neutral) influence of interactions with other students (16
times). Positive interactions with students included, participating in a study group, being a
student worker, hanging out on campus, exchanging contact information in class, recognizing
classmates from high school, meeting new people, asking for assistance from other students,
providing assistance to other students, and being recognized by other students. Only three
students described negative or lack of interactions with other students at RCC. Those interactions
were often initial experiences with other students and related to participants not feeling as though
they connected or fit in with other students at RCC. Yet all three of those students described
subsequent interactions with other students that were positive—often as they became more
connected to and felt more comfortable with other students—and supported their educational
goals.
The fourth finding was that services and programs offered at RCC had an influence on
achievement of educational goals. All 10 participants described positive interactions with
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 206
campus services and programs, while only five described negative interactions. Supporting their
educational pathway (knowing which classes were needed to fulfill certificate, degree, or transfer
requirements) was the one factor under campus services and programs that was mentioned by all
10 participants. Supporting their educational pathway was also mentioned the most frequently,
nearly twice as often as tutoring (which was mentioned by four participants) and course offerings
(which was mentioned by three participants). Educational pathways, tutoring, and course
offerings were described by participants as having an influence on their educational goals.
The fifth finding was that interactions with staff, mentioned by nine participants,
influenced educational goals. Although examples of interactions with staff were limited,
participants described staff as friendly, helpful, and supportive. Staff interactions had some
influence in shaping student experiences at RCC, but were not nearly as significant as
interactions with faculty and students or even the campus environment, programs, and services.
All five of the findings within the theme, community college factors, were generally
consistent with some of the key concepts of integration (Tinto, 1975, 1987, 1993), involvement
(Astin, 1984), and engagement (Kuh, 2001, 2003) theories, which focused on students’
experiences and interactions with the college faculty and staff, the college environment,
programs and services, and interactions with other students as factors supporting persistence (and
ultimately achievement of educational goals). Tinto (1975, 1987, 1993) argued that in order to
avoid departure, students must integrate into academic and social systems within the school.
Similarly, Astin (1984) believed that involvement in academic and social systems would provide
an explanation for student experiences leading to persistence (Wolf-Wendel et al., 2009). Among
factors Astin (1984) outlined that contributed to student involvement, were student-faculty
interaction and academic involvement. Further, Kuh (2001, 2003) described one of the
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components of engagement as the more practice and feedback students received, the more
competent they became. In general, this study’s findings, within the community college factors
theme, were consistent with some of the core concepts of persistence theories.
This study’s Native American student participants did not have different experiences with
research participants represented in the literature. For example, the first finding (faculty
interactions) and third finding (student interactions) within the community college factors theme
aligned with findings from Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1980) study testing integration theory
(Tinto, 1975, 1987, 1993). Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1980) study results showed that among
other factors, peer-group interactions, interactions with faculty, and faculty concern for student
development and teaching, had strong predictive value in identifying persisters. Consistent with
Pascarella and Terenzini’s (1980) findings, this study’s participants described factors such as
positive interactions with faculty, perceiving faculty as being motivated by teaching, rather than
money, and feeling connected to and recognized by classmates as supporting their educational
goals. These types of faculty and student interactions were also identified as having a positive
influence on student persistence and success in numerous other studies (Barbatis, 2010; Halpin,
1990; McClenney, 2007; McClenney & Marti, 2006; Sorey & Duggan, 2008). Studies focused
on persistence for community college students as well as Native American college students also
highlighted the role of faculty such as faculty validation, faculty caring, and faculty knowing
students, as an important factor for student persistence and success (Barnett, 2011; Bensimon,
2007; Jackson & Smith, 2001; Jackson et al., 2003; Reyner & Dodd, 1995).
The findings within the theme, community college factors, helped to answer the research
questions. They reported the experiences of Native American community college students once
they enrolled at RCC. The findings also addressed how Native American students in this study
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experienced RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered their educational goals. In
the remainder of this section, I examine and describe each of the five findings related to the
second theme, community college factors, and how the findings addressed the research
questions.
Interactions with Faculty
In general, all participants described the faculty at RCC in positive terms. For example,
Lucy described the faculty as “really good,” Tashina said that they were “really great,” and
Norma called RCC faculty, “very helpful.” Dida underscored the importance of having a positive
perception of faculty on persistence and thus, educational goals:
I think the teachers are really great…. I think [having great teachers] makes you feel like
you want to be here [at RCC]. And that’s important, for you to feel like you belong at
school in order to keep continuing to being there.
Nevertheless, some of the students spoke of experiences with individual faculty that were
negative and hindered progress toward educational goals. In this section, I describe the types of
interactions with faculty and the factors that resulted in positive interactions, as well as negative
interactions. Additionally, I describe how those positive and negative interactions supported or
hindered educational goals.
The first finding that emerged from the data relating to community college factors was
that interactions with faculty was cited as the single most important community college factor in
shaping student experiences at the community college and influencing achievement of their
educational goals. The students in this study, when describing their experiences at RCC,
discussed faculty interactions (156 times) nearly as often as the campus environment (98 times)
and interactions with other students (62 times) combined. Further, positive interactions with
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faculty (96 times) were mentioned more than twice negative interactions with faculty (44 times).
Students believed that interactions with faculty, whether positive or negative influenced
achievement of their educational goals.
Examples of interactions with faculty that students described as supportive, included:
creating a friendly, open-minded, and guiding classroom atmosphere; pushing, encouraging, and
challenging students; being available, responsive, and flexible in addressing student needs;
acknowledging students; and implementing useful instruction-, and curriculum-related strategies
and techniques. In examples where these behaviors existed, students felt that faculty interactions
supported achievement of their educational goals. In faculty interactions where these behaviors
did not exist, students described faculty as unsupportive and the experiences resulted in students
disengaging from the classroom environment hindering their educational goals.
Creating a friendly, open-minded, and guiding classroom atmosphere. When asked
about their interactions with faculty, students often described how faculty established the
classroom atmosphere. Students felt that by creating a supportive atmosphere, faculty
interactions supported achievement of educational goals. As Dorothy explained, she “felt more
comfortable [coming] here [to RCC]” and “more excited about school” when the classroom
environment was “positive” and “supportive.” In other words, a positive (friendly) and
supportive (open-minded and guiding) atmosphere encouraged Dorothy to persist and engage in
the classroom, which supported achievement of her educational goals.
SaddsMah described how her experience with a friendly classroom atmosphere supported
her educational goals when instructors teaching remotely via interactive television [iTV] visited
RCC in person:
And when the teachers, um, are able to come to our place here to teach, they’re like
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excited to meet, to actually meet, all of the students that are here on this campus. So that
just makes it that much better. It just makes you feel good. It gives you that motivation,
and that, you know. And I’ve never felt, it’s never felt phony to me. It’s always felt very
genuine, sincere. And for me that’s a big thing.
For SaddsMah, feeling the genuine friendliness from the instructor created an atmosphere that
motivated her to engage in the course and continue working toward her educational goals.
However, by creating an unfriendly classroom atmosphere, faculty hindered achievement
of students’ educational goals. Dida summarized this point clearly:
I think, I don’t think it’s just like getting good grades and like studying and stuff. Like it
[getting good grades and studying] is [important], but the environment has a lot to do
with whether you succeed. I mean if a teacher is going to not be so friendly to you, it’s
going to make you feel like maybe you don’t belong there. That’s, I would feel like it
would have a negative effect on how my performance was doing.
Quwma described in more detail his reaction when faculty created an unfriendly classroom
atmosphere:
Um, I don’t know, when I went into a couple of classes, some teachers are more greeting
than others. Some, you kind of get a mixed feeling like they almost look at you like what
are you doing here. You know, “you’re too old to be here.” Or, you know, “I don’t really
care cuz I’m not here for anybody else.” You know? But that does put a barrier between
me and some of the teachers. If I feel like, you know, [the faculty are] not really there
[for me], then I’m not gonna approach them. I’ll go somewhere else [for instruction]….
You know, even when I go to class, let’s say I don’t feel comfortable in that class. I’ll
pretty much just, I’m almost just skating through it to get through it. Yeah.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 211
For students such as Dida and Quwma, an unfriendly classroom atmosphere made them feel
unwelcome and thus less likely to engage. Though Quwma suggested that he might withdraw
from a class with an unfriendly atmosphere—or at least just skate through the class, he
confirmed that he would react in an opposite manner in a classroom where the faculty was
friendly and welcoming, becoming more engaged.
Tashina confirmed the experiences of Dorothy, SaddsMah, and Quwma by explaining
how one particular faculty that “stood out” to her created a friendly classroom atmosphere:
The environment she places, or um, she would make it always be like when we would
come into class she would be, like, kinda pick up on, “oh, how’s [Tashina] doing today?”
Like paying you special attention or something like that.
But Tashina also suggested that by making “the environment more, like, open-minded and
[where students were] able to talk about [their own ideas],” the faculty created a supportive
atmosphere that was more than friendly; it was also open-minded. As a result of both of these
qualities, Tashina felt that the classroom atmosphere made her “comfortable” and more likely to
engage.
Lucy, on the other hand, experienced a classroom that did not have such an open-minded
atmosphere. Lucy explained how she reacted in response to that classroom atmosphere:
I think I try to stay a little more quiet about my personal opinion. Um, and not put it out
there. So, it’s just my opinion. I don’t have to share it with anybody. And then it just
kinda makes things easier. It just makes it a smoother class. Cuz you’re not disagreeing
with anything. You’re just going with the flow of the motion, I guess.
Although Lucy stated that, “[keeping her opinions to herself] hasn’t really impacted [her],” by
“just going with the flow” Lucy was not fully engaging in the classroom experience. In other
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words, a classroom without an open-minded atmosphere may have negatively influenced her
educational goals by limiting her classroom engagement.
On the other hand, Lucy described how one faculty was “amazing” because she created a
“guiding” classroom atmosphere. Lucy felt that by guiding students through not only the course
material, but also the degree program requirements, the faculty created an atmosphere that
supported her educational goals. Such a guiding atmosphere helped students understand the role
of the course content and the program requirements in achieving their educational goals.
Understanding such a linkage helped keep students engaged and committed to their goals.
Yet the converse was also true. In the absence of a guiding atmosphere, students were
less likely to engage. Dawn Rochelle described this phenomenon:
Just the [particular] class might have been, I feel like sometimes we wouldn’t really go
over, we would get off the subject a little bit. I would have to leave work to go [to class].
So I would be, like, I wanna be here learning. Maybe it would have been better one-on-
one learning for me at that time because I needed more, more guidance with those
classes. We would get off subject. I’d be, like, my time in class, we didn’t really go over
anything.
Dawn Rochelle explained how she reacted to the lack of guidance from the faculty:
Um, [I] just [felt] that maybe I should do it [the class] online and do it [the coursework]
on my own. I did do that [take the course online], too. And I don’t know if it really
helped that much. Maybe just time-wise. I mean I may have learned something that day,
but not as much as I wanted to because I was struggling with [that subject]. It was tough.
I was, I thought about dropping that class, too.
Thus, for Lucy, a guiding classroom atmosphere encouraged her to engage in the class and
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supported her educational goals. For Dawn Rochelle, a classroom that lacked a guiding
atmosphere led her to consider dropping the class, thus hindering her educational goals.
Seventy percent of the participants specifically described one of the ways in which
faculty interactions were either supportive or unsupportive was though creating a supportive
(friendly, open-minded, guiding) or unsupportive (unfriendly, closed-minded, lack of guidance),
respectively, classroom atmosphere. In each example, a supportive classroom atmosphere
supported achievement of educational goals through increased engagement and an unsupportive
classroom atmosphere hindered achievement of educational goals by causing students to
disengage.
Pushing, encouraging, and challenging students. Another type of faculty interaction
that resulted in supportive experiences and positively influenced achievement of educational
goals was when faculty pushed, encouraged, and challenged students. Dorothy commented that
the faculty pushed her, “I felt like the teachers, especially the human services teacher, she was
great. She pushed us and gave us extra support,” and that being “pushed” “really encouraged
[her] to pursue human services,” thus, supporting educational goals. Dorothy explained further:
[Being pushed] makes me feel good. Makes me feel like I’m learning something. I do
feel like they push you a lot. You know my English teacher, she was really like, you can
do better, you can do better. And I was like, “ok.” Um, definitely made me ah, wanna do
better. Cuz I’m kinda like a people pleaser. So, you know. If I kinda get a lower grade,
I’m kinda like pushing myself like, “oh, I could of done a lot better.” So it kinda pushes
me a little bit more.
Dorothy described being “pushed” by the faculty, but also receiving “extra support,” which
combined “made her feel like she was learning something.” In other words, challenge plus
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support resulted in self-confidence, which also enabled Dorothy to push and motivate herself.
While Dorothy experienced faculty “pushing” her, other students described being “challenged”
by them.
Tashina and Dida experienced being challenged, rather than pushed by the faculty.
Whereas being pushed was described as the faculty saying, “you can do better,” being challenged
was experienced as being faced with a large volume of work and having to meet high standards
in completing that work. Tashina explained:
My English teacher, I remember she kinda challenged me too. I think I remember I was
kinda nervous in her class because there was just a lot of reading and everything and
trying to keep up with it. Um, luckily it seemed like she actually paid attention to us and
making sure we were reading and it was really like, “if you have any questions, [ask
me].”
For Dida, being challenged was a result of having to meet a high standard in completing her
work:
Like, with [one particular faculty], even though he was a very hard teacher, because you
had to show all of your steps and everything. If you didn’t show one step then you would
get minus a point. So that made it kinda difficult. But I think it just helped me in the long
run. Like you don’t think about it. And maybe when you’re really young, you’re just like,
oh, this teacher’s hard. And you just want to give up. I don’t know, as time went on I was
just so appreciative of, um, him showing us how to do all the mathematical steps. Step-
by-step and it really helped. More than hindered anything.
Similar to Dorothy, both Tashina and Dida experienced being challenged, while at the same time
being supported. The faculty who challenged them had systems to ensure that students were
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keeping up with the work along the way. In both examples, the students cited these types of
faculty interactions as supporting their educational goals because it ensured that they were
challenged but also had a “safety net” to ensure they were able to learn and master the course
material.
When asked how faculty interactions supported their educational goals, Ellen and
SaddsMah described faculty interactions that were encouraging, rather than pushing or
challenging. The encouragement was described as being gentler than the push described by
Dorothy or the challenge described by Tashina and Dida. Unlike the three examples above,
encouragement was described as a component of support rather than a factor separate from
support. Thus, Ellen and SaddsMah did not talk about experiencing encouragement in addition to
support. Rather, the two factors were intertwined. Ellen explained:
I liked it [an encouraging faculty interaction]. Somebody [the faculty] recognized me out
of, you know, this whole roomful of people. Someone said, “hey, you, you need to take
this class.” I don’t know. I just remember she was just like, “[Ellen],” she’s like, “don’t
stop.” It was outside of class. Um, just that, it just reinforced me, cuz I was just like, oh,
man. Just, I didn’t know what I was doing at the beginning. Just those words were just
enough to say you’re worth it. Give yourself a chance. You’ve got something, you’ve just
got to keep doing it, you know? But just those encouragements, that was a lot. That was a
lot. And I just did it. And at the end she was like, “you did it!” And I was like, “I know!”
[The faculty said], “you should do the transfer one [course].” [I thought], “Why not? Just
do it! Just finish it.” So.
For Ellen, words of encouragement from faculty were enough to give her the confidence that she
could take more challenging (transfer) courses. Feeling that someone reached out to her
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individually from an entire class made her feel special. These factors moved Ellen closer to her
educational goals by motivating her and giving her the courage to enroll in transfer courses.
Similarly, SaddsMah described faculty interactions that supported her educational goals as
supportive and encouraging:
Mmm, let me see. I think that for me, personally, just the moral support. The moral
support that I get from my instructor, um, has meant a lot. I guess that’s what I like so
much about, um, this setting because the instructors are so personable. I have not had an
instructor that was not that way. And so for me that means a lot when you have an
instructor that is supportive, you know, encouraging. And they don’t baby you, but
they’re not, I guess I had this pre-conceived notion of how college teachers would be.
That they’re just going to be strict and rigid. You know, unforgiving. But they’re not that
way. The teachers I’ve had. Um, just that when you’re in class, they, they’re never, just if
you’re gone, you miss class, they’re never, “where were you?” It’s, “oh, you’re in class
today; we’re glad you could make it!” Or, “good to see you.”
For both Ellen and SaddsMah, the encouragement and moral support were critical for building
their self-confidence (“don’t stop”), but also for not eroding that self-confidence when they fell
short (by missing classes). Ellen and SaddsMah credited this type of encouraging faculty
interaction for supporting achievement of their educational goals.
Quwma’s description of a faculty interaction that supported his educational goals
encompassed all three qualities: pushing, challenging, and encouraging:
I dropped [this faculty’s] class with a C and she got mad at me. I started, uh, I didn’t
know she had all those journals [we had to write]. And uh, Moodle [the online course
management system that we had to log into]. I didn’t even go into Moodle. She asked for
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 217
all my journals. I was like, “what?” And so it really dropped my grade bad. And I was
like skating with a C. Then I was like you know, forget it. I’m just going to [withdraw
and] take it next semester or next year. I was like I don’t want a C in it….So then I saw
her out [in town] and she balled me out, “you could have done better. Your problem is
you don’t have confidence in yourself. You write very well.” And I just started laughing
at myself. And I was like, “yes, yes, I’ll be there next semester. And me and my sister
might be in the same class together”….She cracks me up. She’s really nice.
For Quwma and the other five students who identified pushing, challenging, and encouraging
interactions with faculty as an important factor in achieving their educational goals, these
interactions were coupled with support. Students valued the “nudges” from their faculty, whether
in the form of pushing, challenging or encouraging, as long as those “nudges” were delivered
supportively. Further, students believed that these “nudges” helped move them toward
achievement of their educational goals by giving them confidence, and motivating them to
continue on with coursework.
Being available, responsive, and flexible in addressing student needs. Another way in
which faculty interactions were either supportive or unsupportive was whether or not faculty
were available, responsive, and flexible in addressing student needs. Norma described RCC
faculty as being available, “here [at RCC] the teachers have more time. You can have
conversations with them. And, you know, they’re there to listen and learn from [us].” Norma
also appreciated the availability and responsiveness of faculty explaining, “and if you have
trouble on something, they’re going to help you. A phone call, you can call them, email them.
You know? And that’s what I really like.” SaddsMah described the flexibility of faculty in
accommodating student needs:
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 218
Um, when I was working further up in [another county], um, my instructor from the iTV
class, I asked her if I could go to class [at the other campus]. And she said, “as long as
you make it to class, I don’t care where you’re at. I just want you in class.” So that was
really nice.
Half of the participants specifically mentioned the importance of faculty being available,
responsive, and flexible on their experience at RCC and in supporting or hindering their
educational goals. Dawn Rochelle’s experience highlighted faculty being available, responsive,
and flexible:
I can message her and tell her what is going on in my life. Like I have so many stress
issues going on in my life. So, I message her and say this and that’s going on. And I feel
like it’s every week. And I don’t want to be one of those students who is being, like,
always an excuse. That’s what I feel like. But I’ll say there’s something going on. I’m
trying to get my paper in. Trying to get my assignment in. And she’ll usually work with
me. Saying, you know, turn it in the next day or something. So that’s been helpful.
For Dawn Rochelle, feeling as though the faculty were available and responsive to her text
messages was reassuring. When faculty were also flexible in recognizing and accommodating
other demands in Dawn Rochelle’s life, it helped her eventually meet course requirements and
complete courses. Dida had similar experiences with one of her faculty members:
I really liked her as a teacher. Um, she was always just so supportive. And if you ever
needed her like after hours, after class, you could come and see her, like, after class. Or
email her anytime. Or she even was one of my references for my job. Yeah. Well, like if
you just told her, “can I talk to you after class,” like, yeah, [she’d stay on the iTV]. I think
it made me feel that she was very supportive of me. It made me, like, I don’t know. It was
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 219
just another person on your cheering team. And I think that really helped a lot. I really
like that about teachers.
For Norma, SaddsMah, Dawn Rochelle, and Dida, faculty interactions that demonstrated faculty
availability, responsiveness, and flexibility, resulted in an experience that felt supportive—
knowing that faculty were available to just talk and listen, help if students had trouble, or offer
moral support by being “another person on [their] cheering team.” In addition, that supportive
experience supported educational goals, by allowing students flexibility—changing class
meeting locations, extending due dates—in completing course requirements.
Quwma had an opposite experience in which he found the faculty to be unresponsive. He
explained, “cuz I remember one time I asked a question in class. And he was all, you know,
‘we’ll talk about that next week.’ But that stuff was due [this] week.” And I was like, ‘oh well.’”
Quwma described his reaction to the faculty member’s unresponsiveness:
That was the last question that I asked. That whole semester. I was like, “you know what?
Forget it. I don’t care.” So I [completed the class] with a C cuz I never got no help and I
never asked for it.
Quwma’s example showed that when faculty interactions demonstrated that faculty members
were unavailable, unresponsive, or inflexible, it resulted in an experience that felt unsupportive.
Further, that unsupportive experience hindered educational goals by causing Quwma to stop
asking questions and earn a lower grade than he believed he could have earned with help from
faculty. Thus, as described by Norma, SaddsMah, Dawn Rochelle, and Dida, faculty interactions
characterized by availability, responsiveness, and flexibility supported achievement of
educational goals. For Quwma, the opposite type of faculty interactions hindered achievement of
educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 220
Acknowledging students. Half of the students in the study stated that when faculty
acknowledged them, they felt valued and more tied to RCC. Stronger self-worth and connection
to the college in turn motivated students to commit to their educational goals. For some students,
being acknowledged was as simple as having faculty remember them from previous classes or
recognize them outside of the college context. Dawn Rochelle recalled, “I did take an, um, class
with [one particular faculty], too. She remembers me from back when I was taking classes [in the
1990s]. And she was like, ‘are you still taking classes?’” Dawn Rochelle felt that that this type of
acknowledgement made her more connected to RCC; it made her feel like she belonged. Dida
had a similar experience, explaining that “when [faculty] can be very personal, and when they
remember you,” faculty interactions supported her educational goals. Dida described one
experience, “uh, there was a time when I had stopped taking human services classes from her [a
faculty member]. And when I came back it was really nice that she remembered who I was. And
she was asking how I was.” Dida explained that feeling welcome made her want to go to class
and reinforced her commitment to pursuing a degree in human services. Dorothy had similar
experiences, but she was even more impressed that being acknowledged also occurred off
campus:
Yeah, I’ll see [faculty] at like [the grocery store] or something. They’re pretty friendly.
And they’re always like, “hi, how are you?” I’m surprised they know my name. They
have so many students all of the time. It made me feel good, because I’m just like the
quiet one sitting there, you know? Yeah. Definitely, I think it makes me feel more
comfortable to come here [to RCC].
In addition to feeling comfortable, welcome, and connected when faculty acknowledged them,
students also felt as though they were noticed and that their faculty were paying attention to
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 221
them. The acknowledgement made them feel that they were important and that their educational
goals were important. Thus, the acknowledgement provided students motivation to continue
pursuing their educational goals.
Norma also experienced feeling welcome when faculty recognized her outside of RCC:
“Uh, I’d see [faculty] at places and they’d talk, um, good…like we were friends, like they were
happy to see me.…Even out in the community, you know what I mean? And it was just really
good.” But, Norma also experienced a different type of acknowledgement from faculty, which
also had an influence on her educational goals.
There’s so many teachers that I had a good time, a good experience with because, ah,
they always you know called out to me in class, you know….The way they would use me
as an example. I don’t know, for some reason they would always compliment me. You
know? Use me as an example for the students and you know, always call on me.
For Norma, this type of recognition and acknowledgement in the academic context was very
important for her self-confidence and increased momentum toward her educational goals.
Quwma described a similar experience:
[One particular faculty] liked me in his class because I was one of the people that, you
know, just getting kids to talk out in class is hard to do. But I’m not a kid. When he’d ask
something, I’d look around and would let somebody do it first. And then I’m like giving
him the answer. And he’d be like, “ok, ok.” I think he really liked me in his class. I really
liked his class. I was kind of bummed that he said he wasn’t teaching the higher classes.
Through acknowledgement in the classroom, Quwma had built a rapport with his faculty in the
academic context. The feeling of competence that stemmed from this interaction encouraged
Quwma to keep pursuing higher levels in this discipline; he looked forward to working with this
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 222
faculty and continuing to grow with him.
However, Joseph had a more nuanced experience with faculty acknowledgement. For
him, he appreciated being acknowledged by faculty, but also experienced faculty dismissing his
ideas after acknowledging them. Joseph explained:
Everything I’ve ever said in class, [faculty] would always be like, “yeah, ok, that’s one
way to look at it.” You know, it’s never been a negative experience. Where they’ve [the
faculty have] always said, “ok” and then gone off in another direction. At least I get
acknowledged, but sometimes that’s, it’s sometimes [the faculty], sometimes they
acknowledge and then they kinda go off in a different direction, they still kind of, it
makes me think more of different things. Maybe I was wrong, maybe I wasn’t.
Joseph was unclear about how these experiences influenced his educational goals. On the one
hand, he felt heard and appreciated being acknowledged. On the other hand he was disappointed
that his ideas were dismissed so quickly. Regardless, Joseph believed that whether or not he was
wrong, being introduced to new ideas was beneficial. From his perspective, opening his mind to
different perspectives was a primary function of education.
For five of the students in the study, being acknowledged by faculty was an important
interaction that supported students in achievement of their educational goals. For Joseph, being
acknowledged was important, but whether or not acknowledgement alone supported his
educational goals was unclear.
Implementing useful instruction-, and curriculum-, related strategies and
techniques. Four participants in this study mentioned a number of other interactions with faculty
that did not fit neatly into the other kinds of supportive interactions discussed above (creating a
supportive environment; pushing, challenging, and encouraging; being available, responsive, and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 223
flexible; or acknowledging students). These faculty interactions were loosely related to
instruction and curriculum strategies and techniques including, faculty motivation for teaching,
ways in which faculty delivered and framed curriculum, and the gap between grades and
knowledge. Some of these interactions were discussed by only one or two of the participants.
Nevertheless, my intent was to present student experiences whether common to all participants in
the study, unique to only one or two students, or somewhere in between.
A couple of students described negative (unsupportive) interactions with faculty that
hindered their educational goals. These students described having the sense that the faculty
members were only teaching in order to receive a paycheck. In contrast to working with staff at
the Tribal Ed Center who were helpful and whose primary goal was getting “Natives through
school,” Lucy described the sense she had from some RCC faculty, “Um, yeah, here [at RCC]
it’s more a paycheck to some people. It’s different for everyone. Everyone puts out their own
vibes. And some people don’t put out a good, helpful vibe. Yeah.” Quwma shared this sentiment:
You know, but some classes, you know. You just don’t really want to do nothing because
the people that are teaching it don’t really seem like they’re into it. You know, no, they’re
into the subject because they’re teaching the class. You know, but it doesn’t seem like
they’re into teaching, like, the students. Like some people, it just seems like they’re just
collecting a [pay] grade.
Both Lucy and Quwma experienced faculty that were very supportive, but they could also sense
when faculty were simply “going through the motions.” Having the sense that faculty were there
just for the paycheck was discouraging for these students and resulted in them disengaging from
the classroom experience, which negatively influenced achievement of their educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 224
At the same time, students experienced faculty who were teaching because they wanted
to share their expertise with students and help students grow. Such faculty often went above and
beyond to create opportunities to learn. These experiences were particularly meaningful for
students. Quwma described such an experience in art class:
I thought it was pretty cool that [the art faculty], she did her, um, what is it? The Raku
firing at her house [because she has a specialized kiln]. I think that’s really cool because
she opens her house up to students. And she doesn’t know anything about these students,
you know. But she cares enough about her artistic life and she wants to share it with all
her students. She allows all people to go to her house. I was like, “wow that’s pretty
trusting.” Cuz who knows if that kid is a kleptomaniac. Or, who knows, anything.
Quwma explained that experiences where it was obvious that faculty really cared about teaching
students and opened themselves up to students really made him want to try more. These types of
experiences really motivated him to keep pursuing his educational goals. Joseph concurred:
Well, everyone [at RCC] seems to want to make sure we succeed as students here. Make
sure we meet our educational goals…[for example], the help of the teachers who are
willing to look over your paper to make sure it’s in the right direction.
Joseph explained that the sense that everyone at RCC, in particular the faculty, wanted to make
sure students succeed was the main community college factor that supported achievement of his
educational goals. Norma expressed the same sentiment, “like I said, the instructors are really
helpful, um, they want to see you achieve. They want to see you finish.” For two of these four
students, feeling that the faculty were motivated only by money was discouraging, and had a
negative influence on their educational goals. However, all four of these students felt that when
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 225
faculty were motivated to teach in order to help students succeed and achieve their educational
goals, the faculty interactions did indeed support students’ educational goals.
Two other types of faculty interactions were mentioned by students in the study. Norma
described the way in which faculty delivered and framed the curriculum as very important to her
experience at RCC and having an influence on her educational goals. Quwma identified the gap
between grades and knowledge as a type of faculty interaction that hindered his educational
goals.
In terms of describing how curriculum delivery supported her educational goals, Norma
described how the faculty in the human services program encouraged reflection, which enabled
her to really connect with and feel the relevance of the curriculum:
Well, in the human services program we had to go and look at ourselves and our past and
the things we experienced in our life. And, um, especially one teacher, I don’t know if
he’s here anymore.…But he was really good. He had us…he really had us dig deep inside
ourselves.
Norma also explained how her mathematics faculty reframed the curriculum to make it more
accessible for her:
He [the mathematics faculty] told me that it was like a language you have to learn. And
so, you know, it is, too. I was having such a hard time. All those numbers you just don’t
know what to do with it, you know?
In addition, Norma described how her art faculty linked art to individual expression, which for
Norma was very therapeutic, “art classes, I really enjoyed those. I never really knew that it could
be such therapeutic, really good, you know. Yeah, I learned a lot, especially in the water color
painting class. Yeah.” In all three examples, the way that faculty delivered and framed the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 226
curriculum was very important to Norma. It helped her see the relevance of the curriculum to her
personally and helped her find ways of accessing the curriculum. In summary, these types of
faculty interactions supported Norma in achieving her educational goals.
Quwma described how he was frustrated with how grades defined a student’s knowledge.
He explained that he had experienced two types of interactions that resulted in a gap between
grades and knowledge. The first was a result of faculty having different standards for grading:
I guess it’s pretty diverse. You’ve got some [faculty] that are really strict on studying the
material. And they don’t allow you to use notes or anything on tests. Or like or even open
book which is understandable to a point. But then you have these other people who are
like [teaching] the same subject that allows a different class to use all the books. All the
notes. And it’s like whoa, if I took that one [less strict faculty] I probably would have had
a B+ or maybe even an A. But because I got stuck in a class that you know I didn’t know
was like that [more strict], I got a C+. So you know, in a way it’s almost like you’re
gambling where you’re going to go. Which grade you’re going to get. If it’s going to be a
grade higher or a grade lower because of the teacher.
This example demonstrates how faculty with different standards for grading influenced
Quwma’s success toward achieving his educational goals. Another example of how faculty
interactions resulted in a gap between grades and knowledge was Quwma’s experience with not
being able to complete all of the coursework, or complete the coursework as thoroughly as he
would have preferred, during the term of the course due to family obligations. Quwma explained
that knowledge was not static, he continued to learn even after the course ended, but his grade
remained the same and remained the sole measure of his knowledge about a certain topic:
I wish you could pick up your grades a little more. Like instead of going back and taking
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 227
the tests or taking the whole class again. It’s kind of crazy. Like you could take it [the
course] again, but, like, if you can understand the knowledge over a longer period of
time, why should that short term grade affect you [in transferring]? I’m gonna do the
Khan Academy [free online instructional videos] just for the last part of my algebra class,
just so I can get the basics down. All those logarithms and everything. I mean, I can
understand them. But I want to get them down a lot more. I didn’t even sign up for the
next statistics class. I’m going to wait ‘til next year. Because I want to understand it more
for myself. Yeah, [I have the knowledge, but the grades are defining me].”
For Quwma, these interactions with faculty resulted in assigning grades, rather than developing
knowledge, which for him, were not always synonymous.
In this study, within the community college context, faculty interactions were the single
most mentioned factor defining student experiences at the community college and also
influencing achievement of educational goals. Numerous types of faculty interactions were
described by students. All students in this study found that in general, faculty interactions were
positive. Seventy percent of students felt that the type of classroom atmosphere (positive or
negative as defined by whether or not the atmosphere was friendly, open-minded, and guiding)
created by faculty influenced their experience and achievement of their educational goals. Sixty
percent of students indicated that faculty who pushed, challenged, or encouraged them, created a
positive experience that supported achievement of students’ educational goals. Fifty percent of
students noted that faculty who were available, responsive, and flexible in meeting student needs
supported educational goals. Fifty percent of students found that when faculty acknowledged
them, they had a supportive experience that helped them achieve their educational goals. Lastly,
four students mentioned perceived faculty motivation, one student discussed delivery and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 228
framing of curriculum, and one student described the gap between grades and knowledge, as
faculty interaction factors influencing their educational goals. As Bensimon (2007) highlighted,
the role of practitioner (faculty) as institutional agent is critical in the success (persistence) of
marginalized students in the community college context. It is clear that students in this study
interacted with faculty in many different ways and that those interactions were important factors
in defining the community college experience and influencing the educational goals of those
Native American students at RCC.
Campus Environment
The second finding under the theme, community college factors, was that 100% of
students in the study identified the factor, campus environment (both physical space and campus
atmosphere) as defining their college experience as well as influencing their educational goals.
For the students who participated in this study, the campus environment influenced their
educational experience and goals in a number of ways including, the atmosphere on campus, the
physical attributes of campus, campus activities (or lack thereof), location of the campus, and
classroom environment (small classroom size, small class size, and classmates that they knew or
had a connection with) . Overall, students described the influence of the campus environment on
their experience and educational goals as positive (66 times) over four times more than they
described the influence as negative (16 times). Campus environment (98 times) was the second
most frequently mentioned factor within the theme, community college factors, after interactions
with faculty (156 times). In general, students liked the campus environment, as Quwma stated,
“the overall physical [environment], I like it,” and Dorothy summarized, “[RCC] has a really
good environment here.”
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 229
When discussing the role of campus environment on their educational experience and
goals, students most often talked about the welcoming and quiet atmosphere. Three of the
students mentioned the welcoming campus atmosphere as a factor in shaping their educational
experiences and supporting their educational goals. Both Dawn Rochelle and Tashina explained
that the campus felt “comfortable” and SaddsMah described the campus atmosphere as
“inviting.” SaddsMah explained:
Um, I guess, just when you walk in the door [to RCC] there’s always people here. Um, of
course when the door shuts, it shuts. And everybody looks. But nobody ever gives you a
funny look when you walk in. Like, you’ve disturbed them or something. Um, nine out of
10 times there’s somebody in the lobby working on something that I already know. So,
that makes it, or people in the learning resource [center], you know they see you and are
waving as you go by.
The welcoming (comfortable and inviting) campus atmosphere made SaddsMah look forward to
coming to campus. She cited the “welcoming environment” as a factor that supported her
educational goals.
Five students appreciated the quiet and, as some described helpful, campus atmosphere,
which provided them with a place conducive to studying. During her first interview, Dawn
Rochelle contemplated, “go[ing] up there [to RCC] tonight to do my schoolwork so I have peace
and quiet.” Dida also liked, “the feeling I have on campus. It’s, it’s very quiet when you do get to
sit down and study.” Quwma explained that studying at RCC was “a little more
comfortable…than to be at, you know, at the coffee shop trying to do your homework.” Norma
agreed, explaining that:
It’s [the campus atmosphere has] had a big impact [on my educational goals], you know?
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 230
It’s so pleasant here and quiet. Because I had a really good time here and I really was
able to study here because the environment was nice and quiet. And people are really
helpful.
For SaddsMah, the quiet campus atmosphere had a slightly different appeal. The campus
environment enabled her to forget about all of the other demands on her time and focus
completely on schoolwork:
I think because it makes me not be on edge. You know as far as if I’m ok to do my class
work and not worrying about the outside kind of things. I know I can come here and get
my work done. And then not feel like, ok, I have to do this and go do that. I can just be
here and get my work done.
In all of these examples, students appreciated having a space dedicated to doing schoolwork. For
all of these students, the quiet campus atmosphere supported their educational goals.
Three students cited the small physical size of the campus as a factor that supported their
educational goals. For Dawn Rochelle, the small size made the RCC campus, “easy to get
around. Um, everything is so accessible. You know, if we need help, you guys [staff] are only
like down the hallway.” Similarly, SaddsMah explained, “It doesn’t feel overwhelming. Like
having to go to a big [university] where you have to ride an elevator to get to a class. [Here] you
can walk right into the front doors.” Tashina reiterated, “I like the environment here. Of course
it’s just small and you know a lot of people here, too.” For these students, RCC’s small physical
size enabled students to easily navigate campus, find assistance quickly, and get to know
everyone. These attributes helped students to not feel overwhelmed, allowing them more energy
to focus on coursework and supporting their educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 231
Another aspect of the physical environment of RCC that students described as supporting
their educational goals were the types of facilities available on campus. Both Ellen and
SaddsMah appreciated having the computer lab facility on campus. Both described the lab as an
important factor in achieving their educational goals. Without it they would not have been able to
complete assignments.
Two students mentioned the lack of décor (or plainness of the décor) as influencing their
educational experience. They thought the décor may have negatively impacted their educational
goals. Lucy explained that the décor was boring and uninspiring, “um, the environment, it’s like
going to the [public] library. It’s very plain.” She suggested that in order to create an
environment that was more supportive of educational goals the college should, “um, I think make
it more fun. Maybe a little bit more colorful. I don’t know, play some music in the background,
something.” For Lucy, campus décor that was more inspiring would foster a more stimulating
atmosphere supporting engagement and educational goals. On the other hand, Ellen explained
that the new landscaping did just that, “it makes you feel good. Like the trees and stuff, that
looks really nice. I like it. Cuz now it’s like, “oh, my god, that’s my college. We have trees!”
Yeah, like the rocks outside, and all of that looks so inviting now,” but she agreed with Lucy that
the interior décor was too plain inquiring, “but maybe [we could add more décor or] something
inside?” For Lucy having a more colorful, lively, and stimulating interior décor may have
encouraged her to spend more time on campus studying. Ellen, on the other hand viewed the
landscaping as a source of pride, making her feel that she was attending a “real” college and
making her feel that her educational goals were “real” goals.
Besides lack of campus décor, students also mentioned lack of campus activities as a
factor that shaped their educational experience and influenced their educational goals. Dida and
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 232
Dorothy, both recent high school graduates, mentioned the negative influence the lack of campus
activities had on their educational goals. Dorothy said that she had not “really heard of too many
activities on campus,” but thought that “it would be cool if we had more clubs.” Considering
campus activities further, Dorothy continued, “but at a community college I think most people
are just trying to get their credits done. We’re not here to, like, party or play around.” Dorothy
was interested in campus activities and thought activities such as clubs would possibly encourage
her to become more engaged in the campus environment, thus supporting her educational goals.
But, thinking practically, she recognized that, “it is a student initiative to start a club, though”
and community college students might not have the time to participate because of all their other
commitments such as family and work.
For Dida, the lack of campus activities at RCC had a much more significant influence.
Dida explained:
When I first started going here in early 2008, 2009, it was kinda weird. I guess when you
get out of high school you want, like, the whole college experience. And then, uh, I came
here [to RCC], and there was like barely anybody here. Like, I don’t remember there
being a lot of people participating in the library or even being outside as much as they are
now…. But I just remember all of the, like, all of the really fun activities took place [at
the other campus]. None of them were really here. I think they had like movie nights or
you could, like, attend some event and win little gift cards. Something like that. And just,
like, socials to get together. And I think that kinda had, like, an effect on me. I kinda just
wanted to go and experience something different. So that’s when I decided to go to [to a
tribal college out of state]. …I guess, [not having activities] did kinda disappoint me. Cuz
I was like this isn’t a real, it doesn’t feel like a real college. It doesn’t feel like a
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 233
community. You know, um. So I was kinda disappointed.
Dida’s example highlighted the importance of campus activities for her as a recent high school
graduate. Dida believed that had there been more campus activities, she might not have
transferred to the tribal college and might be done, not only with two associate’s degrees, but
also with her transfer credits. Thus she thought that perhaps the lack of campus activities may
have hindered her educational goals.
Regardless of the lack of campus activities at RCC, Joseph was invited to join an honor
society, although he did not participate in the honor society meetings or other activities because
they were held at the main campus and connected to RCC by video conference. Initially during
the first interview, Joseph stated that joining the honor society did not influence his educational
goals. However, later in the interview, he acknowledged that being a member of the honor
society not only “looks good on a resume or transcript,” but that it “just felt nice that somebody
recognized me.” In fact, later in the interview, Joseph described his response to being asked to
join—“I was excited. I was like, ‘oh, my god! Alright! Whoo-hoo!” This response belied
Joseph’s initial understated interview response that it “just felt nice.” It was clear that Joseph was
excited about joining the honor society and that excitement transformed into motivation to “keep
[the good grades] up.” For Joseph, even though campus activities were very limited at RCC, just
being asked to join the honor society, regardless of whether he attended the events, was enough
to motivate him to continue to earn As, which supported his educational goals.
Seven students mentioned the campus location as a positive factor defining their
educational experience and supporting their educational goals. Two of those students also cited
campus location as a negative factor on their educational experience and goals. For most of the
students the location supported achievement of their educational goals because it was the only
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 234
option for in seat (as opposed to online) classes within over one hundred miles. As Dida stated,
“I think that [the RCC campus is] just here. It’s so much closer. And I don’t have to, like, leave
home.” This factor was one of the primary reasons why students chose to attend RCC—that it
was located nearby. However, having a campus nearby subsequently supported their educational
goals. Quwma also made the point clearly:
Well, yeah, I love the fact that the school is here. You know cuz, I like online to a point.
But I like to come into a physical place that actually provides a little bit more like study
area, I guess. Um, I really like that it’s located here, in [this town]. Because there’s
nothing else around here.
Quwma continued explaining the importance of the campus location on his educational goals,
“just, that’s a big support [having the RCC campus here]. I don’t think I’d be in school if it
wasn’t here.” Dorothy felt that being close to the reservation was also an important reason why
the campus location supported her educational goals. Even so, she thought that if classes were
held on the reservation it would be even better, “because it’s closer, just right around the corner
from [her] house. Easier to get to.” For Norma, the influence of the campus location on her
educational goals was not only about convenience, it was also about the calming beauty of the
landscape. She explained, “just the environment, sitting there if you need a break just go look
around, our scenery. Gives you that peace of mind to go back and do your work. It’s really good
here.”
Despite appreciating the convenience of the location (being the only option in the area,
close to town, close the reservation), both Dorothy and Joseph mentioned that the location was
nevertheless a bit inconvenient. Dorothy compared RCC’s location to her experience at a state
university, “it’s like there are no dorms here. When I was [at the state university], I just walked
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 235
to class cuz the dorms were right there.” Joseph, who lives 45 minutes from town appreciated
having RCC nearby, but even so, he lamented, “I live way out there in [another town] and it’s a
45 minute drive….The only thing [about the campus that would be a barrier to my educational
goals] would be the distance issue.”
Six students mentioned specifically the classroom environment (size of the classroom,
fewer students per class, people you knew—or at least had a connection with—in class) as a
factor that supported their educational goals. Dorothy, SaddsMah, and Tashina all mentioned the
small classroom size as an important factor that made them feel more comfortable and less
overwhelmed, which in turn supported their educational goals. Dorothy explained, “the [small]
classrooms, I felt like it was, it’s pretty comfortable. It’s easy, it’s easy to get your work done.
It’s easy to stay focused.” For other students, fewer students per class and being in class with
people they knew or had some connection with were important factors in supporting their
educational goals. Dawn Rochelle explained that these factors helped her start at RCC and
become more comfortable:
I think, um, having it being smaller was more, was easier going to class when you’re not
surrounded by a bunch of people. Just starting out for me at least was nice. Small
community, small number of students. Some [classes] could be like 20 to 25 [students]. It
was just like not going into a class like, maybe it was because I knew people. Um, so I,
that’s probably how it was in the beginning and it just got more comfortable.
Norma explained how having a connection with students in class not only made the environment
more comfortable, but also made it more supportive:
Being here in a small community because people see you around and know your relatives
or know your mom or know your brother or know somebody. You may not know them,
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 236
but there’s a connection. And it makes [classes] more personal because [the other
students] want to see you achieve. Not because they know you, or know somebody in
your family, but I don’t know it’s just different here. I really had a good time here.
SaddsMah summed up the importance of the classroom environment on her educational goals,
“um, the same with the classrooms. There’s not, I just feel good when I come here [to class]. It’s
almost like it’s my little world. I can come here and work towards my goals.” For these seven
students, the classroom environment—small classroom size, small class size, and classmates that
they knew or had a connection with—supported achievement of their educational goals because
classes were less overwhelming and more comfortable allowing students to remain more focused
on coursework.
For all 10 students participating in this study, the campus environment had an influence
on their educational experience and goals at RCC. For the most part that influence was positive:
the welcoming and quiet atmosphere on campus encouraged students to come to campus and
spend time on campus; the small size of the campus, classrooms, and classes created an
environment that was comfortable and less overwhelming; the location of the RCC campus made
it possible for students to pursue their educational goals without leaving home; and for Joseph,
being asked to join an honor society motivated him to maintain high grades. Nevertheless, lack
of campus activities had a negative influence on Dida’s educational goals and the uninspiring
décor may have negatively influenced Lucy’s educational goals.
Interactions with Students
Participants were asked about their experiences and interactions with other students,
Native American and non-Native American, at RCC. Generally in this section, I present findings
related to experiences and interactions participants in this study had with other students at RCC,
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 237
in particular, non-Native American students. Experiences and interactions with Native American
students to the extent that they differed due to cultural influences from experiences and
interactions with non-Native American students are presented in theme five, cultural influences.
In some instances, participants described interactions with non-Native American students that
were important to examine in a cultural context. For example, Quwma described asking a non-
Native American student for help and the challenges Native Americans often faced in asking for
help, particularly from members of other ethnic groups. Although this example involved an
interaction with a non-Native American student, because the cultural context is important in
understanding this experience and its influence on educational goals, I present part of this
example in this section and part of it in theme five, cultural influences.
The third finding within the theme, community college factors, was that all 10
participants in the study described interactions with other students as a factor in shaping their
educational experience and influencing their educational goals. Additionally, all 10 participants
cited interactions with students at RCC as positively influencing their educational goals. The
positive influence of interactions with other students (45 times) was mentioned nearly three
times more than the negative (and neutral) influence of interactions with other students (16
times). Only three students described negative or lack of interactions with other students at RCC.
In some cases, the negative interactions reflected early experiences at RCC and a sense of
not fitting in. Dawn Rochelle explained that when she first started attending RCC in the early
1990s, “it was kinda uncomfortable at first, because it was people I wouldn’t really hang out with
usually, I didn’t even know.” Quwma described feeling out of place when he first started
attending RCC, because of his scruffy appearance, large—possibly intimidating—size, and his
age:
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 238
Well, I’m not up with the times. I don’t really care. I’ll come to the class with cutoffs.
You know my hair was pretty shaggy when I first started. I came with long hair. You
know and uh, a lot of people you go to school with, too, like, me personally, I’m thirty-
six years old, so when I go to class, you know, I’ve got all these young kids looking at
me. You know, who knows what they’re thinking. They’re probably thinking, you know,
“whoa, what’s he doing here?”...And, um, I don’t know. I think my size has to do with a
lot of things too, you know…I also don’t fit into that class of people. Everybody’s got
new shoes. They’re all dressed to the times, I guess.
Lucy, too, described feeling that she did not have much in common with other students as a
result of age, maturity level, different backgrounds, and being a parent:
Me, I keep to myself. I don’t really socialize with anybody here. I don’t really feel like
there’s anybody I have anything to share in common with….You know, I think not only
is there an age difference between the students here and myself, it’s just being, coming
from two different backgrounds, and I’m a mother of five. I just don’t really interact with
them. They are younger. Most of them are younger or aren’t parents. Maybe that’s why I
see them as younger. When you aren’t a parent you’re pretty young.
For Lucy, as a result of not having much in common with other students, she kept to herself:
Um, but in most of my classes I just do my own thing. I don’t really socialize with
anybody. So it’s that kind of environment. It’s just, you know, go in, get your work done
and go home. It’s pretty basic….I don’t know if it [lack of interaction with other
students] has [had an influence on my educational goals] because I don’t think about it. I
just, you know, put my head down, do the work, get it done, I guess I just don’t find the
time to get to know them.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 239
Lucy was uncertain whether “keeping to herself” had any influence on her educational goals. In
addition to not having much in common with the other students, her family, work, and school
obligations did not allow her time to “get to know” the other students. Dawn Rochelle and
Quwma explained that feeling as though they did not fit in resulted in them engaging less fully in
the educational environment. Yet all three students described subsequent interactions with other
students that were positive and which supported their educational goals. Quwma stated, “I guess
it’s been pretty silent [the interaction with other students] when you first start. Then you warm
up through the semester.” Dawn Rochelle, Quwma, and Lucy all had specific examples of
positive interactions with other students later in their experience at RCC. Further, the positive
interactions that Dawn Rochelle and Quwma had with other students made them feel more like
they fit in.
There were numerous different types of interactions with students that participants in the
study described as positive and supportive of their educational goals. These types of interactions
included, participating in a study group, being a student worker, hanging out on campus,
exchanging contact information in class, recognizing classmates from high school, meeting new
people, asking for assistance, being asked to provide assistance, and being recognized by other
students. These interactions, in turn, had numerous positive influences on students’ experiences
at RCC and their educational goals. Such positive influences included, meeting many different
types of people (which enabled students to see different perspectives, learn how to work with
different people, make new friends, build respect, and break down barriers between different
groups), seeing that other students had similar challenges at RCC, developing a friendly rapport
with other students (which enabled them to more easily check in with them about coursework,
study together, provide moral support to each other, and more easily speak their mind in class),
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 240
feeling comfortable starting at RCC because of familiar faces, and building self-confidence and
self-efficacy. In the remainder of this section, I provide some specific examples representing
each of the different types of interactions with students and the positive influences those
examples had on students’ experiences at RCC and their educational goals.
Dawn Rochelle described how taking classes introduced her to a lot of people, but that
being in a study group supported her educational goals:
I think I’ve met a lot of people by taking [classes]. And there was a time, I think it was
during math, we had a lot of study groups. I remember going to someone’s house and we
worked on problems. We just did it; it wasn’t required by the teacher….It supported [my
educational goals] quite a bit. Hearing other people explain how to do a problem. Hearing
a different point of view. I didn’t do that [participate in study groups] often, but I
probably should have.
In addition to participating in study groups, Dawn Rochelle’s experience as a student worker,
helped her see other students’ perspectives:
Just interacting with students coming in. Helping them register. I liked the interaction.
Just being in the environment and seeing other people taking classes. Got me more
encouraged. It helped my education.
By working in the admissions office as a student worker at RCC, Dawn Rochelle saw that other
students faced the same challenges and barriers she faced. Recognizing that she was not the only
one experiencing these challenges encouraged her to work through her challenges and continue
taking classes.
Dida and Joseph described interacting with other students on campus in the library or
outside. Dida explained that there were, “a ton of people using the library. And there were
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 241
always students outside. And people were really nice.” With students “hanging out” on campus,
it was easy for students to interact with each other, particularly when everyone was “nice.” Dida
explained that these interactions on campus led to mutual support. For example, checking in with
each other, asking, “oh, have you done the homework?” Joseph also described the mutual
support that evolved from interactions with other students in the library, where they would talk
“back and forth about the classes [they were] taking,” ask each other “questions about
assignments” and work together on “group projects.” Dorothy concurred that student interactions
in the library often led to mutual support by “helping each other, especially those tests, those
finals,” but also provided a moral boost. She explained, “you’re drained at the end of the
semester and you don’t want to study. And they’re like, well, let’s go get coffee. And you just
end up studying cuz you’re like, ‘might as well.’” SaddsMah described how informal
interactions with other students around campus not only motivated her to complete her
educational goals, but to broaden them:
Well if I’m talking to somebody they’ll say, oh I’m taking this class. And I’ll think, “oh,
maybe I want to check that class out.” Um, it just might motivate me that much more.
Not just to finish what I’m doing but to broaden my horizons. Or you know, take other
kinds of classes as well.
For Dida, Joseph, Dorothy, and SaddsMah, informal interactions with students in the library or
just “hanging out” on campus often turned into important sources of support and motivation,
which positively influenced their educational goals.
Joseph explained that these interactions sometimes turned into friendships, “and I might,
I know I have become friends with some of them. At least one of them. We have the same
classes and she, we collaborate and stuff like that.” Joseph elaborated further on the importance
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 242
of being around other students for his educational goals:
[I decided to attend in seat classes] just for the interaction mostly. Uh, with students,
everybody. There’s the environment of going to college classes. It’s just being isolated,
being a hermit out there [45 minutes from town]. Just the interaction, getting to know
people [is beneficial]. Friendships, all that. Oh, yeah, I’m sure [the interaction with other
students] has [had a benefit on my educational goals] just not sure what yet. I’m sure it
has.
An important part of getting to know other students from Joseph’s perspective was that it
enabled him to feel more accepted. Joseph explained:
Feeling accepted so you can feel free enough that you can express your views, your life,
your, you know everything with everyone else and they won’t judge you….It’s either you
feel accepted enough that you can speak your mind without thinking you should hold
back for any reason.
By getting to know students outside of the classroom, Joseph was able to feel more accepted by
them, and thus freer to share his thoughts and engage more in the classroom. In this way,
interacting with other students on campus supported Joseph’s educational goals.
Dida described an experience in a small class where all of the students decided to
exchange phone numbers in order to check in with each other. Dida explained, “we would like
text each other. Just be like, ‘hey did you do the homework?’….And, yeah, we could check on
each other.” In doing so, Dida and her classmates accelerated the process of informal interactions
between students around campus developing into networks of support and motivation.
Unlike Dawn Rochelle, Lucy, and Quwma (all students who had graduated from high
school more than a decade ago), Dorothy, a recent high school graduate, felt that interactions
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 243
with other students eased her transition to RCC. Dorothy explained, “it was easier here [at RCC].
Because there were like my friends here who couldn’t afford to go to school or didn’t get
scholarships like I did were here. So it was relaxed, comfortable.” For students who knew a lot of
other students, transitioning to RCC seemed to be easier than for students who did not have
existing connections to other students.
Even so, many participants cited meeting new people as a factor positively influencing
their educational experience at RCC and their educational goals. Tashina stated, “[at RCC] it’s
just like, um, people of different ages, too. And you meet different people still even though it’s a
small community and I like it….[Now] I know most people here.” Even Lucy, who explained
that she did not “have the time to get to know them [other students]” described a positive
experience getting to know a student who was quite different from her:
There was one lady that I got along with really well. And she was like 60. She was like
twice my age but she was pretty cool. I really enjoyed talking with her. She was non-
Native, but she was very life-learned. I think that was what I liked about her. So, I don’t
know, I guess it was her maturity level.
For Lucy, meeting someone different from her, but with whom she could share conversations
with, was a positive experience. SaddsMah, on the other hand, expressed the value of meeting all
types of people at RCC whom she would not have otherwise met:
Like some people, um, both Native and non-Native, I’ll see them outside of class and be
in a store or something. And just, um, them saying, “hey, how’s it going?” And then of
course I get the, “who’s that? How do you know that person?” Well, because they’re in
my class. They’re somebody at the college. Yeah, one of my kids said, he’s twenty-six
years old, “is there anybody that you don’t know?” And I said, “actually, probably not.”
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 244
And it is because of being able to take classes here [at RCC]. And you’re meeting all
these other people it’s just, I appreciate that….It’s motivating.
While Tashina, Lucy, and SaddsMah described how meeting new people positively influenced
their experiences at RCC, Norma explained how meeting new people supported her educational
goals:
You know, I’ve made a lot of friends here [at RCC]. You know, I see them around town
and we talk….They [the interactions with new people] were really good. I see a lot of the
students still in town. Walking in town or anywhere. [Jon] or [Donald], [Cathy],
somebody, like, people I never even thought of having a friendship with or talking to.
Now we’re all friends. We see each other downtown and due to our college classes
together, working together really did. It made a good impact [on my educational goals].
Um, with the non-Native students it was a good interaction because I don’t know they
respected, we respect each other. It’s good because now I can work with other people
who are not Native and know that there is good camaraderie there. Work together. Just
like with Native Americans.
Norma’s example highlighted one of the benefits of interactions with other students—getting to
know people different from her, whom she might otherwise not meet, developing mutual respect,
and ultimately being able to work effectively together. For Norma, “working together” with
other students “made a good impact” on, and supported, her educational goals.
Another way interactions with other students supported educational goals was by
boosting self-confidence. Tashina and Quwma described experiences where they were
recognized and sought out by their classmates because of their strong performance in class and
their academic expertise. These experiences made Tashina and Quwma feel good and enabled
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 245
them to gain confidence. Tashina described one particular experience in a Spanish class:
Sometimes they [my classmates] would invite me out to, I think, yeah, study sessions and
I remember, like, I actually, the class I did well in was Spanish. Surprisingly well because
I took it in high school, too. And then they said, “wow, you’re kinda picking up on it
now.” I’m like, “yeah.” so I’d help them out if they asked.
Quwma described a similar experience in a mathematics class:
But it’s funny. I like to see people change their opinions later on in the semester. Cuz,
like, in my math class some people were like, “who’s this guy?” But in, after a little
while, they were like, “hey, [Quwma], how do you do this?” and it seemed like they
warmed up to me. It’s not because I’m the nicest person in the world because they still
didn’t know who I was. But they knew the fact that I knew what I was doing so they
asked me.
For Quwma, that experience made him feel more connected to his classmates and more confident
in his own abilities, positively influencing his educational goals. He described how that
experience made him feel and how it strengthened connections between the students:
And that kind of felt, it breaks the barrier you know a little bit. It’s just, um, that common
knowledge that we were all seeking, just the education. It makes me feel good when
people ask, you know. It does.
Quwma relayed another experience in a ceramics class that built up his self-confidence and self-
efficacy:
Like in my art class, you know, I sat over in the corner. I didn’t care in this ceramics
class. It wasn’t until we started throwing that people started talking to me. Just because
everybody struggles on throwing. I got in there and on my first piece it just started
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 246
clicking. And it just started, whoosh, forming. And before you knew it I had this little,
proud looking [piece]. [The other students asked], “how’d you do that?” I’m like, “it’s all
about pressure.” I mean who doesn’t like attention?
These examples demonstrated Quwma’s transformation through recognition by his classmates
for his knowledge and skills from being stand-offish, not fitting in, and not caring to feeling
connected, proud, and confident. This transformation resulted in a more positive educational
experience, which positively supported Quwma’s educational goals.
Quwma described another experience where another student took an interest in him
because of his academic work, rather than because he “stood out” physically. Quwma was used
to being recognized because of his size:
I think more people know my name than I know theirs. Cuz you know, I don’t know,
probably just because I’m a big guy, you know. I’m a lot older than a lot of them, too.
They just kind of, cuz I’ll hear some people say my name. And I won’t even know who
they are.
But Quwma continued explaining that one student, Marty, recognized him because of his work in
class:
But [Marty] he’s, seems like he, I must have struck interest in him. At the beginning, at
our first class together….Because, after the class, he um, he remembered my name and
I’d seen him somewhere, oh, at [a drive-through window] when we were driving through
the window [where Marty was working]. He said, “oh, hey, how you doing, Quwma?” I
looked at him and was like, I totally didn’t know his name. Cuz in that class no one really
talked. It was just kind of on your own. I was like, “oh, I’m doing good.” He said, “man,
by the way, I really liked your presentation on the fire.” Cuz I did defensible spacing
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 247
around houses for fire suppression and wildland fires, you know. And I told them what to
look for and stuff like that. He’s like, “oh, man, that was really good.”
From that first recognition, Quwma developed mutual respect and a collegial relationship with
Marty, eventually seeking help from him.
And after that he kind of sparked [my] interest because the interest was on him first. You
know, and after that, you know, it made it a lot easier for me to go talk to him. Cuz
asking him for help in math, it wasn’t something hard to do. Cuz, you know, he had
already opened up to me.
For Quwma, having another student, one who was well-respected and known among classmates
for earning high grades, recognize him for his academic work, strengthened Quwma’s self-
confidence, enabled him to become more connected to other students, and motivated him to work
harder in his classes.
One common thread in all of these examples is that when interactions with other students
were positive, the participants in this study felt more connected to their classmates, people who
were often different from them and whom they would not have otherwise known. These types of
student interactions resulted in barriers breaking down between students and groups (age,
ethnicity, socio-economic status) on campus, as Joseph stated, “it’s a small enough campus that
everybody is kinda integrated….So, really, everybody knows everybody.” Breaking down
barriers between students contributed to students’ positive educational experiences and supported
their educational goals.
Campus Services and Programs
The fourth finding within the theme, community college factors, was that students
described positive experiences with RCC services and programs (31 times) more often than
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negative experiences (16 times)—nearly twice as often. All 10 participants described positive
interactions with campus services and programs, while only half described negative interactions.
Support for “educational pathways” (knowing which classes were needed to fulfill certificate,
degree, or transfer requirements) was the one factor under campus services and programs that
was mentioned by all 10 participants. “Educational pathways” was also mentioned the most
frequently, nearly twice as often as tutoring (which was mentioned by four participants) and
course offerings (which was mentioned by three participants). Four other factors under the
finding, campus services and programs, were mentioned only once each, by three different
participants. All of the factors discussed had an influence on students’ educational goals.
Students had mixed experiences with RCC’s educational pathways. A few students
described not having a clear understanding of which classes they needed to take to complete their
educational goals at RCC. Dida explained her frustration:
Um, I don’t know, I guess there was just like, like, I know they [the counselors] have the
papers that you can figure out what you need to take and stuff like that. And every time
I’ve gone back to the Tribal Ed Center it feels like there’s like one more class that I need
to take. And I just, I just wish I could get a concrete, “this is what you need to take and
this is what it’s going to look like.”
Dida explained how this experience influenced her educational goals:
It makes me feel like I’m far from my goal. And it, it kinda sucked. Like in the past two
semesters I’ve gone in. And just recently, they’re like you have to take extra, an extra
physical activity curriculum. And I’m like, “really? I didn’t know about that.” That’s one
more class that I need to add. And then even like [critical thinking] even though I took [a
critical thinking class] because over there [at the tribal college] it’s a three credit, not a
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 249
four [credit class]. And so I have to take another one. So, I guess those kinds of things
that I didn’t expect. Because I’m so close, and then I’m like, “ugh. That’s more.” That
part kinda bums me out.
The lack of clarity in her educational pathway definitely hindered Dida in achieving her
educational goals. Had she had a clear pathway, she may have finished her transfer requirements
already. Joseph described how he was very careful about making sure that he knew which
courses were on his pathway by using both the Tribal Ed Center and RCC staff to help guide him
through his educational pathway:
I’ve used both [the Tribal Ed Center and RCC staff]. I come up here [to RCC] to see [the
counselor], because he has better access, better knowledge of the system here. And then I
go and meet with [the Tribal Ed Center] and tell them what I need to do and stuff like
that. I know this last time for this next semester, for the spring semester, the person I see
down there [at the Tribal Ed Center] contacted [the RCC counselor], and they
collaborated together about what I needed to do for this next semester.
Joseph was thrilled about this collaboration as it saved him time coordinating between the two
organizations, but also, it ensured that his pathway was correct and aligned with his educational
goals. Dorothy also described how the RCC counselor supported her educational goals:
I was going to try to just, you know, get the degree I was closest to as possible. Well, he
[the counselor] was like no, no, no. You need to do what is better for you. So he really
pushed me to go for my human services degree.
While Dorothy appreciated the counselor pushing her, SaddsMah appreciated that the counselor
worked with her to provide a more flexible, and thus attainable, pathway. Dawn Rochelle, Ellen,
and Norma also had positive experiences with the counselors. Dawn Rochelle explained that she
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had always worked with counselors and that, “they’ve always been helpful.” Ellen felt that the
counselor was “always nice” and welcomed her with “open arms.” Norma stated that the
counselor was “really gung ho in helping me. You know, making sure I’ve got this, that. And
making sure, asking if everything’s going along good.” These interactions demonstrated that
feeling comfortable and welcome working with counselors was a positive influence on students’
educational experience. Further, clear, correct information about educational pathways had a
significant positive influence on their educational goals. When information about pathways was
unclear or incorrect, it had a significant negative influence on their educational goals.
Similarly, course offerings when aligned with students’ schedules and educational goals
supported those educational goals, but hindered educational goals when not aligned with
students’ schedules and goals. When asked how RCC programs and services hindered her, Dida
articulated this experience clearly:
I think just maybe offering a little bit more….I think it’s [also] just the availability of
classes. Um, and the times. I mean, when I was younger, it was fine. I had all the time in
the world. But now that I have kids, I have to, like, work full time. And um then I have to
do the classes.
Quwma also explained how the unavailability of certain courses at RCC presented a barrier,
“like they [the college] have ASL [American Sign Language], but it’s only down [at the main
campus]” and how the course schedule made it difficult for him to complete requirements, “it
would be a lot easier if I could schedule [courses] during the day and get my babysitting hours
just [in the afternoons instead of all evening].” For many students, juggling family, work, and
RCC’s lean course schedule was another added challenge to achieving their educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 251
The availability of tutoring for all subjects except for mathematics was cited by four
students as supporting educational goals. Dorothy stated, “and, like, uh, there’s so much extra
help in the library. I felt like [that’s] where I got a lot of help that I needed.” Quwma explained,
however, that once he was “past the quadratic equations,” the tutors were no longer able to
provide assistance because they lacked the expertise. Tutoring, in general, and the availability of
tutoring was viewed as a positive experience, which supported educational goals, but when that
tutoring was not sufficient, it hindered educational goals.
Four other campus services and program factors were identified by three different
students as influencing their educational experience and goals. Dorothy cited the low cost of
RCC as “a better option” for students who could not afford to go to a university. Tashina felt that
RCC “helps us to prepare and transfer somewhere else.” Ellen thought that lack of affordable,
regular transportation to and from RCC might be a barrier for some students. Tashina, based on
her experiences with symptoms of depression, believed that not having behavioral health support
groups or awareness on campus might hinder students’ educational goals.
Many of the students in this study appreciated even the limited services and programs
offered by RCC, recognizing that it was a small campus. Although students were aware of when
the gaps in services and programs created barriers to achievement of their educational goals, they
still appreciated what RCC had to offer them. When asked what RCC could do better to support
her educational goals, SaddsMah, concluded, “so I think, I don’t think I could say there’s
anything more they [RCC] could do. I think that, um, it’s just a good place. It’s a good place.”
Campus services and programs were clearly important factors supporting student success and
achievement of educational goals. Even though students appreciated what was available,
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continued efforts to expand and improve upon existing programs and services would likely
support students even more toward achievement of their educational goals.
Staff Interactions
Participants were asked about their experiences interacting with RCC staff and whether
those experiences influenced their educational goals. Nine participants responded and all nine
participants reported positive interactions with staff. There were very few examples of
interactions with staff (29 times) provided by participants in this study and the examples that
were provided were limited in scope and detail. However, participants described staff as, “very
helpful,” “really happy and supportive,” and “nice and friendly,” and they “always want to make
sure that you succeed.” By creating a welcoming, helpful, and supportive environment
participants described staff interactions as supporting their educational goals.
Within the theme, community college factors, faculty interactions as found by many other
studies (Barnett, 2011; Barbatis, 2010; Bensimon, 2007; Halpin, 1990; Jackson & Smith, 2001;
Jackson et al., 2003; McClenney, 2007; McClenney & Marti, 2006; Pascarella & Terenzini,
1980; Reyner & Dodd, 1995; Sorey & Duggan, 2008) was an important factor in shaping the
college experience and influencing educational goals of participants in this study. Other
factors—campus environment, student interactions, campus services and programs, staff
interactions—were also important, but were not mentioned as consistently or frequently as
interactions with faculty. These factors were also identified in the literature, but not as frequently
as faculty interactions. For example, campus environment was found to be a factor for success in
a handful of studies on Native American students in higher education (Brown, 2003; Gloria &
Robison Kurpius, 2001; Martin, 2005; Rousey & Longie, 2001). Student and staff interactions
and campus services and programs were cited as factors of student success in studies on higher
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education more generally (Barbatis, 2010; Bers & Smith, 1991; CCSSE, 2015; Fike & Fike,
2008; McClenney & Marti, 2006; Sorey & Duggan, 2008). In sum, the findings in theme two,
community college factors, confirmed the findings in the literature—faculty interactions played a
significant role in student success and achievement of educational goals, while other factors—
student and staff interactions and campus services and programs—played a less significant role.
Further for Native American students, campus environment was also an important factor for
success and supporting their educational goals.
Theme 3. Student Development and Growth
The third theme that emerged from the data in this study was that all participants
described how early educational experiences and their own development and growth influenced
their experiences at RCC. They also described how those experiences and subsequent
development and growth influenced their educational goals. In this section, I present students’
early educational experiences and their development and growth processes as it relates to their
experiences at RCC and their educational goals. Unlike the prior themes—pathways of Native
American students through college and community college factors, I organize and present the
third theme, student development and growth, student-by-student, rather than by factor. I believe
that by presenting each student’s early educational experiences and development processes in
one cohesive segment I am able to highlight each student’s individual journey to and through
higher education and how their individual experiences shaped their educational journey and
goals.
As in theme two (community college factors), finding three (interactions with students),
in this section I do not present experiences related to early educational experiences and student
development and growth that are important to examine within a Native American cultural
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 254
context. For example, Norma shared an experience in high school that resulted from being
Native American, “at the high school we would feel like we [Native American students] weren’t
equal or smart enough to participate.” These types of experiences—ones that are important to
examine within a Native American cultural context—are presented in theme five, cultural
influences. As in theme two, finding three, some experiences had aspects that do not require
examination within a cultural context and aspects that do. For example, Quwma’s experience
asking a non-Native student for help had both aspects: first, the challenge of feeling comfortable
enough to ask another classmate for help (which is presented in theme two, finding three); and
second, the challenge of a Native American asking a non-Native American for help as viewed
within a historical and cultural context (which is presented in theme five). Similarly, there were
examples that are presented in this theme that are also presented in theme five, cultural
influences.
While students were not asked specifically about their early educational experiences or
their development and growth in relation to their postsecondary educational experiences and
educational goals, all students touched upon this theme. In fact, one participant when asked what
she would have asked if she was the researcher for this study replied:
I would have asked the history of, you know, where did you come from….But, like, just
yeah, the history of your family, cuz you’d learn a lot just from the history. Um, that
really explains why that person is the way they are. It gets passed down. Hmm, what else
would I ask? I think I would have asked about grade school. You know, how those
teachers help foster school for them. Cuz, you know, it keeps the ball rolling with, um,
you know, that education. Did anyone help you when you were a child? Or, sometimes,
you know, I think Native American children get put on the back burner and then they’ll
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 255
get labeled with a disability or something. But it’s not a disability, it’s just a cultural
difference. So, you know it starts there and it progresses. And, so yeah, I think I would
have just asked more background questions [about early educational experiences], yeah.
This theme, student development and growth (including the influence of early educational
experiences), was not part of the initial conceptual framework. However, as a result of the
inductively discovered findings, the conceptual framework has been revised to reflect these
important factors.
Student development and growth as a factor influencing educational experiences and
achievement of educational goals was consistent with Gloria and Robinson Kurpius’ (2001)
study which found that for Native American college students, positive self-beliefs (defined as
college and task self-efficacy and self-esteem) were strong predictors of persistence. They also
found that negative self-beliefs were related to non-persistence decisions. The findings in this
theme were also somewhat similar to Jackson et al.’s (2003) finding that developing
independence/assertiveness supported college completion for Native American students,
suggesting that perhaps some types of student development and growth might support
achievement of educational goals. Reyner and Dodd’s (1995) study found that low self-esteem
was a barrier to Native American student success.
The findings within this theme, student development and growth, helped to answer the
research questions. They framed student pathways through community college and the
experiences at RCC within the context of participants’ early educational experiences and their
personal growth and development. The findings also demonstrated how early educational
experiences and student growth and development influenced achievement of educational goals.
Further, these findings provided a glimpse into factors that are external to the community college
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 256
context, including cultural influences, which shaped student experiences at RCC and influenced
their educational goals. External factors are presented in theme four and cultural influences are
presented in theme five. In the remainder of this section, I describe each student’s early
educational experience and their personal growth and development process. Lastly, I present
common themes as well as unique findings that emerged from examining each student’s early
educational experience and growth and development process and how those factors influenced
their postsecondary educational experiences and goals.
The overarching finding within theme three was that each of the participants described
early educational experiences and growth and development as important influences on their
experiences at RCC as well as on their educational goals. Early educational experiences framed
participants’ perspectives about college and their relationships with and attitudes towards
college. Additionally, all participants described a transformation—their own growth and
development—in their perspectives and attitudes about education. These early educational
experiences and students’ growth and development influenced their experiences at RCC and
achievement of their educational goals. In the remainder of this section, I present each student’s
unique early educational experience and their growth and development, and how those factors
influenced their experience at RCC and their educational goals.
Dawn Rochelle
Dawn Rochelle described her early educational experience as being stressful and
uncomfortable. As a result, she doubted her ability to perform in school. Dawn Rochelle looked
forward to graduating from high school and being done with school. She explained:
I, uh, growing up I did a lot of moving around from school to school and I was shy and I
didn’t like always having to start a new school. And I always felt I wasn’t good in school
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 257
because of all the moving around and starting different [courses and levels] at each
school. And, uh, I always felt like I was behind. When I moved up here high school year
with my dad, I just wanted to stay here and not go anywhere. So, I was just like, I wanna
graduate from high school and be done. That was it. So that was my thought when I was
in high school.
Dawn Rochelle did not consider college partially because after high school she was glad she
would not have to start at another new school. Another reason why she did not consider college
was that she did not know the value of college or that she was capable of going to college. Dawn
Rochelle explained:
Nobody really brought up education to me. They never said like, “Dawn, where you
going to school? Or anything [else such as], “you are going to school.” Nobody said
anything to me. Maybe I just didn’t seem like I was college material. I don’t know. It was
never brought up.
Dawn Rochelle’s shyness, her unpleasant experience of frequently having to start a new school,
and not being treated as “college material” instilled in her self-doubt particularly in an
educational context. This self-doubt kept her from going to college until her job required further
education.
Dawn Rochelle enrolled at RCC after being out of high school for a number of years
because her job required her to complete continuing education units. Starting at RCC was
stressful for Dawn Rochelle because it brought back unpleasant memories of starting at a new
school. However, she found that the small class sizes and knowing some of the other students
made the experience more comfortable. Dawn Rochelle described her growth and development
at RCC transforming from a student who was shy and afraid to talk to other people into a student
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 258
who felt ready to transfer to a big college:
I might want to move out of the area [to earn a bachelor’s degree]. I’m older and I might
just want to move out. I’m not a kid in high school now that doesn’t want to move
around….So, I think I would be comfortable going to a big college now. But just starting
out [I didn’t feel comfortable at RCC]…. I feel comfortable myself today talking to staff.
I might not of before. That was back in 1990. But now I am. Um, it’s probably me [that
changed]. Just feeling more comfortable and being able to talk to people easier. And I
actually ask people questions. Where before I would just sit in the classroom and not ask
people questions. But that was like all on me because I was like really shy, quiet, self-
conscious. I don’t know [how I changed]. Just taking psych[ology] classes? It’s, I don’t
know [exactly how I changed].
Dawn Rochelle alluded to her transformation as resulting from the introspection and reflection
required in the psychology and human services courses. However, she also believed that her
growth and development was a result of realizing that she was interested in her college classes
and could successfully complete college courses. In a sense, she realized she was “college
material.” Dawn Rochelle commented:
But, I was really interested in the human services or the psychology area. And I enjoyed
going to those classes because I was interested. And, I don’t know, I really started to
enjoy those classes. And the more I took, um, I thought, “oh, I can do this.”
For Dawn Rochelle, finding a subject that was interesting to her enabled her to engage in the
course, complete the course successfully and build self-confidence, which supported her
educational goals.
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Yet even though Dawn Rochelle knew she was capable of successfully completing
college courses and that she was “college material,” she still had doubt every time she started
another course at RCC:
Like even right now with this class I feel like, oh, my gosh, this is too much. Or I feel like
in the beginning, I can’t do this. And then I get into something [a course] and I’m like
this is more than I can do. And I’m having second thoughts. Even doing a [final] paper
for my English class now, I go up and get help from [the faculty tutor] and she helps me
get started. Um, yeah I think, “I’m doing good right now. This class seems to be
[ok].”…Maybe I’ve just grown, too. But I [still] doubt myself. But when I actually finish
[a course] I feel like that wasn’t so bad. So, um, I think each class is challenging on me to
do the work. But then I do it!... And I usually do that [doubt myself], too. I’m like, “ok,
I’m just going to drop. No I’ll just wait and see.” And the drop date will come and go.
Because I’m not really sure since the drop date is so early. Well, wait, then after a few
more weeks I think I should have dropped. I’ll just get a W [a withdraw mark instead of a
grade on my transcript]. And then [I’ll stay in the class] or I have dropped a couple of
classes. This one I just stuck through and it wasn’t so bad.
So, even with a track record of completing a certificate of achievement and an associate’s of
science degree, Dawn Rochelle’s early educational experiences and resulting self-doubt had an
influence over her educational experiences at RCC and had the potential to hinder her
educational goals during each step of the journey. She explained that the self-doubt resulting
from her early educational experiences held her back, “ugh, yeah, I, uh, [self-doubt has] probably
been a big factor [holding me back] right there. Not having confidence or having low self-
esteem. Being shy from when I was little.” Despite development and growth (gaining self-
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confidence) as a result of successfully completing a degree at RCC, which supported her
educational goals, Dawn Rochelle pointed to her early educational experiences as a significant
influence shaping her educational experience at RCC and influencing her educational goals.
Dida
Dida described her early educational experience as “a time in [her] life where [she] was
very insecure.” She commented:
I never really used to [voice my opinion]. I used to just sit quietly. You know, and well,
like in high school, I never used to say anything. And, um, I didn’t feel like my voice or
my opinions really mattered.”
Dida explained that part of her insecurity stemmed from being teased for being focused on
school:
There were a lot of kids that I went to school with…[who] were like, “you’re trying to be
Miss Goody Two Shoes.” And they would like tease me. Because they knew I would,
wanted something more. Um, so I think that made me feel as if I shouldn’t be as focused.
Nevertheless, Dida continued to show enough promise to be enrolled in AVID while she was in
middle school, which encouraged and motivated her to go to college. Dida described how her
experience at a tribal college helped her build self-confidence. She became vice president of her
freshman dormitory, which gave her a lot of responsibilities, but also enjoyment and confidence.
However, an incident in an English course reinforced some of the insecurity from high school:
And even like, even though I really liked the tribal college, the first, like, year that I was
there, I took an English 101 class and the kids would, like, make fun of me because I
could answer all the teacher’s questions. And, like, I was getting a good grade in there.
And I wasn’t afraid to raise my hand. But they would tease me and call me a teacher’s
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pet…. Um, like, I didn’t like, I didn’t want to participate as much. And that’s when I
really did start being quiet. Like, I didn’t start raising my hand as much. Yeah.
Dida’s early educational experience reinforced her insecurity. Similar experiences after high
school compounded that insecurity, just as she was starting to develop and discover her voice.
But, Dida explained that it was not until she began attending RCC that she really began to grow
and gain self-confidence.
Dida, who returned to RCC one course shy of a degree from the tribal college because
she found out she was pregnant, felt that attending RCC helped build her self-confidence. She
received support and affirmation from faculty and other students (who were similarly motivated
to learn) at RCC, which also enabled her to regain her voice. Dida commented, “so, like, coming
to college [at RCC] and doing my coursework, it’s given me a lot more confidence in the things
that I write about in essays.” Since returning to RCC, Dida had completed two associate’s
degrees and began working on her transfer credits.
Dida felt that her early educational experiences—being teased in high school—caused
her to stop engaging in her English course at the tribal college when she experienced similar
teasing even though she had begun to build self-confidence. Yet, coming back to RCC,
surrounded by similarly focused students and receiving positive feedback from faculty and
students helped her further develop and build self-confidence. Thus, Dida’s growth and
development at RCC supported achievement of her educational goals.
Dorothy
Dorothy was in AVID and in AP courses in high school. As a result, she felt pressure to
go to a “more prestigious college” rather than a community college, or even a tribal college,
commenting, “AVID made me feel like, oh, I could go on to a big university.” After graduation,
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Dorothy attended a “prestigious” state university, but returned home after one semester and
enrolled at RCC. Dorothy explained, “I guess academically I was ready. But physically and
emotionally, mentally, I was not ready to go yet.” For Dorothy, her early educational experience
encouraged her to aim for a goal that she was not fully prepared (at least emotionally) to achieve.
Once returning to RCC, and the support of family and friends, Dorothy explained that she
became “really focused and everything [on her educational goals],” and had since completed her
certificate of achievement in human services. Dorothy’s early educational experience had both a
positive and negative influence on her educational experience and goals. On the one hand, being
in AVID and AP courses enabled her to be accepted to a prestigious state university, but did not
necessarily prepare her emotionally for success at that university. However, her subsequent self-
awareness and self-growth—recognizing that it was not the right time for her to attend a “big
university” away from home, and then putting in place the necessary changes (returning to RCC
where she was surrounded by friends and family) in order to be able to focus on her education—
supported her educational goals.
Ellen
Ellen’s early educational experience was filled with self-doubt, a result of criticism from
her teachers and feeling as though she was always doing the schoolwork incorrectly. She
described the experience:
And I’d do my papers and I was thinking, “oh, my god [did I do it right?]” I don’t know,
when I grew up, I don’t know if it was the teaching or the teachers. And that red pen, you
know, growing up. [The teachers would say,] “oh, no. No, that doesn’t sound right.” So
every time I tried to write it was, “that doesn’t sound right. That doesn’t look right.” Or,
“that’s wrong,” you know? So I don’t know if any other students grew up with that same
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kind of, I don’t know, experience.
This early educational experience influenced her experiences at RCC decades later. Ellen
experienced self-doubt, followed by amazement when she successfully completed college
courses. Ellen described how she experienced this self-doubt at RCC:
And so I went back [to attend college at RCC] and I took an English class. And I did
good. I got a B and I was, like, shocked. I was like, “oh, my god, did I really just do
that?” You know, I was like, it scared me to where I stopped. I didn’t go back again for
another semester. I was like, I guess I didn’t have enough self-esteem or something going
on. So I went and signed up for the next level. And then I got scared and I dropped it. I
just, I don’t know what my brain, or what was going on inside me, to where it just scared
me. To where I couldn’t, I don’t know. I just couldn’t do it. And so, I did it again. I
dropped. I went to school and I dropped.
Ellen’s self-doubt hindered her educational goals by causing her to stop taking classes and to
drop classes even though she had initial success. But, ultimately, Ellen’s perseverance led her to
gain tremendous self-confidence. Ellen explained how she felt after finding out from her
counselor that she had completed all of the credits to graduate:
And I was just, I just cried cuz it’s, I don’t know, it’s [that I] accomplished something I
started and fought for, I guess, so hard. And I did it. I just remember walking out [of the
counselor’s office] and I was so happy….Then after that, I was like, “I’m, I’m, I really
know what I’m doing now.” I was like, “what do I really want to do now? I did it. I can
go anywhere now. I did the basics, I did the basic stuff. Now where am I going to go?”...
After, it was fun just to learn. To, oh, to, uh, push yourself. To, to, to do, to write, or to
learn and to write and to raise your hand and say, “I don’t understand, what do you
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mean?” Yeah, it was fun after all that, after being scared and all that it’s like, oh, my
gosh, drop, drop, drop, drop then all of a sudden it’s like, Bs and As. It was, like,
amazing.
For Ellen, her early educational experience influenced her educational experience at RCC and, at
first, hindered achievement of her educational goals. But once she gained confidence (continuing
to earn As and Bs in college classes eventually transformed Ellen’s shock into self-confidence),
Ellen gained momentum in taking and completing courses, which enabled her to earn a
certificate of achievement and an associate’s of science degree in human services. Graduating
from RCC, gave Ellen tremendous self-confidence encouraging her to continue on to transfer and
earn a bachelor’s degree, but also to simply continue enjoying learning. Thus, while Ellen’s early
educational experience may have hindered her educational goals at first, Ellen’s growth and
development (developing perseverance and gaining self-confidence) ultimately supported
achievement of her educational goals.
Joseph
Joseph did not enjoy school growing up and felt that the teachers did not push
unmotivated students like him. As a result, Joseph graduated high school with a C-average,
which may have discouraged counselors from pushing him to go to college. Joseph explained:
Well, let’s see, when I went to high school, back in ’93, yeah they would talk to you
about college this and that. But they didn’t, uh, compared to the kids nowadays, and the
high schools here at least, they push more college than they did back then. At least I went
to school in a different state…. So, you know, and my grades weren’t, I was probably a
C-average. You look at my C-average in high school compared to what I’m doing now
[at RCC]. You’re like, are you sure? Cuz you know I’m an honor student here. In high
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school, I wasn’t. But, ah, so I’m sure that my grades, they [the high school counselors]
probably saw my grades and didn’t push [college]…. Ah, so, I never really liked school
anyway. It was hard. It’s still hard. I’ll be glad when it’s over….Well, yeah, that [not
liking school and earning a C-average] and I was smoking weed. I’ll admit it. That kinda
makes you just wanna go, “yeah, well, hey. I succeed, I succeed. [I don’t, I don’t.]” You
know? It was just, like, the drive. I have it more now than I had then.
In addition to lacking motivation, Joseph also spoke about always having lacked self-confidence
in school:
I knew my grades weren’t up to the, where I would be accepted [to college] and I was
kinda, kinda actually scared to go to a, like a college away from home. There was that.
It’s kinda outside your, a person’s comfort zone. So, so I was just kinda like, whatever.
…. I’ve always been one of those people who never had confidence in myself for
whatever reason. You know.
But Joseph described how self-growth enabled him to gain self-confidence and focus on
education. One component of his self-growth was finding the proper motivation—being in a
“dead-end job” and wanting to not only develop skills to find another job, but also to better
perform his role on tribal council. As a result of the proper motivation, Joseph enrolled at RCC,
focused on coursework, and earned As in his courses. He explained, “and now [at RCC] there’s
more of a purpose, there’s uh, I feel like I do need this. So that’s why there’s a difference.”
Another component of Joseph’s self-growth was in recognizing the value of education. He
commented that he did not understand the value of education when he was in high school, but,
“as I went through life I realized, yes, there is a value in education. And I try to instill that in my
daughter. Yes, there is a value in education.” The final component in Joseph’s self-growth was
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leaving drugs and other negative influences (what Joseph described as the “criminal element”)
behind:
Well, I know that I’ve learned through, well counseling, I do go to counseling, that when
you want to do something else with your life, it’s better just to leave that [other, negative]
part of your life behind you. And stop associating with those types of people [the criminal
element].
As Joseph gained motivation, recognized the value of education, and turned away from “those
types of people” he focused on his coursework, earned a certificate of achievement in business
with honors, and gained the self-confidence to continue on to earn an associate’s degree and to
possibly transfer to earn a bachelor’s degree. Even so, Joseph still felt self-doubt when beginning
a new assignment or course. He explained, “when I get the [A] grade, I’m like, ok, maybe I
shouldn’t have doubted myself, but that’s the way I’ve always been.” For Joseph, his early
educational experience hindered his educational goals and continued to cause self-doubt decades
later despite the fact that he had been inducted into an honor society. Nevertheless, through
personal growth and development, Joseph found the motivation, recognized the value education,
and avoided negative influences, all of which boosted his self-confidence and supported his
educational goals.
Lucy
Lucy spoke of attending a “reject [high] school” and graduating when she was 16 with a
scholarship. Because she did not understand the value of education and her parents “didn’t make
[education] important” she did not accept the scholarship or attend college. After having
children, Lucy realized that earning a degree would help her support her children. However,
Lucy described struggling with self-confidence when she returned to school as a result of her
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early educational experience:
Oh, yeah. You definitely have to have self-confidence. I remember going to my first
[college] class. I was very nervous. I don’t know. I think sometimes I just get this
mindset like, “oh, my god, what if I can’t learn?” You know? What if I can’t learn this
stuff?
Similar to other participants, as Lucy began to take courses at RCC and successfully complete
those courses, her self-confidence improved:
And, uh, funny enough I kept getting As on my papers. Where it kept making me feel
more confident. And then, you know, you really wanna start exploring what you can
write when you’re getting these good grades. And so, you know, I think that built my
confidence up….So, my self-confidence definitely started at RCC. And then it just kind
of grew and I took more classes and getting into human services and getting a certificate.
I think the more you take, the more you just start growing. That’s what it is, and you get
that self-confidence. Yeah.
Lucy, like Dawn Rochelle, Dida, Ellen and Joseph, gained self-confidence by taking and
successfully completing courses at RCC. The self-growth earned through successfully
completing courses gave Lucy the confidence to keep taking courses and pursue her educational
goals. Thus, like many of the other participants, Lucy’s early educational experience hindered
her educational goals (postponing her education and causing self-doubt), but through self-growth
she gained self-confidence, which supported her educational goals.
Norma
Norma, similar to Joseph, said she earned Cs and Ds in high school. Explaining that high
school was different than college, Norma commented:
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In high school I don’t think I really wanted to [learn]. You know what I mean, it’s
different when you’re in high school. You think you’re forced to do it, but here [at RCC]
you want to come and do it. I think that’s the big difference, too.
Norma had taken a break from school after graduating from high school. In addition to earning
low grades in high school, Norma had another challenge—addiction, which kept her from going
to college. However, after both her sister and brother earned master’s degrees, Norma decided
that it was time for her to get sober and focus on her education. But going back to school was
hard for Norma, as it was for many of the other participants. She explained, “because when I first
came up here I lacked self-confidence….Because after you suffer from addiction for so long, you
know, your lack of self-confidence is very big and so you don’t think much of yourself.” Norma,
like many of the other participants, also described gaining self-confidence as she enrolled in and
successfully completed courses at RCC. She explained that earning good grades, “makes you
want to keep going. To keep doing it [going to college]. To keep doing a good job. And it just
gave me confidence. You know. Yeah.” For Norma, self-growth, becoming sober, and enrolling
in college courses gave her confidence, which helped her continue to take more courses and earn
good grades, supporting her educational goals.
Quwma
Quwma had a similar early educational experience to Dawn Rochelle’s experience.
Quwma recalled, “oh, yeah, all my English papers come with red writing [corrections made by
teachers]. Completely full. Cuz I’ve never gotten into English. I couldn’t even tell you the basics
of it. And I struggle still now.” But for Quwma, “red writing” did not result in self-doubt, as it
did for Dawn Rochelle. He credited a teacher for instilling in him self-confidence:
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And in high school, this one [teacher]…. She got in there and, um, I don’t know what
sparked her interest about me. But something caught her eye and after that she wouldn’t
leave me alone. She kept trying to get me to do this, do this. And she kept hounding me.
And finally I started turning in my paperworks. I think it was more or less because I was
passing my tests…. So, she kept on me. And she actually got me to pick up my C grade
all the way up to a B+. And I went to a leadership conference, which was kind of unique.
It was really, you know, cuz she pulled things out of me that, she made me want to do
stuff. I wrote papers, I wanted to write stories. I read books…. I still have a couple of my
papers at home that I read every once in a while. It kind of makes me laugh. I think that’s
really the only time I got into it. English, I never really liked it.
Having teachers that believed in him enabled Quwma to overcome his self-doubt and even excel
at subjects he previously disliked. Nevertheless, like other participants, Quwma continued to
struggle with nagging self-doubt, which often threatened to hinder achievement of educational
goals. Quwma described how he felt in a difficult RCC course:
Sometimes when you get in a hard subject or you’re struggling with an essay or you get a
really low score, sometimes I feel like, man, I might as well take that job, go and get
another job. Go back to the forest service or something. Like I’ve done that before, you
know.
For Quwma, sometimes the challenge of learning new skills was overwhelming and made him
consider returning to his former career in which he excelled and was an expert. Nevertheless, the
self-confidence that he gained in other RCC courses through recognition by faculty and other
students (in his mathematics and art classes) allowed him to overcome the nagging self-doubt
and continue to pursue his educational goals.
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SaddsMah
SaddsMah did not talk about her early educational experience other than mentioning that
she did not have any counseling in high school and that while she never struggled in high school
she believed that if she had applied herself she would have done better. SaddsMah explained,
“even though I got really good grades in school, I feel like I could do so much better. And maybe
that would’ve given me that drive to not just settle.” SaddsMah described what motivated her to
go back to college, “I just, now I’m, I’m grown up, and so I feel like, um, I’m making up for lost
time.” For SaddsMah, her early educational experiences did not leave much of an impression on
her perhaps because education was not something that was viewed as important. Later in life
SaddsMah’s self-growth was in recognizing the importance of education and that she was ready,
after three decades, to go to college to pursue her educational goals.
Tashina
Tashina, like SaddsMah, did not talk about her early educational experience other than
she felt that she did not have much college preparation or counseling in high school.
Nevertheless, she knew she wanted to go to college from conversations with her mother. When
she first attended RCC, she struggled in the general education courses, possibly as a result of
symptoms of depression, which led to a lack of motivation. Tashina described how she
eventually took a break from college and went to counseling with her mother to work on their
relationship and her symptoms of depression. During that time off from college, Tashina also
took time for “finding” and “knowing” herself through “a lot of soul-searching,” which she
described as “one of the hardest, but one of the greatest things I could have done.” Tashina
eventually returned to RCC, found out about the human services program (a program that she
“enjoyed a lot”), and completed her certificate of achievement in human services. From that
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experience, Tashina felt that she “finally figured it out,” as a result of counseling, “soul-
searching,” taking a break from college, and then returning to find the “right” program. She
commented that, “I feel so much better with the path I’m going down now.” She also admitted
that “yeah, yeah having the self-confidence did take a while, definitely, for sure. Yeah, going
through that phase of self, trying to figure out what to do.” Despite the self-growth, finding the
right path, and gaining self-confidence, as Tashina planned to start working on her general
education courses again, she explained that:
I am [a little bit nervous about going back to general education courses]. Um, I’m just
nervous if I can keep up again. I’m just nervous it will be like before. But hopefully it
will be a different story since I’m not going through that [symptoms of depression] any
more. The way I feel now it definitely, it’s a fear, but of course I am nervous, but I think
I’m much more confident than I was before. I would say, yeah.
Even though she experienced self-doubt starting the next phase of her educational path,
Tashina’s process of self-growth led to increased self-confidence, self-awareness, and finding
her educational path, all of which supported achievement of her educational goals.
For all of the participants, early educational experiences shaped their experiences at RCC
to some degree, managing self-doubt, overcoming the lack of motivation to go to college, or
addressing whether or not they were encouraged to go to college. Further, all of the participants
described going through a period of self-growth, which changed their perspectives on the value
of college, their commitment to college, and their self-confidence. In essence, the period of self-
growth—transforming from self-doubt to self-confidence—allowed students to arrive at their
“right time” to go to college, which was different for each participant, and to embrace education,
develop educational goals, and eventually achieve those goals. While for many of the
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participants early educational experiences hindered achievement of their educational goals, for
all participants self-growth ultimately supported achievement of their educational goals.
Theme 4. External Factors
The fourth theme that emerged from the data was that numerous factors external to the
community college experience influenced participants’ educational experiences and their
educational goals. The study found that there were seven external factors that influenced
participants educational experiences and goals, including family (parents, other relatives,
dependents, romantic partners), work, the Tribal Ed Center, financial aid (scholarships, grants,
other aid programs, in-kind support such as free child care or a rent-free place to live), significant
life challenges (addiction, counseling, depression, divorce, family drama, illness, incarceration,
pregnancy, special needs of children), the tribal community, and friends. Family was mentioned
as a factor influencing educational experiences and goals (118 times) more than twice as often as
the next most frequently discussed factor, work (51 times). In addition, the Tribal Ed Center was
mentioned (48 times) nearly as often as work. These three factors, family, work and the Tribal
Ed Center, together (217 times) accounted for nearly two-thirds of the mentions about external
factors (338 times). Many of the factors were identified by participants as having both a positive
and negative influence on their educational experience and goals.
These findings—the seven external factors participants mentioned as influencing their
educational experiences and goals—were all found to be factors influencing persistence or
success in the literature. However, findings in this study about how these factors influenced
educational goals were not always aligned with all of the literature. Although Tinto’s (1975,
1987, 1993) model emphasized academic and social integration as the primary factors
determining persistence, his revised model (1987, 1993) included external commitments and
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communities as factors influencing persistence. In the community college context, Webb’s
(1989) research-based model of persistence found that the external environment was one of four
factors with a primary effect on persistence. Additionally, a number of empirical studies based in
the community college context identified specific external factors, which were also identified in
this study, that predicted persistence, such as employment (Bers & Smith, 1991), expectations of
family responsibilities and financial need (Hawley & Harris, 2006), and financial aid (Dowd &
Courey, 2006; Fike & Fike, 2008; Nora, 1990). Barbatis (2010) identified immediate and
extended families, high school friends, and significant life events as factors, which were also
identified in this study, influencing persistence in the community college context. Among
research on Native American college students, family was the factor most often found to
influence student success (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Jackson et al., 2003; Jackson & Smith,
2001; Reyner & Dodd, 1995; Rouse & Longie, 2001), which is consistent with the findings in
this study. Other factors were also cited such as structured social support (Jackson et al., 2003),
financial aid (Guillory & Wolvertion, 2008; Reyner & Dodd, 1995), tribal community, work,
alcohol abuse, and child care (Reyner & Dodd, 1995). All of these external factors were found to
have an influence on students’ educational experiences and goals in this study, as well. However,
in this section, I also describe how some of the nuances of the findings in this study add to and
diverge from the existing literature.
The findings within this theme helped to answer the research questions. They described
the myriad of other factors in students’ lives outside of the community college context that
influenced their educational experiences and goals. As in theme two, community college factors,
and theme three, student development and growth, in this theme, external factors, I do not
present factors (or aspects of factors) that are important to examine within a Native American
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 274
cultural context. Any external factors, or aspects of external factors, that are important to
examine within a Native American cultural context are presented in the fifth theme, cultural
influences. In this section, I present in detail the seven factors (findings) within external factors,
which influence student experiences at RCC and how those factors influence students’
educational goals. Following theme two, community college factors (410 times), and theme five,
cultural influences (538 times), external factors (338 times) were the third most frequently cited
factors influencing educational experiences and goals by participants in this study.
Family
The first finding within the theme, external factors, was that family was the factor
mentioned most often (118 times)—more often than work (51 times) or the Tribal Ed Center (48
times) combined. Family was broken down into four types of family members (primary
caretakers, other relatives, dependents, and romantic partners). Participants identified both
positive and negative influences of each of these groups of family members on their educational
experiences and goals. Participants felt that primary caretakers (compared to other relatives,
romantic partners, or dependents) had the most influence on their educational experiences and
goals (mentioned 53 times) and that the influence of parents was largely positive. Participants
discussed primary caretakers approximately twice as often as they discussed other relatives (26
times) or dependents (27 times), and nearly six times as often as they discussed romantic partners
(9 times). The positive influence of primary caretakers was mentioned (50 times) over sixteen
times more than negative influences (three times).
In general, nearly all students described complex relationships with their primary
caretakers, which at times hindered achievement of their educational goals, but for the most part
was a primary source of support for their educational goals. These findings were largely
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consistent with literature on Native American college student experiences (Guillory &
Wolverton, 2008; Jackson & Smith, 2001; Jackson et al., 2003; Reyner & Dodd, 1995; Rousey &
Longie, 2001), as well as literature on persistence in the community college context (Barbatis,
2010; Hawley & Harris, 2006). Participants described the positive influences of their primary
caretakers on their educational goals as resulting from encouragement (Barbatis (2010) cited
family as a primary external factor that supported college success), financial support (direct and
indirect) (Jackson et al. (2003) found that indirect financial support from family supported
educational goals), and modeling or valuing educational achievement. On the other hand,
students described the negative influence of primary caretakers as stemming primarily from lack
of financial support (Hawley and Harris (2006) found that expectations of financial difficulties
had a negative influence on persistence for community college students), but also lack of
awareness of or valuing education. None of the literature reviewed for this study specifically
identified family valuing and awareness of education as a factor in student success in achieving
educational goals. Despite the negative influence of primary caretakers’ lack of financial support,
lack of awareness about education, or lack of valuing education, what primary caretakers did
provide: the encouragement, the financial support that was available (whether direct or indirect),
and the value placed on education, had a much more significant positive influence on students’
educational experiences and goals.
A few participants described receiving encouragement and moral support from primary
caretakers for their educational goals, but not financial support. In one example, Dida’s mom
passed away when she was seven and her dad was “not very helpful.” Thus, she was raised by
her aunt and her grandmother. Though her aunt and grandmother both encouraged her to go to
college—both had college degrees and worked in education, Dida did not want to burden them
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with the cost of college. So, Dida’s primary caretakers had both positive (aunt and grandmother
encouraging her to go to school) and negative (not having parents to support her emotionally or
financially and not wanting to burden her aunt and grandmother with college costs) influences on
her educational experiences and goals. Similarly, Joseph explained that he did not consider
college after high school because:
There was not really money for me to even think about going to a college. Ah, so that’s
probably why I didn’t think of it. Or took it seriously. Cuz I grew up, you know, poverty,
I guess poverty line.
But similar to Dida, what Joseph’s parents could not provide in financial support, they made up
for in encouragement and emotional support. Joseph explained, “they’re all, when I told them I
was going back to school, they were all for it. They supported me [emotionally]….So, uh, but
when I told them [I was going to college], they were all like, yeah, go, go for it.” In addition to
providing encouragement, Joseph’s parents also modeled educational achievement. His father
had earned a bachelor’s degree and his mother had attended a technical college training in
clerical work. For both Dida and Joseph, the financial situation of their primary caretakers was
something that influenced their educational experiences and goals because they did not believe
the resources were available for them to go to college, let alone the college of their choice. This
influenced their decisions about whether to go to college (Joseph decided not to go after
graduating high school) and about where to go to college (Dida decided to attend a “cheap” tribal
college where “everything was paid for”). But in the end they, as did many of the other
participants, described strong emotional support and encouragement from their primary
caretakers once they enrolled in college.
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In another example, Dawn Rochelle and Quwma did not recall receiving encouragement
from their parents to go to college when they were growing up. But when they were older and
enrolled in college, their parents were supportive. Quwma explained:
My dad, he loves that I’m back in school. He always wanted me to go to school. I always
laugh at that. Well, you should have told me that more than get a job. Because all I heard
was get a job. But it wasn’t ‘til I got older that he was like, “oh, you should have went to
school, you should have went to school,” and this and that.
For both Dawn Rochelle and Quwma, not having the encouragement from their parents early on
hindered their educational goals as they did not really consider college as an option. It was only
after Dawn Rochelle’s work required continuing education units and Quwma realized the
physical requirements of his job were not sustainable that they each decided to go to college.
In Norma’s case, her father not only placed a high value on education and encouraged
Norma and her siblings to go to college, he went to extreme lengths to provide financial support.
Although Norma’s father “had [only] an eighth grade education,” he, “always instilled in [Norma
and her siblings] to go to college.” Norma explained:
I think that just because he didn’t have that education he had to make sure we had it.
Because he had like so many cows in our field. And like fourteen horses one time. And
my brothers and sisters were in college. And one time I remember he ended up selling
them all. Selling them all to help them pay for college. Help ‘em. With their apartments,
everything. You know. Little by little they’re all going those animals for the kids. So it
was really important for him. Yeah.
In Norma’s case, her father valued education so much that he sold family assets and means of
livelihood to support his children’s education.
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Other relatives, in particular siblings, also played a role—both positive and negative—in
participants’ educational experiences and goals. A few participants described how siblings were
role models for them. Dawn Rochelle’s sister had completed some college. She was one of the
few people that Dawn Rochelle knew who had gone to college and thus, was the first example
for Dawn Rochelle of college as an option after high school. Norma’s sister and brother had both
earned master’s degrees, which spurred her to go to college. But Dorothy and Quwma had
siblings who were negative influences. Dorothy explained that her parents, though sober now,
had been addicts and that her brothers followed in their footsteps:
But, um, you know, like my brothers, they kind of did the same thing [as my parents—
turning to drugs and alcohol]. You know they were like, “I’m just going to go and not
care about anything. I’m going to go and drink and party.”
Rather than allow her brothers to negatively influence her educational goals, Dorothy seeing
what was happening to her brothers began to focus even more on her education, eventually
taking AP courses in high school, graduating and enrolling in a state university. Similarly,
Quwma stayed focused on his educational goals, even though his brother and cousin were not
supportive of college. Quwma described how they challenged his decision to further his
education:
Cuz [my brother’s] been in the prison system all his life. He’s been you know kicked to
the curb and everything else. So he’s got a real bitter attitude. And, um, he doesn’t even
look up to, you know, the schooling part. He doesn’t think that, you know, “well, what’s
that going to do for you?” This and that. You know, he like a lot of people out there on
the rez [reservation], “what are you doing that for? What’s that going to do for you?”
You know? And one of my cousins, he kind of at first, he was kind of ragging on me
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about it. But then he almost turned his like, turned his direction, not so much being
ragging on me. It’s almost like he’s treating me like I’m almost better than him now. He
thinks that I think that I’m better than him now. Just because I go to class.
But Quwma also had one sister in particular who supported him by taking care of his five
children while he was attending classes. Quwma explained that all of his siblings, even his
brother who did not understand why he was going to college, were supportive in their own ways:
But my sister, she really likes it. I mean my brothers and sisters they always send their
kids over to me to get their studying assistance. I help them with their grades and stuff.
Like my little niece she’s in college now. She’s like, yeah, her mom, she was totally lost
like right after word problems and fractions [and couldn’t help her with homework].
She’s like, “I don’t know what I’m doing, go ask your uncle.” She would come over.
[And I would say], “oh, yeah, I remember this.” Tchu tchu tchu, “that’s how you do it.”
Yeah, my sister and everybody else, they like the fact that I’m here [at RCC]. Even my
brother, he’d hate to admit it, but he likes knowledge. When I share stuff with him he’s
like, “hmm, hmm, that’s what I thought.” He’s funny. Yeah, older brother. I’m the
youngest out of my family.
Dorothy and Quwma both had siblings that were negative influences on them. Dorothy was able
to see that she did not want the life her brothers were creating for themselves by abusing drugs
and alcohol. Quwma was able to see that his brother valued education through his actions despite
what he said about not understanding the value of education.
Ellen’s experience with other relatives was slightly different. She shared how proud her
extended family was that she was going back to college explaining:
And I’d always go back [to where my family is from] and then my uncle’s all proud.
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They talk [another Native American language]. [He would tell everyone in his language],
“she has two degrees.” And I’m like, “oh, my god.” Yeah….My sister signed up for
college after that….So, everybody was like, “I’m going to college, too.” So, that was,
like, really awesome.
Feeling like such a positive example for her relatives encouraged Ellen to continue with school.
After she earned her associate’s degree, she decided to complete her transfer requirements, as
well. For Ellen she had a positive influence on her relatives’ educational goals and seeing them
enroll in college, in turn, encouraged her to keep taking classes and set her educational goals
even higher.
All but one participant had dependents living with them. Most of the participants
described how raising dependents both hindered and supported their educational experiences and
goals. Many of the participants who had dependents described the challenge of scheduling
classes around child care availability and finding enough time to be with their children while also
completing coursework. Participants with older children (or grandchildren)—Dawn Rochelle,
Ellen, and SaddsMah—explained that they needed to wait until their children were on their own
before they could consider transferring to earn a bachelor’s degree. Thus, having dependents was
holding them back from immediately pursuing their educational goals. On the other hand,
dependents provided support for participants’ educational experiences and goals in many ways.
Dependents provided participants with the motivation to earn a degree, inspiration to be a role
model, and encouragement as a “classmate.”
One of the hardest challenges for participants with dependents was feeling as though
coursework was taking time and focus away from their children. Quwma described the tension
between coursework and children:
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Right now my kids are more important. So, I can put down a book and go play with my
kids. My son, because he’s only a year and a half and he’s really gaining a lot right now.
Even my kids get mad at me sometimes when I’m studying real hard and trying to get it
all in. They’ll go, “stop studying all the time; come visit me.” And I’ll feel bad and I’ll
close [the studying] up. And my schoolwork kind of gets hammered a little bit. But, um,
yeah, it’s your choice to be there, and in a little bit of a way, it is.
Experiencing similar tension, Lucy who said during the first interview, “I’m just gonna keep
going to school til I find out what, what it is I want to do,” had decided three months later to take
a break from school explaining in the second interview that her oldest daughter needed more
time with her mother. For both Quwma and Lucy, their decision to go to college was motivated
by trying to better provide for their children. Thus, both of them struggled with finding a balance
between what was better for their children in the short-term versus long-term educational goals.
Other participants described ways dependents had a positive influence on their
educational experiences and goals. Norma explained that it was important for her to further her
education in order to be a good role model for her niece whom she was raising. Norma felt
particular urgency since her niece was struggling in her senior year of high school. Dawn
Rochelle and Ellen both described how their children supported them in achieving their
educational goals. Dawn Rochelle’s son provided her with moral support since they were both in
college. Ellen’s children would help her with coursework:
My daughter would be like, “what are you stuck on?” And I’d tell her and she’d be like,
“no. Here, let’s talk about it” and then we’d talk about it or whatever. And she’d be like,
“see, it wasn’t that hard.” Or my son like, “what are you writing about?” When I’d tell
him, he’d be like, “well, this is how you do it.” In his little high school [way he’d show
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me] how they write. I’d go, “that’s so easy.” He’d go, “well, do it that way. They don’t
like it, then they’ll tell you.” And they would like help me and say, “you can do it, you
can do it.” Support that way was awesome, yeah.
For participants with dependents, the motivation, inspiration and encouragement from children
seemed to outweigh the challenges of finding time to complete coursework while raising
dependents. Thus, while dependents often hindered educational goals, most participants felt that
overall, they supported their educational experiences and goals.
Romantic partners were also mentioned by a few participants as influencing their
educational goals. Dawn Rochelle spoke of the support provided by her children’s father
explaining, “their dad taking care of them while I went to school….Just being able to do the
homework and not have my kids bother me while I did it.” But at the same time Dawn Rochelle
also spoke about the negative influence her current boyfriend had on her educational goals, “my
boyfriend is more demanding. My boyfriend’s like, ‘you’re leaving again [to go to class]?’ So
there’s just like pressure [to spend time with him instead of focusing on coursework].” Ellen also
felt that her romantic partner hindered her educational goals:
And I, you know, [my son’s] father, he was, he was telling me that I was abandoning my
children. But back then I was like, “I’m not.” You know? I don’t know. But now it’s like
I know now that what he was saying was just being, he was being controlling. So, I just
quit [college]. I didn’t want to do that [abandon my children]. But now I know….And
now I know [he was] either scared that I was gonna do this stuff [earn a degree] and leave
or something. Well, I ended up leaving anyways. But then it was like I didn’t want to
leave my children after a while. I was like I’m not leaving you with them. Didn’t have the
support. It was really hard. Because I stopped [going to college], because [my son’s]
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father wasn’t, ah, very supportive.
For Dawn Rochelle and Ellen, romantic partners had a significant influence on their educational
goals. When they were supportive, it made going to college possible, but when they were not
supportive, it resulted in Dawn Rochelle second guessing whether she should continue taking
classes and in Ellen taking a break from college.
Work
The second finding within the theme, external factors, was that work, although
demanding on participants’ time, was a positive factor influencing participants’ educational
experiences and goals. This finding contradicted the literature on persistence in the community
college context and on Native American college students’ experiences. Bers and Smith (1991)
found that the more hours students worked, the less likely they were to persist in the community
college context. Similarly, Reyner and Dodd (1995) found that work was a barrier to Native
American college student success. Seven of the 10 participants were working at the time of this
study. Six of the participants with jobs were working full-time and one was working more than
thirty hours per week. All but one of the participants who were working worked for a tribal or
tribal-affiliated entity. In all cases, participants described their workplace as supportive of their
educational goals. Support was often in the form of flexible schedules to accommodate course
schedules, allowing participants time to do coursework at work, and encouragement and moral
support from supervisors and coworkers. In many cases, participants’ work was in a field related
to their educational goals. The one way work hindered participants’ educational goals was in
limiting the number of courses that could be successfully completed per semester due to the
amount of time participants spent working. Most participants who were working typically took
one, maybe two, courses per semester. Dida explained how accommodating her workplace was,
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“my boss was like, ‘oh, yeah, well, if you take [the human services] class for an hour [during
your work shift], you can come back and work an extra hour.’ Yeah, so that really helped. That
helped me graduate.” Dorothy had the same experience:
[My bosses] both have been, like, really flexible with my school schedule and have
offered me extra hours because maybe I missed, you know, I couldn’t work the hours. So,
cuz I had to come here. So, they’ve been super supportive.
In addition to flexible schedules, participants described their workplaces and coworkers as
encouraging. SaddsMah explained how her supervisor supported her educational goals by
encouraging her:
My supervisor said, “I know you can do this [earn a degree]. So she’s been very
supportive. And, um, encouraging me. And I think that’s been my, having someone that
sees how hard you work. Not only at your job but that you are pushing yourself to get
that degree and able to just be better at what you do…. And she’s always been real
supportive. She’ll ask me, “how’s your class going?” You know? And she’d ask, “do you
have a paper that’s due?” And afterwards she asks me about my grades. And that kind of
thing…. My work they, um, they take very seriously the fact that they’ve been able to
hire educated Native American staff. And right now…to my knowledge I’m the only one
that does not have some kind of a degree.
Dawn Rochelle, Dida, Dorothy, Lucy, and Tashina also described similar levels and types of
encouragement and support from their employers who communicated the value of education.
Despite work limiting the number of courses students could successfully complete per semester,
it was one of the external factors that most supported educational experiences and goals.
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Tribal Ed Center
The third finding within the theme external factors was that the Tribal Ed Center was also
one of the external factors that most supported students’ educational experiences and goals.
Although none of the literature reviewed for this study described a Tribal Ed Center or similar
entity as a factor in student success, some of the literature on Native American college student
experiences found that the tribal college as “family support” (Rousey & Longie, 2001), having
structured (culturally relevant) social support (Jackson et al., 2003), and the cultural consistency
at tribal colleges (Brown, 2003) were all factors that loosely mirrored some of the functions of
the Tribal Ed Center and which supported Native American student success. With the exception
of two participants who felt that Tribal Ed Center staff did not provide accurate information
regarding educational pathways, and two others who felt that Tribal Ed Center tutoring was
insufficient, all of the participants cited various other ways the Tribal Ed Center supported their
educational experiences and goals, including funding for books, tuition, materials and supplies,
encouragement from staff, educational planning, tutoring, and computer lab availability. In
addition, nearly all participants cited the partnership between RCC and the Tribal Ed Center as
one of the primary factors supporting their educational goals. SaddsMah explained:
I guess the partnership [RCC has] with [the Tribal Ed Center] is, um, I think that’s a big
important part of [my educational success]. Because I think if [the partnership] wasn’t
there then maybe there wouldn’t be as many Native people coming to school up here [at
RCC]. Um, just because I think that without that, um, relationship, there might not be that
support from [the Tribal Ed Center for Native American students going to college].
Dida described some of the specific ways the Tribal Ed Center supported her educational goals:
Specifically, I guess just [the Tribal Ed Center] being there and helping us kind of guide
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what classes we need to take. I mean, I know it’s not, like, set in stone, but at least we
could get one semester or, like, the next semester planned. Like, if I ever needed, like,
they offered classes to build resumes. And if you needed help with [Microsoft] Word or
stuff like that, they had a computer class a couple times.
Joseph added:
And then they [the Tribal Ed Center] helped with the books in the beginning. And I got
on the Tribal [Temporary Aid for Needy Families] TANF and now [the Tribal Ed Center
is] the one helping me with the books. So pretty much all I have to do is just give my
time. Everything else is paid for.
Other students concurred that the services provided by the Tribal Ed Center enabled them to go
to college, helped them plan their educational goals, and encouraged them to stay on track. Lucy
summarized:
And you know [the Tribal Ed Center staff] just kind of direct you and help you and it was
good. And you know they, they’re trying to help, you know. That’s their goal is to get
Natives through school. I think what I like about it, that’s their only goal. Just to get them
through school. Get them help.
For participants in this study the Tribal Ed Center was a crucial component supporting their
educational experience and goals. Although there were negative comments by some participants,
they were infrequent and outweighed by other, more frequent, positive comments from those
same participants.
Financial Aid
The fourth finding within external factors was that all participants received some type of
financial aid, without which many said that they may not have been able to attend RCC. Dawn
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Rochelle shared what she thought was one of the factors that most supported her at RCC,
“probably the financial aid. Um, being able to receive financial aid. I probably wouldn’t have
been able to afford college without that.” Dida had the same feeling, “yeah, and I think if I had to
pay a lot, like or take out loans, I’m not sure I would come to [RCC].” Joseph who was not
working, but enrolled at RCC full-time explained what would have happened without financial
aid:
I’d probably have to make some changes, I’d probably have to go to work full time. Right
now I’m not really. I’m just making sure that I have my bills paid through the money I
get from FAFSA, through TANF, through my tribe’s education monies.
Being able to cover his expenses without working allowed Joseph to focus his attention on
schoolwork. Many other students shared the belief that without financial aid they would not be
able to go to RCC.
This finding was largely consistent with the literature reviewed for this study, although
there were some mixed findings. Fike and Fike (2008) found that receiving financial aid resulted
in increased persistence among community college students. Similarly, Nora (1990) found that
receiving non-campus based financial aid (grants) supported persistence among community
college students. Additionally, Sorey and Duggan (2008) found that for “adult” (25 years of age
and older) students having the finances available to pay for college was a predictor of
persistence. Guillory and Wolverton (2008) similarly found that for Native American students
lack of financial aid was a barrier to college success. Nevertheless, Dowd and Courey (2006)
found that student loans were linked to nonpersistence among community college students. Thus,
these finding suggested that not all financial assistance was equal in supporting students’
educational goals. Dorothy explained that while she had loans to attend the state university, she
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did not want to incur student debt. Instead, she attended RCC where she was able to receive
grants and scholarships. Students attending RCC had numerous financial support options
available to help fund their education, including local and tribal scholarships, state fee waivers,
and state and federal aid, grant and loan programs. None of the participants cited the
unavailability of financial aid as a factor hindering their educational experiences and goals at
RCC. Nevertheless, several participants had concerns about availability of financial aid for
transferring to earn a bachelor’s degree.
Significant Life Challenges
The fifth finding within external factors was that nine of the 10 participants described
significant life challenges, which postponed or interrupted their educational goals. These
challenges included illness and death of family members, pregnancy, special needs of children,
divorce, drug and alcohol addiction, incarceration, and depression. While none of the literature
reviewed for this study discussed “significant life challenges” specifically as a factor in students’
nonlinear or cyclic educational pathway or as a factor in their college success, a few of the
studies on Native American college student experiences found that a couple of the factors—such
as addiction and single parenthood—had negative influences on Native American student
success (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Jackson & Smith, 2001; Jackson et al., 2003; Reyner &
Dodd, 1995) In this study, the participants did not discuss significant life challenges as factors
that necessarily hindered their educational goals, rather they postponed or interrupted progress
toward those goals. In most of the cases (such as Tashina’s struggle with depression, Norma’s
battle with addiction, Dorothy and Dida’s pregnancies, Ellen’s divorce, Lucy’s experience with
special needs of her children, and Quwma’s experience with incarceration) these significant life
challenges actually resulted in self-growth and motivated students to focus on their educational
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goals once the “time was right” for them to go to college. In one poignant example, Dawn
Rochelle stated that she couldn’t remember whether or not she was taking classes during a five-
year period because it was “all a big blur.” She explained:
Um, but I had, um, my mom pass away in 2006. Or ’07. My dad 2009. My stepdad 2010.
My sister 2010. So, like, that time is kinda, like, all a big blur. So, I don’t remember if I
was taking classes in between then or not. I have to look at my schedule. That was
probably a lot. I was doing a lot taking care of them. They were doing treatments. Chemo
treatments. Um, so that was probably one thing there. One thing. One big thing. Yeah.
The other students described similarly significant and challenging life experiences that required
time away from college. Nevertheless, Dawn Rochelle, like all of the other participants
demonstrated resiliency and determination. They all returned, or planned to return, to RCC in
order to continue toward their educational goals.
Tribal Community
The sixth finding within the theme, external factors, was that seven of the 10 participants
cited the tribal community as a positive influence on their educational experience and their
educational goals. This finding was consistent with findings from some of the literature on
Native American college students (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Jackson & Smith, 2001; Reyner
& Dodd, 1995). This study also found that the tribal community could also be a negative
influence on students’ educational experiences and goals, which was consistent with Jackson et
al.’s (2003) finding of paradoxical cultural pressure. I present aspects of this finding in this
theme, external factors, and discuss tribal community further in theme five, cultural influences.
The tribal community was defined as both the formal tribal organizations and services, but also
the informal tribal networks and relationships. The tribal community supported students through
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financial support, a general sense of wanting to improve the overall education level of the tribal
workforce, and programs specifically designed to promote education among tribal members.
Lucy described some of the financial support available through the tribal community:
The Tribe, that has been, I’m not even part of this tribe, but they’re willing to help other
Natives. And, um, giving them money for school, helping them with day care, or helping
them with rent, or anything you could really need to stay in school, they help you with
and it’s all tribal [funding]. The reservation has been a great help….But as far as going to
school, it supports me in a lot of ways. I mean I even work now on the reservation. It’s an
amazing job and my job actually pays for part of my schooling and will give me two and
a half hours per day to go to school.
Dorothy highlighted the general sense of the tribal community wanting to support education:
I think that the Native community in general is really supportive of education. Just
because we don’t have that many people who work for the Tribe who have a college
education. So, they’re trying to get those students in and work.
Despite the general sense that the Tribe supported education to enhance the workforce, a few
participants felt that tribal organizations were not always willing to hire or promote individuals
with the most education or qualifications, relying instead on relationships and longevity. Dorothy
shared an experience that happened to a friend:
I mean that happened to one of my friends. He went to [a prestigious university] and he
got a degree…and, um, he applied [for] a really good position. Something he went to
school for. And they didn’t even give him an interview. But they gave somebody…who
had, you know, no experience [but who needed the job]….And so, you know, the kid was
really understanding. He was like, “well, you know, they’re helping her, putting her back
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on her feet, whatever.” And it was like, but at the same time, are they going to do that
every time one of their tribal members who are educated trying to come back and work
for the Tribe, you know at a better place? But, you know, there’s hypocrisy there. So that
makes me frustrated.
During the focus group, several participants, although grateful to the Tribe for providing
financial support for education, felt the same frustration that employment within the Tribe did
not necessarily reward education.
Even so, many participants described the support they felt generally by tribal members.
SaddsMah, for example commented:
There’s a lot of people in our tribe who are always really supportive when you say you’re
taking classes, which has been nice. And so, I, um, I think I hold those people at a little
higher, like maybe on a pedestal. And when somebody, I feel like they’re influential or
somebody like that tells me, “oh you’re doing such a good job; we’re glad you’re going
to school,” it just makes you, it gives you that little bit of self-esteem boost. And it keeps
you, for me anyway, it keeps me wanting to keep pursuing my education.
Tashina described a tribal program that provided her with that same feeling of a “self-esteem
boost” that SaddsMah described when recognized by members of the tribal community for her
educational pursuits:
I can recall actually a huge experience. My [tribal-affiliated] youth group that I was with.
I attended something, it was actually like a leadership conference….And then so when I
went to that conference it opened my eyes to so many things. That was another life-
change experience, too, because of course school was a big talk. Education was a big
talk….And they’d be like how many of you attend or are planning to attend school. It was
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the age group of 14 to 24. So, high school kids and college kids. And, um, so, like, of
course being around other Native American students seeing who you know having them
in an area in one spot and it was seeing everybody. That was also empowering,
too….They said, “who’s going to college? Raise a hand who’s going to college.” And
you see every, pretty much everyone’s hands go up. And that’s kinda the big experience
that I had. And that was empowering for me.
For students such as SaddsMah and Tashina, the tribal community was a source of inspiration
and empowerment, which supported their educational goals.
Friends
The seventh finding within external factors was that despite many participants feeling as
though the tribal community was a positive influence on their educational experiences and goals,
half of the participants specifically mentioned friends as a negative influence on their educational
experiences and goals, the other half did not mention friends (outside of the college context) as
either a positive or negative influence on their educational experiences or goals. This finding was
not consistent with some of the literature. Barbatis (2010) found that friends were a factor that
supported persistence in the community college context and Reyner and Dodd (1995) found that
friends were a factor that supported Native American student success in the higher education
context. However, Jackson et al. (2003) found that friends were another component of the
“paradoxical cultural pressure” that both supported and hindered Native American college
student success. In this study, participants described friends (outside of the college context) as
hindering their educational goals. I discuss this finding further in the fifth theme, cultural
influences.
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Dawn Rochelle shared one example of how friends were a negative influence on
educational goals. She explained that she did not know many people that had earned a college
degree, which probably had a negative influence on her educational goals. She said that they
would often ask her, “why are you still taking classes?” In another example, Dorothy felt that in
her peer group there was “the pressure, like to drink. There was you know, like, you’re young
and people like to party.” Dorothy explained that even though she “wasn’t really the party
person,” she felt that the pressure from friends negatively influenced her educational goals
because, “I guess going out, hanging out, not doing the work that you’re here [to do]” was
distracting. Joseph described witnessing the negative influence of peers:
And I’ve actually had experience, not mine, but watching other people, that [peers can
negatively influence your educational goals] is so true. Because I’ve seen people you
know, go to jail, sober up, get out of jail, and they’re trying to be good, but then, then
those people that visit old friends and drag them back into it, then they go back to jail. So,
I’ve seen that. So it’s like. [I feel] sad [about that]. Yeah [I worry about that], cuz they’re
some, mostly cousins. And they can do better. It’s just that’s what they’re used to, that’s
what their comfort zone is. [I don’t have concerns about peers negatively influencing
me], not any more, no.
For the participants who described peers negatively influencing educational goals, they explained
that in order to stay on their educational path, they had to consciously avoid interactions with
those friends. Lucy summed it up:
I, uh, keep everyone at a distance as far as friends, you know? I have my husband and I
have my children. Um, you don’t get sucked into drama and there’s just so much of it,
you just have to stay in your own little world to stay out of it.
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A number of participants described seeking out new friends at RCC, friends with similar
educational goals, and consciously avoiding friends with whom they had grown up with in order
avoid the negative influences on their educational goals.
Consistent with much of the research on persistence and success in the community
college context and, in particular for Native American students, this study found that external
factors influenced students’ educational experiences and goals. In particular, family had a
significant influence as did work and the Tribal Ed Center. Other factors, which were not always
consistent with the findings in the literature, included financial aid, significant life challenges,
the tribal community, and friends. Some of these factors were either positive influencers or
negative influencers, while others were described as being both positive and negative.
Theme 5. Cultural Influences
The fifth theme that emerged from the data was that students’ educational experiences
were influenced by various cultural factors, which supported as well as hindered their
educational goals. The study found that cultural influences framed students’ educational
experiences in various ways. For example, participants all had different perspectives of what
being Native American meant to them. How participants described their Native American
identity influenced their educational experiences and goals. Other ways cultural influences
framed participants’ educational experiences and either supported or hindered their educational
goals were a result of the following factors: cultural symbols, behaviors, beliefs, and
expectations; “rez life” (tribal organizations, tribal community, connections, and influences);
racism in the form of feeling invisible and the burden of stereotypes; curriculum that was
irrelevant or insensitive to Native American experiences; historical trauma; and Native American
classmates. Nearly a third of all comments recorded for this study—over five hundred—
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described experiences that students identified as being shaped by cultural influences. Thus,
overall, theme five, cultural influences, was the predominant theme influencing participants’
educational experiences and goals.
In this section, I describe the ways cultural influences framed educational experiences for
students in this study. Each of the factors described in this section were cited by at least six of the
ten participants. However, just as each participant had a different perspective on what it meant to
be Native American, each participant also had a different experience with the ways in which
these cultural factors supported or hindered their educational goals. In addition, many of the
factors were identified by participants as having both a positive and negative influence on their
educational experiences and goals.
A number of studies on Native Americans in the postsecondary context identified various
cultural influences as factors either supporting or hindering Native American students’ success
(Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Jackson et al., 2003; Martin,
2005; Reyner & Dodd, 1995; Rousey & Longie, 2001; Shotton et al., 2009). The ability to cope
with cultural and racial issues generally was found to be a key factor in success for Native
American college students (Reyner & Dodd, 1995). Several studies found that cultural symbols,
behaviors, beliefs, and expectations were a factor influencing Native American student success.
For example, Martin (2005) described one of the ways tribal colleges supported Native American
student success was by prominently displaying Native American symbolism. Gloria & Robinson
Kurpius (2001) found “comfort in the environment” to be an important factor of success. In
addition, spirituality (Jackson et al., 2003) and expectations (Reyner & Dodd, 1995) were also
found to influence Native American students’ educational goals.
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“Rez life” was identified in the literature as both hindering and supporting Native
American student success (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Jackson et al., 2003; Reyner & Dodd,
1995). Although the tribal community overall was found to support success (Guillory &
Wolverton, 2008; Jackson et al., 2003; Reyner & Dodd, 1995), Jackson et al. (2003) also found
that connection to some tribal members could be a negative influence (due to alcohol and drugs),
employment aligned with their education was limited on the reservation, and many students felt
they had to leave the reservation to be successful. Additionally, Jackson et al. (2003) and Reyner
and Dodd (1995) both found that racism was not only prevalent, but a significant barrier to
Native American student success.
Cultural factors in the classroom were found to influence Native American student
success (Jackson et al., 2003; Martin, 2005; Rousey & Longie, 2001). Martin (2005) and Rousey
and Longie (2001) both found that culturally relevant curriculum was an important factor in
Native American student success. However, Jackson et al. (2003) found that racism manifested
itself in the classroom by students feeling either “ignored” or “singled out,” which had a negative
influence on their success.
Although much of the literature did not discuss historical trauma specifically, a number
of studies identified factors that were likely a result of historical trauma (Guillory & Wolverton,
2008; Jackson et al., 2003; Reyner & Dodd, 1995). For example, a couple of studies found that
Native American students were motivated to pursue education to give back to the tribal
community (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Jackson et al., 2003). On the other hand, Reyner and
Dodd (1995) found that fear of asking questions and low self-esteem, possibly resulting from
historical trauma, were barriers to student success.
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Several studies found that Native American classmates were a positive influence on
Native American student success (Guillory & Wolverton, 2008; Jackson et al., 2003; Reyner &
Dodd, 1995; Shotton et al., 2009). Guillory & Wolverton (2008), for example, found that Native
American classmates provided both psychological and academic support. Similarly, Shotton et
al. (2009) found that Native American peer mentoring was a positive factor supporting student
success and Jackson et al. (2003) found that Native American classmates often acted as role
models supporting others’ success.
The findings within this theme, cultural influences, were largely consistent with the
literature, but in some instances either contradicted previous literature or provided additional
nuances. Nevertheless, the findings within this theme helped to answer the research questions.
They described the ways in which cultural influences framed Native American student
experiences and both supported and hindered their educational goals. Many of the findings are
consistent generally with much of the literature on Native American student success in the
postsecondary context. The findings in this study also highlighted in further detail the variations
and nuances in how cultural factors influenced Native American student educational experiences
and goals—in particular, the role of identity, curriculum, historical trauma and Native American
classmates.
Identity
Cultural influences on educational experiences and goals stemmed from students’ identity
and how they were perceived by others. Thus, it was important to first examine participants’
identities (what it means to be Native American) before presenting how cultural influences
shaped their educational experiences and supported or hindered their educational goals. Four
students indicated that they were bi-racial: having one Native American parent and one either
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White (Dawn Rochelle, Lucy, and SaddsMah) or Mexican (Dida) parent. Three students did not
grow up on a reservation (Dawn Rochelle, Joseph, and Lucy) and two students currently did not
live on the reservation (Dida and Tashina). In addition, participants represented five different
tribes. In general, regardless of participants’ parents’ ethnicities, where they grew up or currently
lived, and their tribal affiliation, participants described that being Native American was
essentially a combination of three components: a shared history—understanding where Native
Americans “came from” and what the “community as a whole has gone through;” cultural
traditions such as “sweat” (a ceremony conducted in a sweat lodge during which sweating
provides spiritual and sometimes physical cleansing and purification), drumming, dance, and
beading; and the feeling of pride about being a part of a “special,” powerful people.
Nevertheless, the students who did not grow up on a reservation described the different
ways growing up assimilated into “White” culture influenced their identity. Joseph, as a result of
growing up in a White community, rather than on a reservation, did not think of himself as
Native American. He explained:
That’s the crazy thing. I think I’ve been assimilated too well to the American society on
that one [question—what it means to be Native American]. To me I don’t think of myself
as Native, I just think of myself as a person. And I just have a Native American
background….Uh, so, I really don’t have the, [I don’t think of being Native American],
no.
Unlike Joseph, Dawn Rochelle considered herself Native American, but struggled with feeling
completely integrated and connected to Native American culture. Dawn Rochelle grew up with
her non-Native mother but moved to the reservation to live with her father when she began high
school. She remembers thinking, “all of a sudden it was like, oh, I’m Native.” However, as a
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result of not growing up with Native American culture, she felt disconnected from other Native
Americans:
Um, but I didn’t really grow up, like, culturally. I didn’t do sweat. Um, my dad he played
hand games. His parents, they were already passed away when I was born. So, I didn’t
have his parents teaching me anything. Just mainly him. He played the hand games and
that was pretty much it. He didn’t believe in the sweat. He didn’t believe in the pow
wows. The pow wows, I remember him saying that they were more other tribes, they
weren’t our tribe. So like all the fancy headdresses and regalia and stuff like that. That
wasn’t really ours. Er, not the regalia, but the jingle dresses and stuff like that. Um, we
had the rabbit skin. And, so, he said how we should go back to that. Um, he did talk a lot
about him growing up and stuff like that. How he was raised. Other than that I’ve gone to
a couple of cry dances. I kinda feel disconnected a little bit maybe because I didn’t grow
up here. So I don’t really feel, um, [I feel] out of place. Like my dad used to try to, um,
talk, too. He knew some [of our Native] words; he would talk to me. Then I would try to
say it back. But I wouldn’t say it right and he would say, “no, no, no. You’re not saying it
right.” So I don’t even want to, I mean I want to learn the language, but I feel so self-
conscious. Um, when I do try to talk I feel like someone is going to say, “no, you’re not
saying it right.”
Dawn Rochelle thought of herself as Native American stating that she was “proud to be Native
American”, but also felt as though she was disconnected from the other Native Americans on the
reservation due to her lack of cultural understanding and knowledge. Lucy experienced a
different process in developing her Native American identity. She described not really
understanding how proud she was of being Native American until she moved to the reservation
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as an adult:
Um, but to be Native American, I am very proud to be Native American. And I didn’t
realize how proud I was until I moved to [this town]. You know, [this tribe], you
celebrate your culture. You make it important. It’s not just claiming to be Native
American. It’s living the way Native Americans should. You know it’s believing
wholeheartedly in your customs and your traditions. And I’m glad for who I am. And you
know it’s just, I grew up, let me give you a little of my background. I grew up in, in
another state and I didn’t tell anyone I was Native American. Um, I just, you know, I
wasn’t proud of it….And then I moved here and, you know, my eyes were opened and I
am proud and I’m glad I live on the reservation. Um, and I like to be involved in all the
cultural activities. And getting my kids involved and bringing it alive. Because you know
to me it was dead. But making it grow, it’s just amazing, it’s really amazing.
Joseph, Dawn Rochelle, and Lucy each had different experiences as a result of growing up off of
the reservation. Those experiences shaped their identities and, as I present in detail in the
remaining factors within this theme, influenced their educational experiences and goals.
In addition to growing up off of the reservation, Dawn Rochelle and Lucy described how
being bi-racial also shaped their identities. Lucy commented, “well, you know, I’m White, too.
So, I really kinda struggle with myself on some things.” But Dawn Rochelle felt a comfort in
being bi-racial as she was able to get along with anyone explaining “I don’t have any problems
getting along with [non-Natives], but I kinda grew up with my mom who’s non-Native. So, it’s,
like, not really a big issue to me.” SaddsMah shared that rather than getting along with all types
of people, being bi-racial sometimes meant that she would be an outsider to both Native
Americans and non-Natives:
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Being, um, honestly I have to say, being half or a half-breed, is walking right down the
middle of the road. Cuz, sometimes you get the misconceptions or that people perceive
you as being one way, one side of the community. But you also get that from the Indian
side of the community, as well. I’ve had um, I’ve been treated bad by non-Native people,
but I’ve also been treated bad by my own tribal members. My own family members even.
Because I’m not dark skinned, dark hair. And I’m not, didn’t do, like, things that other
kids did or, I wasn’t always into sports. I was a cheerleader. I dated outside of the
community growing up. And, um, I got, um, called an apple [meaning red-skinned
(Native American), but White at the core] quite a bit growing up.
For SaddsMah, being Native American meant that she knew where she came from and what her
people had gone through. But, she didn’t want being Native American to define who she was. As
Dawn Rochelle, Lucy, and SaddsMah demonstrated, identity—in their cases being bi-racial—
was not always experienced in the same way.
Nevertheless, being Native American had important meaning for all of the participants.
For example, Norma described being Native American as, “knowing I can make it in a world that
wasn’t made for [Native Americans]. You know? That we’re supposed to have meant to, we
weren’t meant to survive in this world. And we have.” Dorothy wondered about a similar idea,
“what’s going to happen for me…and my son if we don’t know, um, how to be [Native
American], I guess? Because, then, [our culture is] going to be lost.” Tashina added simply that
being Native American is “something that is empowering and it’s special.” So, for some
students, being Native American was simply “empowering,” others felt that empowerment came
from surviving against the odds. Still others believed that it was critically important to actively
participate in the survival of their people by learning and maintaining their culture and identity.
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Although being Native American had different meanings for each student, three key
components were a part of nearly all participants’ definition of being Native American: a shared
history, cultural traditions, and pride about being a “special” group of people. In the remaining
factors of this theme, cultural influences, I present findings that describe how students’ identities
as Native Americans combined with the other factors (cultural behaviors, practices and beliefs,
“rez life,” racism, curriculum, historical trauma, and Native American classmates) shaped their
educational experiences and either supported or hindered their educational goals.
Cultural Symbols, Behaviors, Beliefs, and Expectations
One of the questions participants were asked during the first interview was whether they
experienced any cultural differences that influenced their educational experiences. Four of the
ten participants stated that they did not experience any such cultural differences. However, two
of the participants who said they did not experience cultural differences influencing their
educational experiences suggested that having Native American symbols such as artifacts,
events, and staff on campus might better support their educational goals by making the campus a
more welcoming place and making them feel more comfortable on campus. By feeling more
welcome and comfortable, participants indicated they would spend more time on campus and
become more engaged with other students and coursework, all of which would lead to more
successful outcomes in their courses. These types of symbols (adding Native American artifacts
to campus, having more Native American events, and hiring Native American staff) were also
mentioned by the remaining six participants as ways to better support Native American students
at RCC. These suggestions are further discussed in Chapter Five. The six participants who said
that cultural differences influenced their educational experiences described specific cultural
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differences which influenced their educational goals. Such cultural differences included
behaviors (social conventions), beliefs (spirituality), and expectations.
Five of the participants identified different social conventions, which impacted their
educational experiences, such as “respect,” “sensitivity toward elders,” “eye contact,” and
remaining silent. Participants believed these types of cultural differences negatively influenced
their educational experiences and hindered their educational goals. In describing these culturally
different social conventions, Dida stated that Native American culture emphasized “the respect
that people have for one another. Like, it’s very different [from the predominant culture], I
guess.” She explained that “there are differences in the way people talk to each other.” Lucy
expressed a similar concept stating that Native Americans are:
Culturally more traditional...versus popularized, predominant white culture. It is very
different. It’s, it’s, ah, I don’t even know how to explain it really. Um, I think with
traditional, you think more about respect. There’s a lot more respect. More sensitivity
towards your elders or towards different populations. And then when you’re talking to a
different culture, it’s, ah, it clashes.
Ellen provided a more specific example of how “respect,” “sensitivity toward elders,” and the
“clashes” with other cultures manifested in the classroom:
When we were just talking to [people from other cultures], well Natives, we don’t really
look, really look at you or make contact with your eyes [because eye contact is viewed as
disrespectful]. And if you ask us a question, it will take us a while to answer. It doesn’t
mean that we don’t hear you….I think a lot of Natives, too, they didn’t want to ask
questions [also because asking questions is viewed as disrespectful]. They just, you
know, [remain silent].
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Ellen felt that faculty interpreted these culturally different social conventions—not making eye
contact, taking a while to respond to questions, not asking questions—as Native American
students being indifferent, disengaged, or possibly “dumb,” rather than a sign of respect (by not
looking directly at an “elder” and not directly responding to, or questioning, an “elder”). Lucy
shared an experience during which she remained silent in order to demonstrate respect for the
professor. In a human services course, she found that some of the practices described for
working with addiction did not incorporate “what [Native Americans] believe and how we deal
with the healing process and how we deal with our spirituality.” Lucy believed such practices
would need to be modified in order to be effective in a Native American context. However, when
asked if she had shared her observations with her professor, she replied:
No, I haven’t talked to her about that. I mean it, like, here we go again respecting the
elders. It would be kinda rude to say, “hey,” you know? Well, I guess I could say it in a
way that wouldn’t sound rude. “Uh, maybe you should do it this way or consider this.”
But, no, I haven’t. I haven’t talked to her at all about it.
Lucy, although quite outspoken about her views during the interviews, believed that cultural
differences—specifically social conventions emphasizing deference (respect) to elders (authority
figures)—kept her from sharing ideas with her professor, ideas that might have enhanced both of
their understanding of working with Native Americans with addiction. In this way, culturally
different social conventions may have led to faculty misunderstanding Native American
students’ level of understanding and engagement in the classroom, but also may have led to
missed opportunities for participants to enhance their own and others’ learning experiences.
One participant, Ellen, spoke extensively about how her beliefs as a Native American, in
particular her spirituality, supported her educational goals and enhanced her educational
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experience. Ellen elaborated:
And what got me through school, too, was you know going to sweat….Just to make sure
we got [sweat] in because, I don’t know, that helped me a lot, too, was going to sweat and
going to pray and just….[Sweat] just helped me stay focused. And to let it, whatever I’m
having a hard time on, just like releasing it and praying and meditating. And things that,
my mind would become unclogged so that I could be more focused [on coursework]. I
guess have more energy to get through [college]. And it would be like if they asked in
[sweat] if you need help. If anybody needs help, you can say “you know, I’m having a
hard time taking whatever [course]. Could you guys pray for me?” You get prayers done,
too. And also with the sweat lodge here, I’d go back to [my home state] to see the
medicine man there. And me and my daughter would go ask him for prayers for, we’d tell
him we’re going back to school and we want to have, we want to get done. We want to be
able to get through school. And these are the problems that we’re having. And if you
could pray and help us. And you know he would do this thing. And pray for us. And the
things would go away from us that were bothering us. [He would] say, “ok, you’re good
to go now. You’re going to do good.” And a lot of that helped to. Just getting rid of the
burdens of the stuff that we were carrying that we didn’t know that. To get through
school. I forgot about the medicine man. He’d always say, “you’ll be ok.”
Although Ellen relied on sweat, the medicine man and her spirituality to support her educational
goals, none of the other participants specifically mentioned spirituality as a factor influencing
their educational experiences or goals.
Dorothy described another type of cultural difference that influenced her educational
goals—different expectations about going to and paying for college between Native American
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and non-Native American families. Dorothy explained:
Hmm, um. There’s definitely cultural differences. There’s, some [non-Native] people are
expected to go to college and everything. I think, ah, my perspective, I don’t know if it is
all Native students, but again, well, mostly. I feel like mostly, a lot of my friends and
family they weren’t expected to go to college. It was, “oh, if you want to go to college,
you can go, but you don’t have to, you can stay home and work.” That’s kind of like the
view [among Native Americans] on it. And like some of my non-Native friends, they do
go to college. They’re like, “no, we have to go to college. If we don’t, then, like, we’re
going to get disowned.” And I think that’s like the difference there. Like family-wise.
Although Dorothy was a recent high school graduate who was enrolled in AP and AVID courses
during high school and attended a state university immediately after high school graduation, she
felt that she was an anomaly—going away to college right after high school did not seem typical
for Native American students. Perhaps that was part of the reason she did not feel ready
“emotionally” or “mentally” to attend the state university and transferred to RCC after one
semester. In addition to different expectations about going to college between Native American
and non-Native American families, Dorothy also described the differences in expectations about
paying for college:
Um, I guess, too, it’s like financially, they’re, um, a lot of Native families can’t afford to
send their kids to universities. And a lot of my friends who are non-Native who, um, they
didn’t get scholarships, it’s cuz their parents do, like, pay for them to go to school. And
they also pay for them, pay for a new car, a new laptop and, like, everything. And my
mom and I we did a taco sale to get, like, books for me. So, like, you know there’s like a
huge difference there and I remember it was really funny one of my friends was like,
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“what are you doing today?” And I was like, “I gotta go to my dad’s cuz we’ve got to
make enchiladas cuz I’ve got to get money for my texts, my textbooks.” They were like,
“oh. They can’t just buy them for you?” And I was like, “uh, they can’t afford to buy
them for me.” They were like, “oh, that’s weird.” Like, “um, not really. Thanks.” “Ok,
bye.”
Dorothy explained that she felt a cultural difference between Native American and non-Native
American students regarding expectations about paying for college. For non-Native American
classmates, the assumption was that their parents would just be able to pay for college. For
Dorothy, the cost of college was another barrier hindering her educational goals. Another reason
she left the state university was because she did not want to accumulate student loan debt.
Dorothy described her mixed feelings about the cultural difference in expectations about paying
for college:
Uh, it makes me feel lucky in a way that my parents would, like, strive so hard for me.
Um, kind of jealous in a way that they can’t just afford to buy [textbooks] for me. And I
guess I’ll appreciate it more. Yeah [my non-Native classmates are] just like, “oh, that’s
weird” and they just go on with their lives. So, I don’t know how it affected them at all.
Uh, I guess like it’s not my business. So, I’m not going to worry about it. I guess in some
way it kind of made me jealous. Oh, you don’t have to worry about those things, you
know? Like, I do. Even though your parents tell you don’t worry about finances or
anything. Well, I’m being affected by it so I’m going to worry about it. So. Yeah.
Different cultural expectations about going to and paying for college influenced Dorothy’s
educational experience. On the one hand, different expectations about going to and paying for
college may have prevented her from persisting at the state university. On the other hand, it may
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have instilled in her a greater sense of the value of education and allowed her to follow a more
fiscally prudent path (not incurring student debt). Both of which are likely to support her long-
term educational goals.
Most participants felt that cultural symbols would support educational goals making the
campus more “comfortable” and “welcoming.” Six of the ten participants cited cultural
differences influencing educational experiences and goals. Differences in social conventions had
a negative influence on educational experiences and goals for five of the participants. For one
participant, spirituality had a positive influence on educational goals. And for another
participant, cultural differences in expectations about going to college and paying for college
both hindered and supported educational goals.
“Rez Life”
All participants referred to “rez life”—the tribal community, including tribal
organizations, relationships, connections and influences—as having an influence on educational
experiences and goals. Rez life was one of the more complex factors participants cited as
influencing their educational experiences. Many aspects of rez life both supported and hindered
educational goals. Participants described feeling “stuck on the rez” and not being able to leave to
pursue their educational goals, but also wanting to stay on (or return to) the reservation because
of the significant educational support—financial and emotional—that was available there.
Although the Tribe wanted to develop a more educated workforce, participants felt frustrated that
educational achievement was not always a primary consideration for employment with the Tribe
or tribal-affiliated organizations. Participants talked about participating in tribal events that
encouraged and motivated them to pursue education, but also about avoiding other tribal events
because they felt “picked on” at those events because they were studious and “not like other
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tribal members.” On the one hand, some tribal members were role models who inspired
participants to pursue their educational goals, while other tribal members tempted participants
“to go back, drifting into the bad element” pulling them away from educational goals. All of the
ten participants described specific examples of how rez life influenced their educational
experiences and goals.
Most participants described the life on the reservation as a positive factor that supported
their educational goals. Dorothy highlighted the importance of community on the reservation
which supported her education. The lack of community at the state university made her homesick
hindering her educational goals. Dorothy explained why she returned to RCC, “I felt a little
better being here [on the reservation] than so far away. At that time, there was no group or
anybody I could connect to at [the state university].” In addition to the support provided by
connections with other Native Americans, a number of students spoke about the Tribe’s
scholarship program and other ways the reservation supported them. Lucy explained:
The Tribe. That has been, I’m not even part of this tribe, but they’re willing to help other
Natives. And, um, giving them money for school, helping them with day care, or help
them with rent, or anything you could really need to stay in school, they help you with
and it’s all tribal…. But as far as going to school, the Tribe supports me in a lot of ways. I
mean I even work now on the reservation. It’s an amazing job and my job actually pays
for part of my schooling and will give me two and a half hours per day to go to school.
Although Lucy appreciated all of the support she received on the reservation, she ultimately did
not want to stay. Lucy commented, “so, the reservation is just a really good place for me right
now because that’s just, you know, working towards my education. Eventually, I don’t want to
live on the reservation.” She concluded, “the reservation has been a great help, but I can also see
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how you can get stuck there.” Lucy alluded to the mixed feelings many other participants also
had about living on the reservation—on the one hand appreciating the support on the reservation,
but on the other, wanting to move on from the reservation.
Despite the support many participants felt from the Tribe, many also described being
from the reservation or life on the reservation as something that held Native Americans back
from achieving educational goals. Participants also talked about life on the reservation as
something that through education they would be able to move on from. Dida described this
phenomenon of rez life stating “I don’t, I don’t know what it is. People, because we live on a
reservation, like people are always talking about rez life. I don’t feel like we have to be stuck that
way. Like we can have other educational goals and want big things for ourselves.” SaddsMah
elaborated a bit further about what Dida meant by being “stuck that way” saying, “I’m not
just…like I’m from the rez kind of thing.” Although she appreciated her life on the reservation,
SaddsMah did not want to be defined as “just” being from the reservation. Rather, she wanted
people to see her for who she was and what she had accomplished, which included her education.
Lucy, growing up, thought of the reservation as a negative place explaining “reservations, oh, I
would never be caught dead on one, because, you know, it wasn’t a good thing to me.” Although
Lucy eventually appreciated many aspects of life on the reservation, she felt that education was
important for Native Americans “so they can live on their own and they don’t have to just live on
a reservation.” Being from and living on the reservation were for many participants sources of
support for their educational goals, but it was also viewed as a barrier—holding them back for
career opportunities and other experiences.
Despite the Tribe’s financial and moral support for education through scholarships and a
sense of community, a number of participants felt that part of the reason for feeling “stuck on the
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rez” and that the reservation was a place that they wanted to leave was because the Tribe did not
consistently recruit and hire employees who were educated. Ellen explained:
Like…with our Tribe, [they should be saying], “hey, we need more, you know, [an
educated] employment pool.” Like, my example is with the cops. How come they aren’t
pushing for more [Native Americans to be trained as] cops?...Or letting our high
schoolers know this is what [kind of training and education] we need for our tribe in the
future.
Although a few participants felt that the Tribe supported education in order to develop an
educated tribal workforce, they also agreed that not enough was being done to achieve that
objective. Dorothy shared how this hindered educational goals, “that’s another part that I think
hinders education. Definitely is that we want to come back and work for our tribe. And it’s hard
because they’ll just go up and hire anybody [without an education] I guess.” Dida and others
shared stories of community members who had earned degrees, but could not find work that
matched their qualifications on the reservation, or who were passed over for positions that
required education in favor of applicants who had little or no education. So, although many
participants felt “stuck on the rez” because of the lack of career opportunities, they felt that the
Tribe could do more to create those opportunities. Given the opportunity for tribal employment
aligned with their education, many participants indicated that they might actually prefer to live
on the reservation.
Tribal events, an integral part of rez life, supported and hindered participants’ educational
goals. A few participants recalled various leadership or educational events that had a profound
positive influence on their educational pursuits. Tashina described being in a tribal youth group
and attending a leadership conference during which she realized there were many Native
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American youth who, like her, planned to go to college. She remembered they asked students to
raise their hand if they planned to go to college, “and you see every, pretty much everyone’s
hands go up. And that’s kinda the big experience that I had. And that was empowering for me.”
The experience solidified for Tashina that she would one day be one of the Native Americans
going to college. Similarly, Dawn Rochelle remembered an open house presentation during
which Native American leaders, educators, and students described the importance of education.
She explained that that event made an impression on her and encouraged her to continue
pursuing her educational goals.
At the same time tribal events had a negative impact for a couple of participants. Such
events were places where these two participants felt ostracized because of their focus on school.
Dida explained that “just being teased and stuff made [attending tribal events] really hard.” She
described avoiding tribal events and being unsure of whether the tribal community supported or
hindered her educational goals:
Um, I don’t know [whether the tribal community supported my educational goals]. I
didn’t really participate that much in all of the things that they have at the gym and the
education center. I never really went because I got picked on [because I was so focused
on school]. Yeah. I just never went. I’m not sure [if the tribal community supported my
educational goals]….And I think, I mean the tribe did help me with a scholarship when I
went to [the tribal college], so that was very helpful. And yeah. But the majority of the
time I didn’t really participate in [tribal] community things.
In general, tribal events attended primarily by individuals who were very supportive of education
had a profound influence on participants’ educational goals, showing them that they were not
alone and that there were other Native Americans who had or were pursuing higher education
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and who believed in the importance of education. For two participants, tribal events were
experiences that made them feel even more separated from the community. They felt ostracized
for focusing on education, rather than other, more popular, interests, which in turn made them
question the value of education.
On a more individual level, participants described the influence of other Native
Americans in the community on their educational goals. Many participants described tribal
members as being a negative influence on their educational goals. Quwma explained, “I don’t
know, I guess, sometimes my own people they hinder you.” Joseph shared a similar perspective:
I look at them and most of them have been dropouts or GEDs [having high school
graduate equivalency degrees only] and not done a whole lot with their lives. Turned to
alcohol, drugs, and I’ve been part of that, too. Before I started going back to school. So,
yeah. As the community, which is the funny thing, most of the community is my family.
But the, but as a, yeah, [the tribal community] hasn’t played a role [on my education], I
guess. I look at them and go, oh god, I hope I never go back there again. Cuz I think, cuz
I have been there. I, hopefully, I’ll be rising above that.
Both Quwma and Joseph saw the potential to be drawn back into negative behaviors—drugs,
alcohol, and “not [doing] a lot with their lives”—by other tribal community members. But at the
same time, the desire to not fall back into those negative behaviors was a strong motivator to
focus even more on their education. Tashina also saw the negative influence of rez life on her
educational goals and experienced the same motivation to not let it “be that way” by continuing
to pursue her education:
And of course we see people that don’t [pursue education] and it’s like they’re turning to
drugs and alcohol….I mean of course we would hear, like, how many Native American
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students would drop out of school. And it was kinda like it was due to drug and alcohol
addictions and mental health illness. It’s just kinda like we don’t want it to be that way.
Negative influences seemed to be all around the students on the reservation—Lucy “stay[ed] in
[her] little bubble…in [her] own little world to stay out of the [negative influences].” Other
participants also felt that they had to distance themselves from certain community members in
order to remain focused on their education.
But positive role models did exist on the reservation and these role models had a positive
influence on participants’ educational goals. Dawn Rochelle remembered a student who was just
like her—not “college material,” but who was taking courses at RCC:
What’s kinda nice, too, about going to the college. I seen one [Native American] student.
We grew up together, went to high school together. I seen her in the library the other day.
She’s a couple years older than me. [It made me feel] good, you know she’s still going to
school, going to get her degree. She didn’t seem like someone who would get her degree
because she didn’t seem like she worried about [college] back then. She didn’t seem like
a student.
Seeing a student like herself at RCC made Dawn Rochelle feel more comfortable with her own
educational goals despite others in the community questioning why she was still taking classes.
A number of other participants—Tashina, Ellen, Norma and Dorothy—also described having a
tribal community member whom they looked up to and who motivated them to continue
pursuing their educational goals despite negative influences that seemed to be so prevalent in the
tribal community. SaddsMah felt that having other members of the tribal community affirm her
educational goals made her want to keep going:
There’s a lot of people in our tribe are always really supportive when you say you’re
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taking classes, which has been nice. And, so, I um, I think I hold those people at a little
higher, like maybe on a pedestal. And when somebody, I feel like they’re influential or
somebody like that tells me, “oh, you’re doing such a good job; we’re glad you’re going
to school,” it just makes you, it gives you that little bit of self-esteem boost. And it keeps
you, for me anyway, it keeps me wanting to keep pursuing my education.
SaddsMah felt that the tribal community affirmed her educational goals. Nevertheless, Ellen felt
that the tribal community could do even more to recognize educational attainment of tribal
members. She suggested that “it would be nice for them to, like, acknowledge [students]. I know
[the Tribal Ed Center] does, but not the Tribal Council. Has the Tribe acknowledged college
students more? [Tribal members who have] graduated?” Although life on the reservation meant
that certain tribal members were a negative influence on participants’ educational goals,
participants stayed focused on their goals by avoiding those individuals, staying within their own
“bubble,” and looking for positive role models and affirmation within the community.
Racism
Even though six of the participants stated explicitly that they did not experience racism at
RCC, nearly all of the participants shared experiences of how racism influenced their educational
experiences and goals. Racism was experienced in two primary ways: feeling that Native
Americans were invisible and feeling the burden of Native American stereotypes. Both of the
ways racism was experienced influenced students’ educational experiences and mostly hindered,
but in some instances supported, educational goals.
Three of the participants—Dorothy, Lucy, and Tashina—described feeling invisible as a
Native American and explained how feeling invisible influenced their educational experiences
and goals. Feeling invisible resulted from experiences during which participants realized that
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other groups were being discussed, included, and represented, but not Native Americans. In other
cases, participants described non-Native Americans as having no knowledge or understanding
about Native Americans. Tashina explained:
I mean it’s just like we don’t see [Native American signs and symbols], of course, in this
area we see a lot, but in other areas some people don’t even know about us [Native
Americans]. Or, like [they would say], “I heard that there weren’t much [Native
Americans] left.” I’m like “there are a lot left.” But of course we’re a pretty low
population out of all the races.
Lucy concurred stating that “for most places with Native American culture, nobody really thinks
about [incorporating] it.” Lucy explained how being invisible as a Native American made her
feel:
Well, that makes me, ah, honestly, it makes me a little pissed off. You know, because
people will focus on Hispanic or they will focus on Chinese, or, you know, Filipino, or
they will focus on other [minority groups] but they won’t focus on Native Americans.
You know?
Feeling invisible not only “pissed off” students, but it also influenced educational experiences,
making them feel unwelcome in the educational setting. Because Native American students were
invisible, the educational setting did not necessarily address their needs. Dorothy explained:
I do feel that Native Americans in general are under, um, I guess I don’t know how to say
it, but [we] are not known very well. And I think that it’s really great that you’re doing a
research project on it. Cuz I think it will get [the needs of Native American students] out
in the open.
Part of being invisible was that not much was known about Native Americans and thus their
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specific educational needs were not addressed. Lucy admitted that part of the responsibility for
becoming more visible belonged to Native Americans, but that it was challenging to speak up:
And the Native Americans they don’t, some of ‘em don’t feel like they should, you know,
speak up and have a voice. You know, because that’s the way it’s always been, so
nothing’s going to change. Why even talk about it? So, a lot of it’s our fault because
we’re not standing up for ourselves. So, you know, it’s frustrating. I, I’m one of those
that would have a voice. But I don’t want to have a voice by myself. Yeah, it’s
frustrating.
The feeling of being invisible had a negative influence on students’ educational goals. They felt
that their views and perspectives were not included in the curriculum, which made them feel less
welcome and not as engaged in their coursework.
Another result of being invisible was that stereotypes and misconceptions about Native
Americans persisted. All but two of the participants described how the burden of stereotypes and
misconceptions about Native Americans influenced their educational experiences and goals. For
many of the participants, proving they were not the (negative) “stereotypical Indian” motivated
them to focus on and achieve their educational goals. For others, believing in the (negative)
stereotype made them feel that they could not succeed in college.
Dorothy described how the (negative) “stereotypical Indian” motivated her to pursue her
educational goals:
Definitely. Definitely. I feel like, uh. I feel like I don’t want to be the stereotypical
Indian. You know? So there’s like a huge responsibility to go to school. And, like, not
only prove to others, but prove to myself, but, like, let me rephrase that. Not, like, prove
to everybody else, but really prove to myself that I’m not that stereotypical Indian. That
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I’m not living up to that drug Indian. You know. Just the word, Indian, like, you know,
like it’s just I don’t know.
Joseph agreed that the negative stereotypes about Native Americans motivated him to focus on
his educational goals. SaddsMah was motivated, as well, by the stereotype saying “just like
feeling, ok, I’m gonna prove you wrong, cuz I’m not just a daughter of another drunk Indian.”
Ellen, on the other hand, felt that the stereotype about Indians made her doubt her ability to do
well in college courses:
And then growing up here in this small town, everybody just thought of Natives being
drunk Indians. You know, don’t do nothing. It just played a big role, too, growing up.
Because it never, because that’s all you heard, you know. You’re an Indian, just pretty
much you’re not going to go anywhere; you’re not going to do anything. Drunken Indian.
For Ellen, perhaps the “drunken Indian” phrase repeating in her mind was one of the reasons she
was so shocked when she earned an A in her first college class, so shocked that she dropped her
next class. Quwma explained that he often experienced racism in the form of stereotypes:
Ah, I don’t know, Native Americans don’t really have a really good name in some parts.
You know, a lot of people still suspect the rumors to be true. Like we all drink. Um,
we’re all violent. You know….But, I don’t know. It just seems like, everywhere you go
there’s that barrier. My wife says she can see it too. Like some people will treat her
different [because she looks White] until, ah, they see me or something. And I’s just like
all, that’s how it’s going to be, like, wherever you go.
SaddsMah also experienced racism, “And so, um, you know, I guess, once you tell them that
you’re Native American, then you kinda see the different, sometimes in some people, not all
people, will look at you differently.” Although she tried to “brush it off and say, ‘oh, it’s not a
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big deal,’” the racism influenced her. SaddsMah shared, “but [the racism], deep down I think it
did bother me.” Racism also influenced Quwma. Quwma believed that racism negatively
influenced educational experiences for him and other Native American students. He explained:
But when, um, I see other Native kids come into the class, they’ll go and, like, they’re,
like, they’ll go almost shy over to a corner. Where they think that they aren’t going to be
bothered. And they stick to themselves…. Because you know, I don’t know, it’s, I think
it’s hard for a Native American person to get out there. Cuz a lot of them maybe think
that they’re not the smartest people in the world [because of racism and stereotypes]….
Being Native American it’s hard even to ask somebody for help. Cuz you sometimes you
feel like they’re going to look at you like you’re stupid anyways.
Although Quwma said that he did not experience racism at RCC, he shared an experience that
was a result of stereotypes—if you’re not a “drunk Indian” then you must be an “Indian activist,”
which hindered his educational goals:
I don’t know I kind of felt like I got a little snide comment [from a faculty member] about
a paper I wrote.…Ok, so I wrote this paper about this soldier, this sergeant back in the
day.…But he was handing out the, um, blankets to the Native American people…and
how [the blankets] had smallpox.…And the comment I got back from her was, “oh,
you’re that one.” I just looked at her, “what the hell does that mean?” After that I never
even talked to her again. It’s like she placed me in a category because I wrote a
paper….Yeah, like I was one of those [Native American] activists that’s always mad.
That’s how I took it. It’s like, you know, forget it.
Stereotypes about Native Americans both supported (motivated) and hindered (causing students
to “shy over to a corner” and keep quiet) educational goals. On the one hand, students were
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motivated to prove that they were not just a “drunken Indian.” But, on the other hand,
stereotypes caused students to doubt themselves and remain silent, preventing them from fully
benefiting from their educational experiences.
Two participants also described the discouraging influence preconceived notions had on
their educational experience. Dorothy shared that it was frustrating when non-Native American
students believed that Native American students did not have to work as hard and had a lot of
advantages because they had “everything handed to them.” She explained:
And sometimes they have, like, kind of these, oh, what’s that word, these preconceived
ideas about what our reservation or our tribe provides us. They’re like, “oh, but you get to
go to school for free.” And I’m just like, “nah. I don’t get to go to school for free. I’m
sorry.” I’m like “I got to work as hard as you do.” And they’re like, “oh, ok.” Once I
explained it to them, they’re like “oh, I didn’t know that at all.” I’m like “yeah, we gotta
work as hard. Gotta fill out the same forms.” Yeah.
Dorothy felt discouraged that non-Native Americans felt that she was not working as hard as
they were when in reality she had to work just as hard, if not harder (such as holding taco sales to
pay for textbooks), to achieve her educational goals. Norma had the same frustration:
Most people think Native Americans we all get free college. Free everything. But you
know that’s not true. Because we have to fight for these grants, too. We have to fight for,
apply just like everybody else. And, yeah, we may have the TANF program or Tribal Ed
Center to help pay for our books or stuff, but a lot of the Native American kids don’t
have that either, you know?
Dorothy and Norma felt that their efforts pursuing their educational goals were discounted by
non-Native American classmates and others who believed that Native Americans had “free
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everything” and that their education was handed to them. This was discouraging especially given
the challenges they had faced and overcome in achieving their educational goals thus far.
Nevertheless, although discouraging, these preconceived notions encouraged both Dorothy and
Norma to focus even more on their education.
Curriculum
Seven of the 10 participants discussed curriculum as a factor influencing their educational
experiences and goals during the first interview, but during the focus group and in the second
interview, all 10 participants had some input about how curriculum supported or hindered their
educational goals. Curriculum influenced educational experiences in many different ways.
Several participants talked about the way the history of Native Americans was covered in US
history courses influenced their educational experiences. Students talked about whether
including Native American content in courses other than history would have positive or negative
influences on their educational goals. Participants discussed whether curriculum at RCC was
relevant and useful for Native Americans and for Native American men, in particular. Students
also talked about the pressure of being expected to represent all Native Americans and to know
about all aspects of Native American history and culture whenever topics related to Native
Americans were discussed in class. Regardless of how curriculum influenced participants’
educational goals and experiences, curriculum had an influence. Further, curriculum had positive
and negative influences on different students and in different ways.
Dorothy’s experience highlighted the negative influence curriculum could have on
educational goals when her history course failed to mentioned Native Americans:
I just know in my classroom at the state university when I was taking my history class,
they never mentioned, and it was a US history class, and they never mentioned the side of
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Native Americans or anything like that. And I had to speak up. And you know, and some
of our classes here, I haven’t taken a US history class here [at RCC], but we’ve
mentioned that kinda stuff. And there was no forgetfulness of things happening. Like [at
the state university] it was just like, “oh yeah, that did happen. I’m glad you spoke up.”
[At the state university] it was just like, “oh, ok, we’re going to move on.” It was just like
weird. It was a big difference in how people perceive things.
This experience stood out for Dorothy as it demonstrated to her that she did not belong at the
state university. Dorothy explained how she felt as a result of that experience:
Oh, definitely made me feel like, ah, like we didn’t exist. I guess that’s kind of harsh to
say. But it made me feel like, ah, a part of that history didn’t happen, but it did. We lived
it every day. Definitely, ah, definitely made me feel sour about [the state university].
This incident at the state university was one of the factors that spurred Dorothy to return home.
She did not want to continue attending a “prestigious” university that did not mention the Native
American experience as part of US history. At RCC, Norma and Lucy had the opposite
experience. Norma was relieved that finally in college the truth about Native American history
was told:
But when I came here [to RCC] in history the teacher here was really good. He explained
it. He, you know, empathized with what we [Native Americans] went through and he was
really honest about it. You know? That’s when I learned the difference between college
life and high school [where we did not learn the true history about Native Americans].
This positive educational experience encouraged Norma who did not enjoy high school (where
she earned Cs and Ds) to engage in her college courses (where she earned As) and pursue her
educational goals. Lucy described a similar transformation. She was nervous about taking
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college courses, but when she took history and the professor taught about Native American
experiences, she really started enjoying college. Lucy explained:
And then I took history. And my history teacher was amazing actually. He was a good
history teacher. He didn’t just go out of the book. It was, he went out of the old books
before I [and other Native Americans were] even taken out of it. He really explained
history to where really, you know, [you understood the truth about Native Americans].
He just came alive and he was good. It was good. I really loved it, you know. I have to
say that’s one of my favorite classes, was history.
For Dorothy, Norma, and Lucy, whether or not history courses reflected the Native American
experiences accurately was a litmus test for their educational experience. How could Dorothy
engage in the rest of the state university experience if the history course was not inclusive of
Native American history? Finding that the history course at RCC presented the truth about
Native Americans, Norma and Lucy both became more engaged in their college experience.
The participants also discussed the lack of courses and programs relevant to Native
Americans and Native American men, in particular, which discouraged Native American
students from completing their educational goals or even enrolling. Both of the male participants
suggested that the programs offered at RCC were not attractive to Native American men who
could find well-paying manual work with the Tribe that did not require postsecondary education.
Quwma felt that the tribal community encouraged men to work and discouraged men from going
to college. He explained:
I don’t think there’s very many people out there [on the reservation] that think like it’s
really worthwhile for a man to get a degree or be in school. You hear even today, “what
are you going to do with a degree?” You know? Or, “are you going to be a statistic and
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drop out?”
Quwma recalled that his friends would tell him to get a job instead of going to school because his
“babies can’t eat books.” Joseph and Quwma both recognized the pressure for Native American
men within the tribal community to work rather than go to college especially in the absence of
educational programs that were “a little more masculine…[such as] solar classes, the welding
classes, stuff like that.”
All eight female participants in the study selected human services as their major in part
because, they felt that it was a field that could help the Native American community. Dorothy
explained:
You see a lot of domestic violence and things that happen. So, it’s kind of like our area.
You want to go and help people. Kind of like what I’ve been saying, you want to go and
get an education and bring it back to the community.
Even so, Lucy found that the curriculum was not always culturally relevant for Native
Americans. She elaborated:
I think, you know, working towards you know drug and alcohol counselor [certificate]
changing it to where it would fit the Native Americans. What we believe and how we
deal with the healing process and how we deal with our spirituality is going to, um, have
to change. Like I’ll learn here, but then I’m going to have to change over in the, you
know, Native American way of thinking.
Ellen concurred stating that if the human services program “had a more of, like, cultural aspects
of it…and talk about, like, historical trauma, boarding schools” it would be more relevant to the
work that she and others planned to do in the community after earning a degree.
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Other participants expressed how curriculum in other subjects was not accessible to
Native American students because of culturally irrelevant content. For example, Quwma spoke
about the challenges he had identifying with The Great Gatsby, “I don’t really, uh, mesh well
with The Great Gatsby. I don’t know….You know I read it and have to read it over and over just
to even, a lot of the words, what does that mean?” Dida replied during the focus group sharing
her experience with the same book:
I remember reading that when I was in high school or something like that. I felt the same
way. Like, I could not get my head around it because I couldn’t picture what was going
on. And I didn’t understand. I guess the culture that was [hard to understand].
Ellen suggested that literature about Native American experiences would have enabled Native
American students to engage more with the curriculum “[such as] Sherman Alexis just because
he writes about Natives. And what Natives do. I mean just things if you’re Native, you know
what they’re talking about.” Dorothy agreed, “like growing up on the reservation…and slang and
Native humor.” Laurel explained that Natives would “relate more to it.” Ellen felt that her grades
would have been better if she could understand the literature better. Quwma thought that if
Native American’s could learn more about their culture, they would be more inclined to enroll at
RCC, which would then make it easier for them to transition into other courses:
To somebody who is Native American and they look at [the RCC] schedule and all they
see is a bunch of strict classes. “Hey, man, this is kind of tough.” You’ll see a lot of the
Natives in art classes. You know cuz they’re all art backgrounds from being potters. My
uncle’s a potter. Beading, yeah. Stuff like that. Even like beading regalia and stuff like
that. Making outfits….I wouldn’t mind doing a, what do you call it, traditional
dancing….Even like a language class….But to me personally, if there was language class
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up here, that’d make me more willing to come up to the college saying, “hey, they’re
doing Native classes? Whoa!” You know to a lot of the Natives, you know, learning stuff
about their own culture that can help their people is easier to get involved with than
trying to come and learn history, or trying to learn algebra. You know they’re more
susceptible about that.
Yet, Joseph argued that:
Um, unlike the rest of the group, I actually grew up in Oregon. So I grew up in the White
community. So pretty much the way I look at it is most of these assignments, English,
everything else, makes you see things from a different point of view. So that you can
relate to other cultures, other things. Here, there, not just [Native American culture].
[Education is supposed to] get you outside of your comfort zone. And what I’m hearing
[in this focus group] is that everyone just wants to stay in their comfort zone. So, but
that’s the whole point of the English discussions to get you outside of the comfort zones.
And introduce you to new things, new ideas, new everything.
During the focus group, students discussed whether or not Native American content should be
incorporated into the curriculum at RCC and how that would support Native American students’
educational goals. Although during the focus group Joseph was the only participant arguing that
curriculum should challenge students and open up their minds to other cultures, during individual
follow up interviews, most of the other participants had a change of perspective agreeing to a
large extent with Joseph’s perspective. Dorothy explained her change in thinking:
And uh, um, some new perspectives opened up for me. I really liked, um, one of the
gentlemen’s opinion about how, I remember how I was saying to integrate more, um,
Native American or even [this Tribe’s] culture or something into our curriculum. Maybe
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that would make it more interesting. And then, um, I liked his point of view that it’s not
supposed to be like something that we’re comfortable with. That school’s supposed to
make us uncomfortable. And I really liked that. Yeah. And at the same time I do think we
still need maybe some [of our Tribal] curriculum in places. Because a lot of us don’t
know. Me and [Quwma] were talking about we don’t know a lot of our own cultures. So
that would be cool to integrate.
Similar to Dorothy, most participants ultimately had mixed feelings about the influence of
culturally relevant curriculum on their educational goals. On the one hand, culturally relevant
curriculum might engage Native American students more and allow the curriculum to become
more accessible and more useful to them. However, some participants also felt that offering
curriculum that was culturally unfamiliar broadened students’ minds and prepared them for
interacting with the “White community.” Even so, some students felt that there was room in the
curriculum for Native American students to learn about the “White community” while at the
same time introducing non-Native American students to Native American culture.
Although Native American-specific curriculum was not formally covered in most courses
at RCC (aside from history), several participants described exploring Native American themes in
various courses such as a cultural competency course or working on projects for which they
chose a Native American-related topic. Many of these experiences resulted in interest from non-
Native American classmates. Participants described being asked a lot of questions by classmates,
but also having mixed feelings in response to the attention. Norma felt that the opportunity to
share Native American experiences, history, perspectives, and culture was a bonding experience
enabling the development of mutual respect between Native American and non-Native American
students:
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It was good because it made me comfortable with answering their questions. Even if their
questions were, you know, if they were just wondering about something. You know,
[stereotypical questions] that people would ask Native Americans. Just like spiritual
questions. Or different kinds of questions. You know, “is it true you guys see spirits?”
You know, stuff like that. Questions like that, you know? I mean to me it’s like, um, not,
it’s not funny, but I felt more comfortable that they could come and ask me, you know
what I mean? I let them know that it was ok to ask me anything they wanted. Everybody
has questions. And it was ok for them to ask me. I was comfortable [with them] asking,
not getting offended. If they would ask certain kinds of questions, I’d tell them I won’t
get offended. I know you guys are learning. Everybody is here learning and so. I don’t
know how to describe it, but….[It showed how much] we respect each other’s
[perspectives].
Receiving this type of attention from classmates—that they were “learning from [Native
Americans]”—made Norma feel as though she was contributing to the education of her
classmates. That experience gave her confidence, which in turn enabled her to engage more and
supported her success in and enthusiasm for the course.
Although Norma and a couple other participants felt that being asked to share Native
American culture and history was a positive experience that encouraged them to learn more
about their own culture, become closer to their classmates, and feel as though they were
contributing, some students had different experiences. Lucy described having more complicated
feelings when she presented to “a class full of White people a paper on Native Americans.” Lucy
was “definitely nervous,” but “felt good” and that it was a “good experience.” However she also
explained why it was also “kinda weird:”
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With all the questions, they made me feel a little out of place, because I’m still learning
my culture, I didn’t grow up in it. So, you know, trying to explain it when I’m still trying
to figure it out myself, it was hard. It was I think it was just, it was really just a difficult
feeling.
That “difficult feeling” rather than discouraging Lucy, encouraged her to learn even more about
her culture:
Mmm, I think I write more, if I was to write a paper it would be more about the Native
Americans. I think that’s because I want to learn more about it. I want to learn more who
I am. And so I think that’s the only reason….I think it just had to do with me wanting to
learn more.
So, although Lucy did not feel entirely comfortable presenting Native American culture to her
classmates as Norma did, the experience had a positive influence on her educational goals,
encouraging her to become a more engaged and a more self-directed learner.
Yet for other students, even students who had grown up “learning [their] culture,” the
burden of representing all Native Americans was overwhelming and resulted in participants
disengaging from the classroom environment. Dida shared her reaction to being asked about
Native American culture:
I guess when people say like, oh, you know, when we talk about cultural competency or
something like that and they’re like, “oh, well, you’re Native American” and you kinda
have to present to the whole class. Like everybody’s different. Like we’re not all the
same. Not all tribal entities are the same. And not all families celebrate the same things or
practice everything. Like I know my family doesn’t practice everything. But some
families do. Or some families that really participate in hand games or sweat. Or that
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really just participate in pow wows. I think it really just puts you on the spot. I think it
gave me some anxiety. Cuz I don’t feel that I’m the expert at it. Like I’m not representing
the right information. Because I don’t represent everybody.
Thus, participants had a wide range of experiences when it came to representing Native
American culture. Perhaps having Native American content as a formal part of curriculum would
allow Native American and non-Native American students to learn about Native American
history, culture and perspectives without the pressure of representing everything and
“everybody,” while still allowing for sharing individual experiences and encouraging further
research.
Historical Trauma
The term “historical trauma” was cited specifically by six of the 10 participants, and
alluded to (by mentioning experiences related to historical trauma without using the term
“historical trauma”) by all 10 participants, as another complex factor that influenced educational
experiences and goals. Historical trauma was often described as a motivating factor for
participants impressing upon them the importance of education not only for themselves, but for
their relatives, tribal community members, and Native American people as a whole. Participants
described education as a way to “rise above” past trauma and “break the cycle” of continuing
trauma. In addition, education was viewed as a way to “right the wrongs” committed against
Native Americans and as a path toward “healing.” On the other hand, historical trauma,
specifically the boarding school era, was believed to be the cause of Native Americans’
complicated perspective on education. On the one hand, participants believed in the value of
education to further their goals; on the other hand the historical mission of boarding schools (to
eradicate Native American culture) made them suspicious of public education. Further, historical
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trauma was believed to be a reason why Native American students seemed to be disengaged in
the college classroom—not speaking up, not raising their hands, not asking for help, and feeling
that RCC was not their college. In these various ways, historical trauma both supported and
hindered participants’ educational goals.
Participants described the impact of historical trauma on their relatives and communities.
Dorothy shared that “for Native Americans, there is the historical trauma and a lot of our aunts,
uncles, mothers, daughters are alcoholics and drug users [because of it]. And it’s always going to
be around you.” Starting to cry, Dorothy expressed the need for “rising above” historical trauma:
And rising above the historical trauma because there’s so much that has happened that
has caused so many of, um, people I know, people I love that have been, uh, tortured like
you know mentally, emotionally, physically, that they can’t, they can’t put the bottle
down or stop with the drug use.
Dorothy stated that living with the effects of historical trauma—seeing her family and relatives
harmed by alcohol and drug addiction—“pushes [her] to get a higher education. To educate
[herself] so [she] could have an educational response [to historical trauma].” Norma explained
the role of education in “rising above” historical trauma:
But now that we’re all rising above. Now there’s a new generation coming up of kids
who are more outspoken….A lot of people are going to school. Just getting their voice
out there and doing things out in their community to make it better….Education is a key
to that. You have to be educated to survive in this world…. But we can rise above it
through education. Because we know we can be equal. There are a lot of brilliant people
now. Natives today that are out in the world working. But they went to community
college, college, university levels. They had to go through the education part of it. And I
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think that’s what makes it, the impacts on us today is that there’s more Native Americans
coming to get an education now.
Norma also spoke about how historical trauma led to dependence on aid programs and that she
believed education could help Native Americans become self-reliant:
Because before we were just you know the saying ‘idle no more’ we were idle for a long
time and now we’re idle no more…. That’s what we’re trying to do with education. To be
something more than being reliant on the government all the time. Or being reliant on our
tribe. To step out of that box to do it ourselves.
Dorothy, Norma and other participants viewed education as a way to “break the cycle” of alcohol
and drug addiction, as well as, dependence on government and tribal aid resulting from historical
trauma. In this way, historical trauma was a significant motivator for students to pursue an
education and to achieve their educational goals. For many, it was the one way they believed
they could break the cycle of addiction and dependence resulting from historical trauma.
One way that participants felt that education could “break the cycle” was through better
career opportunities. Ellen explained that education was important, “for our people just to have
more, more opportunities for jobs.” But in addition to better career opportunities, Ellen felt that
education would also help Native Americans have a better outlook and perspective, in general:
So that we [Native Americans] could all learn and have the knowledge and, it’s like just
get your AA. If you just have your AA your life will be so much, your thinking will be
better, your outlook on life will totally be different. And you will understand more things
if you just get your AA. You know. And that was my goal just get your AA. Stuff will
happen. Different things will happen because you can write that on your application. You
can have a degree.
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In addition to improving individual experiences and opportunities, many participants believed
that education would also serve their community. Ellen felt that it was important for more Native
Americans to go to college “to have more people in there [at RCC] so they can keep going to
school and going places and help their community.” This same sentiment was expressed by other
participants who explained that historical trauma encouraged them to stay focused on school and
achieve their educational goals in order to be an example to other Native American students. In
this way, individuals earning an education could help the entire community earn an education.
Quwma stated it most poignantly:
Yeah, you know, I really like the fact that, you know, I really believe that being a Native
American man and not being the most ideal, like, a upper class, that the Natives coming
out from the bottoms, being in jail, going through drugs and alcohol, climbing out of
there and doing something positive, I might help a couple more people by giving them
some kind of motivation.
Other students also expressed the importance of achieving educational goals not only for their
own benefit but to encourage other Native Americans to pursue their goals. Ellen described the
pride she felt as a Native American graduating from college and realizing the importance of
showing other Native Americans that she, a Native American, graduated and they could, too:
I wear my mom’s—she died when I was little—but she has this big medallion and I
always wear it. And [at graduation] that is under my gown and I was laughing cuz I even
wore my ribbon dress [that] year. [I was thinking] I’m gonna wear my ribbon dress, my
moccasins, you know? But it was all under my gown. But I wore it. And then what’s-her-
name she was all decked out [in traditional Native American clothing]. Oh my god, [I]
can even see it, but I remember she was sitting up in the front and like, “yes! Yes!” You
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know, just the show, our pride, I guess. I don’t know, we can do it, too. We did it and this
is who we are…. Just to walk [at graduation is important]. Cuz a lot of students don’t
understand that there’s a lot of people watching you. There’s other [Native American]
people.
Ellen was not only proud of herself for achieving her educational goals, but realized that she was
sending a message to other Native Americans that they, too, could go to college. She also
realized that it was part of her responsibility as a member of the Native American community to
be a role model, to continue to further her education—complete transfer credit and earn a
bachelor’s degree—and to encourage other Native Americans to do the same.
Dorothy explained that beyond being a role model for other Native Americans to go to
college, education could help the tribal community rise above historical trauma in much more
specific and concrete ways:
So when somebody, or something comes up that concerns my tribe or the Native
population, I could have a educational response…. If you’re not educated, I think that’s
huge. A lot of [uneducated] people, um, kinda get swept under the rug. Or don’t get what
they deserve because they don’t have the education to back themselves up. When, um,
things happen, you know, like land disputes or they’re signing things they don’t
understand. Then something [negative] happens.
Dorothy and others felt that education was important for Native Americans in order to
understand the non-Native American world within which they lived so as not to be taken
advantage of and to improve living standards on the reservation. Understanding the “issues” and
rights of Native Americans and improving opportunities on the reservation were ways to rise
above and break the cycle of historical trauma through education.
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Participants also mentioned the importance of learning about Native American issues,
culture, and “traditional ways” as a way to become more self-sufficient and not let “historical
trauma be an excuse.” Quwma explained that Native Americans used to be “a people of
providing and surviving and doing everything on their own.” In order to get back to self-
sufficiency, Dorothy felt that it was her “responsibility to educate [herself] on what happened,”
because there were “a lot of [Native American] issues that [she did] not know.” SaddsMah felt
that learning “traditional ways” was a way to get back to self-sufficiency and break the cycle of
historical trauma that led Native Americans to depend on aid. She explained:
Um, I guess maybe that the perseverance part of it. I look at, actually, I do look at, um,
the things that happened in the past that I do come from a long line of smart people. I
mean they survived in this valley for hundreds of years. And if they could do it without
all the modern conveniences that we have now I don’t see any reason. I guess I look at
that’s why, um, I was so interested in learning beading and basket making and all of those
kinds of things. Not so much the beading, but the basketry. The survival skills, you know,
getting food. My husband deer hunts every year. And we count on that meat to get us
through the winter. I guess we still live in some of those traditional ways. We go pine nut
gathering, we pick wild onions, we pick tea. All of those kinds of things. And we do
those as part of keeping those traditional skills alive. Because there might come a time
when we’re going to have to fall back on those. We’re going to have to know those skills.
And if we don’t we’re going to have to depend on somebody else. And we really try to
instill that in our children, too, about you guys need to know these things.
SaddsMah felt that learning “traditional ways” in addition to learning about Native American
issues and culture was important to break the cycle of historical trauma. This motivated her to
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continue to pursue her educational goals:
Hmm, yeah. I just, I try. For me I try not to let all the historical trauma type stuff be used
as an excuse. If anything I look at that as something to push myself forward [in my
education] to not fall into, “oh, well [Native Americans] do that [negative stuff] because
that’s what they do.” Or, “she does that [negative stuff] because that’s how those people
[the Native Americans] are.”
As Dorothy, Quwma, and SaddsMah highlighted, Native American curriculum—history, issues,
culture, and traditional ways, for example—might be a way to better engage Native American
students in the educational experience and support successful outcomes, but it might also be a
way to “right the wrongs” and help heal historical trauma. Quwma concluded, “I think education
is a big part of healing what has been done. Cuz knowledge is the key. It has to do with
everything….But I really think that education is, it is like healing a wound.” Historical trauma
was certainly a motivator for participants to pursue education and to successfully achieve their
educational goals.
Yet historical trauma also negatively influenced participants’ educational experiences and
hindered achievement of their educational goals. One legacy of historical trauma was the feeling
among the participants that “they don’t belong.” Norma explained that it was not just a feeling:
Like here, you wouldn’t think like in a small town like this we [Native Americans] would
go through a lot. It’s not the same how it was when my mom grew up here, you know.
When Indians weren’t allowed into the shops downtown or anything. You know and they
had a lot to go through then….And for some time, you know, growing up Native
American you don’t fit in here. Especially a small town. You’re not wanted in town,
you’re not wanted here. Go back to the reservation, you know. Now it’s not so much like
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that. But growing up I felt a little bit of that. My mom felt more of that her growing
up….And whatever happened, historical trauma happened, then it’s nobody’s fault to
blame anyone these days. I don’t know, it’s just different. I’m not saying we’re
separating ourselves from people or anything. I’m just saying for a long time we had to
go [away], we felt that way. Like, I don’t know if I told you that, but my mom said there
used to be signs hanging downtown that were no Indians or dogs allowed in the stores.
You know and stuff like that that has an impact on us today.
One result of feeling that “they don’t belong” was that many participants believed that RCC was
not their college. The lack of Native American curriculum at RCC might have reinforced that
belief. Participants shared stories of grandparents and other elders during the boarding school
era, a time when Native American children were forcibly removed from homes and sent to far-
away boarding schools to study curriculum unfamiliar to them and unrelated to their own beliefs
and experiences. These stories led some participants as children to have a negative perspective
on schooling. Ellen shared that “some [Native American] people frown upon education. And
other people don’t. I see that…maybe because of their experiences with, you know, with the
boarding school era.” That negative perspective, in turn, may have been reinforced by their own
negative experiences at school. So, despite many participants believing that education was a way
to “heal [the] wound” of historical trauma, participants did not always have positive perspectives
on education or even positive educational experiences, which negatively influenced their
educational goals.
One other way historical trauma negatively influenced students’ educational experiences
was in the way participants interacted in the classroom. Ellen described “how Natives are” in the
learning environment. Even though they may be struggling in a class, they “don’t want to talk,
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raise [their] hand.” Quwma described how “when it comes to being Native it’s really hard to ask
for help.” He explained that this behavior was a result of historical trauma:
I think that goes back to, you know, probably way back when. Cuz you know ever since
they took every resource that we lived on, and everything, then they turned us to
government, uh, sustenance, where they’re supplying our food and everything like that. I
think that’s where it began. Because they went from being a people of providing and
surviving and doing everything on their own. To like hey, becoming so dependent on
everything that you’re giving us. So when you, you get ages of people asking for like, uh,
commodities, you know, stuff like that. You know, social security. And, like, welfare and
things like that. You get to a point, they’re almost ashamed to ask for help. Because it
gets to where, makes you feel like you’re not capable of doing it, or something….But it’s
almost like taking you out of your world if you have to go and learn something else and
ask for help. It’s like, hey, that process is starting all over again. I have to ask the
government for help. I have to ask this person to help me with this, to help me do this.
And some people may even be kind of standoffish because you know what, asking
another race for help is almost giving up on your own race in a sense.
Thus, Ellen and Quwma experienced themselves and other Native American students struggling
in classes and not speaking up, not asking questions, not raising their hands, and not asking for
help, all of which hindered successful learning outcomes and their educational goals.
Perhaps understanding historical trauma and its influence on the behaviors of Native
American students in an educational context influenced participants such as Ellen to not only be
a role model for other Native American students but to also look out for and help them:
But I just mainly had my eye out for the other Native American students. Just cuz I just
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didn’t want them to give up….I remember one [Native American] girl she was really
struggling. I was like, “just ask for help.” She was just like, “[no].” I was like, “don’t give
up, don’t give up.” I remember encouraging [her] to go [to class].
Whether or not historical trauma played a role in participants wanting to encourage and support
other Native Americans in pursuing their educational goals, the influence of Native American
classmates was a factor that supported achievement of educational goals for many participants.
Native American Classmates
All 10 participants described the positive influence Native American classmates had on
their educational experiences and goals. Native American classmates provided participants with
a level of comfort in the educational setting, which helped them stay engaged and led to more
successful educational outcomes as perceived by the participants. Participants described comfort
as arising from a number of factors. Participants often knew the other Native American students;
many were relatives. Even if they did not know the other Native American classmates they
“understood each other” and “got each other’s jokes.” More importantly, they were “on the same
journey.” Other Native American classmates were a positive influence on educational goals by
being a part of a learning community that “checked in with each other,” “pushed each other,” and
“studied together.” Participants described the benefit of going to college with other Native
Americans classmates of “all different ages…help[ing] each other out.” Participants described
“having an eye out for other Native American students” because they “just didn’t want them to
give up.” Ultimately, seeing more Native American students at RCC was inspiring and
motivating to participants as Lucy expressed:
And, you know, when you see Native Americans going to school and growing and trying
to make themselves better, it’s always a positive thing. So you know, it’s synergy. So it’s,
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you know, it spreads. It always the positive, it’s just a positive environment [at RCC], a
positive growing environment. So, I’d say that’s how [seeing other Native American
students at RCC has] impacted me.
For participants in this study, Native American classmates were a source of comfort, support,
encouragement, and motivation to pursue and succeed in achieving their educational goals.
Several of the participants described feeling more comfortable at RCC because they knew
many of their Native American classmates. Dawn Rochelle explained, “like there have been
some times where I’ve gone to class and I’ve known [the other Native American students]. It
makes it a little more comfortable, like when you have to get in a group for something.” And
Norma explained why she initially felt more comfortable with Native American classmates,
“probably because I was more closer to them, but um. I knew them already. They were friends.
They were family. They were tribal members. They were from [the same town].” Tashina
described that having Native American classmates, “made me feel, I mean not to say that it made
me feel more comfortable, but it just made me feel that it was a pretty cool environment.”
Having people that they knew, friends, relatives and other tribal members, enabled Dawn
Rochelle, Norma, Tashina, and others to ease their transition to college.
The comfortable, “cool” feeling was not just a result of familiarity. Another benefit of
having Native American classmates was that participants felt that their ideas and perspectives
were understood. Dorothy explained that this understanding was “because I think like there’s a
difference between, like, how Native Americans react with each other than there is with [non-
Native Americans].…Kinda have your own humor, way of talking to each other.” Lucy had a
similar explanation:
You know what it is? We [Native Americans] get each other’s jokes. We say a joke, it
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makes sense. I guess you have to live it to understand it. It’s one of those things. It just, if
you, the more you hang out together, the more you understand each other and you just get
it. When I go to class with these other Native Americans, it’s, you know, just we have
this understanding.
Lucy shared that Native American classmates, “understand. They understand me. They get my
point.” In contrast, she said that non-Native American classmates often “don’t see my side. Or
they don’t understand that side. It’s, it’s hard.” What was clear from these comments, and the
interactions among participants during the focus group, which was full of laughter even when
discussing serious and sometimes painful topics, was that Native American classmates with their
shared culture, history and experiences, had a common understanding, often expressed through
humor, which enabled them to feel more comfortable expressing themselves in the classroom.
Besides sharing history and experiences, Native American classmates also shared a
similar journey. Although some tribal members had a negative influence on participants’
educational goals by drawing them into the “thug life,” Native American classmates were a
positive influence, because they shared educational goals and were on a common educational
journey. Tashina felt “it’s good to see [Native American classmates] on the same level and same
path and that we help each other….Having the same goal as I do, too, like having a higher
education, I think that helps, too.” Dida agreed saying, “I think, well most of [my Native
American classmates] have been, I don’t know, just on the same journey. Like trying to get done
[with our educational goals]. I think we’re all supportive of each other.” The shared history and
experiences among Native American classmates supported participants’ engagement in the
classroom; their shared journey motivated participants to continue pursuing their educational
goals.
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Native American classmates were a consistent source of support for successful
educational outcomes, and ultimately achieving educational goals. Dida explained that they
would often “check up on each other,” which “helped in a way” knowing that they were looking
out for each other. Native American classmates would also “push each other,” as Dorothy
described:
We kind of push each other. Um, kind of like a secret battle to see like, you know, we
don’t talk about it like, “oh, I got an A on that test.” “Oh, she got an A? I could have got
an A.” Like, you know, stuff like that. Healthy competition, that’s not really talked about
you’re doing it secretly. You’re just like, “you already got your essay done? Shoot, ok.”
Uh, definitely helpful. Um, in the healthy competition kind of way.
Other participants also described how they would “check in” with Native American classmates,
study together, and work together on projects—in general, they were a “good support system”
for each other. Participants felt that the support system among Native American classmates was
an important factor in their educational success and in supporting their educational goals.
A few participants described the benefit of having Native American classmates of all
ages. Tashina, a student in her twenties, described the influence of seeing an older Native
American student in her classes:
And then, um, I also remember, um, we were oh, [Shelly]. She was in a lot of my classes.
I always see her pop up. Sometimes I would stop and talk to her. And then, um, she told
me about her goals and I was like, “oh! Wow!” See how, like how old she is and
everything. She has, like, grandkids. She’s just like “that’s the reason I’m doing it
[earning a degree]. To show ‘em.” And I go, “wow!” That was really, like, very
inspirational.
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Tashina described how seeing an older Native American classmate motivated her to keep going
despite feeling that she was already “taking a long time” to earn her degree. SaddsMah, a
grandmother like Shelly, described how seeing so many “younger [Native American] kids”
motivated her to keep pursuing her education:
And, um, I would say all my interaction here has been good. It’s been good. And it’s
funny because there’s like such a wide [age] range. There’s kids here that went to school
with my kids and now they see me in college. And they think, or they ask me, “what are
you doing here?” Tell ‘em, “I’m going to school just like you.” So, it’s, it’s been good.
Um, again, it’s a motivation thing. It makes me feel good to see so many of the younger
kids up here. To see that they’re furthering their education.
Older students provided inspiration to younger students to keep going no matter how long it
would take to achieve their educational goals. At the same time, younger students provided
motivation to older students to be a role model by achieving their educational goals.
One phenomenon that many participants noticed was that Native American students had a
high dropout rate. Quwma described this phenomenon:
Yeah, being Native. Um, I don’t know, I don’t really want to say. I don’t know the
correct statistics, but I know a lot of [Native American] people join up for classes and
then drop. I think [faculty] more or less expect people to, of my race, to drop.
Tashina explained that the phenomenon was a common concern and that her mother and aunt
would always ask her how many Native American students were in her class and then would
follow up to see if they were still all going to class. Ellen shared her experience:
I remember just going to class and there would be like maybe, my one class there was
like six Native American students in there. And then slowly they were like disappearing,
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disappearing. I was like, “oh, my god, where are they at?” Finally at the end there were,
like, three of us left in that class. I don’t even know where they went.
The likelihood of Native American students dropping out placed significant importance on the
informal support system participants described among their Native American classmates. Many
participants felt that it was their shared responsibility to support other Native Americans students
through making the transition to college more comfortable, understanding each other’s ideas,
checking in with each other, pushing each other, studying together, and being an inspiration and
a motivation to successfully achieve educational goals. By having “an eye out” for other Native
American students, perhaps they could prevent them from dropping out.
This study found that cultural influences were a consistent and important factor in Native
American student educational experiences and goals. While participants had varied definitions of
what it means to be Native American, most described three key components: shared history,
cultural traditions, and pride. How students related to their identity as a Native American in turn
shaped how the other cultural factors—cultural symbols, behaviors, beliefs, and expectations; rez
life; racism; curriculum; historical trauma; and Native American classmates—influenced their
educational experience and goals. All of the cultural factors had both negative and positive
influences on participants’ educational experiences and goals with the exception of Native
American classmates, who had a consistent and significant positive influence on students’
educational experiences and goals.
Conclusion
Together the findings within these five themes—pathways of Native American students
through community college, community college factors, student development and growth,
external factors, and cultural influences—provided a multi-faceted and complex picture of the
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 345
experiences of Native American community college students. In many ways the findings
confirmed that Native American students have similar experiences as community college
students generally. In other ways, the findings highlighted experiences that were a result of
Native American cultural influences. In any case, though there were commonalities among
participants’ experiences, each student had their own experiences, which supported and hindered
their educational goals in their own, unique way.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 346
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
This study aimed to examine Native American student experiences in the community
college context and to understand whether those experiences supported or hindered achievement
of educational goals. Persistence—whether or not students chose to either continue in or depart
from the college environment—was used as a way to understand student experiences within the
community college context. While much is known about student persistence and in particular
persistence in the community college context, relatively little is known about Native American
student experiences in the postsecondary context, let alone within the community college
context.
At the time of this study, more than forty percent of Native American postsecondary
students were enrolled in 2-year institutions (NCES, n.d.). In California, where more Native
Americans were residing than any other state (US Census, n.d.), 64.5% of Native American
undergraduates were enrolled in the CCC system in the spring 2015 semester (CCCC), n.d.;
CPEC, n.d.). However, Native Americans were only a small percentage of the overall CCC
system—of the 1.2 million CCC students enrolled in the 2015 spring semester, only 5,673
identified as Native American (CCCCO, n.d.). In addition, no single college within the CCC
system had a concentration of Native Americans greater than 5.5% of the total student body at
that time (CCCC, n.d.). As a result, Native American community college student experiences
were lost among the aggregate data and their voices remained unheard.
What we do know is that despite a CCC-wide focus on closing equity gaps among
various student populations within the CCC system (CCCC, n.d.), Native Americans continue to
have lower rates of successful outcomes than other ethnic groups (CCC, n.d.; RCC, n.d.).
Further, Native Americans continue to be among the poorest ethnic groups in the US (Pew
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 347
Research, n.d.). Individuals without some college education earned less than those with college
education and the earnings gap has continued to widen (Autor, 2011). Listening to the voices of
Native American community college students was important not just to add their perspectives to
the conversation, but also to understand which experiences they believed supported their success
as college students so they would have access to economic mobility.
Thus, the purpose of this study was to listen to the voices of Native American community
college students at RCC, a small center of a CCC with approximately 18% of the student body
comprised of Native Americans (RCC; n.d.), in order to explore how these Native American
community college students described their educational experiences and how those experiences
supported or hindered their educational goals. The following research questions guided this
study:
1. How do Native American students describe their experiences at RCC?
2. How do those experiences support or hinder achievement of their educational goals?
In addition to hearing the experiences of Native American community college students, a
secondary purpose of this study was to inform programs and practices at RCC to better support
Native American students in achieving their educational goals.
Overall, this study found that Native American student experiences were largely
consistent with much of the persistence literature, in particular persistence literature in the
community college context (Astin, 1984; Barbatis, 2010; Courey, 2006; Fike & Fike, 2008;
Halpin, 1990; Hawley & Harris, 2006; Kuh, 2001, 2003; McClenney, 2007; McClenney &
Marti, 2006; Nora, 1990; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980; Sorey & Duggan, 2008; Tinto, 1975,
1987, 1993; Voorhees, 1987; Webb, 1989). Additionally, the findings of this study were also
largely consistent with literature on Native American students in the postsecondary context
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 348
(Barnett, 2011; Bensimon, 2007; Gloria & Robinson Kurpius, 2001; Jackson & Smith, 2001;
Jackson et al., 2003; Lowe, 2005; Martin, 2005; Reyner & Dodd, 1995; Rousey & Longie, 2011;
Shotton et al., 2009). Nevertheless, although there were many commonalities among student
experiences at RCC, each student had unique experiences, which were not always consistent
with prior literature. Further, factors that supported some students, hindered others. And in some
cases, students cited factors that both supported and hindered their educational goals.
The data collected for this study was from interviews and a focus group from a non-
probability, purposeful sample of Native American community college students who had
completed 12 units or more on site at RCC within the past five years. Ten students participated in
the study and were interviewed during a first interview for between 45 minutes and two hours.
Seven of the 10 participants participated in a two hour focus group to further explore issues
raised during the first interviews. Nine of the 10 students participated in a second interview,
which lasted between 15 to 45 minutes to follow up on issues discussed during the focus group,
if they attended the focus group, and elaborate on issues they discussed during their first
interview. The interviews and focus group were semi-structured allowing students to discuss
broadly anything they found to be related to their educational experiences at RCC and their
educational goals. However, key factors as outlined in the conceptual framework were addressed
specifically, as well. Confidentiality of all participants and the school site was preserved through
the use of pseudonyms. All interviews and the focus group were recorded and then transcribed.
The transcriptions were then coded using open and then axial or analytical coding using an Excel
spreadsheet. In this chapter, I present a summary of the findings, contributions of the study,
implications for practice and suggestions for further research.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 349
Summary of Findings
Five broad themes of experiences that students believed influenced their educational
goals emerged from the data. The first theme that emerged was the students’ descriptions of their
pathway through the community college, including: reasons for attending a community college,
specifically RCC; their educational goals; how they identified a major; and their educational
pathway to date. The second theme consisted of students’ experiences at RCC, including:
interactions with faculty, staff and other students, and the environment and practices at RCC.
The third theme highlighted students’ development, growth, and changing priorities. The fourth
theme covered factors external to RCC that influenced students’ achievement of educational
goals, such as family and work. Lastly, the fifth theme included experiences that were shaped by
cultural influences.
The study’s conceptual framework, which initially included components that were
identified in findings in the second, fourth and fifth themes was revised based on the findings of
this study to also include findings in the first and third themes. The initial conceptual framework
drew from various paradigms, theories, empirical research, and my own experiential knowledge
and informed the study’s approach to exploring how Native American students described their
educational experiences at RCC and how those experiences supported or hindered educational
goals. The conceptual framework, as revised, also reflected students’ own understanding of the
concepts (factors included in each component of the conceptual framework) and relationships
between the concepts, which shaped their educational experiences and influenced their
educational goals (see Figure 5.1). Findings are briefly described in each of the five themes
below and summarized in following table (see Table 5.1).
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 350
Figure 5.1 Complete Conceptual Framework
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 351
Table 5.1
Summary of Findings
Theme Finding Factors Influence
(Positive/
Negative)
Times
Mentioned
College Pathways Why RCC?
Why
College?
Nearby
Expectations/work related
reasons
+
+
206
Educational
goals
Associate’s degree & transfer +
Identify
major
Finding a “fit” +
Nonlinear
pathway
Burden/“feel bad”
Enabled achievement of
goals/success
-
+
Community
College Factors
Interactions
with faculty
Friendly, open-minded?
Pushing, challenging?
Available, responsive?
Acknowledges students?
Pedagogy/curriculum
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
410
Campus
environment
Welcome/quiet atmosphere
Physical attributes
Lack of activities
Location
Classroom (size/number of
students)
+
+/-
-
+/-
+
Interactions
with students
Not fitting in, no interaction
Study group, new people,
student worker, hanging out
-
+
Campus
services and
programs
Educational pathways
Tutoring
Course offerings (time,
subject)
+/-
+/-
+/-
Staff
interactions
Friendly, helpful, welcoming +
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 352
Student Growth
& Development
Self-doubt Early educational experiences - 264
Gaining
confidence
Growth, motivation, timing +
External Factors Family Primary caretakers
Other relatives
Dependents
Romantic partners
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
338
Work Hours of work
Encouragement, flexible
schedules, guidance
-
+
Tribal Ed
Center
Funding
Guidance
Know students
Partnership with RCC
+
+/-
+
+
Financial aid Scholarships, grants, aid
programs, in-kind support
+/-
Significant
life
challenges
Illness, death, pregnancy,
addiction, depression, divorce
incarceration, special needs of
children, family drama
+/-
Tribal
community
Support, employment +/-
Friends “Bad element” -
Cultural
Influences
Identity Come from/gone through
Traditions
Special people
+
+
+
538
Symbols,
behaviors,
beliefs,
expectations
Artifacts, events, staff
Social conventions
Spirituality
Go to/pay for college
+/-
-
+
+/-
“Rez life” Stuck/support
Workforce education/hire
Tribal events
Role models/“bad element”
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 353
Racism Invisible
Stereotypes
+/-
+/-
Curriculum US history
Other courses
Relevance
Represent all Native
Americans
+/-
+/-
+/-
+/-
Historical
Trauma
Rise above, break cycle
Do not belong
Perspectives on education
+
-
-
Native
American
classmates
Understood, same journey
Keep an eye out
Pushed, checked in, studied
together
+
+
+
Theme 1. Pathways of Native American Students through Community College
The first theme that emerged from the data was that the Native American community
college students who participated in this study exhibited some similarities in their pathways
through community college: why they chose to attend college (and RCC specifically), their
educational goals, how they selected a major, and their higher education pathway to date. There
were four findings within the first theme, pathways through community college.
The first finding was that students had different reasons for attending college in general,
but all of the students explained that they were attending this specific community college, RCC,
because it was located nearby. Participants stated two primary reasons for attending college:
because attending college was expected and for work-related reasons. Students felt that having
some kind of motivation (reason) supported achievement of their educational goals.
The second finding that emerged from the data was that all 10 participants had a specific
educational goal of obtaining at least an associate’s degree. Many cited successful completion of
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 354
a certificate or a degree as giving them confidence to continue on to transfer and earn a
bachelor’s degree.
A third finding was that participants described the positive, significant influence of
selecting a major on their experience at the community college and on their educational goals.
Ninety percent (nine) of the participants had selected a major by the time of the study.
The fourth finding was that 70% of the participants described their college pathway as
indirect and lengthy (nonlinear). Even so, many of the participants in the study described their
nonlinear path as supporting their educational goals, even if it raised doubts and challenged their
self-confidence at times.
Theme 2. Community College Factors
The second theme that emerged from the data was that students’ experiences and
interactions at the community college, RCC, were generally positive and supported their
educational goals. Further, students described their experiences at RCC as influenced by five
factors (findings): interactions with faculty, interactions with RCC’s physical environment and
atmosphere, interactions with other students at RCC, the services and programs offered at RCC,
and interactions with RCC staff.
The first finding within the second theme was that all students cited support from, and
acknowledgement by, faculty members as one of the primary factors supporting achievement of
their educational goals. Conversely, when faculty support and acknowledgement were absent,
students disengaged from the classroom experience, which negatively influenced achievement of
their educational goals. Some students also cited curriculum and instruction (the content, how the
content was delivered, and the perceived motivation of faculty members) as faculty interaction
factors that influenced their educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 355
The second finding was that the college environment, both the physical space and the
atmosphere, mattered to students in the achievement of educational goals. The campus
environment influenced their educational experience and goals in a number of ways including,
the atmosphere on campus (welcoming and quiet), the physical attributes of campus (small
campus size), campus activities (or lack thereof), location of the campus (close proximity to the
community), and classroom environment (small classrooms and class sizes).
The third finding was that positive interactions with students including, participating in a
study group, being a student worker, hanging out on campus, exchanging contact information in
class, recognizing classmates from high school, meeting new people, asking for assistance from
other students, providing assistance to other students, and being recognized by other students
supported educational goals. Only three students described negative or lack of interactions with
other students at RCC, which had a negative influence on their educational experience, but in all
cases, these negative interactions were initial interactions and subsequent interactions were
largely positive.
The fourth finding was that services and programs such as supporting educational
pathways (knowing which classes were needed to fulfill certificate, degree, or transfer
requirements), tutoring, and course offerings, had both a positive and negative influence on
participants’ educational experiences. When these services and programs were available and
effective they supported educational goals, when they were not available or effective, they
hindered educational goals.
The fifth finding was that interactions with staff, though mentioned only in a limited
number of examples, had a positive influence on educational goals. Staff was described as
friendly, helpful, and supportive.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 356
Theme 3. Student Development and Growth
The third theme that emerged from the data in this study was that all participants
described how early educational experiences and their own development and growth influenced
their experiences at RCC. They also described how those experiences and subsequent
development and growth influenced their educational goals. The study found that positive
experiences at RCC supported self-efficacy and self-growth, which in turn led to self-confidence
and supported achievement of educational goals. On the other hand, participants often had
persisting self-doubt from early educational experiences, which hindered educational goals.
Theme 4. External Factors
The fourth theme that emerged from the data was that numerous factors external to the
community college experience influenced participants’ educational experiences and their
educational goals. The study found that there were seven external factors (findings) that
influenced participants’ educational experiences and goals, including family (parents, other
relatives, dependents, and romantic partners), work, the Tribal Ed Center, financial aid
(scholarships, grants, other aid programs, in-kind support such as free child care or a rent-free
place to live), significant life challenges (addiction, counseling, depression, divorce, family
drama, illness, incarceration, pregnancy, special needs of children), the tribal community and
friends. Three factors, family, work, and the Tribal Ed Center, together accounted for nearly two-
thirds of the mentions about external factors. Many of the factors were identified by participants
as having both a positive and negative influence on their educational experience and goals.
The first finding within the theme, external factors, was that family (primary caretakers,
other relatives, dependents, and romantic partners) influenced educational experiences.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 357
Participants identified both positive and negative influences of each of these groups of family
members on their educational goals.
The second finding within the theme, external factors, was that work, although
demanding on participants’ time, was a positive factor influencing participants’ educational
experiences and goals. In all cases, participants described their workplace as supportive of their
educational goals by offering flexible work schedules to accommodate course schedules,
allowing participants time to do coursework at work, and providing encouragement and moral
support from supervisors and coworkers. The one way work hindered participants’ educational
goals was in limiting the number of courses participants could successfully complete per
semester (typically one or two).
The third finding within the fourth theme was that the Tribal Ed Center supported
students’ educational experiences and goals by funding books, tuition, materials and supplies,
providing encouragement from staff, and offering educational planning, tutoring, and computer
lab availability. In addition, nearly all participants cited the partnership between RCC and the
Tribal Ed Center as one of the primary factors supporting their educational goals.
The fourth finding within external factors was that all participants received some type of
financial aid, without which many said that they may not have been able to attend RCC.
However, several participants had concerns about availability of financial aid for transferring to
earn a bachelor’s degree.
The fifth finding within external factors was that nine of the 10 participants described
significant life challenges, which postposed or interrupted their educational goals. These
challenges included illness and death of family members, pregnancy, special needs of children,
divorce, drug and alcohol addiction, incarceration, and depression.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 358
The sixth finding within the theme, external factors, was that seven of the 10 participants
cited the tribal community as a positive influence on their educational experience and their
educational goals through financial support, a general sense of wanting to improve the overall
education level of the tribal workforce, and programs specifically designed to promote education
among tribal members. Nevertheless, a few participants felt that tribal organizations were not
always willing to hire or promote individuals with the most education or qualifications.
The seventh finding within external factors was that half of the participants specifically
mentioned friends outside of RCC as a negative influence on their educational experiences and
goals. These friends were often unsupportive of education and represented the “bad element” that
many of the participants were trying to avoid.
Theme 5. Cultural Influences
The fifth theme that emerged from the data was that students’ educational experiences
were influenced by various cultural factors, which supported as well as hindered their
educational goals. How participants described their Native American identity influenced their
educational experiences and goals. Other ways cultural influences framed participants’
educational experiences and either supported or hindered their educational goals were a result of
the following factors (findings): cultural symbols, behaviors, beliefs, and expectations; “rez life”
(tribal organizations, tribal community, connections, and influences); racism in the form of
feeling invisible and the burden of stereotypes; curriculum that was irrelevant or insensitive to
Native American experiences; historical trauma; and Native American classmates.
The first finding was that, in general, regardless of participants’ parents’ ethnicities,
where they grew up or currently lived, and their tribal affiliation, participants described that
being Native American was essentially a combination of three components: a shared history—
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 359
understanding where Native Americans “came from” and what the “community as a whole has
gone through;” cultural traditions such as “sweat,” drumming, dance, and beading; and the
feeling of pride about being a part of a “special,” powerful people.
The second finding was that participants experienced cultural differences that supported
or hindered their educational goals. Participants suggested that having Native American symbols
such as artifacts, events, and staff on campus might better support their educational goals by
making the campus a more welcoming place and making them feel more comfortable on campus.
Participants also described specific cultural differences that influenced their educational goals
including behaviors (social conventions), beliefs (spirituality), and expectations.
A third finding was that “rez life” was one of the more complex factors participants cited
as influencing their educational experiences. Many aspects of rez life both supported and
hindered educational goals. Participants described feeling “stuck on the rez” and not being able
to leave to pursue their educational goals, but also wanting to stay on (or return to) the
reservation because of the significant educational support—financial and emotional—that was
available there. Although the Tribe wanted to develop a more educated workforce, participants
felt frustrated that educational achievement was not always a primary consideration for
employment with the Tribe or tribal-affiliated organizations. Participants talked about
participating in tribal events that encouraged and motivated them to pursue education, but also
about avoiding other tribal events because they felt “picked on” at those events because they
were studious and not like other tribal members. On the one hand, some tribal members were
role models who inspired participants to pursue their educational goals, while other tribal
members tempted participants “to go back, drifting into the bad element” pulling them away
from educational goals.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 360
A fourth finding was that nearly all of the participants shared experiences of how racism
influenced their educational experiences and goals. Racism was experienced in two primary
ways: feeling that Native Americans were invisible and feeling the burden of Native American
stereotypes. Both of the ways racism was experienced influenced students’ educational
experiences and mostly hindered, but in some instances supported, educational goals.
A fifth finding was that curriculum influenced educational experiences in many different
ways. Several participants talked about how the way in which history of Native Americans was
covered in US history courses influenced their educational experiences. Students talked about
whether including Native American content in courses other than history would have positive or
negative influences on their educational goals. Participants discussed whether curriculum at RCC
was relevant and useful for Native Americans and for Native American men, in particular.
Students also talked about the pressure of being expected to represent all Native Americans and
to know about all aspects of Native American history and culture whenever topics related to
Native Americans were discussed in class.
A sixth finding was that historical trauma was cited as another complex factor that
influenced educational experiences and goals. Historical trauma was often described as a
motivating factor for participants impressing upon them the importance of education not only for
themselves, but for their relatives, tribal community members and Native American people as a
whole. On the other hand, historical trauma was believed to be the cause of Native Americans’
complicated perspective on education and a reason why Native American students seemed to be
disengaged in the college classroom—not speaking up, not raising their hands, not asking for
help, and feeling that RCC was not their college.
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 361
A seventh finding was that Native American classmates provided participants with a level
of comfort in the educational setting, which helped them stay engaged and led to more successful
educational outcomes. Participants described comfort as arising from a number of factors:
knowing the other Native American students, understanding each other, being on the same
journey, providing academic support, and acting as role models.
Together, the findings within these five themes showed that the participants in this study
had similar experiences as community college students generally. However, the findings also
highlighted that these participants also had experiences that were a result of Native American
cultural influences. In many instances, the experiences resulting from cultural influences may
mirror experiences of other disenfranchised student groups, but this study did not intend to
identify such similarities or differences. Further, there were some findings in this study that
expanded on the nuances of findings from the literature, contradicted the literature, or were not
specifically mentioned in the literature reviewed for this study. In addition, although many of the
participants’ experiences at RCC were similar, they also described numerous instances where
their experiences were quite varied.
Contributions of Study
This study contributed to the understanding of Native American students’ postsecondary
experiences by building upon the findings of earlier studies focusing broadly on Native
American college student experiences by Reyner and Dodd (1995), Gloria and Robinson Kurpius
(2001), Jackson and Smith (2001), and Jackson et al. (2003). This study provided a broad and in-
depth description of the experiences of Native American college students by examining
experiences specifically in a community college context, rather than a baccalaureate degree-
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 362
granting institution or a tribal college. At the time of this study, no other literature focusing
solely on Native American CCC students existed.
In addition, this study affirmed that many of the factors that support postsecondary
persistence, particularly in the community college context, also support persistence (reflected as
supporting achievement of educational goals) for Native American community college students.
For example, commitment to educational goals and purpose of enrolling were found to be factors
that supported participants’ educational goals in this study. This finding was consistent with
many of the early studies on persistence (Bers & Smith, 1991; Tinto, 1975, 1987, 1993;
Voorhees, 1987; Webb, 1989). This study also found that positive faculty and student
interactions supported achievement of educational goals for Native American community college
students, which affirmed findings in studies that focused on persistence in the community college
context (Barbatis, 2010; Halpin, 1990; McClenney, 2007; McClenney & Marti, 2006; Sorey &
Duggan, 2008).
Nevertheless, this study’s findings highlighted aspects of Native American community
college experiences that in some cases contradicted and in other cased expanded on the findings
of prior literature. For example, work was found to be a barrier to success in Reyner and Dodd’s
(1995) study, but cited as a factor supporting success in this study. In another example, historical
trauma was discussed specifically by students in this study as a factor influencing their
educational experiences and goals—both positively and negatively. None of the other studies
specifically mentioned historical trauma as a factor of student success.
Another contribution of this study was more practical in nature. In the CCC system, as in
community college systems more generally, closing equity gaps between various student
populations has gained increasing focus and attention (CCCCO, n.d.; FACCC, n.d.). One student
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 363
population that has consistently not been addressed has been Native American students. This
study’s findings contributed to the understanding of culturally influenced factors that influenced
Native American students’ educational experiences and goals. Further, as I describe in the
following section understanding these factors as well as suggestions from participants provided
possible implications for practice that may better support Native American community college
students in achieving their educational goals.
Implications for Practice
This dissertation suggests a number of practices to better support Native American
community college students in achieving their educational goals. In some cases, it affirms and
encourages practices already in place at RCC. In others, it suggests practices that could be
implemented within the community college context as well as in the tribal community. In this
study, participants were asked how RCC could better support their educational goals. Student
responses are included in the following implications for practice.
One implication for practice is for the community college to work closely with the tribal
community to identify and develop educational pathways to in-demand careers on the reservation
that require certificates or degrees with a particular focus on programs relevant for Native
American men. Participants described the value of finding programs that “fit” because those
programs were a subject they related to, but also because those programs were in a field in which
they could find work. Having programs that students were drawn to resulted in students being
more engaged and more successful. Having a work-related focus helped students stay motivated
in order to complete their educational goals. However, students also felt frustration and
discouragement when their educational attainment was not recognized. Some felt that the hiring
NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY COLLEGE STUDENTS 364
practices on the reservation were based more on relationships than qualifications. Thus a stronger
commitment to valuing educational attainment in hiring practices is also recommended.
On the other hand, students felt that by offering more accessible courses and courses that
introduced Native American culture—Native American language, pottery, local history—would
be a way the community college could attract Native American students, p