University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

The impact of networks and mentorships to champion women as superintendents in southern California

(USC Thesis Other)

The impact of networks and mentorships to champion women as superintendents in southern California

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT
THE IMPACT OF NETWORKS AND MENTORSHIPS TO CHAMPION
WOMEN AS SUPERINTENDENTS IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
by
Maria Martinez Poulin

A Dissertation Proposal Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2017

Copyright 2017 Maria Martinez Poulin

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 2

THE IMPACT OF NETWORKS AND MENTORSHIPS TO CHAMPION
WOMEN AS SUPERINTENDNETS IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
by
Maria Martinez Poulin

A Dissertation Presented

in Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree

DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

2017

APPROVED:

___________________________________
Rudy Castruita, Ed.D.
Committee Chair

____________________________________
Pedro Enrique Garcia, Ed.D.
Committee Member

_____________________________________
Brandon Martinez, Ed.D.
Committee Member

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 3

ABSRACT

The purpose of this study was to understand and analyze the degree to which southern California
women superintendents utilized networks and mentorships and the impact it had in their career
advancement. More specifically, this study set out to determine: 1) what barriers do women
perceive hinder their access to the superintendent position, 2) what professional supports are
available to women as new superintendents, 3) what networking opportunities assist women in
their pursuit of the superintendency, and 4) what are the best networking methods used by
women to ascend to the role of superintendent. This study utilized a mixed-method
methodology. For the qualitative data, electronic surveys were distributed to 45 superintendents
for a return rate of 42%. Three interviews were conducted for the quantitative perspective.
Participants represented a diverse background and diverse school districts. The lens of feminist
standpoint theory and social capital theory informed the analysis. Through the process of
triangulation, the study’s findings indicate the participants utilized networks and mentorships to
different degrees and with mixed results. An in-depth analysis of the impact networks and
mentorships have on women’s career trajectory provided recommendations for networks and
mentors to challenge gendered professional norms, increased access to influential people in
women’s networks, and defined career pathways to the superintendency in terms of
demonstrated leadership experiences over male-dominated leadership positions held. Overall,
this study finds hope for women aspiring to become superintendents. Women should participate
in multiple networks and develop relationships with several mentors who are willing to share the
access to the superintendency.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 4

DEDICATION
I dedicate this dissertation to my mother, Alicia, who risked so much to protect her
daughters and provide them with an education, to my loving sister Erica, my husband Michael
who reminds me to have fun, and most of all to Noelia, Anthony, and Noah, may you develop
intelligent hearts and compassionate minds, develop your gifts and nurture your passions, that
you may seek to serve those in need, and empower individuals and change communities.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 5

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I extend my deepest gratitude to the members of my dissertation committee: Dissertation
chair, Dr. Rudy Castruita, Dr. Pedro Garcia, and Dr. Brandan Martinez; their guidance and
mentoring has been instrumental throughout the dissertation process. To Marie, my meticulous
editor, thank you for keeping me on track.
I am forever thankful to the women superintendents in southern California who were
agreeable and generous with their time to participate in this study. I was honored to meet three
of these women and with the input of all the participants, I was able to complete this research
which records the strides women have made to advance as superintendents and as Tollerico
(2000) said: “share the access.”
To the other researchers whose previous studies on women superintendents enlighten and
expand this work and future studies, I thank you for your scholarship.
Words cannot express my appreciation for the encouragement and support shown to me
by my friends and family. Thank you for the insight you shared about the study, your dismay at
the bleak statistics, and to offer me words of encouragement which propelled me to keep writing.
To women superintendents and especially, to my mentor, Diane who promotes the cause of
women leadership in the boardroom. We need advocates who value diversity and work to help
women achieve by leveraging access. To my family, you are the light of my life! Thank you for
allowing me time and space to pursue doctoral studies in a field that champions a social justice
issue in the work of women in education. Your patience, understanding, and compassion were a
source of motivation and fueled my endeavors.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 6

TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables ...........................................................................................................8
List of Figures ..........................................................................................................9
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .....................................................................10
Statement of the Problem ...........................................................................13
Purpose of the Study ..................................................................................14
Significance of the Study ...........................................................................14
Limitations and Delimitations ....................................................................15
Definitions of Terms ..................................................................................15
Organization of the Study ..........................................................................16
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...........................................................................17
Women Educational Administrators ..........................................................17
Networking ................................................................................................29
Mentoring ...................................................................................................33
Theory ........................................................................................................35
Feminist Standpoint Theory .......................................................................35
Conclusion .................................................................................................39
Chapter Three: Methodology .................................................................................40
Restatement of Problem ............................................................................40
Purpose of the Study ..................................................................................40
Research Questions ....................................................................................41
Design Summary ........................................................................................41
Participants and Setting..............................................................................42
Instrumentation and Protocols ...................................................................43
Data Collection ..........................................................................................45
Data Analysis .............................................................................................46
Ethical Considerations ...............................................................................48
Summary ....................................................................................................48
Chapter Four: Findings ..........................................................................................50
Background ................................................................................................50
Demographics of Survey Respondents ......................................................51
Networks, Mentorships, and Social Capital ...............................................59
Mentorships................................................................................................70
Differences in Mentorships for Men and Women .....................................71
Theoretical Framework ..............................................................................81
Feminist Standpoint Theory .......................................................................81
Conclusion .................................................................................................82
Chapter Five: Summary/ Conclusions/ Implications .............................................83
Key Findings ..............................................................................................84
Implications................................................................................................89
Limitations .................................................................................................93
Recommendations for Future Research .....................................................93
Conclusion .................................................................................................94
References ..............................................................................................................96
APPENDIX A: GENERAL RECRUITMENT EMAIL COVER LETTER .........99
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 7

APPENDIX B: SURVEY INSTRUMENT .........................................................100
APPENDIX C: SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA SUPERINTENDENTS,
IMPACT OF MENTORSHIPS AND NETWORKS ...............................102
APPENDIX D: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL .......................................................108
APPENDIX E: SUPERINTENDENT PRACTICE WITH MENTORS .............110
APPENDIX F: SUPPORT OF MENTOR IN PURSUIT OF THE
SUPERINTENDENCY ...........................................................................111

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 8

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. California Men and Women Administrator Education
Levels 2014-15........................................................................................21
Table 2. California Men and Women Teacher Education Levels 2014-15 ..........26
Table 3. California Teacher, Administrator, Superintendent Ratios 2014-15 ......27
Table 4. Number and Percentages of Respondents and Non-Respondents ..........47
Table 5. Age of Women Superintendents .............................................................52
Table 6. Highest Degree Held for Superintendents ..............................................54
Table 7. California Men and Women Administrator Education Levels
2014-15 ...................................................................................................54
Table 8. District Geographic Description for Superintendents .............................55
Table 9. Total Number of Students in District for Superintendents .....................56
Table 10. Years Spent as a Classroom Teacher for Superintendents ...................57
Table 11. Demographics of Interview Participants...............................................59
Table 12. Formal Network Participation for Superintendents ..............................62
Table 13. Most Beneficial Characteristics of a Mentor ........................................72

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 9

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Triangulation of Findings ......................................................................48
Figure 2. Networking and Mentorships: Disparity in Results ..............................88

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 10

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
The shortage of women superintendents in K-12 school districts points directly to
organizational barriers (Tallerico, 2000). In 2011-12, women represented 76% of the teacher
workforce and 52% of principals (Wallace, 2015, Introduction). Women serve as classroom
practitioners, as school administrators, and as central office administrators (Garn & Brown,
2008; Grogan & Brunner, 2005; Kim & Brunner, 2009). Yet, we see few numbers of women as
superintendents in California. In fact, during the 1999-2000 school year, approximately 13% of
superintendents were women (Brunner, 2000, p. 76). As teachers, women serve in elementary,
middle, and high schools. Women are school principals in elementary, secondary schools, and in
continuation schools. They administer discipline to students and staff. They lead professional
development and budget within fiscal prudence. Women in the district office head departments
such as fiscal, special education, curriculum and instruction, human resources, and technology.
The presence of women administrators across different school levels, different departments, and
as high-level, in-line administrative positions reveals an interest in career mobility (Kim &
Brunner, 2009).
Women spend their entire careers as educators, yet, few are promoted to the highest
office of their district. Recently, the “United States Census Bureau has characterized the
superintendency as being the most male dominated executive position of any profession in the
United States” (Björk, 2000, p. 17). More women than ever before have administrative
credentials which allow them to advance to district leadership levels and to serve as top leaders.
However, the leap to the board room is still a White male career path (Stanton-Salazar, 1997;
Skrla, 2000).
Research by Kim and Brunner (2009) indicated career pathways and mobility towards the
superintendency for men and women are different. Kim and Brunner made the following four
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 11

observations about gender differences and career development trajectory: (1) Women by far
value the work of teaching more than they value making connections in formal and informal
networks which can lead to career advancement; (2) Men on the other hand, see teaching as a
process to career advancement; (3) Opportunities towards upward mobility are different for men
and women according to the same researchers; (4) Women tend to start their teaching careers in
elementary school settings where coaching, department chair, and assistant principal positions
are rare. Men tend to teach in secondary school settings which have opportunities to coach, to
serve as department chair, or assistant principal positions. These positions provide visibility for
the individual in a leadership capacity and serve as stepping stones towards a principalship. The
difference in opportunities for men and women stem from the lack of opportunities inherent in
the professional starting point between men and women as teachers. With more visibility comes
the opportunity to network (Kim & Brunner, 2009).
“According to the 2012 U. S. Department of Education and Staff Survey Report, 76% of
teachers and 51% of principals in public elementary and secondary schools were women 2011-
12” (Wallace, 2015, p. 42). Women make up 76% of the teacher force, typical of where
superintendents begin their careers, yet, only 23% of public school superintendents are women
(Wallace, 2015, p. 42). Furthermore, 40% of the women in central office administrative
positions indicated aspirations to the superintendency and 74% had earned or were working
towards certification required to fulfill the job (Grogan & Shakeshaft, 2011 as cited in Wallace,
2015, p. 42). Teresa Wallace contended that in 2012 the proportion of women superintendents
was “increasing only by 0.7% annually.” At that rate, it would take 80 years for women to be
proportionately represented [as superintendents] in [US] public schools (Wallace, 2015, p. 42).
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 12

The underrepresentation of women as superintendents begs further study grounded in critical
gender theory.
The gendered division of labor according to Wallace (2015) is clear in the small
percentages of women serving as K-12 public school superintendents compared to the high
number of teachers and principals. Another example of the disparity is women are twice as
likely to have earned a doctorate in education, and men are five times more apt to hold the
position of superintendent of schools (Wallace, 2015). Gendered opportunities may start with
where superintendents start their teaching careers. Yet, it’s the opportunities within these
starting points that create the foundation for professional trajectories toward the superintendent’s
office because of the ability to maximize performance and access to high ranking leadership.
Making connections in formal and informal settings builds an aspiring superintendent’s social
capital. Knowing how to navigate networks to leverage upward mobility is dependent on
relationships with agents who can share career-related information and opportunities for
specialized training or mentorships (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Access to resources and
opportunity to advance through use of networks is reliant on social relationships that vary across
social classes and gender groups (Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Male hegemony has long established the work of the superintendency as male dominated
work. This dominance has been institutionalized and shaped by sponsorship and informal
networks which benefit men in that role (Tallerico & Blount, 2004). The results for K-12 public
school district administration is the unequal consequence for women of fewer opportunities for
upward mobility, lower pay status, and possible exclusion from men’s work realms (Tallerico &
Blount, 2004). They further stated, the process of dividing work along gender lines is not static:
from the late 19th century to early 20th century, bank telling, secretarial work, and school
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 13

teaching were almost all male dominated to female predominated occupations. Law and
medicine went from all male to men specializing in corporate law and surgery and women in
family law or divorce and in family medicine. The division of labor along gender lines continues
to limit options afforded to women. The superintendency profession has also changed over time.
With the increase of schools, there was a drop in teacher autonomy and salary. Men then left the
profession. Similarly, with increased bureaucratization and declining entrepreneurial potential,
men’s interest in medicine diminished and women found opportunities in the movement. The
change in teaching was similar to the exodus in bank telling and secretarial work (Tallerico &
Blount, 2004).
Growing the number of women in the highest office of K-12 education to equitable
proportion to men means creating strategic, empowering, and networking enhancing
opportunities to institutional constraints and barriers that prevent formation of supportive
relationships in networking and mentorships for women. A rich and descriptive framework for
developing social capital would increase women’s potential to navigate the challenges of
attaining a superintendency. The research is clear, women face many obstacles towards upward
mobility; yet, they demonstrate resiliency by creating a counter narrative that propels them to
keep challenging the status quo to produce results for student achievement.
Statement of the Problem
This study will illuminate a disparity in women ascending to the school district
superintendency. Quantifiable data indicated the harsh reality of a few women in charge of the
boardroom when in fact, women overwhelmingly outnumber men as classroom teachers, as site
administrators, and district administration (Tallerico & Blount, 2004). By understanding how
women use social capital to ascend as superintendent, women can benefit and close the
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 14

opportunity gap. The current practice of new women superintendents indicate that women use
networking as personal support and not for career advancement opportunities (Sampson,
Gresham, Applewhite & Roberts, 2015).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this research was to uncover the barriers women face in advancing to the
superintendency. The secondary purpose was to investigate the strategies women need to utilize
in order to bolster their opportunities towards the role of superintendent. This study illuminates
the degree and quality of social capital networking women use to propel their professional
trajectory in the field of education. The first area of focus was to clarify the social structural
barriers women face in institutions such as school districts. The second foci was to create a
framework for social capital to bolster women’s social distribution of possibilities for upward
mobility.
The following questions guided this research:
1. What barriers do women perceive hinder their access to the superintendent position?
2. What professional supports are available to women as new superintendents?
3. What networking opportunities assist women in their pursuit of the superintendent
position?
4. What are the best methods used by women to ascend to the role of superintendent?
Significance of the Study
This study contributes to the expanding literature on the trajectory of women educators as
school district superintendents. This study informs and benefits aspiring women superintendents
with a framework for utilizing social networks to develop collaborative partnerships that will
champion their career advancement.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 15

Limitations and Delimitations
The limitations of the study are found in the assertion that social capital networks
improve opportunities of upward mobility for female superintendents. The geographic location,
number, and gender of superintendents are delimitations. Accordingly, the small sample and
self-reporting data reduce the generalizability of the findings. These are beyond the control of
the researcher and generally address issues of internal validity. Delimitations refer to the
generalizability of the study and issues of external validity.
Definitions of Terms
The terms below are used throughout this study:
 Formal network: an organization of members in a group of like-minded individuals who
support each other
 Glass ceiling: gender discrimination in selection and hiring processes towards women
(Kim & Brunner, 2009)
 Good Ol’ Boys: a network or mentoring practice following the tendency of males in
positions of power to network with each other, help each other in their work careers, and
mentor others like them to positions of power (Witmer, 2006)
 Informal/emergent network: Not a part of a formal organization, a group of like-minded
individuals who gather to support each other
 Longevity or length of tenure: the consecutive length of time a superintendent is in the
position at the same district
 Mentor: An individual who meets one-on-one with another less-experienced person for
the purpose of supporting that person in his/her career path (Sherman, Muñoz, &
Pankake, 2008)
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 16

 Social capital theory: The concept of networking and supporting others with the
expectation that by supporting and participating, one’s own career, knowledge, and
“social capital” will increase (Portes, 1998)
 Social distribution of possibilities: the unequal distribution of opportunities for entering
into different social and institutional contexts and for forming relationships with agents
who exert various degrees of control over institutional resources such as bureaucratic
influence, career-related information, and opportunity for specialized training or
mentorships
 Social network theory: used to explain the relationships, communication, and flow of
information between and within relationships
Organization of the Study
This study is organized into five chapters: an overview, context, and purpose of the study
in the first chapter. Then a review of the literature on using social capital for upward mobility is
summarized in Chapter Two. The methodology for surveying and interviewing female
superintendents in California is outlined in Chapter Three along with the data gathered through
the process outlined in Chapter Four. This study concludes in Chapter Five with a discussion of:
findings, implications, and recommendations regarding using social capital for upward mobility
practices for female superintendents.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 17

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
The research on women in educational leadership determined the following three
observations why there continues to be an opportunity gap for women as superintendents:
(1) narrowly defined career positions as pathways toward the superintendency, (2) gender
discrimination, and (3) structures of power in networks. A teacher’s career starting point often
provides a trajectory of opportunities towards the superintendent role; there is an array of
sociocultural barriers, the formal and informal networking, and mentorship approaches are
utilized in varying ways by new women superintendents. First, this section provides an
examination of current literature related to women in educational administration, networking,
and mentorships. For the section of women in administration, the central themes include an
historical perspective, superintendent demographics, career positions as pathways towards the
superintendency, glass ceiling, gatekeeper theory, and family responsibility. Then, a review of
literature on the practice of participation in formal and informal networks and mentorships by
women and their impact on career mobility. Last, a review of literature in social network theory
and a practice framework is offered.
Women Educational Administrators
Historical Perspective
There is now a plethora of research regarding the opportunity gap for women
superintendents compared to men; but that was not always the case. Brunner (2000) asserted that
after 75 years of extensive research on White males in the superintendency, the 1980s began a
new trend of research towards women superintendents and the phenomenon of gender inequality.
Brunner reported that in the 1999-2000 school year the number of women superintendents was
13% and that percentage had remained stagnant for the past century (p. 76).
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 18

Using a feminist lens to analyze the social context of segregated work for men and
women, Tallerico & Blount (2004) focused on the American superintendency to examine the
treatment of women entering “historically male work” (p. 634). The longitudinal review of
historical data and the theory of occupational theory examined the impact of segregated work on
women. This impact can lead to “lower pay and status, fewer opportunities for advancement,
deskilling or devaluing of the labor itself, subordination to males, and exclusion from men’s
realms” (Tallerico & Blount, 2004, p. 634; see also Blau,1984b, Matthaei,1982, Redclift, 1988 as
cited in Tallerico & Blount, 2004).
Tallerico and Blount (2004) indicated there are three patterns to the progression of
women entering the superintendency for the years 1910-1998. First they say the superintendency
was a male dominated profession in the 20th century, with 85% to 96% men in office (p. 640).
Second, between 1910 and 1970 there was an increase of women as superintendents during those
60 years. In 1910 there was 7% increase reaching a high point of 11% in 1930 (p. 640). There
was then a major shift with a dip to 3% for women and a high for men at 96% in 1970 (p. 640).
The last pattern, from 1970 to 1998 saw a new increase of women superintendents growing from
3% to 10%, respectively (p. 640). The overrepresentation of men as superintendents during this
time was indicative of research by many scholars who ascertain male hegemony perpetuated
segregated work which divides the sexes along gender roles; women teach and men lead (Estler,
1975, Grady, 1992, 1995, Montenegro, 1993, Ortiz, 1982, Ortiz & Marshall, 1988, Sadker,
Sadker, & Klein, 1991, Schmuck, 1980, Shakeshaft, 1989, 1999 as cited in Tallerico & Blount,
2004).
Women superintendents between 1910 and 1930 benefitted from the suffrage movement
as some superintendent positions were elected rather than appointed positions and the position of
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 19

superintendent was one of the few open to women (Tallerico & Blount, 2004). This time is often
referred to as the “golden age of women administrators” (Hansot & Tyack, 1981 as cited in
Tallerico & Blount, 2004, p. 643). Policy change did away with elected superintendencies in
order to depoliticize education (Driver, 1922, Tyac & Hansot, 1982 as cited in Tallerico &
Blount, 2004). Change was also felt in the certification requirements of teaching and
administration. In the 30s, most states created specialized requirements for school administrators
that were different from teaching requirements. The low number of women allowed into those
programs created a challenge for women administrators (Tallerico & Blount, 2004). The new
federal support of the G. I. bill further propelled men into the field of educational administration
(McCarthy & Kuh, 1997 as cited in Tallerico & Blount, 2004). Then, a byproduct of
consolidating school districts in the 1950s was that women were displaced “in favor of men”
(Blount, 1998, Shakeshaft,1989, 1999, Tyack & Hansot,1982 as cited in Tallerico & Blount,
2004). The change in policy had a negative impact on opportunity for women to advance as
superintendents.
Between 1970 and 1998 women moved into desirable superintendencies quickly, which
was galvanized by the creation of women’s caucuses in professional organizations, an increase in
activism by women’s administration organizations and the use of political and legal systems to
join the advances made in the civil rights movement of the 60s (Blount, 1998). Political change
in the 70s saw the passing of Title IX Educational Amendment which dismantled low quotas on
the number of women who could register in institutions of higher education and administrative
programs. The Women’s Educational Equity Act added federal funding to break down sex-
based inequities through research to increase the number of women administrators (Tallerico &
Blount, 2004). Linda Skrla (2000) found that the funding never really materialized and the
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 20

funding available was distributed on a voluntary level. Title IX legislation has also been poorly
enforced due to poor funding. The underrepresentation of women as superintendents continues
to be an emerging body of inquiry into the new century as Tallerico and Blount (2004) observed:
“women have not yet attained, or ever sustained over time, equitable representation in school
administration . . . [and]…that sex stereotypes and bias against women in leadership persist”
(p. 647).
There continues to be more research documenting the opportunity gap for women as
superintendents in the 21st century. In 2004, 18% of women accounted for district
superintendents across the United States (Brunner & Grogan, 2007, p. 12). This dismal statistic
speaks volumes to the disparity of women moving forward despite the propensity of women as
classroom teachers. California school districts have a higher percentage of women as
superintendents; yet, it is still not equitable. The 2008 percentage of women superintendents in
California was 31% (Dabney-Lieras, K., 2008, para. 2) and that was higher than the overall
24.1% in the United States (Kowalski, McCord, Petersen, Young, & Ellerson, 2011, p. 111).
Women Superintendent Demographics
Although greater equality has been achieved in California for women as school district
superintendents, the variance between men and women is still clear. According to California
Department of Education in 2014-15, there were 15,968 women administrators out of 25,819
total (California Department of Education, Educational Demographics Unit, 2016b). Upon
further analysis, the 62% of women educational administrators also held more advanced degrees
when compared to men as shown on Table 1 (California Department of Education, Educational
Demographics Unit, 2016b).

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 21

Table 1
California Men and Women Administrator Education Levels 2014-15
Women Total: 15,968 Men Total: 9,851
Doctorate 1,030 Doctorate 794
Juris Doctor 20 Juris Doctor 7
Masters +30 5,035 Masters +30 2,889
Masters 6,381 Masters 3,956
NOTE: Adapted from CDE, 2016b

The underrepresentation of women as superintendents is further complicated by the fact
that women hold more advanced degrees than men (Sampson et al., 2015). Women are more apt
to develop their skills through advanced education and hold the majority of administrative
positions other than superintendency in school districts (Glass, 2000; Muñoz, Pankake, Ramalho,
Mills, & Simonsson, 2014; Sampson et al., 2015; Stuckey, 2012 as cited in Sampson et al.,
2015). They make for a great pool of candidates for superintendents, yet, the equity gap persists.
When women are assigned as district superintendents, the districts are often the smallest,
least desirable, rural or very large urban districts with opportunities for women of color (Blount,
1998; Tyack & Hansot, 1982 as cited in Kim & Brunner, 2009).
Similarly, there is evidence that male superintendents in New York are more likely than
woman to have five-year contracts. This was true for first time superintendents and those with
more superintendence experience in their careers (Tallerco & O’Connell, 2001 as cited in Kim &
Brunner, 2009).
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 22

Most women aspiring to become superintendents come from curriculum and instruction
and not from human resources or fiscal and maintenance (Glass, 2000). The research by Glass
(2000) indicated boards want superintendents with experience in personnel and finance. There
has been an increase in women as chief business officers; but, they often are not former teachers
and as such are not eligible to become superintendents. The obstacles emanate from
preconceived notions from boards, too. Glass noted that 82% of the women superintendents in
the AASA study said boards do not see them as strong managers (p. 44). Forty-three percent of
the men superintendents shared that school boards view women as incapable of managing a
school district (Kim & Brunner, 2009; Wallace, 2015).
Women tend to teach longer than men and are older when they reach the district office.
Wallace (2015) found in her study that 71% of the superintendents who participated had taught 5
to 15 years (p. 45). Glass (2000) reported men leave teaching at 27 years old for administration.
Women make the move into their first role of administration in their early 30s (p. 45). Muñoz et
al. (2014) asserted women are older when they apply for superintendent and men apply early in
their administrative careers because women “are promoted based on their performance, while
men are often promoted on their perceived potential” (p. 769). Wallace further offered that
women aspiring to the superintendency should move into school site administration early in their
career to move up to the superintendency.
Career Pathway
The data on women superintendents illustrated a structure that defines a trajectory
towards the role of superintendent as early as a teacher’s career entry (Glass, 2000; Kim &
Brunner, 2009). Where a teacher begins her career has the potential to advance her trajectory or
limit her opportunities. Glass (2000) found in his research that more women start their careers as
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 23

elementary teachers which limits the opportunity to advance towards assistant principal,
principal, central office administration, and superintendency. He further opined, the career entry
point for most women superintendents starts at the secondary level, which tends to be male
dominated. The high school offers opportunity to stand out as a leader with high school
department chair positions that can lead to assistant principalships and principal (Kim &
Brunner, 2009). The classroom to principalship trajectory is a difficult one to make with the lack
of opportunity for upwards career mobility (Glass, 2000; Kim & Brunner, 2009; Sampson et al.,
2015).
Career mobility was defined by Kim and Brunner (2009) as organizational career
mobility (OCM). They asserted career movement can be vertical job changes which include a
pay raise and/or betterment or horizontal movement, such as: department chair, coaching, etc. —
a department function on the same hierarchical level, but, with change to a person’s positional
power of opportunity to benefit a teacher’s future career. The high school teaching position thus
offers more probabilities to demonstrate leadership ability with coaching, club advisors, band
directorships, and most elementary schools do not have those options (Glass, 2000; Kim &
Brunner, 2009).
The hierarchy of an organization defines career opportunities toward the
superintendency. If men in secondary teaching tend to participate in coaching, site
administration, and finally district leadership, these are the opportunities for career mobility; then
teaching at the elementary level constricts these opportunities for women as most elementary
teachers are women (Glass, 2000; Kim & Brunner, 2009). Men and women have different career
mobility toward the superintendency.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 24

Vertical and horizontal promotions are two different routes that can change an
individual’s positional power. Kim and Brunner (2009) attested the rewards of horizontal job
movement offers positional power while maintaining the same physical rewards. They further
stated that once an administrative entry level position such as vice principal position is held, then
the next step is the role of principal which is also called a staff position. At the district level,
there are administrative positions that are in-line and staff positions (Kim & Brunner, 2009).
In-line positions such as associate, assistant, deputy superintendency titles indicate
positions directly below the superintendent. Likewise, staff titles such as director, coordinator,
consultant, and manager are outside of the direct line hierarchy (Kim & Brunner, 2009). In-line
positions come with psychological motivators: power and opportunity. The researchers
explained the prospect in career opportunity is based on visibility, exposure, connections to
powerful people, or to core leadership. Positions of power contain the capacity of career
advancement. Line positions have a greater “chance to work with top leaders, maximize the
exposure of his/her performance, and ability to access core information and politics of the
organization” (Kim & Brunner, 2009, p. 80). These positions are more desirable for their
positional power. The drawbacks include: “career competitiveness, overburdened workloads,
and job insecurity” (Kim & Brunner, 2009, p. 80). On the other hand, staff positions are
considered low risk, and have no guarantee for upward mobility. In fact, many staff positions
lead people to the end of their career path (Ortiz, 1982 as cited in Kim & Brunner, 2009). Career
entry points create a potential for a trajectory towards superintendency work. However, minority
groups and women at the top levels of the district hierarchy, have different career mobility
trajectories (Kim & Brunner, 2009).

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 25

Glass Ceiling
The phenomenon of women’s experiences with the “glass ceiling” as a barrier to attain
the superintendency are well documented and point to gender bias in terms of educational
administration typical career mobility (Glass, 2000; Kim & Brunner, 2009; Muñoz et al., 2014;
Grogan & Brunner, 2005). The glass ceiling is “gender discrimination in selection and hiring
process” that prohibits women’s “career development process” (Kim & Brunner, 2009, p. 103).
Research illustrated it will take 30 years for the paucity of women as superintendents to achieve
equitable representation in the boardroom (Muñoz et al., 2014).
Women’s style of leadership is subject to scrutiny. The “double bind” theory means that
women have to adapt to a male-centered culture and environment that is referred to as male
managerial mode that incorporates masculine characteristics. This places women in a double
bind if their managerial type is feminine, they run the risk of not being viewed as effective;
however, if they act with masculine styles of leadership they will be criticized as not being
feminine (Ragins, Townsend & Mattis, 1998 as cited in Dowell & Larwin, 2013)
Heilman (2001 as cited in Dowell & Larwin, 2013) stated female stereotypes prohibit
women from advancing in leadership roles because executive level roles are considered “male”
in sex-type. This means for achievement they need to be aggressive and demonstrate aggressive
toughness that is the opposite of how women are expected to behave.
According to the California Department of Education (California Department of
Education, Educational Demographics Unit, 2016b), Table 2 shows the education level of the
216,295 female and male teachers and indicates California women hold more advanced degrees
when compared to men (Certificated Staff by Ethnicity for 2014-15 filtered by gender).
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 26

Similarly, Wallace (2015) reported US women are twice as likely to have earned a doctorate in
education and men are five times more likely to hold the title of superintendent of schools.

Table 2
California Men and Women Teacher Education Levels 2014-15
Women Total: 216,295 Men Total: 79,505
Doctorate 1,578 Doctorate 1,238
Juris Doctor 138 Juris Doctor 60
Masters +30 35,044 Masters +30 12,983
Masters 54, 618 Masters 18,658
NOTE: Adapted from CDE, 2016b

Gender bias outweighs education level as more women hold advanced degrees as
teachers and they also hold more administrative roles in education. Women outnumber men as
teachers and as administrators; yet, as superintendents, men outnumber women. Table 3
indicates the ratio of teacher, administrators, and superintendent ratios, which demonstrate access
to career mobility. Women do not have similar opportunities in the hiring and promotion
progression as men (Kim & Brunner, 2009). Wallace (2015) asserted men and women are
accorded different rights and opportunities as is evident in the low percentage of women serving
as superintendents compared to the high number of women as teachers and principals in
California in the 21st century.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 27

Table 3
California Teacher, Administrator, Superintendent Ratios 2014-15
Gender Teachers Administration Superintendent
Female 216,295 15,968 263
Male 79,505 9,851 471
RATIO 2. 72: 1 1. 62: 1 .56:1

The dearth of women as California superintendents can be explained because their career
paths are dominated by gender differences in career mobility which traditionally has been
viewed as student-centered in teaching environments (Glass, 2000). Forty percent of women
who work as central office administrators and aspire to the superintendency have encountered
discrimination in the selection and hiring process (Kim & Brunner, 2009). Finally, limitations in
career development at the hand of the glass ceiling generated the status quo in discrimination, the
opportunity gap for women as superintendents (Kim & Brunner, 2009), and created unequal
power hierarchies between men and women (Glass, 2000; Sampson et al., 2015).
Gatekeeper Theory
Power structures based on gender bias and male hegemony also account for the
opportunity barrier inherent in the hiring process of women superintendents (Muñoz et al., 2014,
Skrla, 2000; Tallerico, 2000). Research by Tallerico (2000) in the area of hiring practices of
executive search firms for the role of superintendent established a lack of equity for women due
to gatekeeping decisions, professional norms based on gender stereotypes, and lack of influential
contacts in informal networks.
In the study, Tallerico (2000) situated her case study in New York; 75 people were
interviewed: 25 school board members, 25 consultants, 25 applicants. The interview questions
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 28

focused on screening and recruitment, application and interview processes, and decision making
processes. Participation observation supplemented interview data. Framing her inquiry, she
used a feminist perspective, gatekeeper theory, and career development theory to explore the low
number of women and people of color in the role of school district superintendent.
Tallerico (2000) explained gatekeeper theory as developed by Lewin (1947) is a process
which engages aspiring superintendents through a variety of channels by gatekeepers. The
channels are the starting points for individuals seeking superintendent work. The gatekeeper is
the consultant in a search firm. The starting points can be different: some self-nominate, while
others are recruited by a search firm for school district openings.
Furthermore, Tallerico (2000) reported, these channels can send the aspirant in or out at
many parts of the process. The gatekeepers are powerful people, or apparently, have a set of
unbiased rules. This means the search-firm consultant controls who gets past the gate to meet
with the board members. Tallerico stated that Shoemaker (1991) elaborated: Gatekeeping
Theory includes more than the individual's decisions. It includes organizational perspectives,
because individual perspectives are situated in professional norms which value some educational
leadership positions more than others. Beyond replicating professional norms, there is also the
social implications of power structures that surround the gates to include developing the
foundation for other levels of influence and power (Muñoz et al., 2014; Skrla, 2000; Tollerico,
2000).
Family Responsibility
Family obligations, personal choice, and traditional gender socialization can lead woman
to prolong stepping into the superintendency. Glass (2000) stated that within traditional gender
socialization, women stay home to raise children, men go out to aspire to become leaders and
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 29

provide status and resources. Muñoz et al. (2014) found in their research in Texas, that
perception of men perusing leadership roles was interpreted as “championing their family
struggles” while women were described as “abandoning their families when pursuing leadership
positions” (p. 772). Gendered roles and family responsibility relate to society’s expectations for
women (Muñoz et al., 2014).
Sometimes, personal choice allows for women to take a leave of absence from work to
raise children (Muñoz et al., 2014). This break from work has the potential to delay or obstruct
women with children from moving up the career ladder. Glass (2000) found in his study the
following points: (1) women at the central office recognize the time requirements interfere with
family obligations. (2) there is also the possibility of having to move several times in a
superintendent’s career. (3) this can create a strain for the spouse who may have his own career
and last, there is the “state retirement system that [doesn’t] permit portability of pension funds”
(Glass, 2000, p. 3). Muñoz et al. (2014) imparted that one of the superintendents in their study
shared: she was not encouraged to apply for the superintendent position in her district because
she had a live-in caretaker which adversely affected her opportunity to be hired. As Northouse
(2007) stated, women have “. . . less work experience and employment continuity than men,
driven largely by the disproportionate responsibility women assume for child rearing and
domestic duties” (p. 271). An approach to reducing the opportunity gap in the boardroom is to
also tackle gender labor in the home.
Networking
Networks serve several functions: they pass on knowledge, they offer friendships,
promote business contacts, and improve the working practice of its members. Networking
benefits executive women to reach the highest positions in an organization (Schipani, Dworkin,
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 30

Kwolek-Folland, & Maurer, 2009). Networks according to Livingston, Thompson, Zelman, &
Stumbo (2007) have a clear purpose for meeting such as service, or business. Some networks
serve to increase parity, the equal number of male and female superintendents (Kamler, 2006).
The use of networks varies among men and women who are new or aspire to be school district
superintendents.
Male and Female Networking Practices
Many studies stressed the importance of networking to career trajectory. Sampson et al.
(2015) reported the obstacles of women to attain equal representation in the role of the top
district office leadership specify women need improved networks to improve women’s self-
efficacy and opportunity for career mobility. Having a role model can guide and develop
leadership potential in women (Muñoz et al., 2014; Sampson et al., 2015).
Sampson et al. (2015) reported women use networks as social support and men use them
to advance their careers. Yet in Forret and Dougherty’s (2004) study, they explicated that men
use networks to socialize and to engage in after-hours activities. Single women in their study
also used networks to socialize. Thus, Forret and Dougherty concluded gender does not explain
the interest in networking. Networking, furthermore, provides access to resources and
connections to people who can provide opportunities for career mobility.
Formal Networking and Informal Networking
Networking is defined as an individual’s attempt to develop and maintain relationships
with others who have the potential to assist them in their work or career (Forret & Dougherty,
2004). Muñoz et al. (2014) noted the power of informal networks to empower women is
significant. Brunner and Grogan (2007) noted formal and informal networks are beneficial.
Women in Garn and Brown’s (2008) study reported formal and informal networks played a key
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 31

role in their rise to superintendent roles. The mentoring relationship helped the women reflect on
their past success, develop confidence in their ability, and encouragement to follow their goal of
becoming a public school superintendent.
Witmer (2006) described the good ol’ boys network as men in power to promote other
men in the work place or careers, and to mentor men for the purpose of replicating power
structures that benefit those like them. This informal network is not structured and takes place
outside of work hours, more often than not in social events with other men. This system
perpetuates a male dominated leadership which is exclusive of women.
The women in the Muñoz et al. (2014) study found that while the power structure of the
good ol’ boys network can hurt women as it often promotes men, it benefited all the women in
their study to gain access to promotions without having to apply for the position of
superintendent. The women indicated they only applied for jobs they were sure to get. Muñoz et
al. (2014) generalized from their sample that women need to seek out opportunity in a more
assertive manner and without the “hint of complacency” (p. 781).
Johnson et al. (2002) indicated best practices in informal networks include convening a
small group that shares similar goals, perhaps peers from neighboring districts to discuss ideas,
provide support, and to attend conferences.
The Association of California School Administrators (2016) serves as a network for
California administrators. They offer many professional opportunities for their members. For
example, they have personal mentorships, leadership summits, and direct speaking to over 60%
of their membership: Women’s Leadership Networks in regions across the state.
Professional networks develop career-related knowledge and can help individuals make
work related recommendations which can increase their visibility in an organization. However,
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 32

for women, this function of networking does not lead to promotions, it benefits men more. Yet,
there is a perception that women benefit from networks with career success while men gained
more promotions (Schipani et al., 2009). Networks are not the only outreach available to women
which can help them build relationships to leverage their professional status.
Forret and Dougherty (2004) identified five types of networking behavior: maintaining
contacts, socializing, engaging in professional activities, participating in community, and
increasing internal visibility. They posited that differences in personal attitude, gender, social
economic background, and workplace politics were related to networking practices. The only
gender difference was for men who engage more in socializing behavior than women. Single
women demonstrated similar networking practices as men.
In addition, Forret and Dougherty (2004) discovered from their research that women did
not benefit from increasing visibility and engaging in professional activities. For men,
increasing their visibility led to an increase in compensation or promotion, but they asserted not
so for women. This may be because committees and tasks assigned to women are not held in
high regard as with men. There was a perception of increased career success for women, they
speculate because women were more consorted in their effort to become visible. Engagement in
professional activities was beneficial to men and men were compensated and perceived to be
more successful because of their professional engagement. For women, the relationship was
negative. Perhaps it is the organization’s value of men’s work over women’s or the lack to
negotiate fair compensation for women that had such negative results. The reason for women
having less beneficial results with networking may be that women have less structured networks.
The networks may not be as influential as that of men. Or it could be that women are less likely
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 33

to have powerful White men in their networks. Building strong networks is an opportunity gap
for women seeking to improve their career outcomes.
Mentoring
Mentorships serve the purpose of encouraging women to pursue their goals. They
identify leadership attributes and demonstrate the importance for men and women to receive
mentoring support (Muñoz et al, 2014). There is extensive research which indicated mentorships
affect career outcomes, can lead to higher income, higher job satisfaction, and promotions
(Schipani et al., 2009).
Superintendents often have multiple mentors that have formal and informal structures
that serve to empower women to strive for the superintendency (Muñoz et al., (2014). The
power behind mentorships lies in the power the mentors have to help bolster career mobility
(Muñoz et al., 2014; Schipani et al., 2009). Mentors can lend legitimacy, training in the political
operation of the organization, and open opportunities which the mentee may not have access to
(Schipani et al., 2009).
Structure and Characteristics of Mentoring
Formal mentor structures can impact an aspiring superintendent to secure a position of
employment. For many women, formal mentorships with a superintendent association or state
department of education began after they were hired as superintendents (Garn & Brown, 2008).
The same study found informal mentorships were generated by neighbor superintendents in the
same county or by a “superintendent they worked for in another administrative capacity” (p. 57).
Researchers have developed many definitions for mentor. They are typically two people in a
relationship at different levels of power, one more senior, with more power, influence, and
experience (Schipani et al., 2009).
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 34

Male and Female Mentoring Practices
The differences in male and female mentoring practices were explained in the extant
body of research. Women superintendents tend to have both men and women mentors and to
seek friendships from them (Sampson et al., 2015). Schipani et al. (2009) said that mentoring
can have a career function or a psychosocial function: one is to help the mentee learn about the
organization, the second is to develop counseling and friendship. Brunner and Grogan (2007)
found more men mentors supporting women representation as superintendents than women
mentors helping other women. The same was true for the study conducted by Garn and Brown
(2008) who identified men as the most prevalent mentor for women. This could be due to the
underrepresentation of women in the role of superintendents who can serve as mentors. What is
evident is that not having a mentor at all may be the reason there continues to be a shortage of
women as top leaders because mentors are often a pathway around barriers (Sampson et al.,
2015; Schipani et al., 2009).
Studies by Brunner and Grogan (2007) indicated women have clear occupational
aspirations and value mentorships. Garn and Brown (2008) found in their research the need for
mentoring prior to the superintendency for leadership development. This study also asserted that
developing leadership capacity is central to defeating gender-related stereo-types. However, for
women mentoring outcomes are less robust than for men, but, they are encouraging as a pathway
around the barriers to achievement (Schipani et al., 2009).
Networks and mentorships are critical to career advancement and critical to women
developing pathways around barriers to upward mobility (Schipani et al., 2009). Networks are
distinct from mentorships, they are informal and they provide evolving professional relationships
that can help advance career advancement (Schipani et al., 2009). Women in social networks
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 35

experience grater job satisfaction because it helps them build social capital. Mentoring and
networks matter in upward mobility. Empirical data supports there is a difference in how they
assist men and women (Schipani et al., 2009).
Theory
Women outnumber men as classroom teachers, as school level administrators, and as
staff administrators in the central office. They hold more advanced degrees, they participate in
networking activity and mentorships, but continue to lag behind their male counterparts in the
role of superintendent. The barriers to equitable representation of women as school district
superintendents lies in the extant literature documenting gender bias rooted in traditional gender
socialization. The literature, so far, has chronicled the feminist standpoint theory, organizational
career mobility, and human social capital theories. Feminist standpoint theory is the most
prominent (Wallace, 2015). Creswell (2014) defined theory as an overall orienting lens that
provides a framework for explaining gender inequality. Feminist standpoint theory, social
capital theory, and social network theory inform the paucity of women superintendents in the
21st century (Wallace, 2015). The next section details feminist standpoint theory, social capital
theory, and social network theory.
Feminist Standpoint Theory
Grogan and Shakeshaft (2011) indicated the underrepresentation of women as school
district superintendents is directly related to women’s constrained leadership opportunities due to
gender inequality. Their study demonstrated 40% of women in central office administrative
positions aspire to the superintendency and 74% had cleared or were in the process of clearing
the appropriate certification required to fulfill the job’s requirements (Kowalski et al., 2011,
p. 30). Teresa Wallace’s (2015) study consisted of 63 women superintendents, representing 51%
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 36

of the overall population of female superintendents in six southeastern states (p. 44). This study
was grounded in feminist standpoint theory to underscore the need to study factors affecting
women’s career opportunity toward superintendency and factors affecting women’s decisions to
become superintendents.
Wallace (2015) reported feminist standpoint theory developed in the 1980s as a critical
theory between production of knowledge and practices of power. There are two foci to feminist
standpoint theory: identifying cultural values and power dynamics that explain the subordination
of women and girls; and recognizing the segmented labor distribution assigned to women.
Systematically and structurally men’s and women’s lives differ dramatically (p. 43).
Furthermore, the “two groups are accorded different rights and opportunities” based on their
social status and kinds of knowledge assigned to them (Wood, 2009 as cited in Wallace, 2015,
p. 43).
Feminist standpoint theory was developed as a way of “empowering oppressed groups
and valuing their experiences” (Wallace, 2015, p. 43). Additionally feminist standpoint theory
pointed out feminist concerns are not limited to social and political issues, nor are they strictly
women’s issues. Feminist issues in fact inform thought in political, methodological, and
theoretical issues (Harding, 2004; Wallace, 2015)
Wallace (2015) asserted feminist standpoint theory informs the disparity of men and
women in the superintendency in the 21st century. One example, is the sexual division of labor
between men and women. This is evident in two striking examples: (1) the low number of
women superintendents compared to the high number of women in teaching and administration;
and (2) women hold doctorates twice as many as men in K-12 education (Glass, 2000; Kim &
Brunner, 2009; Wallace, 2015). Feminist standpoint theory purported that knowledge is based
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 37

on experience, and Wallace found in her study that the general career path to the superintendency
is teacher, principal, district office administration (Garn & Brown, 2008; Glass, 2000; Kim &
Brunner, 2009; Muñoz et al., 2014; Wallace, 2015).
The most frequent advice shared by the 63 participants in Wallace’s (2015) study was to
prepare for gender bias. Garn and Brown (2008) further indicated that women report gender bias
to be a challenge in obtaining the superintendency. Same sex mentors were recommended to
help overcome gender barriers as they can share personal experiences with new superintendents
(Wallace, 2015). Gendered stereotypes assign women to soft characteristics to nurture and align
men to characteristics of leadership which are congruent with the social construction of gender in
the superintendency (Hoff & Mitchell, 2008; Skrla, 2000).
Social Capital Theory
There is robust evidence that social capital theory supports career advancement. The
theory of social capital, reported by Schipani et al. (2009) points to the matter of social capital as
the underpinnings of networks. As such, the network of social capital means having access to
mentors and networks that are connected by mutual values and trust, and they serve as
connectors to information, and opportunity to attain career and personal goals (Schipani et al.,
2009). Stanton-Salazar (1997) articulated social capital is defined by relationships with
institutional agents and their networks that combine as units. These units produce connections to
resources and support such as “legitimated institutional roles and opportunities, privileged
information, and access to opportunities for mobility” (Stanton-Salazar, 1997, p. 8). The ability
to develop strong social capital is often reported as a skill that can be nurtured with internal
motivational dynamics, such as individual effort and merit. However, androcentric practices
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 38

exclude people on the basis of racial, class, and gender from access to opportunities and
resources taken for granted by middle-class men (Schipani et al., 2009; Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Social Network Theory
Developing social capital means it is important to have institutional agents and advocates
to secure participation and mobility in mainstream arenas. Schipani et al. (2009) reported the
power of social network theory is the total sum of actual and potential resources. Muñoz et al.
(2014) pointed out it is crucial for individuals in leadership capacity to develop and sustain
strong social networks which support career trajectory. Stanton-Salazar (1997) asserted the
following about social networks: features of middle-class networks are analogous to social
freeways that allow people to move about the complex mainstream landscape quickly and
efficiently. In many ways, they function as pathways of privilege and power (p. 4).
The progression of networking, negotiation, help-seeking in networks is different among
social classes, ethnic, and gender groups. For middle-class networking groups, their focus is on
institutional resources, recreation, career mobility, and social advancement (Stanton-Salazar,
1997). However, women receive less insider information from their mentors as opposed to men,
and women have traditionally had fewer mentors and networks, making it difficult for them to
move upward (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Social network structures collaborate and compete in
activities to secure scarce resources. Structured competition for scarce resources is part of a
social system. Interest groups complete for access to finite resources (Wellman, 1983). Women
also reported feeling excluded from informal networks and, if allowed in, they report it was
through a mentor (Schipani et al., 2009). Questions of resource access and network form are
closely related as they relate to how an individual can move up in reaching another node or more
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 39

support in the network (Wellman, 1983). With the complex demands of superintendents they
would do well to participate in several types of networks for different purposes.
There is a need for strategic help for individuals in circumventing gender barriers to
create career pathways, empowerment, and networks enhancing partnerships (Schipani et al.,
2009; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Women need networks and mentorships to bolster their
professional trajectory.
Conclusion
There is a preponderance of research indicating that women face organizational and
traditional gender bias in their endeavor to reach top level positions in education. It is noted that
career path barriers for new superintendents come from inside the organization and from outside
such as social roles and family responsibilities. The glass ceiling is attributed to organizational
and social, political, cultural constructs as obstacles rather than structural barriers. Studies have
analyzed the relationship between the historical perspective of women fighting for increasing
parity, equal number of male and females in the role of superintendent and current demographics
depict an opportunity gap for women to excel in top leadership positions. The paucity of women
superintendents is understood from the analysis of research in organizational career pathways,
mentorships, networks, feminist standpoint theory, and social capital theory.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 40

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
As mentioned in Chapter One, the dearth of women superintendents in K-12 school
districts is indicative of the constrictive effects of organizational barriers (Tallerico, 2000).
These organizational obstacles include: male dominated career pathways to the superintendency,
gender discrimination, and structures of opportunity. Chapter Three begins with a restatement of
the problem, purpose, and research questions from Chapter One. A summary of the
methodology includes: discussions of the participants and setting, data collection, data analysis,
and last, ethical considerations. The chapter concludes with a summary of this chapter and a
preview of Chapters Four and Five.
Restatement of Problem
Women outnumber men in education, hold more advanced degrees, and serve as staff and
in-line administrators’ positions more than men, but, are underrepresented in the superintendency
(Glass, 2000; Kim & Brunner, 2009; Sampson et al., 2015; Tallerico, 2000). A rich body of
research illustrated that gender bias influences the following access points for women: a career
pathway to the superintendency defined in terms of male dominated career experiences,
structures of opportunity in formal and informal networks which serve as access points to
influential individuals who can advocate for mentorships and share inside career information and
family responsibility (Garn & Brown, 2008; Glass, 2000; Kim & Brunner, 2009; Tallerico,
2000).
Purpose of the Study
This study analyzed the degree to which southern California women administrators use
formal and informal networks and the impact it has on their advancing to the office of
superintendent and overcoming organizational barriers. Organizational barriers include:
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 41

narrowly defined career positions as career pathways to the superintendency, lack of access and
opportunity from informal networks with influential individuals who can advocate for
mentorships and career mobility, and last, gendered bias in institutionalized screening procedures
in the hiring process of women superintendents. A secondary purpose is to create a framework
for networks and mentorships that support a career pathway to the superintendency based on
demonstrated leadership ability that is inclusive of women’s experiences.
Research Questions
The following questions were used to guide the study:
1. What barriers do women perceive hinder their access to the superintendent position?
2. What professional supports are available to women as new superintendents?
3. What networking opportunities assist women in their pursuit of the superintendency?
4. What are the best networking methods used by women to ascend to the role of
superintendent?
Design Summary
This study used a mixed-methods approach which includes both qualitative and
quantitative data. According to Creswell (2014), mixed methods research is new to social and
human sciences. He explained it originated as the 1980s waned and the advent of the 1990s. A
framework for research presented by Creswell illustrated a process: (1) Identify topic/problem,
(2) Review of literature, (3) Purpose of study, (4) Collect data, (5) Analyze and interpret data,
and (6) Report and evaluate research. Creswell imparted that mixed methods provide: “strength
of drawing on both qualitative and quantitative research and minimizing the limitations of both
approaches” (p. 218). To answer the research questions, southern California women
superintendents answered electronic surveys. Qualitative data was gathered with open-ended
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 42

questions on an electronic questionnaire and interviews were conducted. Quantitative data was
gathered with close-ended questions on the survey. Data generated were collected and analyzed.
The qualitative data indicated perceived organizational barriers and their practice of networks
and mentorships. The quantitative data provided demographic information about California
superintendents and their access of influential individuals in networks, and the impact these
networks and mentorships had on their career pathway to the superintendency. These procedures
were informed by feminist standpoint theory and social network theory to improve our
understanding of the changes that need to take place to improve women’s access to the
superintendency.
Participants and Setting
Surveying and interviewing women superintendents revealed the impact networks and
mentorships have in closing the opportunity gap for women as school district superintendents.
For this study, clustering and stratification were used for selecting the sample of 45 participants.
Cluster sampling was used to identify the group: superintendents. Stratification of the group was
divided by gender, names, and contact information for women superintendents, then a sample
from within (Creswell, 2014). The participants for this study were California women
superintendents. The stratification by gender ensured the representation of women participants.
The researcher used the California Department of Education website to obtain the list of 45
superintendents and contact information for the women superintendents. Electronic surveys
were emailed to the selected population. Emailing and electronic survey bolstered the chances of
the participant completing the questionnaire as it showed up as a link to the survey in the email.
A weakness of using this format, was that the participant can quickly delete the file and not
participate; 19 surveys were completed and submitted for review.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 43

To determine participants to interview, the researcher used purposeful sampling from the
emergent findings (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). Careful analysis of the responses to the
questions indicated trends that required follow up. The three interviews indicated a smaller
number of data for qualitative open-ended questions than the 19 surveys for quantitative data
collected. Creswell (2014) advised the purpose of qualitative data collection was to “locate and
obtain information from a small sample but to gather extensive information from this sample;
whereas, in quantitative research, a large N is needed in order to conduct meaningful statistical
tests” (p. 222).
The criteria for interviews were selected from the responses to open-ended questions that
indicated extensive participation in networks and mentorships and have led to a positive impact
on their career. Anyone who indicated they were open to follow-up questions was called. Three
participants were interviewed.
Instrumentation and Protocols
Extensive research conducted in the area of barriers affecting women in their quest
towards the superintendency, have been enumerated by findings from surveys. Many of the
surveys were adapted and are similar to the decennial study on superintendents which dates back
to 1923 from the American Association of School Administrators, AASA, (Kowalski et al.,
2011).
Creswell (2014) indicated the following outcomes from statistical analysis and studying a
sample of the population: quantitative data from surveys uncovered trends and perceptions; the
researcher can use the sample results to make an inference about the population. The purpose of
the survey in this study was to generalize from a sample to a population and make inferences
about the impact networks and mentorships have on women seeking a promotion to the
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 44

superintendency. Earlier survey questions and research alluded to women not fully taking
advantage of networks and mentorships to promote up. This deficit model blames women for
gender bias in the workplace, lack of access to influential individuals in their networks, for
having work related experiences that limit their professional trajectory based on narrowly
defined leadership career positions, and for social constraints that place a bigger burden on
women in child rearing (Brunner, 2000; Garn & Brown, 2008; Glass, 2000; Kim & Brunner,
2009; Muñoz et al., 2014; Northouse, 2007; Sampson et al., 2015; Skrla, 2000; Tallerico, 2000).
An in-depth analysis of the impact networks and mentorships have on women’s career trajectory
provided recommendations for networks and mentors to challenge gendered professional norms,
increase access to influential people in women’s networks, and define career pathways to the
superintendency in terms of demonstrated leadership experiences over male-dominated
leadership positions held.
An electronic survey on Google Docs served as the instrument for gathering quantitative
data from 45 participants. Creswell (2014) defined a data collected at one time as cross
sectional. The survey had four parts with a total of 40 questions. All the survey questions
focused on the four research questions for this study. Most questions were closed-ended, some
select questions were open-ended. The survey questions included demographic information,
questions about how much they participated in network and mentorships and in which types of
networks they participated in, impact networking and mentorships they have had in their
professional career, and perceptions of barriers. In order to provide numeric descriptions of the
perception of barriers and impact of networks and mentorships on career mobility for women, a
survey was designed with a 3-point Likert-type scale (Creswell, 2014) .
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 45

For qualitative data, interviews were conducted using an interview protocol with three
respondents. The questions were semi-structured and open-ended to allow for access to full
insight from the participants (Creswell, 2014). The interview protocol and questions were pilot-
tested with people of similar experiences to ensure clarity of language and meaning (Maxwell,
2013). Two administrators in the researcher’s district piloted the interview protocol and
questions. When we cannot observe behavior and perceptions, interviewing is a powerful tool
(Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). The benefit of using different methods to generate data such
as structured questions and semi-structured questions is it provides us an opportunity to gain
additional information that was missed in the structured questions section (Maxwell, 2013).
Triangulation was used as a validity testing strategy to correct any errors or bias
expressed as validity threats. The researcher used multiple forms of collecting data to avoid the
risk of systematic bias inherent in any method of collecting data. The researcher used interviews
to generate rich data and questionnaires with quantitative numbers as support to (Maxwell, 2013)
the claims in the interviews.
Data Collection
Researchers need to address ethical issues which may arise during the course of the study
in order to protect their research participants, integrity of the research process, and establish
credibility of the research (Creswell, 2014; Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). This research
inquiry was a mixed-methods study, ethical issues were addressed as they relate to different parts
of inquiry (Creswell, 2014). The ethical issues were addressed prior to conducting the study, at
the beginning of the study, collecting data, analyzing data, reporting, sharing, and storing data
(Creswell, 2014, p. 93).
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 46

Southern California women superintendents were contacted through email indicating the
following: identification of the researcher, identification of the affiliated institution, purpose of
the study, guarantee of confidentiality to the participant, an invitation to participate, and the link
to the instrument (see Appendices A and B). As surveys were completed, superintendents were
sent a note of appreciation for their participation. The survey had four parts with a total of 40
questions (see Appendix C).
Three superintendents participated in the interviews. Appointments were established
through administrative assistants and based on criteria listed above. The phone conversation
included: identification of the researcher, identification of the affiliated institution, purpose of the
study, and setting an appointment for the interview. Participants were given the option of
conducting an in-person conference or a phone conference. Two participants accepted to be
interviewed with a phone conference and one person participated in-person. As a reminder of
the interview, an email was sent that included a list of questions for the interview (see Appendix
D). The researcher requested permission to record the interview on a smartphone with an
electronic voice recorder application: Voice Memo. Notes were transcribed by the researcher.
This process allowed for better interaction between researcher and participant (Merriam, 2009).
Data Analysis
This study utilized a mixed-methods approach: quantitative and qualitative data were
generated with surveys and interviews. The research questions and theoretical frameworks
guided the data analysis. The number of members of the sample who did and did not return the
survey is provided. Table 4 indicates numbers and percentages describing respondents and non-
respondents.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 47

Table 4
Number and Percentages of Respondents and Non-Respondents
Number of Members of
Sample

Number of Respondents

Number of Non-Respondents
45 19 26
100% 42% 58%

A descriptive analysis of data was conducted for all independent and dependent variables
in the study. This included the means, standard deviation, and range of scores for the variables.
The analysis stopped here with descriptive analysis as the number of participants was too small
for more advanced, inferential analysis (Creswell, 2014, p. 163). The descriptive statistics
provided demographic information about the women superintendents. Also, answers to the
research questions were reported to indicate which types of networks and mentorships were used
and the positive impact they had.
Merriam (2009) described several types of triangulation and analysis for this study;
triangulation included the methods and sources. Figure 1 shows triangulation of methods
between quantitative and qualitative and literature review methods. Triangulation between
qualitative sources was conducted through analysis of interviewed participants and open-ended
responses from the questionnaire. This process of triangulation determined points of
convergence and divergence between the data sets and data sources (Creswell, 2014; Merriam,
2009). Concurrent triangulation provided the researcher the ability to compare the findings from
qualitative data and quantitative findings to the review of literature in order to determine
convergence, divergence, or a combination of both for the findings (Creswell, 2014). Feminist
standpoint theory and social network theory were applied as a method of linking the findings
within these larger perspectives.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 48

Figure 1: Triangulation of Findings

Ethical Considerations
The researcher completed the CITI training from the University of Southern California
(USC) Institutional Review Board (IRB). The names of the districts and superintendents were
changed. Participation in this study was voluntary. No information has been published without
consent from the individuals involved. All transcribed interviews were stored in a secure
location, access to which was limited to the researcher, the dissertation chair, two committee
members, and USC’s IRB. Transcriptions and audios will be destroyed in 2021.
Summary
As a mixed-methods approach, this study used both quantitative and qualitative data from
closed-ended questions to open-ended questions and responses to open-ended questions in the
Research
Findings
Quantitative
Findings from
Survey
Questios
Qualitative
Findings from
Survey
Questions
Findings from
the Literature
Review
Qualitative
Findings from
Interviews

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 49

interviews. The questions were informed by the guiding research questions for the study. The
findings were triangulated with the review of literature and analyzed through the lens of feminist
standpoint theory and social networking theory.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 50

CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
Background
Chapter Four is an analysis of findings in the study of disparity in women ascending to
the school district superintendent position. By understanding how women used social capital to
ascend as a superintendent, new and aspiring women can benefit and close the opportunity gap.
The purpose of this research was to uncover the barriers women faced in advancing to the
superintendent position. The secondary purpose was to investigate the strategies women needed
to utilize in order to bolster their opportunities towards the role of superintendent. This study
illuminated the degree and quality of social-capital networking women used to propel their
professional trajectory in the field of education. The first area of focus was to clarify the social
structural barriers women face in institutions such as school districts. The second focus was to
create a framework for social capital to bolster women’s social distribution of possibilities for
upward mobility. The following research questions guided this study:
1. What barriers do women perceive hinder their access to the superintendent position?
2. What professional supports are available to women as new superintendents?
3. What networking opportunities assist women in their pursuit of a superintendent
position?
4. What are the best networking methods used by women to ascend to the role of
superintendent?
The quantitative data was collected from an online questionnaire that was distributed to
45 participants from the 10 counties that make up southern California school districts. The
response rate was 42% (n=19). The participants were purposefully selected to provide the best
information to help the researcher answer the research questions (Creswell, 2014). The
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 51

participants were also stratified before selecting the sample for gender. For the purpose of this
study, the researcher focused on women representation (Creswell, 2014) to solicit answers to the
research questions. The participants selected for this study are women currently employed as
superintendents.
Superintendent responses revealed southern California women’s practice with informal
and formal networks and mentorships over time and whether that practice had an impact in their
upward career mobility. For qualitative data, three respondents were selected for one-on-one
interviews. These respondents have been referred to as Superintendent A-C. No identifiable
information has been reported in these findings. The researcher made sure the confidentiality of
each participant was preserved throughout the entire process.
The quantitative data provided a description of demographic information and trends in
networking and mentorship practices for the southern California women superintendents.
Qualitative data analysis provided a grounded theory approach to explore the data. A semi-
structured approach was used during the interviews to allow the researcher flexibility to ask
probing questions for follow up and clarification. The interview protocol captured how the
respondents interpreted the opportunities for upward mobility toward the superintendent
position, and their feelings and behaviors which are not possible to observe (Merriam, 2009).
The mixed methods approach was used with data from the questionnaires and interviews. The
data were then interpreted with the process of triangulation of the findings between the extensive
literature, survey data, and interview data.
Demographics of Survey Respondents
On average, and on a national level, women superintendents are older than their male
counterparts (Kowalski et al., 2011). The differences in the findings of the current study and the
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 52

national data show the barriers women face in the hiring practices of women superintendents.
Among the southern California women superintendents who completed the questionnaire (n
=19), 79% were between the ages of 46-60 compared to a national level for men of 67.2% and
women on a national level were 72.2% between the age of 46-60 years old. Southern California
women superintendents are older by 6.8%.

Table 5
Age of Women Superintendents

Response
Options
a
Superintendents

F %
National Survey
b

Male % Female%
Less than
36

1.6 .2
36-40 4.8 2.6
41-45 10.5 7.5
46-50 7 37 14.0 11.2
51-55 4 21 23.2 29.2
56-60 4 21 28.5 31.8
61-65 2 11 14.6 15.0
65+ 2 11 2.8 2.5

a
n=19 100 10 100
Note:
a
Current study;
b
Select national data from Kowalski et al. (2011).

The women superintendents in southern California are more diverse racially and
ethnically than the national survey indicated: 68.4% were White not Hispanic and 21% Hispanic
or Latina. For the national study, 94% were White not Hispanic (Kowalski et al, 2011). This
number is consistent with the propensity of White women as superintendents over women of
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 53

color (Brunner & Grogan, 2007). The 2010 decennial national study further indicated 91.2% of
superintendents were married and for this current study of southern California women 79% were
married. This reveals a 12.2% decline for southern California women superintendents.
Kowalski et al. (2011) indicated that in the 2000 and 2010 decennial national study of
American superintendents, women held doctorates in higher numbers. Close to three quarters of
the superintendents in this study of southern California women held doctorates, 73.6% in
education or philosophy (see Table 6). The 2010 decennial superintendent study showed 52.1%
of women held doctorates compared to men with 42.1%. Compare this to the southern
California women superintendent respondents who hold doctorates at 73.6%; that’s 21.5% higher
than the women nationally and 31.5% higher than the national level for men. In California, as
shown in Table 6, 62% of women educational administrators held more advanced degrees when
compared to men (California Department of Education, Educational Demographics Unit, 2016b).
National data from 2010, California numbers from 2014-15, and this study from southern
California superintendents illustrate women tend to have greater formal education than men.
Women are more apt to develop their professional skills through advanced education and hold
the majority of administrative positions in school districts (Glass, 2000; Muñoz, Pankake,
Ramalho, Mills, & Simonsson, 2014; Sampson et al., 2015; Stuckey, 2012 as cited in Sampson et
al., 2015).

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 54

Table 6
Highest Degree Held for Superintendents
Response Options
a
F Superintendents %
Master of Arts 4 21.0
Doctorate of Education 12 63.1
Doctorate of Philosophy 2 10.5
Currently in graduate
school for a doctorate
1 5.2
n= 19 100
Note:
a
current study.

Table 7
California Men and Women Administrator Education Levels 2014-15
Women Total: 15,968 Men Total: 9,851
Doctorate 1,030 Doctorate 794
Masters +30 5,035 Masters +30 2,889
Masters 6,381 Masters 3,956
Note: Adapted from CDE, 2016b

The superintendent respondents indicated the geographic description of their districts as
47.36% suburban and equally 26.31% for rural and urban (see Table 8). The national response
for women superintendents was 48.7% in rural districts and 21% serving in suburban districts
and 6.5% in urban districts (Kowalski et al., 2011). The difference between southern California
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 55

women superintendent-survey respondents and their national counterparts indicates a higher
employment difference of 26.36% in suburban settings and 19.81% in urban districts. Women
superintendents are often assigned to the smallest, least desirable, rural or very large urban
districts (Blount, 1998; Tyack & Hansot, 1982 as cited in Kim & Brunner, 2009).

Table 8
District Geographic Description for Superintendents

Response
Options
a

Superintendents

F %
National Study
b

Male% Female%
Rural 5 26.31 52.6 48.7
Suburban 9 47.36 20.6 21.0
Urban 5 26.31 5.4 6.5

a
n=19 100.00
Note:
a
Current Study;
b
Select national data from Kowalski et al. (2011).

Of the southern California superintendents listed, 42% serve in districts with 3,000-9,999;
this is a contrast to the national results of 33%. Kowalski et al. (2011) indicated the national
trend is for more women to serve in small and urban districts. Table 9 and Table 10 show that
southern California women represent more diverse district size and geographical descriptions.
These findings indicate women superintendents in California may not face the same barrier of
being relegated to the smallest or the biggest districts as women face across the nation.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 56

Table 9
Total Number of Students in District for Superintendents

Responses
a

Superintendents
F %
National Study
b
Male% Female%
Fewer than
300

2 10.5

8.8 11.7
300-2,999 5 26.0 61.4 52.6
3,000-9,999 8 42.0 26.6 33.1
10,000-24,999 2 10.5
25,000 or more 2 10.5 3.2 2.6
Note:
a
Current Study;
b
Select national data from Kowalski et al. (2011).

Women start administrative careers later in life because they spend more time as
classroom teachers. In the 2010 decennial study of American Superintendents (Kowalski et al.,
2011), 27% of men indicated they taught 3-5 years, women were at 12.8%. For the southern
California superintendent study, women indicated 5.2% taught 3-5 years. Nationally, women
spend more time teaching than indicated in the southern California survey. As a national
average, women reported teaching longer than their male counterparts and women
superintendents were more likely to have taught 21+ years before becoming an administrator.
Women are older when they apply for a superintendent position and men apply early in their
administrative careers because women “are promoted based on their performance, while men are
often promoted on their perceived potential” (Muñoz et al., 2014, p. 769). For southern
California women superintendents, their average indicated they left the classroom after 10 years
(see Table 10). This finding relates to barriers women face in accessing the superintendency.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 57

Table 10
Years Spent as a Classroom Teacher for Superintendents

Response Options
a

Superintendents

F %
National Study
b

Male% Female%
3-5 1 5.2 27.0 12.8
6-10 14 74.0 39.2 36.0
11-15 3 15.0 19.3 23.4
16-20 8.4 14.8
21+ 1 5.2 5.0 12.5
Note:
a
current study;
b
Select national data from Kowalski et al. (2011).

The career pathway towards the superintendent’s office is different for men and women.
This difference relates to research question two of barriers women perceive hinder their access to
the superintendent position. For this study, the women superintendent respondents said 42%
taught primary grades, 21% taught secondary, and 37% taught both grade levels. By combining
the 21% who indicated they taught secondary and the 37% who indicated they taught both
primary grades and secondary, women superintendents in southern California taught at the
secondary level 58% compared to the national statistic of 45.3%; 72.2% of men nationally said
they taught secondary grade level. This is another difference between the practice of southern
California women superintendents and their national peers. The high school teaching position
offers more probabilities to demonstrate leadership ability with coaching, club advisors, and
band directorships, but most elementary schools do not have those options (Glass, 2000; Kim &
Brunner, 2009). Thus women can be at a disadvantage from the very beginning of their careers
in education.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 58

Career pathways to the superintendent position are different for men and women. Men
tend to be younger as they move into administration. They are also younger as novice
superintendents. Women superintendents in the southern California study said 32% were 31-35
years old at the time of their first administrative position. In the decennial study, 56.3% of men
and 30.6% of women indicated they were novice superintendents by the age of 45. Southern
California women said 31.5% were novice superintendents by the age 45 (Kowalski et al., 2011).
Family obligations, personal choice, and traditional gender socialization can lead woman to
prolong stepping into the superintendent position (Glass, 2000).
The southern California survey examined the professional experiences for women
superintendents. The respondents reported 84% have only had one superintendent position.
None served as superintendents out-of-state. This high number is similar to the national survey
which indicates 88.2% of their respondents had “been a superintendent in only one state”
(Kowalski et al., 2011, p. 37). School boards must decide if they will consider internal and
external candidates for the position of superintendent. The superintendents indicated 79% were
not selected to serve as superintendent in their home district. The national decennial survey
indicated 66.2% of their respondents were external candidates for the role of superintendent.
Kowalski et al. (2011) explained historically boards’ content with district progress will promote
the internal candidate and view promoting from within as improving employee morale. By
selecting the external candidate, they may be indicating dissatisfaction with district progress
(Kowalski et al., 2011). Sixty-eight percent of the women superintendents indicated their district
used a search firm to hire a superintendent. For a list of the search firms used see Appendix E.
The interviewees were purposefully selected to best help the researcher understand the
research questions (Creswell, 2014). To provide data-rich analysis, the participants were
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 59

selected to provide a plethora of experiences which explicate the process by which women move
into superintendent positions. The women selected represent a wide range of district sizes and
geographical varieties and years of experience as superintendents. See Table 11 for participant
demographics. The three women selected for interviews indicated they had experience with
networking and mentors at different stages of their professional careers. The three
superintendents selected represented three race or ethnic groups: African-American, Latina, and
White. Two of the superintendents were married and one was single/divorced. Two
superintendents have children: one has four and her youngest was 21 years old when she entered
the superintendent position. The other has three off spring and her youngest was 19 years old
when she became superintendent. The women represent a variety grade-level districts from TK-
12 to TK-6th grade.

Table 11
Demographics of Interview Participants

Name

District
Type

District
Size
Highest
Degree
Earned
Superintendent A Rural Fewer than
300
Doctoral
Candidate
Superintendent B Urban 25,000 or
more
E.D.
Superintendent C Suburban 3,000-9,999 E.D.

Networks, Mentorships, and Social Capital
To understand the degree and quality of social-capital networking women used to propel
their professional trajectory in the field of education, the first area of focus was to clarify the
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 60

social structural barriers women face in institutions such as school districts. The first research
question in this study unpacks the barriers women perceive hinder them in achieving the
superintendent position by contextualizing it in the second research question of networking
opportunities that assist women in their pursuit of the superintendent position, and last it shows
the professional supports available to new and aspiring female superintendents. Formal/informal
networks and mentorships are analyzed separately. The data exceeds structure and format to
show benefits and barriers perceived by the women superintendents. Lastly, social capital theory
serves as the underpinnings of networks. The network of social capital means having access to
mentors and networks that are connected by mutual values and trust, and they serve as
connectors to information and opportunity to attain career and personal goals (Schipani et al.,
2009).
Formal Networks
Networks serve several functions: they pass on knowledge, they offer friendships,
promote business contacts, and improve the working practice of its members. Networking
benefits executive women to reach the highest positions in an organization (Schipani, Dworkin,
Kwolek-Folland, & Maurer, 2009). Forret and Dougherty (2004) indicated networking provides
access to resources and connections to people who can provide opportunities for career mobility.
Formal networks are a gathering of like-minded professionals meeting under the
authority of an organization. Kowalski et al. (2011) indicated in their national survey women
had a higher percentage of membership in ASCD than men. The superintendents (n=19)
reported their top three choices for networking participation are: ACSA, county sponsored
superintendent network, and California Association of Latino Superintendents and
Administrators (CALSA). The superintendents sought the formal network to develop
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 61

professional expertise as pre-service preparation for the role of superintendent. After being hired
as superintendents they reached out for ongoing support in their role as superintendent. For
example, one superintendent participant noted the benefits of formal networks provide: “Support
in navigating the complexity of the position of superintendent.” The diverse make-up of the
women is indicative of some of their participation in state associations such as: CALSA (F=8)
and CAAASA (F=1). The interest in formal networks that focus on an ethnic or racial network
provide women with support of other members who have similar experiences. This outreach
supports groups who have historically been underrepresented in the highest role of
administration in education. One participant said: “I have participated in CAAASA, California
Association of African American Superintendents and Administrators. Participating has
provided me with best practices and support.” This participant felt it necessary to participate in
both ACSA and CAAASA.
Women reported formal networks served their interest to develop their social capital and
seek professional support for their current role. They noted networking had the added benefit of
sharing information about resources and opportunity for career improvement. One southern
California participant said: “It allows you to keep up-to-date on the latest information and
allows you to keep strong ties with people who can support you in your career.” Table 12 lists
the frequency of network use by superintendents. Respondents could mark multiple choices.
The southern California survey respondents had the highest participation rate in national and
state associations, county sponsored networks, and university networks.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 62

Table 12
Formal Network Participation for Superintendents

Reponses Options
Superintendents
F %
American Association of School
Administrators (AASA)
4 21.1
Association of California School
Administrators (ACSA)
19 100.0
California Association of Latino
Superintendents and Administrators
(CALSA)
8 42.0
Association for Supervision and
Curriculum Development (ASCD)
5 26.3
A county sponsored superintendents’
network
12 63.2
A university sponsored superintendents’
network
6 31.6
Other 3 15.8

Data- rich information was accumulated in interviews as superintendents indicated
participating in these formal networks and organizations provided support for the role of
superintendent. Participation in formal activities was not an issue, yet, negotiating social
interactions outside of the formality of the network was divided among gender lines.
State Networks
State organizations such as ACSA provide networking opportunities for superintendents
to attend conferences, annual superintendent symposiums, and women’s conferences to network
with their peers on a state and local level. The keynote speakers at the symposiums are often
education researchers such as Robert Marzano. Superintendent C said: “The speakers are great.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 63

Golden.” ACSA holds regional meetings as ACSA/OCSBA joint dinner meetings with their
members and members of the California School Boards Association. These joint dinners provide
workshops to help administrators with their current role and to prepare to move up in their
administrative position. It is open to members and non-members. Recently, the focus was on
“Mentors: A Pathway to Success” and presented by a recently retired superintendent who was
very active in ACSA for his county. He is also now serving as a partner in an executive search
firm. Access to the right people could be the difference between interviewing in front of a Board
for the role of superintendent and not even making paper screening. The California School
Boards Association sponsors other conferences attended by the superintendents with their board
members.
The ACSA (2016a) conferences and superintendent symposiums serve as professional
learning and networking opportunities. The two-and-a-half-day superintendent symposiums
draw members from across the state. ACSA holds a menu of academies to boost professional
skills in their members. These learning opportunities are spread across the state and include
topics such as: Superintendent Academy for Aspiring Superintendents and Personnel Academy
for Administrators interested in Human Resources. These academies are often led by retired
superintendents who also serve on executive search firms. Superintendent C explained she
participated in ACSA’s personnel, chief business officer, and superintendent academies as “pre-
service training for the role of superintendent.” The academies had a positive impact on
Superintendent C’s career trajectory. She was recognized for her exemplary work and
nominated for an ACSA Administrator of the Year Award by her mentor. Then, Superintendent
C earned the regional and state Personnel/Human Resources Administrator of the Year awards.
This distinction, she said: “set her resume apart from the others as she applied for superintendent
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 64

positions.” Not only does it matter to have access to formal networks, but, women
superintendents need someone with experience such as an experienced superintendent or retired
superintendent to advocate on their behalf.
ACSA offers many professional opportunities for their members beyond the academies.
For example, they have personal mentorships, leadership summits, and speaking directly to over
60% of their membership: Women’s Leadership Networks in regions across the state.
Superintendent C stated further she feels she “can talk to men and women colleagues, but is
more comfortable with female superintendents to feel vulnerable [she] reaches out to women
first.” The research of Sampson et al. (2015) reported women use networks as social support and
men use them to advance their careers. To clarify, in Forret and Dougherty’s (2004) study, they
explicated that men use networks to socialize and to engage in after-hours activities. This gender
difference in networking practice was also mentioned by Superintendent B who said in formal
networks, “conversations become social because personal interest is gender specific;” men and
women become divided. Men make plans to meet with fellow colleagues outside of the formal
network which creates a disparity in access to resources. Men who spend more time with an
influential person have a greater opportunity to leverage resources. This perpetuates a lack of
access for women as it denies them access to resources and connections to people who can
provide opportunities for career mobility (Forret and Dougherty, 2004). The benefit of formal
networks lies in the relationships that develop into mentorships or access points to more people
with an influence and resources to improve one’s social standing and professional trajectory.
ACSA, in conjunction with AASA, have made efforts to increase parity in bolstering
women as executives, as women in education are underutilized in the role of superintendent.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 65

Formal networks can serve to increase parity and the equal number of male and female
superintendents (Kamler, 2006).
The participants in the current study shared that not only do they participate in
professional development opportunities with formal networks, but they also held officer
positions. Six superintendents held an officer position within a formal network. These officer
positions include regional charter positions. As a group, the respondents concluded 90% found
formal networks to be helpful and very helpful in their success. When asked about influential
people, 75% said “yes” they have support from influential people in the network who can open
opportunities for career advancement. The difference in finding networks helpful and in having
access to influential people implies a disconnection in quality of supports and accessibility. The
highest level of membership was in the state organizations such as ACSA and CALSA, two
organizations that have a long tenure of meeting the needs of superintendents and in-line
positions (Kowalski et al., 2011).
University Sponsored Networks
The respondents indicated 31% participated in university sponsored networks.
Superintendent C said she participated in a southern California university sponsored network
made up of retired superintendents who also serve as faculty and current superintendents. This
professional group consults with the school of education’s dean, faculty members, and other
California superintendents to network. This network keeps alumnus serving as superintendents
connected to the southern California University. Superintendent C said “the understood value of
this network is having someone advocate for you-to get you into the room.”
Superintendent A, a doctoral candidate in the executive leader cohort with a university in
southern California, said “[this school] is a huge help for women superintendents.” She did
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 66

acknowledge that “there could be . . . by the numbers” challenges associated with gender in
accessing the superintendent position as the men outnumber women in her cohort.
County Office of Education Sponsored Networks
County Office of Education sponsored networks include scheduled meetings for
superintendents and led by County Office of Education administrators. The participants of the
southern-California survey indicated 63.2% participated in these types of networks. The
meetings are held monthly with set agendas in advance to reflect best practices, legislative
updates, and time to network. Superintendent C said she attended “Local superintendent
meetings and regional ACSA meetings for support, very good group.” Superintendent A
indicated in her interview that county sponsored superintendent networks were the most helpful.
to her when it came to formal networking. She noted: “we meet one Friday a month, the agenda
is planned . . . but, we create an open forum which works better to discuss current topics.”
Formal networks meet the needs for professional development, support on the job, and to
develop connections with peers and experienced professionals who can and are willing to help
with connections to resources and career mobility. The quality of relationships matters in the
quality of supports and resources made available. In the next section, informal networks hold
clear promise for opportunity and show organizational barriers that can hinder upward mobility
for women to the superintendent position.
Informal Networking
Under no authority of an organization, an informal network meets on a regular basis to
support each other with like-minded individuals. Best practices in informal networks include
convening a small group that shares similar goals, perhaps peers from neighboring districts to
discuss ideas, provide support, and to share resources (Johnson et al., 2002).
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 67

It is to women’s professional advantage to develop and maintain relationships with peers
and others who have more experience to assist them in their work or career (Forret & Dougherty,
2004). For this current survey, the superintendents reported 89.5% participated in informal
networks. They found support from influential people in the network who can open
opportunities for career advancement (73.7%); that means 26.3% did not feel they had access.
Or put another way, one in four women did not believe they had access to individuals who would
help them develop greater social capital and serve as surrogate to insider information of job
opportunity and information as resources. This gap in experience is exemplified by one
respondent as of the anonymous participants who had a positive experience with informal
networks. Another anonymous superintendent noted: “It has given me so many opportunities to
learn and grow from a larger array of people at various levels.” Muñoz et al. (2014) noted the
power of informal networks to empower women is significant. Having a role model can also
guide and develop leadership potential in women (Muñoz et al., 2014; Sampson et al., 2015).
Limited time and demands made on superintendents limit the amount of time left for
informal networking. The three superintendents interviewed indicated they meet as often as they
can, but often use email, phone calls, or texting to reach out to colleagues. Superintendent A,
who comes from a rural district, said she counts on her peers to share responses and practice
from questions that start with “What are you doing about . . .?” Meeting in person is not always
feasible as her neighboring district is 20 miles away. Use of texts and email keep a cluster of
similar districts connected. Superintendent B said in her urban county, women make up 22% of
the superintendents. Informal networks target male participation which creates an access issue
for women and further creates barriers for women. The quality of relationships is stratified along
gender lines in some counties more than in others. Superintendent C has utilized networks to
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 68

propel her visibility from participation in regional, state, and into national networks with great
success.
Good ol’ Boys Club
The concern with informal networks lies in the potential in perpetuating old models of
power structures. The good ol’ boys (GOB) network as described by Witmer (2006) is men in
power who seek to promote other men in the work place, careers, and to mentor men for the
purpose of replicating power structures that benefit those like them. Because informal networks
are not structured, take place outside of work hours, and more often than not are social events
with other men, this system perpetuates a male dominated leadership which is exclusive of
women.
One superintendent identified the good ol’ boy paradigm with two significant practices in
serving superintendents: one, the creation of a women’s conference as separate from the main
group made up of the majority of men. Her concern is that separate is not equal; and two,
retiring superintendents serving as consultants in search firms and thus perpetuating the cycle of
exclusionary practice towards women. This anonymous Superintendent respondent said:
For lack of a better term, ‘upper level management’ is still pretty much a ‘man’s world,’
especially when it comes to the role of the Superintendent. As a result, some women may
not feel or [sic] comfortable in participating in some formal networks and may prefer
participating in the ‘women’s version’ of a professional network when available. While I
understand the reasoning behind this preference, part of me is insulted that there must be
a ‘women’s version’ of anything, must [sic] less a professional network. For me, it
implies a woman is not somehow worthy and must be relegated to a women-only group.
This may be a generational issue that will ease over time, as more and more women
become Superintendents. However, it will still take time as many retired Superintendents
go on to work for search firms which could perpetuate the ‘good ol’ boy’ system in the
years ahead.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 69

Male and Female Networking Practices
Forret and Dougherty (2004) concluded gender does not explain the interest in
networking. Networking, furthermore, provides access to resources and connections to people
who can provide opportunities for career mobility. However, social constraints placed on
women limit the amount of time a woman with children can spend in informal networks which
typically happen after work hours and on the weekend. The challenges of family obligations can
limit informal networking practices for women. For example, one superintendent said:
I don’t think women make time for networking the same way men do. Despite my work
schedule, I still cook dinner, take care of the household, pay bills, shop, etc. Networking
is what becomes negotiable and is quickly pushed aside as it never seems like a priority
in the big scheme of things.

Gendered roles and family responsibility relate to society’s expectations for women
(Muñoz et al., 2014). Family obligations, personal choice, and traditional gender socialization
can limit contacts which could lead to greater career opportunity and can lead woman to prolong
stepping into the superintendent position.
Networking has different results for men and women. Men participate more in informal
networks. Another anonymous superintendent responded: “The men reach out to men to
advance their careers.” This happens by default after socializing. In Forret and Dougherty’s
(2004) study, they explicated that men use networks to socialize and to engage in after-hours
activities. Women in their study were more focused on the formal aspect of networking; they
sought to increase their visibility in an organization. However, for women, this function of
networking does not lead to promotions, it benefits men more. Research shows, there is a
perception that women benefit from networks with career success while men gained more
promotions (Schipani et al., 2009).

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 70

Mentorships
Mentorships affect career outcome, can lead to higher income, higher job satisfaction,
and promotions (Schipani et al., 2009). Mentorships serve the purpose of encouraging women to
pursue their goals. They help professionals who are new to their role, they encourage the mentee
to pursue new challenges, and they expand opportunity with resources and access.
Formal mentor structures can impact an aspiring superintendent to secure a position of
employment. In the current study, 70% of the superintendents responded they participated in
professional mentorships; 66.7% had a mentor or sponsor that helped them pursue the
superintendent position, and 85.7% of the women reported they have access to influential
mentors who can open opportunities for career advancement (see Appendix F). A qualitative
question elicited the following rich data:
 My mentors have not only supported, guided, and encouraged, but also listened, provided
input, served as a sounding board, counseled, and recommended me for positions that on
my own I would not have pursued.
 Mentors have assisted me with the politics of the board of education and understanding
my role with the board.
 I was assigned a mentor my first year as superintendent. This helped me to survive.
During the interview of Superintendent A, she indicated she was groomed for two years
to take on the role of principal/superintendent. Her rural district faced the challenge of paying its
principal/superintendent the lowest salary in the county and for that reason the Board was
interested in grooming a current teacher to take the helm at the end of a two-year training when
the current superintendent would retire. This two-year process allowed Superintendent A to
work with a county office mentor to clear her administrative credential and then to work with her
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 71

superintendent to assume the role of superintendent of schools in her district. Superintendent C
attributed her professional trajectory to the mentorship of the professors in her doctoral program.
For many women, formal mentorships with a superintendent association or state department of
education, began after they were hired as superintendents (Garn & Brown, 2008).
The benefits to mentorships for new and aspiring superintendents encourage women to
take professional challenges and to develop prerequisite skills for the district’s chief leadership
position. Superintendent C indicated her former superintendent was her biggest advocate. Not
only did she encourage her to pursue the superintendent position, but she supported her
professional development, and then recognized her efforts by nominating her for an ACSA
Personnel/Human Resources Award. Women’s practice with mentorships is diverse. One
anonymous respondent said: “I have been fortunate to work for some remarkable women in my
career that have mentored and encouraged me along the way.” Other respondents stated they too
were assigned mentors their first year as superintendents. The support for new superintendents is
crucial to their success; having female role models also allows the women to view themselves in
the role of a successful superintendent. Garn and Brown (2008) found in their research the need
for mentoring prior to the superintendent position for leadership development.
Differences in Mentorships for Men and Women
Mentorship practice is different for women and men. In this southern California
superintendent study, the women superintendents indicated most of their mentors were: retired
superintendents (68.4%), members of an educational organization/network (52.6%), or a
colleague (47.4%) or older (47.4%); see Table 13 for full distribution. Brunner and Grogan
(2007) found more male mentors supporting women representation as superintendents than
women. The same was true for the study conducted by Garn and Brown (2008) who identified
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 72

men as the most prevalent mentor for women. In the current study, White men represented
15.8% and White women 31.6% as mentors to superintendents in southern California. This
could be due to the underrepresentation of people of color in the superintendent position and the
fact that more women have been hired to the role of superintendent in the last 10 years. All
respondents were positive about their experience with mentors and expressed a desire to have
more time to collaborate with peers.

Table 13
Most Beneficial Characteristics of a Mentor
Response Options F %
White male 3 15.8
Person of color (male)
White female 6 31.6
Person of color (female) 2 10.5
Older 9 47.4
Younger 1 5.3
Colleague 9 47.4
Retired superintendent 13 68.4
Family member
Friend 3 15.8
Member of an educational 10 52.6
organization/networking
group6
From the same district 4 21.1
From a different district 7 36.8
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 73

Table 13 (Cont’d.)
Response Options F %
County Office of Education 4 21.1
University Professor 4 21.1
Other 1 5.3

There are differences in how mentorships work for men and women. A qualitative
question to the superintendents produced the following interview answers:
 Women need48
 to structure their mentorship opportunities while men tend to have mentors arrive on a
more informal basis.
 I believe that men, for the most part, can help open up doors, legitimize you, and
introduce you to others who can help you along the way. I believe that women can also
give you that access, along with more practical advice in how to get things done. While I
think that women have more opportunities than before, we still have a long way to go as
far as equality in leadership is concerned. One interesting aspect of female relationships
is what is known as the “queen bee” syndrome, where a female in leadership wants to be
the “queen” and might not want to really help others on the way to the top.
 When I became a superintendent in 1992, it was the beginning of the end of the “good ol’
boys” club. I would go to superintendent meetings/conferences and the majority of the
superintendents were male. It now has many more women.
 Support from both male-mentors and female-mentors was helpful but there was more of a
“team feeling” while working with a female mentor.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 74

These responses show that women perceive barriers to the superintendent position to be
centered on gender. Women not only have to develop professional expertise to become
superintendents, but, they also have organizational barriers that have slowly allowed women to
enter into the profession of the superintendent.
Questions of resource access and network form are closely related as they relate to how
an individual can move up in reaching another node or more support in the network (Wellman,
1983). With the complex demands of superintendents, they would do well to participate in
several types of networks for different purposes.
Research supports gender bias in devaluing women’s work, male dominated career
pathways to the superintendent position, and clear structural barriers in promoting women
(Brunner & Grogan, 2007; Garn & Brown, 2008; Schipani et al., 2009; Tallerico, 2000). Studies
by Brunner and Grogan (2007) indicated women have clear occupational aspirations and value
mentorships. The respondents in this southern California study engaged in mentorships to
increase their professional skills, to gain legitimacy, and to build strong pathways to successful
superintendent position. Garn and Brown (2008) found in their research the need for developing
leadership capacity is central to defeating gender-related stereo-types. For women, mentoring
outcomes are less robust than for men, but, they are encouraging as a pathway around the
barriers to achievement (Schipani et al., 2009).
Social Capital Theory
Stanton-Salazar (1997) articulated social capital is defined by relationships with
institutional agents and their networks that combine as units. These units produce connections to
resources and support such as “privileged information, access to opportunities for mobility”
(Stanton-Salazar, 1997, p. 8). The ability to develop strong social capital is often reported as a
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 75

skill that can be nurtured with internal motivational dynamics, such as individual effort and
merit. Women who aspire to the superintendent position have more experience, more advanced
degrees in educational leadership, and participate in networking and mentorships to develop the
required skills set for the role of superintendent (Brunner & Grogan, 2007; Kowalski et al., 2011;
Tallerico, 2000). The women in this southern California study indicated they too hold more
doctorates in education than the national average and have served in the role of teachers, site
district administers, and district office administrative positions for longer periods of time when
compared to national studies (Kowalski et al., 2011). However, androcentric practice excludes
people on the basis of racial, class, and gender from access to opportunities and resources taken
for granted by middle-class men (Schipani et al., 2009; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). The women in
this southern California study expressed frustration over structure of networks. Superintendent
A noted: “My experience is that these networks are still fairly new and the leaders in them are
more often men who rely on other men they have previously worked with to highlight as
leaders.” Stanton-Salazar (1997) asserted the following about social networks: “features of
middle-class networks are analogous to social freeways that allow people to move about the
complex mainstream landscape quickly and efficiently; in many ways, they function as pathways
of privilege and power” (p. 4).
Feminist Standpoint Theory
Wallace (2015) reported feminist standpoint theory developed in the 1980s as a critical
theory between production of knowledge and practices of power. There are two foci to feminist
standpoint theory: (1) identifying cultural values and power dynamics that explain the
subordination of women and girls; and (2) recognizing the segmented labor distribution assigned
to women.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 76

Feminist standpoint theory was developed as a way of “empowering oppressed groups
and valuing their experiences” (Wallace, 2015, p. 43). The structural make up of networks
creates gender bias towards women. Women struggle to feel they are part of the group. One
anonymous Superintendent shared in the survey:
I find that men do not tend to check their privilege at the door when entering meetings
with female superintendents. I participate in a national superintendent organization in
which I am one of approximately three females among approximately 100 male
superintendents. I am honored that I was invited to join this network, and I continue to
seek out ways to be seen as a valued colleague.

Another anonymous Superintendent indicated the need to meet the right
people/gatekeepers or be excluded from opportunities of upward mobility: “Search firms can be
the real gatekeepers as they recommend to Boards of Education the candidate(s) who are the
favorites of the search firm.” The Feminist Standpoint Theory pointed out feminist concerns are
not limited to social and political issues; nor are they strictly women’s issues. Feminist issues in
fact inform thought in political, methodological, and theoretical issues (Harding, 2004; Wallace,
2015).
Wallace (2015) asserted feminist standpoint theory informs the disparity of women in the
superintendent position in the 21st century. One example is the sexual division of labor between
men and women. This is evident in two striking examples: (1) the low number of women
superintendents compared to the high number of women in teaching and as administrators; and
(2) women hold doctorates twice as high as men in K-12 education (Glass, 2000; Kim &
Brunner, 2009; Wallace, 2015).
Triangulation: Points of Convergence and Divergence
Using the triangulation process as a validity testing strategy to correct any errors or bias
expressed as validity threats, the researcher compared data from multiple sources to identify
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 77

points of convergence and divergence (Maxwell, 2013). This produced a more rich
understanding of the data. The findings from the survey and interview data regarding perceived
barriers, use of networking, and mentorships converge with the literature on the subject.
Convergence between survey data and interviews indicates a pattern. However, questions
emerged from the divergence, which point to further research to determine the causes for the
difference. First, points of convergence are examined and then points of divergence are
examined in the section below. Social Networking Theory and Feminist Standpoint Theory are
applied to the findings. Last, implications for future research are addressed in Chapter Five.
Points of Convergence
The data collected through the electronic surveys and interviews were closely associated
to the research on organizational barriers and networking practices of women superintendents.
Organizational barriers were centered on gender-social constraints exemplified in the practice of
favoring male dominated career pathways toward the role of superintendent (Brunner & Grogan,
2007; Tallerico, 2000) and traditional gender views which delegate women to the role of nurturer
and to have greater responsibility in the child rearing. Women have more professional
experience and formal education with advanced degrees in educational leadership. Women
superintendents participated in networks and mentorships with great enthusiasm to better prepare
for a successful superintendent position (Kowalski et al., 2011). Yet, there continues to be a
gender gap in the role of superintendent.
In regards to formal networks, there are state and regional conferences, as well as
conferences targeting the disparity issue of women as superintendents. The benefits associated
with these networks provided professional development for aspiring superintendents and for
practicing superintendents. The high demands on superintendents and isolation of the position
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 78

led women to aspire for more time to collaborate with colleagues and for more opportunity to
participate in networking conferences. Additionally, women recognized the value of how
networking affects career outcomes which can lead to higher income, higher job satisfaction, and
promotions (Schipani et al., 2009).
Several women indicated they sought networks to learn about managing district politics,
professional relationships with board members, and leveraging resources in a male dominated
profession (Brunner & Grogan, 2007; Kowalski et al., 2011). The good ol’ boy mentality of
promoting men who perpetuate exclusionary practices against women still permeates formal and
informal networks. This creates a gender access issue for women who do not have access to
resources and insider information for career mobility. Women indicated a need to network or
risk not even “making it inside the room.” The subtle discriminatory practice of “influential
people” to screen out potential candidates based on their own biased hegemonic career pathway
toward the superintendent position excludes women from interviewing in certain districts
(Tallerico, 2000). By excluding women, the consultants hand over power to men (Brunner &
Grogan, 2007; Tallerico, 2000). To create a space that promotes women leadership, women are
selective in their choice of networks and participate to the degree that their family responsibility
allows. In a joint effort, ACSA and AASA created Women’s Leadership Network and ACSA
has regional Women Conferences developed by their charters (Association of California School
Administrators, 2016b). Informal networks were challenging for women as they often occurred
outside of work hours and focused more on socializing than professional development (Forret
and Dougherty, 2004; Muñoz et al., 2014). However, having a female role model can also guide
and develop leadership potential in women (Muñoz et al., 2014; Sampson et al., 2015). Clearly,
that is why women have strong informal networks made up of women. Their challenges and
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 79

demands to meet double standards are often not understood by men. Men have to admit that in
empowering women, they lose some of their own privilege. Women participate in networks and
mentorships to achieve the role of superintendent and during their service in the superintendent’s
office.
There is convergence in mentorship literature and the findings regarding the mentorship
practice for women superintendents. The participants of this study indicated the most beneficial
characteristics of their mentors were: older, retired superintendents, and members of formal
networks. These mentors provided guidance in pursuit of the superintendent role and as support
for women as new superintendents. The mentors provided advice and a confidential ear.
In seeking the superintendent role, mentors provided access to professional development,
suggestions on resume revisions, and insider information to positions opening up. This exchange
involves the mentor providing greater points of entry for the mentee. The women expressed
greater satisfaction with women-to-women mentorships as there was an understanding of the
unique challenges women face. Moreover, the literature and data converge in certain areas and
there is divergence in select areas.
Point of Divergence
Among select areas of literature and study findings regarding perceived barriers to the
superintendent role, formal/informal networks, and mentorships there was divergence. The
survey and interview data indicated a pervasive expression of organizational barriers which
hinder parity for women seeking a superintendent position. The structure of networks continues
to exclude women from full participation. The specific creation of women’s conferences by
regional ACSA chapters was not present in the literature. There was no mention of county
departments of education serving as formal networks with their job-a-like scheduled meetings. It
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 80

is possible that the literature which focused on national networks did not include the county
meetings as they are part of the local practice in southern California. Informal networks are
often briefly mentioned under the umbrella of networks. This slight mention undermines the
power of these meetings in supporting superintendents. The literature also missed a greater
analysis of the differences in which women practice networking in informal settings is very
different from men who view informal meetings as opportunities for social gatherings. Due to
social constraints, women are more purposeful. The findings in the study found that local
networks meet regularly in the interim of formal networks which have annual or monthly
meetings or conferences.
Networking and mentorship benefits are divergent from what was mentioned in the
literature. The research from Forret and Dougherty (2004) expressed women rarely benefited to
the same degree as men did from active networking and mentorships. Yet, the findings from the
study revealed that women have benefitted from networking and participation in mentorships. In
fact, women have multiple mentorships and participate in diverse networks related to pursing the
superintendent role. Two more points of divergence were the literature reporting most mentors
are White males; for this study that was not the case. And second, there was little mention of
university-sponsored networks. Attention in the literature indicated professors can be mentors
but did not include the universities as sponsoring networks. The women in this study shared they
participate in university-sponsored networks.
Literature review indicated women are at a disadvantage in preparing for the role of
superintendent because there a few mentorships that support women with women mentors. The
findings from the data indicated that women actively participate in mentorships and often have
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 81

more than one mentor. The data indicated that retired superintendents and older members from
networks serve as mentors for women aspiring to the superintendent position.
Theoretical Framework
The terminology and frameworks of social capital networks and feminist standpoint
theory have been applied to fully understand the findings. The process of networking,
negotiation, and help-seeking in networks is different among social classes and gender groups.
For middle-class networking groups, their focus is on institutional resources, recreation, career
mobility, and social advancement (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). However, women receive less insider
information from their mentors as opposed to men, and women have traditionally had fewer
mentors and networks, making it difficult for them to move upward (Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Men have greater access in networks and to fully understand empowering women, it means men
lose some of their privilege. One anonymous superintendent from the surveys said:
if someone likes you they will endorse you to search firms, if you are not able to make
those connections the people hiring for superintendent jobs will not know you and are
less likely to include you in the search process.

Social network structures collaborate and compete in activities to secure scarce resources.
Feminist Standpoint Theory
Wallace (2015) reported feminist standpoint theory developed in the 1980s as a critical
theory between production of knowledge and practices of power. There are two foci to feminist
standpoint theory: identifying cultural values and power dynamics that explain the subordination
of women and girls; and recognizing the segmented labor distribution assigned to women. An
example from the current study, an anonymous superintendent from the survey responded:
I am truly grateful that you are studying this topic. I would add that men tend to advance
to the superintendency fat [sic] younger than women as they do not need to juggle family
demands as much as women do.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 82

Wallace asserted feminist standpoint theory informs the disparity of women in the superintendent
position in the 21st century. One example is the sexual division of labor between men and
women (Brunner & Grogan, 2007). This is evident in two striking examples: (1) the low number
of women superintendents compared to the high number of women in teaching and as
administrators; and (2) women hold doctorates twice the number as men in K-12 education
(Brunner & Grogan, 2007; Glass, 2000; Kim & Brunner, 2009; Wallace, 2015; ).
Conclusion
The findings accumulated in this study indicate southern California’s women
superintendents perceived barriers to the superintendent positions, and their use of networks and
mentorships. It was necessary to understand women’s perceived barriers toward the
superintendent position. Networks served the purpose of professional development, friendships
and access to resources, and career mobility support. The structure of formal and informal
networks perpetuated structural barriers which impede women to fully participate. Mentorships
help to build up an aspiring superintendent’s confidence, guidance to pursue superintendent
positions, and access to a greater pool of social networks. After the superintendent position is
attained, mentors often served as advisors for district and board politics and to be a confidential
ear. The superintendent positions are still a male dominated profession and women must fight
social and structural barriers to gain parity in the profession. Chapter Five will provide
implications for these findings, as well as limitations of the research and suggestions for further
inquiry.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 83

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY/ CONCLUSIONS/ IMPLICATIONS
Since the creation of the position of superintendent in the 1800s there has been extensive
research about superintendents (Brunner & Grogan, 2011; Tallerico, 2000). The general history
of the superintendency is about White men. Early superintendency studies did not even mention
women. In the early 20th century, women represented 11%, which was considered the “golden
age” for women in leadership roles. After the 40s, the discriminatory practice of favoring men in
administrative positions dropped the number of women superintendents to as low as 2% in the
1970s (Brunner & Grogan, 2007; Tallerico, 2000). The research of women as superintendents is
a relative phenomenon. It was as recently as the 1970s that the need for research of women in
leadership was noted. Academic literature about women as educational leaders began to appear
in the 80s and in the 90s and there began to appear a greater number of empirical studies of
women as superintendents and their experiences. One century later, in 2000, the number of
women in the superintendency increased to 14%, an increase of 4% (Brunner & Grogan, 2007).
In 2010, 24% of women were superintendents (Kowalski et al., 2011). The last 26 years have
provided for a richer and more complex study of the superintendency which gives voice to
women and people of color. Limited research is available on the practice of how women use
networks and mentorships to positively impact their career trajectory towards the role of
superintendent. By understanding how women use social capital to ascend towards the office of
the superintendent, women can benefit and close the opportunity gap. The purpose of this
research was to uncover the barriers women face in advancing to the superintendency. The
secondary purpose was to investigate the strategies women need to utilize in order to bolster their
opportunities towards the role of superintendent. The following research questions guided this
study:
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 84

1. What barriers do women perceive hinder their access to the superintendent position?
2. What professional supports are available to women as new superintendents?
3. What networking opportunities assist women in their pursuit of the superintendent
position?
4. What are the best networking methods used by women to ascend to the role of
superintendent?
In response to the research questions, a mixed methods approach was used to gather data.
Quantitative data was gathered by using an electronic questionnaire to survey southern California
superintendents. Qualitative data was collected from open-ended questions on the survey and
from interviews. To find convergent and divergent themes, the data collected from these
instruments and research were used for triangulation.
Key Findings
Based on data presented in Chapter Four, the literature and key findings are discussed
below in order of the research question.
Perception of Barriers to the Superintendency
Based on the literature regarding women superintendents, southern California women
superintendents perceive structural barriers centered around gender social constraints
exemplified in structural organizational barriers and in the practice of favoring male dominated
career pathways toward the superintendency (Brunner & Grogan, 2007; Tallerico, 2000).
Women have more professional experience and formal education with advanced degrees in
educational leadership, yet, three in four superintendents are men (Kowalski et al., 2011). Men
tend to be younger as they move into administration. They are also younger as novice
superintendents. In the Decennial Study, 56.3% of men and 30.6% of women indicated they
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 85

were novice superintendents by the age of 45 (Kowalski et al., 2011). Southern California
women said 31.5% were novice superintendents by the age 45. Family obligations, personal
choice, and traditional gender socialization can lead woman to prolong stepping into the
superintendency (Glass, 2000).
Formal/Informal Networks
In AASA’s 2010 Decennial Study of American school superintendents, nationally
women participate in networks (Kowalski et al., 2011) and southern California women had
similar networking practices. Comparable to national peers, southern California women
participate in Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development (ASCD) and state
associations such as Association of California School Administration (ACSA) and California
Association of Latino Superintendents and Administrators (CALSA). Southern California
superintendents participate in university sponsored networks, local ACSA charters, county office
networks, and networks specific to women. ACSA in conjunction with AASA have made efforts
to increase parity in bolstering women as executives as women in education are underutilized in
the role of superintendent. Formal networks can serve to increase parity, the equal number of
male and female superintendents (Kamler, 2006). The support in utilizing formal networks
builds professional development for the current position and helps professionals develop new
skills and knowledge to prepare for the superintendency. Literature review in women’s
networking practice was silent in these types of formal networks. The national study’s focus did
not dive deeper into state, regional, and local formal networks.
Formal networks held issues of access for women superintendents. The structure of
formal networks includes selective leadership positions going to men, men outnumbering
women, and time constraints in juggling family responsibility and demands of top leadership
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 86

roles. The structure of the formal network continues to offer women less as the effects of the
good ol' boys club is evident in who tends to be selected to present and lead. This can also be an
effect of men outnumbering women as superintendents and the lack of willingness to reach out
and purposefully select women as leaders and presenters. It was also noted that men used these
meetings to set up future social gatherings after hours or on the weekend. This creates an access
issue for women and further creates barriers for women. To be clear, women do understand and
utilize networks as a method of increasing their visibility, gaining access to more people, and to
open doors for future opportunities for success.
Best networking practices in informal networks include convening a small group that
shares similar goals, perhaps peers from neighboring districts to discuss ideas, provide support,
and to share resources (Johnson et al., 2002). Women participate in informal networks more
frequently than formal networks. Formal networks are fixed on a regular schedule and informal
networks are scheduled around the calendar of a few participants. The informal networks allow
for personal relationships to develop which creates a space to be “vulnerable” about job related
topics as indicated by a participant. Women felt they could be open and candid without fear of
judgement in a small group. They also indicated the ability to use email, texting, and phone calls
as a method of extending communication in the informal network. The benefit of informal
networks is the ability to develop a friendship with someone who understands the pressure of the
job and can relate to the issue of finding balance between the demands of work and family.
A concern with informal networks lies in the potential of perpetuating old models of
power structures. The good ol’ boys network, as described by Witmer (2006), is men in power
who seek to promote other men in the work place or careers, and to mentor men for the purpose
of replicating power structures that benefit those like them. Informal networks are not
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 87

structured, take place outside of work hours, and more often than not, are social events with
other men. They perpetuate exclusionary practices toward women. Informal networking has the
potential benefit of sharing information about resources and opportunity for career improvement.
The organization of informal networking and traditional gender socialization creates barriers of
opportunity for women.
Mentorships
Mentorships serve the purpose of encouraging women to pursue their goals. Mentorships
affect career outcomes, can lead to higher income, higher job satisfaction, and promotions
(Schipani et al., 2009). The data indicated women participate in mentorships as pre-service to
the role of superintendent and as new superintendents. For several of the superintendents, they
indicated their supervisor had served as mentor and that retired superintendents and members of
networks served as mentors. The support for new superintendents is crucial to their success and
having female role models also allows women to view themselves in the role of a successful
superintendent. Garn and Brown (2008) found in their research the need for mentoring prior to
the superintendency for leadership development. All respondents were positive about their
experience with mentors and expressed a desire to have more time to collaborate with peers (see
Figure 2).

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 88

Figure 2: Networking and Mentorships: Disparity in Results

Networking and Mentorships Disparity
The power behind networking and mentorships is the total sum of actual and potential
resources. Muñoz et al. (2014) pointed out it is crucial for individuals in leadership capacity to
develop and sustain strong social networks which support career trajectory. Stanton-Salazar
(1997) asserted that networks function as pathways of privilege and power. Women
superintendents utilize networks and mentorships to navigate the progression of preparing for the
superintendency and successfully serving as superintendent. For this group of professionals,
their focus is on institutional resources, career mobility, and social advancement (Stanton-
Salazar, 1997). However, women receive less insider information from their mentors as opposed
to men, and women have traditionally had fewer mentors and networks, making it difficult for
them to move upward (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Network organizational structures collaborate
and compete in activities to secure scarce resources (Wellman, 1983) or put another way, retired
superintendents and members of networks/search firms compete for candidates. Women also
Men Women
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 89

reported feeling excluded from informal networks and if allowed in, they report it was through a
mentor (Schipani et al., 2009). The quality of a network and mentorship to meet the needs of its
participant matters. Sixty-three percent of the participants in this study felt that they had support
of a mentor in their pursuit of the superintendency. Figure 2 illustrates that resource access and
network form are closely related as they relate to how an individual can move up in reaching
another node or more support in the network (Wellman, 1983). Current California data further
indicated disparity in women serving as superintendents. In 2014-15, women represented 36%
of the superintendents. The 2010 Decennial Study indicates nationally women represent 24% of
the superintendents. Both groups of women participate in networks. There is a need for strategic
help for individuals in circumventing gender barriers to create career pathways, empowerment,
and networks enhancing partnerships (Schipani et al., 2009; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Women like
men need advocates from networks and mentorships to bolster their professional trajectory.
Implications
Theory
This study contributes to the body of work in understanding barriers women face in
aspiring to the superintendency. Through the use of social network theory and feminist
standpoint theory, findings have been presented on how women practice networking and
mentorships to improve their trajectory to the boardroom. There is a preponderance of research
indicating that women face organizational and traditional gender bias in their endeavor to reach
top level positions in education. It is noted that career path barriers for new superintendents
come from inside the organization and from outside such as social roles and family
responsibilities. The Glass Ceiling is attributed to organizational and social, political, and
cultural constructs as obstacles rather than structural. Studies have analyzed the relationship
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 90

between the historical perspective of women fighting for increasing parity, equal number of male
and females in the role of superintendent and current demographics depict an opportunity gap for
women to excel in top leadership positions. By persistently seeking out highly qualified
candidates based on merit and truly demonstrated achievement, more women will have a better
opportunity to lead and fully participate in networks, mentorships, and to serve successfully as
superintendents. Current practice that promotes men based on perceived ability and experience
in secondary schools must be challenged. Leaders in position of power to mentor and to advance
the career of individuals must resist the status quo of privileging a male dominated career
pathway which includes: secondary teacher, department chair, coach, high school principal,
assistant superintendent, and superintendent. There should be a focus on demonstrated
leadership, expertise in curriculum and instruction, and a history of collaboration with all
stakeholders to create a learning environment that fosters a love for learning, creative
individuals, and highly skilled citizens in an ever connected global society.
Wallace (2015) stated feminist standpoint theory as a critical theory between production
of knowledge and practices of power. There are two foci to feminist standpoint theory:
identifying cultural values and power dynamics that explain the subordination of women and
girls, and recognizing the segmented labor distribution assigned to women. The “two groups are
accorded different rights and opportunities” based on their social status and kinds of knowledge
assigned to them (Wood, 2009 as cited in Wallace, 2015, p. 43). Women in the literature and in
this study report gender bias to be a challenge in obtaining the superintendency. Same sex
mentors were recommended to help overcome gender barriers as they can share personal
experiences with new superintendents (Wallace, 2015). Gendered stereotypes assign women to
soft characteristics to nurture and align men to characteristics of leadership which are congruent
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 91

with the social construction of gender in the superintendency (Hoff & Mitchell, 2008; Skrla,
2000).
More research needs to focus on the inclusivity of women as mentors and network leads.
In addition, combined studies that focus on gender discrimination effects on the organization and
include a practice of balanced work and family life for men and women should be studied.
Gender parity in the superintendency is not a topic of interest for women only, and it cannot be
eliminated by empowering women only. This theoretical lens draws attention to the implications
of practice.
Practice
The findings presented have implications for practicing superintendents. Most often,
superintendents serve as in-line roles of assistant superintendent and are deliberate in
participating in mentorships. Superintendents can become intentional in mentoring early in a
women’s career about the role of the superintendency. Superintendents should participate in
multiple networking opportunities and should expand their pool of mentors and networks to
include people from groups outside of education. Women aspiring to the superintendency should
continue to work their way into leadership roles within formal networks to have a greater
outreach in inspiring women.
Networks, institutions of higher education, should openly teach against gender bias and
provide models for networks and professional development that is inclusive of women and
people of color. There needs to be a coherent and systematic plan to change institutional norms
and a practice that limits inclusivity of all groups at the table to the same degree. Tallerico
(2000) identified structured opportunities “for grooming high-potential leadership talent”
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 92

(p. 141). She said to start by selecting individuals who have leadership potential and can
possibly succeed them in their position:
 One person who can on an emergency basis step into the job immediately
 A second person who can develop into the position
 A third person who is a woman or a person of color
Then create opportunities for them to expand their skills and develop additional
administrative skills. They must experience success in order to persist early on in their endeavor.
Provide backing for these three individuals with access to other district leaders and
administrators (Tallerico, 2000). This informal network will boost their accessibility to
resources and communication channels which are important to career mobility (Schipani et al.,
2009; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Tallerico, 2000; Wallace, 2015). In addition, connecting women to
women as mentors improves the quality of mentorship (Brunner & Grogan, 2007; Garn &
Brown, 2008; Schipani et al., 2009; Tallerico, 2000). Critical to diversifying leadership, and
especially with historically underrepresented group members, there needs to be ongoing support
for success on the job (Tallerico, 2000).
Second of all, contribute to shape belief systems. Inform the discourse about
superintendents by correcting negative talk that the current pool of aspiring superintendents and
applicants are less qualified. Tallerico’s (2000) research makes the following points of
clarification:
 Limited research indicates there is a smaller pool of applicants for the role of
superintendent
 There is no solid evidence that the pool is of lesser quality
 There are more women in the pool than there were 20 years ago
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 93

Tallerico’s research underscores superintendent pools are smaller, not “inadequate or inferior”
(p. 147). Yes, the pool of applicants looks different, they have different career pathways, and
yes, they are capable. Challenge gender bias, avoid using male dominated career pathways as
superintendent pathways.
Limitations
There are several limitations listed in this study in addition to those listed in Chapter One.
Some data was compared disaggregated by gender and at other times in its whole or aggregate
form. Comprehensive data specific to southern California superintendents is very limited. The
lack of data available for comparison in women’s use of formal and informal networks and
mentorships and the degree to which it improves the mentees career trajectory is an under
studied topic. Some topics that surfaced with limited data to explore include: use of technology
for networking, university sponsored networks, and County Office of Education sponsored
networks.
Recommendations for Future Research
There needs to be future research that will expand our understanding of the current study:
1. Expand and track data for assistant superintendents who aspire to the superintendency in
their pre-service professional development and their success rate to attain the
superintendency
2. Develop a gap analysis of current models of networks and mentorships to show deficits in
meeting the needs of all participants
3. Develop a gap analysis of women graduating from doctoral programs and their
attainment of superintendent work
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 94

4. Explore sponsored internships by institutions of higher education to help women and
people from historically underrepresented groups access to administrative positions
5. Disaggregate data by state in the American School Superintendent Decennial Study
6. Allow researchers access to data files of national reports by state and gender
7. Further explore the role of institutions of higher education as agents of change in network
structures
Conclusion
Despite the challenges inherent in the role of superintendent and the paucity of women
superintendents, women demonstrate a fierce tenacity to overcome those challenges by
participating in networks and mentorships which offer professional development opportunities
and access to a greater pool of professionals. Formal networks grow into informal networks
which support professionals in smaller gatherings and the ability to share questions and
challenges related to their profession and with seeking balance with work and family life.
Mentorships provide the mentee with guidance regarding career development, opportunities to
meet influential people who can provide greater access to career related information and support
in serving as a successful superintendent. Through the use of a mixed methods study these
supports indicate women must participate in several networks and have several mentors to
develop parity with male colleagues in the role of superintendent. Finding the right fit is critical.
The pathway towards the superintendency is different for men and women. Women struggle to
project their voice and to establish their presence with prominence. But, they persevere! This
study indicates women have made great strides in the last 26 years. Nationally women represent
24% of the superintendents (Kowalski et al., 2011). In California they represent 36% of the
superintendents (CDE, 2016a). The California average for women superintendents is higher than
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 95

it has been at any other time in the history of the superintendency. Networks and mentorships
improve the trajectory of women educators as school district superintendents. These examples of
women superintendents serve as testimony for women superintendents utilizing social networks
to develop collaborative partnerships that can lead to professional development as pre-service to
the superintendency and with the right mentor to advocate and champion their career
advancement.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 96

References
Association of California School Administrators. (2016a). Educational Services. Retrieved from
http://www.acsa.org/Educational-Services.html
Association of California School Administrators. (2016b). Women in school leadership forum.
Retrieved from http://www.acsa.org/Educational-Services/Conferences/womensforum
Björk, L. (2000). Personal characteristics. In T. E. Glass, L. Björk, & C. C. Brunner. (2000).
Principles of power: Women superintendents and the riddle of the heart. Albany, NY:
State University of New York Press.
Blount, M. J. (1998). Destined to rule the schools. Albany, NY: State University of New York
Press.
Brunner, C. C. (2000, February). Unsettled moments in settled discourse: Women
superintendents' experiences of inequality. Educational Administration Quarterly, 36(1),
76-116.
Brunner, C. C., & Grogan, M. (2007). Women leading school systems: Uncommon roads to
fulfillment. Lanham, MD. Rowman & Little Education.
California Department of Education, Educational Demographics Unit. (2016a). State summary,
number of staff by ethnicity: Certificated staff by ethnicity for 2014-15. Sacramento, CA:
Author. Retrieved from http://data1.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/
California Department of Education, Educational Demographics Unit. (2016b). Staff education
report: Certificated staff education for 2014-15. Sacramento, CA: Retrieved from
http://data1.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/
Creswell, J. W. (2014). Educational research: Planning, conducting, and evaluating quantitative
and qualitative research (4th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education.
Dabney-Lieras, K. (2008). Reclaiming the superintendency: The critical skills, strategies and
experiences of successful women superintendents in California: Abstract. Retrieved from
http://gradworks.umi.com/33/25/3325072.html
Dowell, M. L., & Larwin, K. H. (2013). Gender equity in educational administration:
Investigating compensation and promotion. Journal of Research in Gender Studies, 3(1),
2013, 53-77.
Forret, M. L., & Dougherty, T. W. (2004). Networking behaviors and career outcomes:
Differences for men and women? Journal of Organizational Behavior, 25(3), 419–437.
Retrieved from http://www. jstor.org.libproxy1.usc.edu/stable/4093697
Garn, G., & Brown, C. (2008, January). Women and the superintendency: Perceptions of gender
bias. Journal of Women in Educational Leadership, 6(1), 49-71.
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 97

Glass, T. E. (2000). Where are all the women superintendents? School Administrator, 57(6), 28.
Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com.libproxy1.usc.edu/docview/219271809?accountid=14749
Grogan, M. & Brunner, C. (2005, February). Women leading systems. The School Administrator.
62(2), 46-50.
Grogan, M., & Shakeshaft, C. (2011). Women and educational leadership. San Francisco, CA:
Jossey-Bass.
Harding, S. (2004). The feminist theory standpoint reader: Intellectual and political
controversies. New York: Routledge.
Hoff, D. L., & Mitchell, S. N. (2008). In search of leaders: Gender factors in school
administration. Advancing Women in Leadership, 27, 1. Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com.libproxy1.usc.edu/docview/218161442?accountid=14749
Johnson, G., Gross, G., Townsend, R., Lynch, P., Novotney, P., . . ., & Gil, L., (2002). A view
inside public education: Eight at the top. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press.
Kamler, E. (2006). The aspiring superintendents’ study group: Investigating a mentoring network
for school leaders, Mentoring & Tutoring: Partnership in Learning, 14(3), 297-316.
doi:10.1080/13611260600635548
Kim, Y. L., & Brunner, C. C. (2009). School administrators' career mobility to the
superintendency: Gender differences in career development. Journal of Educational
Administration, 47(1), 75-100.
Kowalski, T. J., McCord, R. S., Petersen, G. J., Young, P. I., & Ellerson, N. M. (2011). The
American school superintendent: 2010 decennial study. Lanham, MD: Rowman &
Littlefield Education. Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com/docview/854552593?accountid=14749
Livingston, D., Thompson, G., Zelman, S. T., & Stumbo, C. (2007). Seven questions of
networking. School Administrator, 64(4), 26-33. Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com.libproxy1.usc.edu/docview/219310505?accountid=14749
Maxwell, J. A. (2013). Qualitative research design: An interactive approach (3rd ed.). Los
Angeles, CA: Sage Publications.
Merriam, S. B. (2009). Qualitative research: A guide to design and implementation. San
Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Muñoz, A. J., Pankake, A., Ramalho, E. M., Mills, S., and Simonsson, M. (2014). A study of
female central office administrators and their aspirations to the superintendency.
Educational Management Administration & Leadership September, 42: 764-784, first
published on January 28, 2014. doi:10.1177/1741143213510508
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 98

Northouse, P. G. (2007). Leadership: Theory and practice (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications.
Portes, A. (1998). Social capital: Its origins and applications in modern sociology. Annual
Review of Sociology, 24(1998), pp. 1-24.
Sampson, P. M., Gresham, G., Applewhite, S., & Roberts, K. (2015). Women superintendents:
Promotion of other women to central office administration. Advancing Women in
Leadership, 35, 187.
Schipani, C. A., Dworkin, T. M., Kwolek-Folland, A., & Maurer, V. G. (2009, January).
Pathways for women to obtain positions of organizational leadership: The significance of
mentoring and networking. Duke Journal of Gender Law & Policy, 16, 89-136. Retrieved
from
http://search.proquest.com.libproxy1.usc.edu/docview/203780080?accountid=14749
Sherman, W. H., Muñoz, A. J., and Pankake, A. (2008). The great divide: Women's experiences
with mentoring. Journal of Women in Educational Leadership. Paper 25. Retrieved from
http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/jwel/25
Skrla, L. (2000). The social construction of gender in the superintendency. Journal of Education
Policy, 15(3), 293-316. doi:10.1080/02680930050030446
Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (1997, Spring). A social capital framework for understanding the
socialization of racial minority children and youths. Harvard Educational Review, 1-41.
Tallerico, M. (2000). Gaining access to the superintendency: Headhunting, gender, and color.
Educational Administration Quarterly, 36(1), 18-43. doi:10.1177/00131610021968886
Tallerico, M., & Blount, J. M. (2004). Women and the superintendency: Insights from theory and
history. Educational Administration Quarterly, 40(5), 633.
Wallace, T. (2015). Increasing the proportion of female superintendents in the 21st century.
Advancing Women in Leadership, 35, 42-47. Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com.libproxy2.usc.edu/docview/1682223468?accountid=14749
Wellman, B. (1983). Network analysis: Some basic principles. Sociological Theory, 1, 155-200.
Retrieved from http://doi.org.libproxy1.usc.edu/10.2307/202050
Witmer, J. T. (2006). Moving up! A guidebook for women in educational administration (2nd
ed.). Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Education.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 99

APPENDIX A:
GENERAL RECRUITMENT EMAIL COVER LETTER
June 12, 2016
Dear [Name],
My name is Maria Martinez-Poulin, a doctoral candidate in the Rossier School of
Education at University of Southern California and I am conducting a research study as part of
my dissertation process under the direction of Dr. Rudy Castruita. My study focuses on the
impact of participating in mentorships, formal and informal networks in Southern California for
career advancement toward the office of superintendent. You have been identified as someone
who is a woman superintendent in Southern California, and may be eligible to participate.
Participation would require one survey pilot tested to take up to 15 minutes. Depending on your
responses to the survey and your availability, you may be interviewed via Skype or in-person.
The interview is voluntary, and anticipated to last approximately 30 minutes and maybe audio-
recorded with your permission.
Participation in this study is entirely voluntary. Your identity will remain confidential at
all times.
If you have questions, please contact me via email or phone: Maria Martinez-Poulin,
mariadm@usc.edu or (562) 256-6574.
Thank you for your consideration to participate.

Best Regards,

Maria Martinez-Poulin, Doctoral Candidate
University of Southern California

You may access the survey at the following link: https://www.

Date of preparation: April 9, 2016
UPIRB#: UP-16-00354

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 100

APPENDIX B:

SURVEY INSTRUMENT

Southern California Superintendents, Impact of Mentorships and Networking

Information Sheet
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to analyze the degree to which Southern California women school
district administrators use networks, mentorships, and the impact it has in their career
advancement. An in-depth analysis of the impact networks and mentorships have on women’s
career trajectory would provide recommendations for networks and mentors to challenge
gendered professional norms, increase access to influential people in women’s networks, and
define career pathways to the superintendency in terms of demonstrated leadership experiences
over male-dominated leadership positions held.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
The participants for this study are women superintendents in Southern California. As a
participant, you will respond to one 15 minute survey, conducted through Google Docs and
emailed to you with a link. Your responses will remain confidential and you may choose to
decline to answer any question in the survey. One question in the survey will ask, if you are
willing to participate in a follow up interview. The follow up interview will ask you to develop
your responses about the impact of mentorships, informal and formal networks. With you
permission, the interview will be audio-recorded and last 30 minutes. If you do not agree to
audio-recording, handwritten notes will be used.
CONFIDENTIALITY
There will be no identifiable information obtained in connection with this study. Your name,
address or other identifiable information will not be collected. Any identifiable information
obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential. If you volunteer to be
interviewed, your responses to the questions, will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and
maintained separately. If a specific quote is used, your information will be coded and presented
as general information to protect your privacy. The audio-tapes will be destroyed once they have
been transcribed. The data will be stored on a password protected computer in the researcher’s
office for three years after the study has been completed and then destroyed.
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
Principal Investigator: Maria Martinez-Poulin (562) 256-6574 mariadm@usc.edu
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los
Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu
NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 101

By continuing you agree you have read the information provided above and are willing to
participate in this study.
Fill Out Form

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 102

APPENDIX C:
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA SUPERINTENDENTS, IMPACT OF
MENTORSHIPS AND NETWORKS
PART I. Personal Characteristics
1. Please select the age group that best describes you.
o 30-35
o 36-40
o 41-45
o 46-50
o 51-55
o 56-60
o 61-65
o 65+
2. What is your current marital status?
o Married
o Single (never married)
o Single (divorced)
o Single (widow)
o Unmarried in a committed relationship
3. Indicate the Racial/ Ethnic Group(s) that best describes you. (You may check all that
apply and best represent how you identify yourself.)
o American Indian or Alaskan Native
o Asian
o Black or African American
o Latino or Hispanic
o White (not Hispanic or Latino)
o Pacific Islander
o Other:
o Bicultural:
4. Do you have children?
If so, how many?
How old was your youngest child or children when you obtained your first superintendency
job?

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 103

PART II. Professional Characteristics
5. What is your highest degree you hold?
o BA or BS
o Master’s Degree
o Ed.D.
o Ph.D.
o Currently in graduate school working toward a doctorate
6. At what type of school district do you work?
o Rural
o Urban
o Suburban
7. What grade levels does your district serve?
o TK-6
o TK-8
o TK-12
o 7-12
o 9-12
8. What is the total number of students in your district?
o Fewer than 300
o 300-2,999
o 3000-24,999
o 25,000 or more
9. How many years did you spend as a classroom teacher?
o 3-5
o 6-10
o 11-15
o 16-20
o 21+
10. What grade level did you teach?
o Primary
o Secondary
o Both
11. At what age did you attain your first administrative position?
o 25-30
o 31-35
o 36-40
o 41-45
o 46-50
o 51+

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 104

12. At what age did you begin your service as an assistant superintendent?
o 25-30
o 31-35
o 36-40
o 41-45
o 46-50
o 51+
13. At what age did you begin your service as superintendent?
o 25-30
o 31-35
o 36-40
o 41-45
o 46-50
o 51+
14. When selected as superintendent, were you employed with the district?
o Yes
o No
15. How many superintendency positions have you held?
o 1
o 2
o 3
o 4
o 5
o 6+
16. Have you held superintendency positions outside of California?
o Yes
o No
If so, in what states?
17. Did your current district use a search firm in pursuing candidates for the position of
superintendent?
o Yes
o No

PART III: Impact of Mentorships and Networks
Mentorships: As defined for the purposes of this survey, a mentor is an individual who meets
one-to-one with another less experienced person for purpose of supporting that person in her
career path.

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 105

18. Have you participated in professional mentorships?
o Yes
o No
19. To what degree did the support of a mentor open opportunities for career advancement?
1 Not helpful------------3 Very helpful
20. Did you have a mentor or sponsor that helped you in your pursuit of the superintendency?
o Yes
o No
21. Please briefly describe how mentoring has benefited you.
22. What are some characteristics of the mentor you feel were the most beneficial to you as a
superintendent? (Check all that apply)
o White male
o Person of color (male)
o White female
o Person of color (female)
o Older
o Younger
o Colleague
o Retired superintendent
o Family member
o Friend
o Member of an educational organization/networking group
o From the same district
o From a different district
o County Office of Education
o University professor
o Other:
23. Do women have access to influential mentors who can open opportunities for career
advancement?
o Yes
o No
24. How do mentorships work differently for men and women?

Formal Networks: As defined for the purposes of this survey, a formal network is a group
of like-minded individuals who gather to support each other under the authority of an
organization.
25. Have you participated in Formal Networks related to your role of superintendent?
o Yes
o No

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 106

26. For what purpose did you seek out a formal network(s)?
o In pursuit of the superintendency
o As a new superintendent
o Ongoing support as a superintendent
o To develop professional expertise

27. As a superintendent, which networks have you participated in?
o American Association of School Administrators (AASA)
o Association of California School Administrators (ACSA)
o California Association of Latino Superintendents and Administrators (CALSA)
o Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development (ASCD)
o A county sponsored superintendents’ network
o A university sponsored superintendents’ network
o Other:
28. Do you hold an officer position within a formal network?
o Yes
o No
29. How beneficial was the formal network in your success?
1 Not Helpful------------------3 Very Helpful
30. Did you have support from influential people in the network who can open opportunities
for career advancement?
31. Please describe how participating in formal networks has benefitted you?

Informal Networking: As defined for the purpose of this survey, an informal network is
a group of like-minded individuals who gather on a regular basis to support each other,
not under the authority of an organization.
32. Have you participated in Informal Networks related to your role of superintendent?
o Yes
o No

33. For what purpose did you seek out an informal network(s)?
o In pursuit of the superintendency
o As a new superintendent
o Ongoing support as a superintendent
o To develop professional expertise

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 107

34. How beneficial was the informal network in your success?
1 Not Helpful------------------3 Very Helpful

35. Did you have support from influential people in the network who can open opportunities
for career advancement?
36. Please describe how participating in informal networks has benefitted you?
37. Do men and women have equal access to influential leaders within networks?
o Yes
o No
38. Does networking practice lead to recruitment for a job promotion?
o Yes
o No
39. How do leaders in networking also function as gatekeepers?
40. What social structural forces constraint network development for women?

Thank you for taking time to complete this survey. Please feel free to add any additional
comments you feel pertain to this study.

As follow-up interview related to this topic, may I contact you?
o Yes
o No

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 108

APPENDIX D:
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
Interviewer: Maria Martinez-Poulin
Interviewee:
Position/District of Interviewee:
Time of Interview:
Date:
Place:

INTRODUCTION
I am a graduate student at the University of Southern California working on my
dissertation and studying the impact of women utilizing mentorships, formal/informal networks
for career advancement towards the school district superintendency. As a women
superintendent, you are in a unique position to describe how mentoring and/or networking
impacted your career trajectory.
This interview is about your experiences with mentorships and networking. I am
interviewing 3 superintendents in Southern California. The responses you provide will be
recorded in my dissertation and reported as general information. Nothing you say will ever be
identified with you personally, I will protect your privacy. As we go through the interview, if
you have any questions, please feel free to ask. If there is anything you don’t want to answer,
you may decline to answer a question at any point.
I am interested in the impact networks and mentorships have on women’s career
trajectory toward the superintendency. Your experiences and insights will serve as a basis for
recommendations to improve the impact of mentorships and networks on women seeking career
advancement.
Do you have any questions, before we begin?
[Turn on recorder and test it.]
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS, INCLUDING PROBES
Accessing the Superintendency:
1. Describe your career pathway toward the superintendency.
 Would you follow the same career pathway?

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 109

Involvement in Professional Organizations
Mentorships:
2. What is your experience with mentorships?
 Which organizations provide the best mentorships?
 How have mentorships prepared you for the role of superintendent?
 What are the differences in having male mentors versus women mentors?
 How have mentorships developed your professional expertise?
Informal/ Formal Networks
3. What are your experiences with informal/ formal networks?
 How often do you participate in networking?
 How does your networking practice relate to your role as superintendent?
 How does your networking practice relate to your role as an aspiring superintendent?
 What are the benefits of informal versus formal networking?
4. Has your participation in informal/ formal networks helped you overcome organizational
barriers?
 How do informal/ formal networks provide access to career-related information?
 Describe any instrumental and supportive relationships you have within your network.
 Describe the number and quality of relationships available to you in your network.
 Which organizations offer the best informal/ formal networks?
 What networking advice would you recommend to women aspiring to the
superintendency?
5. Are there challenges associated with gender in accessing the superintendency?
 Does networking serve as a potential for exclusionary or discriminatory practices in your
career field?
 How do informal/ formal networks recruit participants?
 How do leaders in networking also function as gatekeepers?
Closing
Thank you for participating in this interview. Be assured all responses are confidential. Should I
have any additional questions, may I call you for a follow up interview?

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 110

APPENDIX E:
SUPERINTENDENT PRACTICE WITH MENTORS

Questions Responses
In relation to the superintendent position,
have you participated in professional
mentorships?
Yes: 12 (f) 63%
No: 6 (f) 32%
Did you have a mentor or sponsor that
helped you in your pursuit of the
superintendent position?
Yes: 12 (f) 63%
No: 7 (f) 37%
Do women have access to influential
mentors who can open opportunities for
career advancement?
Yes: 16 (f) 84%
No: 3 (f) 16%

NETWORKS TO CHAMPION WOMEN CAREER ADVANCEMENT 111

APPENDIX F
SUPPORT OF MENTOR IN PURSUIT OF THE SUPERINTENDENCY

F %
Yes 12 63.15
No 7 36.84
total 19 100%

yes
63%
no
37%
Support of Mentor in Pursuit of
Superintendency
yes no

Abstract (if available)

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Latinas in the superintendency: the challenges experienced before and after obtaining the superintendency and strategies used for success

PDF

Female superintendents in California and the role that mentoring and networking have played in their sucess

PDF

Increasing the effectiveness of African-American male mentorship

PDF

Time’s Up: a transformative view of women leaning into the superintendency in California

PDF

The benefits of mentorship to new high school assistant principals and principals

PDF

The benefits of mentorship to new high school assistant principals and principals

PDF

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on K-12 public school districts in southern California: responses of superintendents, assistant superintendents, and principals

PDF

The obscurity inside the margins: the preparation, recruitment, and retention of women of color superintendents

PDF

Building the leadership capacity of women in K-12 education: successful strategies that create the next generation of women school and district leaders

PDF

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on K-12 public school districts in southern California: responses of superintendents, assistant superintendents and principals

PDF

A study of California public school district superintendents and their implementation of 21st century skills

PDF

Barriers women face while seeking and serving in the position of superintendent in California public schools

PDF

The critical aspects of oversight that suburban superintendents, as instructional leaders, must employ to improve instruction

PDF

Shattering the glass ceiling: examining invisible barriers to women’s career progression in South Korean international schools

PDF

Effective strategies superintendents utilize in building political coalitions to increase student achievement

PDF

Effective strategies urban superintendents utilize that improve the academic achievement for African American males

PDF

Influence of mentorship on career development for underrepresented minoritized students in STEM undergraduate research experiences

PDF

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on K-12 public school districts in southern California: responses of superintendents, assistant superintendents, and principals

PDF

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on K–12 public school districts in southern California: responses of superintendents, assistant superintendents, and principals

PDF

The preparation, recruitment, and retention of California schoool district superintendents

Asset Metadata

Creator Martinez-Poulin, Maria (author)

Core Title The impact of networks and mentorships to champion women as superintendents in southern California

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Degree Conferral Date 2017-05

Publication Date 02/02/2017

Defense Date 10/25/2016

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag district leadership,feminist standpoint theory,formal networks,gender disparity in education leadership,informal networks,male dominated career pathways toward the superintendency,mentorships,networks,OAI-PMH Harvest,social capitol,social capitol theory,superintendent pathways,women in leadership roles,women superintendents

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Castruita, Rudy (committee chair), Garcia, Pedro Enrique (committee member), Martinez, Brandon (committee member)

Creator Email mariadm@usc.edu,mariamartinezpoulin@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC11255867

Unique identifier UC11255867

Identifier etd-MartinezPo-4981.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-MartinezPo-4981

Dmrecord 327881

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Martinez-Poulin, Maria

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu