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Content THE WRITING OF ANDROBOROS: AN HISTORICAL STUDY AND ANNOTATION OF AMERICA'S EARLIEST EXTANT PLAY by Peter Allen Davis A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Communication--Drama) August 1980 Copyright Peter Allen Davis 1980 UMI Number: DP22928 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI DP22928 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7 f ) T k ■ ft DQ.CT0R OF PHILOSOPHY : ( A<X<(A Dean DISSERTATIQN COMMITTEE .... . A? Chairman . .UjsU.6^.A:.^k4^ i t ............... This dissertation, written by Peter Allen Davis under the direction of hJkP.... Dissertation Com mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of requirements of the degree of UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA LIBRARY EPIGRAPH ". . . . They are big with Expectation of some mighty Deliverance, towards which is to be brought about by means of Androboros; I think they call him so? Whether there is or ever was such a Person, I know not; but all their hopes are placed in him." By Governour Hunter "The end of satire is the amendment of vices by correction, and he who writes it honestly is no more an enemy to the offender, than the physician to the patient when he prescribes harsh remedies." John Dryden DEDICATION For My Parents and Sugen iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are, of course, a great number of people who assisted in either the research or writing of this dissertation over the last two years. Many of them are, perhaps, unaware of their contributions because their aid or wisdom was imparted long before I undertook my graduate studies and only through a circuitous route did they finally end up a part of my work. These people are too' numerous to name and, in most cases, I have long since for gotten who they were, but they all played an essential part in this dissertation. Those who had a direct effect on my work, however, are easily remembered. Key among all is Dr. Richard Toscan, who created the initial challenge by claiming that the subject of Androboros was too "dry" for substantial research, but who guided my studies and perpetuated my excitement throughout. Equally, the constant support and guidance of Dr. Janet Bolton not only afforded me the unique opportunity of producing and directing the world premiere of Androboros under the auspices of the University iv of Southern California's Readers Theatre Program in November 1979, but also helped to instill in me the confidence to persevere through the more difficult moments. Among the more invaluable contributors to this research were Mr. Carey Bliss and Ms. Virginia Rennert in the Huntington Library and Art Gallery in San Marino, California. Additional thanks go to the libraries at the University of Southern California, University of California at Los Angeles and California Institute of Technology. Much information was also obtained from the New York Public Library and the Bodleian Library. A word of gratitude must go to Dr. Donald Greene and Dr. Walter Fisher,who provided a great, deal of essential information as to the dissertation's form and content. Moreover, Mr. David Tool and the University of Southern California's Humanities Audio-visual Department deserve praise for their long hours of unselfish work in filming the world premiere of Androboros. And to all of the cast and crew of that production, I am deeply appreciative. A special thanks must go to a most patient and understanding lady, my typist and editor, Mrs. Virginia Carlson, who will always be nineteen. To John and Sugen, I will always be grateful for their last-minute help with the proof-reading and packing. Finally, I would like to express my deepest appreciation and love to my parents and wife, without whose support all of this would have simply been impossible. TABLE OF CONTENTS EPIGRAPH.......................... . . . ............... ii DEDICATION............................................... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS........................................ iv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . . ................... . .......... 1 Statement of the Problem ..................... 2 Importance of the S t u d y ..................... 3 Justification of the Study............ 8 Methods and Procedures ....................... 11 Limitations of the Study..................... 12 Feasibility of the Study..................... 14 Preview of Remaining Chapters ........ 15 II. AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE COLONY OF NEW YORK TO 1709 .......... 19 III. THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR ROBERT HUNTER AND THE CREATION OF ANDROBOROS ........ 41 IV. THE QUESTIONS OF DATE AND AUTHORSHIP ...... 73 V. THE PLAY......................................... 86 VI. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS............144 Summary . . . ................... 144 Conclusions ...................................149 Implications .................................. 153 vii Chapter Page APPENDICES............................................ 156 APPENDIX A THE LIST AND IDENTIFICATION OF CHARACTERS IN ANDROBOROS................ 157 APPENDIX B PHOTOCOPY OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION OF ANDROBOROS FROM THE HENRY E. HUNTINGTON LIBRARY ....... 182 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................... 216 viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Androboros, "A Bographical [sic] Farce in Three Acts," has long been considered the earliest extant play to be written and printed in America. It was, by no means, America's first venture into the dramatic arts, nor was it even the first original play written on American soil. History records that there were various theatrical activities in the New World prior to the eighteenth century, including performances of original plays by Spanish conquistadores, and later by itinerant actors and college students in the English colonies. The earliest example found of an original English drama was a play entitled The Lost Lady, purportedly written in 1641 by Sir William Berkeley, while Governor of Virginia. However, there is no significant evidence to support this assertion.^ The first substantiated evidence of Colonial American drama is found in the arrest in 1665 of Cornelius Watkinson, Philip Howard, and William Darby for performing an original play entitled Ye Beare and Ye Cubb within the 1 city limits of Jamestown.^ Although the play has not survived, the judicial record proves that theatre existed in early Colonial America. In the 1690's, students at both Harvard and William and Mary were performing not only classical works but original plays as well. But again, 3 none of these original pieces are extant. Androboros, therefore, has survived as the earliest example of American drama, and as such, marks the beginning of a theatrical era. While it should be emphasized that the play had little if any effect on subsequent drama, it must now be considered, nevertheless, the first of a . dramatic genre that evolved in the mid-eighteenth century and eventually culminated, during the American Revolution, in such bitter political satires as Mercy Otis Warren's The Adulateur (1773) and The Group (1775), and Robert 4 Munford's The Patriots (c. 1777). Statement of the Problem This study is concerned with the creation, publication, and annotation of Androboros. The overall purposes are to examine the circumstances leading to its creation and publication, to provide the first fully annotated edition of the play, and to explore the 2 significance of Androboros as an historic and dramatic document. Specifically, this study (1) describes the general socio-political climate of the New York colony before and during the period in which the play was written; (2) distinguishes the specific historical factors which led to the play's creation; (3) examines the immediate effects of the work on the political climate at the time; (4) determines the date and authorship of the play based on the above points; and (5) provides a complete literary and historical annotation of the script including individual biographies of each person represented in the "Drammatis [sic] Personae (see Appendices A and B). Importance of the Study Androboros1s significance extends beyond the novelty of being a dramaturgical and publishing first, it contains a humorous, but penetrating view of the various problems plaguing the play's purported author, Robert Hunter, the colonial governor of New York from 1710 to 1719. Beneath the biting satirical wit, obscured by allegory and time, lie numerous references to people, places, and incidents that greatly affected the-political climate in colonial New York. Identification of these 3 various references, when viewed in the proper perspective, can provide valuable sources of historical and literary information about the circumstances that led to the creation of the play. No evidence exists to indicate the play had any influence on the eventual development of American drama, since it was too volatile to be performed in its own day and the only copy ever known to exist was lost soon after its publication, surfacing many years later in the private 5 library of the famed English actor John Philip Kemble. Yet, there is no doubt that Androboros, when studied from a contemporary standpoint, clearly, was the first of its kind. Moreover, it was ahead of its time, preceding the harsh political satires of the later eighteenth century, with which it is compared, by fifty years. The play is, therefore, the indirect forerunner of a major movement in eighteenth century American literature, the political farce As a literary weapon, the farce served a small, but essential, function in the promotion of political thought among the colonists. These short, crude, and often bawdy plays, written by anonymous authors and passed from hand to hand, were rarely acted due to their severe and 4 inflammatory lampoonery. Nevertheless, they provided an opportunity for disgruntled colonists to vent their grievances and promote their ideas to fellow citizens, while humorously ridiculing the enemy under the protection of anonymity. Such plays were an inevitable, if subtle, •J part of the movement toward American independence. John Dryden stated that: The end of satire is the amendment of vices by correction, and he who writes it honestly is no more an enemy to the offender, than the physician to the patient when he prescribes harsh remedies.8 Most likely, Gov. Hunter had Dryden in mind when writing Androboros. His play, like those fifty years later, sought to ridicule and expose political enemies. Obviously, Hunter's thrust is Royalist and not revolutionary, but the play is similar, nevertheless, to the later works in its sharp and relentless parody of specific characters and real events. What distinguishes Androboros from the satires of the American Revolution, however, is that it was written not as an attack or a frustrated venting of emotions, as previously thought; but instead, as this study shows, it was created as a humorous recollection of particularly troublesome events, several months to a year, after their resolution. 5 What this implies, therefore, is that the play was not performed publicly, lest Hunter risk reopening all the old wounds. Additionally, it may indicate that the work was more carefully constructed and written than previously thought, since Hunter had more time to reflect and write. While it is a rather short, topical, and at times bawdy work, Androboros is not the "very naive attempt at play- Q writing" as one critic proclaimed. It may not be an eminently stageable work, although a very successful production was performed at the University of Southern California in November of 1979 that clearly demonstrated its dramatic effectiveness. But it was, nevertheless, an excellent and progressive piece of dramatic literature as compared to other works of the day."^ Additionally, Androboros provides an unusual, if somewhat biased, perspective on such major social and political problems during the administration of Governor Hunter as the threatened secession of Sussex County, Long Island to the Colony of Connecticut, the troubled settle ment of Palatine immigrants along the Hudson River, the rebellious and uncontrollable Colonial Assembly of New York and the corruption of the Church of England’s Society for the Promulgation of the Gospel in the Colonies, to name a few. These problems and others led to growing rifts among the Court-appointed colonial administration, the local colonial assemblies, and the Church of England. In literary terms, the work, although generally considered to be of minor artistic value up to now, might prove to be invaluable as the source-work of an indigenous American dramatic genre: the political lampoon or farce. Upon a careful reading of the play, it is apparent that Androboros is more than a mere piece of literary drivel. While the work may be flawed in places, it is a more advanced and skilled piece of dramatic literature than many of the later American plays. In its political satire, multilingualism, level of wit, and figurative language, the play resembles much of the great works of the Restoration. In particular, Androboros is very similar to the writings of Jonathan Swift, one of Hunter's closest friends and to whom he was often compared during his life.'*’ " * ' Androboros, therefore, is a far more significant work than previously thought. Its importance is found not only in its historical and political insight, but also in its dramatic and literary values. Despite the surprising lack of interest in the play by scholars, it is indeed a 7 subject worthy of study and should be considered an essential aspect of American theatre history. Justification of the Study Scholarly research published to date has been, for 12 the most part, inadequate and occasionally inaccurate. In some cases, essential elements have been either mis interpreted or ignored altogether, due, most likely, to the scarcity of pertinent resource materials rather than individual oversight. Nonetheless, of the three short articles published on the subject, none offer a complete and cohesive picture of the play, playwright, or the times. Each article lacks any significant contribution to the furthering of this study. The earliest published research on Androboros was an undocumented, one-page article by Oral Sumner Coad, entitled "The First American Play," that appeared in the 13 August 17, 1918 edition of Nation. In it, the play's four main characters, "Androboros," "Fizle," "Solemn," and "the Keeper," are correctly identified as Gol. Francis Nicholson, Rev. William Vesey, Lewis Morris, and Gov. Hunter, respectively. A brief review of Hunter's various problems with the colonial assembly and the local clergy is 8 provided, as well as a short scene-by-scene description of the play. But the brevity, of the research, in addition to its lack of documentation, makes this article a cursory work of little value. The next work on the subject was not published until forty-six years later. Brooks McNamara’s "Robert Hunter and Androboros1 1 appeared in the Winter, 1964 edition 14 of the Southern Speech Journal. While this article is considerably more detailed than that by Coad, particularly in describing Gov. Hunter's life and the effect of Col. Nicholson on colonial politics, it still fails to provide an accurate description of the play and of the events which led to its creation. Again, the problems Hunter had with his assemblies and the clergy are mentioned, although no solid evidence is presented to connect these events with the writing of Androboros, other than the fact that they are in someway parodied in the play. There is no discussion of the play's date or authorship. It serves merely as a slight furthering of Coad's original work. That same year, the third and last article on Androboros appeared in the March, 1964 edition of the Bulletin of the New York Public Library. Entitled "Robert Hunter's Androboros" and written by Lawrence H. Leder, this 9 article offers little more than its predecessors.^ Leder, a political historian rather than a theatre historian, adds to the previous research by emphasizing the effects of Leisler's Rebellion, the assemblies' withholding of the governor's salary, and the rift between Hunter and Vesey created by the induction of the Rev. Thomas Poyer into a Long Island church. Of all the articles, Leder's is the only one that contains brief biographies of each person represented in the play and a copy of the script in its entirety. The article, however, identifies only fourteen of the seventeen characters in the play. And of those fourteen, one, the character of "Flip," is incorrectly identified as Adolph Philipse. It is, as this study proves in Chapter IV, a major mistake. The copy of the script, while unusual, contains a mere twelve footnotes, mostly based on the handwriting found on the original edition, and can not be considered, therefore, fully annotated. Like the previous two articles, this is equally inadequate and inaccurate. Clearly, then, Androboros deserves more careful and indepth research than has been afforded it thus far. A clearer understanding of its date, authorship, and relation to socio-political events in its day is needed. 10 Additionally a complete and comprehensive annotation of the playscript is necessary to facilitate this research. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to provide the clarity and connections necessary to understand Androboros's historical significance and to offer the first fully annotated edition of America's earliest extant play. Methods and Procedures Within the context of an historical chronology, detailed examinations of Androboros, in terms of the points listed under the statement of the problem, comprise the method in Chapters II, III, and IV. The research will concentrate on the original playscript, its content, both thematic and factual, pertinent official documents, and the personal correspondences of appropriate personages of the time. Using the playscript as the initial basis for historical analysis and information, the study is augmented with verification from the following sources: (1) the official minutes of the colonial assemblies and councils of New York and New Jersey; (2) the official decrees, documents, and letters of the Church of England and the Society for the Promulgation of the Gospel in the Colonies; 11 (3) the collected documents and papers of the Trinity Church of New York; (4) the private correspondences of Gov. Robert Hunter, Gov. Lewis Morris, Rev. William Vesey, Col. Francis Nicholson, Cadwallader Colden, Jonathan Swift, Joseph Addison, and Alexander Pope; and (5) plus various histories of the New York colony. Chapters IV and VI draw their conclusions from the information collected in the three aforementioned chapters and seek, through critical analysis in accordance with points four and five as listed in the statement of the problem, to determine the authorship, date of publication, and the effect of the play on the times. Based on the above chapters and appropriate literary sources, Chapter V provides the first complete historical and literary annotation of Androboros. Limitations of the Study This study deals specifically with the clarifica tion and evaluation of the playscript of Androboros as a viable and researchable historical document relating to the administration of Governor Robert Hunter in the Colony of New York from 1709 to 1719. Attention will, therefore, be focused on the people and incidents that prompted the 12 writing of Androboros in an effort to ascertain the exact set of contributing circumstances surrounding the play, to determine the correct author and date, and to establish the work's relative importance in the development of American drama. There will be no attempt in this study to analyze the aesthetic qualities of the play, either as a piece of dramatic literature or as a blueprint for performance. Specific limitations along these lines are inherent in the work in that performance was never the intended purpose of the author. Additionally, this study will not seek to compare Androboros with other restoration satires or dramas. Although similarities in character, content and language may be pointed out with regard to the works of Swift, Addison, and Pope, this is intended only to provide verification of Governor Hunter's close associations with these luminaries, and not, as may be inferred, to equate the play with greater works. The study also excludes an attempt to establish any direct connections between Androboros and subsequent developments in American theatre, except insofar as an understanding of what prompted this play's creation, may be helpful in tracing influences and trends among later 13 dramatic satirists, especially those during the American Revolution. Feasibility of the Study Since the basis of this study is centered in the body of one work, Androboros, the actual playscript is, thus, the essential element for research. The only known copy of the play in existence is located in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, San Marino, California. Access is strictly limited to a select group of readers and visiting scholars. Several photocopies, however, are available in various libraries in Southern California, although their quality is vastly inferior to the original, and, therefore, inadequate for serious research (see Appendix B). Having been appointed a reader at the Huntington Library in September of 1978, I have been allowed limited access to the playscript, as well as numerous related documents and manuscripts. Verification of the historical content contained within the play has been accomplished through the careful scrutiny of the collected official documents relating to the colonies of New York and New Jersey, plus various manuscripts of appropriate letters and diaries available 14 through the Manuscript Reference Library at the Huntington Library. The determination of authorship and date is made possible through the detailed evaluation of the above mentioned materials. Conclusions made about the play's effect on the political scene in the Colony of New York in 1714 are based upon the above-mentioned documents and manuscripts, and thus, pose no significant problem as far as feasi bility. Similarly, the annotation of the script is facilitated by these materials and various English and American dictionaries listed in the Selected Bibliography. The occasional short passages written in Latin, Greek, French, Spanish or Dutch are simple enough to be of no problem in translation. Preview of Remaining Chapters The study includes a total of six chapters and two appendices. Chapter II contains an historical overview of the New York colony from the mid-seventeenth century to the arrival of Governor Hunter in 1709. Particular attention is paid to New York's political evolution after Leisler's Rebellion in 1689 and the growing power of the Church of England in the colony. The purpose of this chapter is to 15 establish the proper historical framework in which to view Chapter III. Chapter III recounts the specific events that led directly to the publishing of the play in 1714, including a biographical sketch of Robert Hunter and the particular problems encountered during his administration in New York. Based on the conclusions from Chapter III, Chapter IV assimilates this evidence to determine if Governor Hunter was, in fact, the author of Androboros. The possibility of collaboration with Lewis Morris of Burlington, New Jersey is also considered. Moreover, a determination of the publication date will be made based on events described in the play and in Chapter III. Chapter V is the complete annotation of the play, while Chapter VI contains the summary, implications, and conclusions. The identities and biographies of each of the characters represented in the play are found in Appendix A. Appendix B is a photocopy of the original edition of Androboros from the Huntington Library. 16 Footnotes to Chapter X ^Montrose J. Moses, The American Dramatist (New York: Benj. Blom, Inc., 1964), p. 18. 2 Oscar Wegelin, "Early American Plays, 1714-1830," Dunlap Society Publications 2(10) (1900):8. 3 Moses, p. 21. 4 Walter J. Meserve, An Emerging Entertainment (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977), pp. 60-91. 5 David Erskine Baker and Isaac Reed, eds., Biographia Dramatics; or, A Companion to the Playhouse (London: Printed for Longman, Rees, Orme, and Brown, etc., 1812), I, pt. I, p. 28. ^Moses, pp. 42-45. 7 Meserve, p. 60. Q John M. Alden, The Critical Opinions of John Dryden (Nashville: Porter Press, 1963), pp. 223-224. Q Brooks McNamara, "Robert Hunter and Androboros," Southern Speech Journal 30 (Winter, 1964):116. •^Meserve, p. 41. 11 Leslie Stephen and Sir Sidney Lee, eds., Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 28 (London: Elder, Smith, and Co., 1891), pp. 299-300. 1 7 Oral Sumner Coad, "America's First Play," Nation (17 August 1918):182-183; Lawrence H. Leder, "Robert Hunter's Androboros," Bulletin of the New York Public Library 68 (March 1964):152-190; McNamara, pp. 106-116. -^Coad. 17 •^McNamara 15Leder. 18 CHAPTER II AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE COLONY OF NEW YORK TO 1709 This chapter is a brief overview of the historical events in the Colony of New York from the earliest Dutch settlements to the arrival of Robert Hunter as governor. Rather than give a detailed analysis of political and socio economic conditions, the purpose of this chapter is to provide, in the simpliest terms, a basic familiarity with major events and people that led to the unique set of circumstances responsible for the ultimate creation of America's earliest extant play. When the English seized New Netherlands on August 26, 1664, they took over a colony that had struggled for fifty years under Dutch rule to maintain a profitable fur trade up and down the Hudson River. The province had been plagued by trouble since its founding in 1614 and had proved to be a financial disaster for the controlling Dutch West India Company. Certainly, the entire Hudson River region was a trappers' paradise and the fur trade was 19 greatly enhanced by the deep and gentle river. But the concept of corporate rule had failed to inspire growth and development. Instead, the Dutch population was steadily declining and the only influx of settlers was coming from dissatisfied New Englanders moving down into Eastern Long Island and Westchester County.'*' Thus, when the English force arrived, the Dutch surrendered without a fight because they were delighted with the opportunity to rid themselves of an unprofitable investment. The colonial history of New York begins, of course, with the discovery and exploration of the area by the English explorer, Henry Hudson, under private contract to several members of the Dutch East India Company in 1609. The initial purpose of the expedition was to seek the fabled Northwest Passage, but in doing so Hudson discovered the river that now bears his name and opened a vast new area for colonial expansion and exploitation. From Manhatten Island to the fork of the Mohawk River north of the present day Troy, the Hudson River was a traders' paradise. Deep enough to handle the largest vessels, yet tame enough to allow for safe and easy passage, the Hudson River was the perfect avenue for the valuable fur trade 2 with the Indian Nations inland. However, the Dutch were 20 slow in developing the area, due to conflicts with Spain and England. So that by 1626, when New Amsterdam (New York) was founded, there were still less than 200 colonists populating the 140 miles between Manhattan and Fort Orange (Albany).^ The monopoly for developing the New Netherlands region, as New York was called then, was given to the New Netherlands Company in 1614. They established the first permanent settlement in the region on Castle Island, near the present site of Albany. It was not until the Dutch West India Company was created and granted full rights to the area in 1621 that active settlement began. By 1624, Fort Orange had been completed on Castle Island and plans were being made to populate the lower end of Manhattan Island. In 1625, the Dutch West India Company sent several shiploads of supplies and livestock for use in the settlement and an engineer to design the town and fortress. The next year, Willem Verhulst, Director of New Netherland, moved a number of families from Fort Orange and Noten (Governor's) Island to the Southern tip of Manhattan and founded New Amsterdam. From 1626 to the English takeover in 1664, New Amsterdam remained a company town. All residents of the 21 Island lived and worked for the promotion and profit of the company. The administration of New Netherlands during the thirty-eight years of Dutch control was run not by colonial governors and politicians, but by company directors and executives. The entire province was not so much a colonial entity as it was a profit-seeking corporation. The years between.1624 and 1628 saw little change in the growth and development of the area. Company officials were instructed to make do with what they had. They relied entirely on the original stores provided for them and trade with the Indians. Although they did not starve as other settlements, by 1628, the Director of the Dutch West India Company found their Hudson River region to be an unsuccessful venture. To improve their situation and increase their profits, the company sought to encourage the influx of settlers to the region by offering "Patroonships" to anyone willing to sponsor fifty persons in settling the Hudson River Valley. What this meant for the patroon was a land grant of either eighteen miles along one bank of the Hudson or nine miles along two sides. There was no limit to lateral expansion. The patroon held legal jurisdiction over all tenents on his land and were entitled to a limited portion of the fur trade. The plan failed. Only a handful 22 of people were granted patroonships and of these only one, "Rensselaerwyck," lasted into the English era. The rest were selling out to smaller investors or reabsorbed by the 4 company. Dutch investors were fearful of the meager gains from 1624 to 1628 and failed to respond to the company's generous offers. The 1630s, then, were years of population stagnation and economic recession for the Dutch West India Company in New Netherlands. Furthermore, in an attempt to recover some of their losses, the company offered rather poor terms for middle-class investors between 1631 and 1638. Finally in 1638, the States-General pressured the Dutch West India Company to make more land available at more reasonable rates for middle-class immigrants. By down playing the failing patroonships and providing a lesser rank of "master or colonist" to anyone who brought with them five male immigrants, the Dutch States-General was attempting the first non-commercial colonization of the region. The emphasis was on private middle-class farmers and not company workers. This plan worked to a certain extent, and the population of New Netherlands increased from 1,000 to over 2,000 in the five years between 1638 and 1643. The increase might have been greater if it had not 23 been for the dictatorial reign of Willem Kieft, company 5 director of New Netherlands from 1638 to 1646. During his term in office, Kieft attempted to control the increasing number of Indian attacks on outlying settlements through an overzealous program of brutal and indiscriminate retaliatory raids. This led to a four-year period of intermittent warfare that resulted in the slaughter of over 1,000 Indians, and a decrease in immigrants. Finally, at the urgings of the colonists, Kieft was replaced by the colony's last Dutch Director, Peter Stuyvesant. Peter Stuyvesant's sixteen-year term as Director- general was the longest and one of the more successful administrations of any Colonial Governor in New York. Under Stuyvesant, the population of New Netherlands began to grow again. The colonists and the Indians maintained a truce of sorts and the region began to emphasize coloniza tion instead of commerce as its primary function. The change in emphasis, however, brought a change in the social texture of the entire province? a texture not favorable to the Dutch. Although the period helped to create some of the great Dutch merchant families, most notably the Phillipse, Van Cortlandt, and Van Rensselaer families, who would soon dominate New York politics, it also saw a 24 tremendous influx of English and French middle-class 7 families who would eventually control the entire society. Without, perhaps, realizing it, Peter Stuyvesant did much to promote the eventual English takeover of the colony, through his aggressive, open-door policy on immigrants, his calming of the Indian conflicts, his active cooperation with neighboring English colonies, and his re-emphasizing of colonization rather than commercialization of New Netherlands. But the real impetus for change occurred not with the colonists, but with governments back home. Since the Anglo-Dutch War of 1652-1654 demonstrated the vulner ability of the United Provinces, the English were anxious to prove their supremacy and for the next ten years they sought every excuse and claim against the Dutch that would support their efforts. When the merchantile rivalry, for the slave trade in Africa therefore, grew too intense, the English saw the Dutch Colony of New Netherlands as a major contributing factor, claiming the location, amid numerous English Colonies, as a vital staging area for raids upon English ships. With the threat of war growing more likely each day, Charles II took action to settle the conflict on March of 1664. He generously "gave" to his brother, James, Duke of 25 York, all of the Province of New Netherlands from "Hudson's River and all the land from the West Side of the 8 Connectecutte River to the East Side of De la Ware Bay," including all of Long Island, Martha's Vineyard, Nantucket and parts of Maine. A fleet of warships was dispatched to the Dutch Colony by May of 1664 with Colonel Richard Nicolls in command. After several days of negotiations between Nicolls on board the flapship Guinea anchored in the lower New York Bay and Stuyvesant on shore, the City Commissioners delivered the following message: ". . . . the Fort and Town called New-Amsterdam, upon the Isle of Manhatoes, shall be delivered into the Hands of the said g Colonel Richard Nicolls." Nicolls, thus, became the first Governor of English New York. Although New York was now in the hands of the English, it was hardly an English Colony. The culture, language and population was predominantly Dutch and would remain so for many years. Full-scale Anglicization did not begin until after 1691. The population would not become an English majority until after the turn of the eighteenth century. The administration of such a colony was obviously a difficult and delicate matter. It is not surprising, therefore, that the English domination of New York was 26 severely challenged in 1672 when the Dutch reclaimed New York during the third Anglo-Dutch War. The Dutch occupation was short-lived, however, for in October 1674, in a treaty ending the war, the Dutch relinquished forever their claim to the New York region. The years following the treaty of 1674 marked a period not so much of growth but of maturation for New York. Under the administration of Edmund Andros, New York became less concerned with attracting colonists than governing them. Andros's primary concerns were in improving defenses, establishing boundaries, developing trade among other colonies, and increasing economic growth. But in order to do this, Andros needed money. Additionally, the Duke of York expected a financial return on his territory. The only means available to provide for both needs was taxation and custom duties. This, of course, did not appeal to the heavily merchantile population of New York. A particularly vocal faction were the residents of Suffolk County in East Long Island, who were prevented from trading directly across Long Island Sound with New Englanders, and were required to pay the government a percentage of their chief industry, whale bone and oil, for the "right" to ship their product through New York for export elsewhere. By 27 1681, the situation had grown serious enough for the Duke of York to recall Andros in order to quell the rebellious colonists. Andros's successor, Anthony Brockholls,reported upon his arrival that the colony was "wholly overthrown, and in the greatest confusion and disorder possible."^® Not only were the merchants refusing to support the government through duties on their goods, a number of towns in the province were seeking to secede and join Connecticut, including Suffolk County, Long Island. Clearly, major changes were needed in the administration of the colony to maintain order. The years between 1682 and 1691 saw no less than five distinct periods in administrative development for the colony and six different governors. The changes were often contradictory and invariably contributed to the colonists' rebellious state. Prom 1683 to 1685, New York continued as a ducal property, but under Governor Thomas Dongan the colonists began to develop a modicum of liberty. Convinced that the only way to settle the riotous New Yorkers was to grant them a legislature, the Duke ordered Dongan to form an elected Assembly in January 1683. The seventeen newly elected assemblymen met for the first time on October 17, 1683 and immediately set about to re-organize the 28 provincial government by establishing courts, levying municipal taxes and regulating numerous and assorted activities. They continued in this manner until 1685 when the Duke of York, now James II, decided the New York Assembly was beginning to usurp his authority and put a stop to their activities. In a change of policy, James II ordered the administration of New York be "assimilated to the Constitution that shall be agreed on for New England. . . The colony, thus, came directly under Royal control, with the King administering the affairs of the colony through his appointed agent, the governor. This new political era for New York saw a resurgence of the issuing of "manors"— the English version of the Dutch patroonship. Hoping, perhaps, that the feudalistic nature of the large manors would assist his royal domination of the colony, James II issued five major manorial patents between 1685 and 1688. The majority of New Yorkers, however, were offended by what they considered a return to the dictatorial methods of the Dutch, and severely objected to the new manors. Additionally, the manors were looked upon as contributing to the sagging economy and population, There may, indeed, have been some truth to this, but the major causes of the growing 29 recession in the late 1680s were more geographical than sociological. The Colony of New York was, unfortunately, physically situated at the center of the growing French and Indian conflicts. The constant feuding between the Five Indian Nations of the Iroquois and the Western tribes had taken a large toll on the white settlers. The renewed threat of attack from the French in Canada had also caused considerable concern among New Yorkers. When the toll became too high and the threats too great. Governor Dongan was forced to react. During the winter of 1687, Dongan sent 350 troops to Albany and prepared to engage the French. The cost of preparing for war, both financially and mentally, was an enormous strain on the colony. So when the threat of war proved a hoax, the colonists were infuriated, not only because of the fear generated at the threat of war, but also because they were burdened with the necessity of paying the expenses of maintaining a full garrison during winter for naught. To further aggrevate the situation, James II, deciding the strain of ruling an unruly colony to be too much, annexed New York to the Dominion of New England in 1688. Not only was the action an insult to all the 30 inhabitants of New York, but it was politically and economically impractical since all official records had been removed to Boston. With the rumors of war with the French re-newed in the spring of 1689, the colonists were just about on the brink of rebellion. When word reached New York in May of 1689 of the overthrow of James II by William and Mary, the entire colony collapsed. In Boston, the Dominion was declared defunct by riotous citizens. The towns on Long Island joined in condemning the administra tion of Lt. Governor Francis Nicholson and by the end of May the New York City militia had seized the fort on Manhattan and placed Captain Jacob Leisler in charge. Governor Andros and Lt. Governor Nicholson fled the colonies for E n g l a n d . - ^ The next two years were the most tumultuous in New York's history. Leisler, a German immigrant who arrived in New York in 1660 as a soldier for the Dutch West India Company, found himself Commander-in-Chief of New York in August 1689. Although totally unfamiliar with the ways of government, he proceeded to head a revolutionary adminis tration that ran the colony until March 19, 1691. Supported largely by the older Dutch community. Leisler's government was not unlike his predecessor's. But due to the 31 revolutionary nature of his rise to power, he failed to receive a majority of support. As a result, Leisler spent a great deal of time during his tenure as Commander-in- Chief supressing his opposition, particularly in the town of Albany, where the citizens resisted his rule until early 1690, when a vicious attack by the French and Indians forced them to accept Leisler's help. Leisler also drew support from the dissatisfied merchants of Long Island, who were anxious to back any change in government that might ease their problems. But their support was soon withdrawn when Leisler re-instituted municipal taxes and duties, in addition to establishing total control over the transportation of property and travel by colonists. Throughout his administration much of the population in New York was similarly torn between the potential for independence and Leisler's authoritarianism. While most of the merchant class backed his efforts early on, they soon became disenchanted with his ineffectiveness and lack of administrative experience. The wealthy merchants, on the other hand, never cared for Leisler and his government, and they remained his severest critics until the end, despite the imprisonment of their most vocal leaders.^ 32 In retrospect, Leisler's administration was not wholly incompetent. In fact, in some respects, his handling of judiciary matters, the military, and inter colonial affairs was quite commendable. However, in spite of his recognition of William and Mary as joint sovereigns, he was, in the eyes of Whitehall, a rebellious individual who had usurped Royal authority by establishing himself as head of a colony. Although he considered himself to be the legitimate and proper Governor of New York, Leisler surrendered to Henry Sloughter, King William's appointee, on March 20, 1691. After a two week trial, he was 14 convicted of high treason and hanged on May 16, 1691. Leisler's rebellion left the colony deeply scarred and divided between Leislerians, and anti-Leislerians. For years afterward, the effects continued to reverberate in New York politics. Up through the administration of Robert Hunter, the Leislerian faction remained a viable political force. Often the success of a governor rested on his 15 ability to control the two opposing factions. The period following Leisler's rebellion is marked by relative quiet, although major changes in colonial policy were to follow. From a Dutch-oriented fur trading corporation, New York evolved by the end of the seventeenth 33 century into a traditional English colony of permanent settlers and settlements. The Colonial Assembly was reformed and firmly established in April of 1691 and the entire structure of government was rebuilt around it. New York was officially divided into fourteen distinct counties, each with elected Assembly representatives according to population density. The governors chose his councilors and appointed judges to sit on the colony's new multi-leveled judicial system. Structurally, the colonial government remained as such until the American Revolution. The major changes in the colony occurred in the population. The nineteen years from Leisler's rebellion to the arrival of Robert Hunter was a period of active anglicization for the colony. Not only did the English population finally surpass the Dutch, but the entire fabric of life became anglicized. The government was modeled after the British system; the colony was ruled by English common law, and the Church of England was firmly established. About the only thing not firmly established was the governorship. In the same nineteen-year period, New York had fifteen changes in leadership. Certainly, several were 34 nothing more than interim caretakers, but the constant instability eventually eroded the governors' power. From 1692 to 1697, the colony was headed by Benjamin Fletcher, who immediately set the precedent, followed by almost every governor until Hunter, of biased,corrupt and inept leader ship. Fletcher only helped to perpetuate the downward spiral. He demanded large bribes, embezzled from the colonial treasury and gave much of New York's valuable land away in the form of manors and outright gifts to such wealthy families as the Bayards, Van Cortlandts, Nicholls, and Phillipses. By the end of his term, the colony was deeply in debt and because of the governor’s favoritism towards the anti-Leislerians, the population was strongly factionalized.^ Richard Coote, Lord Bellomont, replaced Fletcher in 1698, but was not much better. Although he attempted to reform the corruptness in the government he inherited,and did, in fact, manage to instill a modicum of peace among the citizens, he, nevertheless, left the colony bankrupt and more factionalized than ever when he died in 1701. Perhaps the only significance of his administration was that he swung the pendulum back in favor of the Leislerian, due to his sympathy for those jailed under Fletcher. 35 This, of course, resulted in added problems for his 17 successors. The next appointed Governor of New York was Edward Hyde, Viscount Cornbury, whose corruptness, ineptitude and peculiarities of character were unsurpassed by any of his predecessors. During the six years of his administration, Cornbury did nothing to alleviate the economic problems or settle the Leislerian factionalism. In fact, he embezzled large sums of money from the colony to pay his personal debts, aligned himself closely with the aristocratic anti- Leislerians by granting them large tracts of land, and disgraced himself through his numerous drunken bouts and alleged transvestism. Even his one benevolent act of further establishing the Church of England in New York, through the newly formed Society for the Propulgation of the Gospel, was marred by his over zealousness and intense 1 18 bigotry against all other religions. Cornbury's effect on the colony was so severe that William Smith, Jr., writing in 1756 asserted that, "We never had a governor so universally detested.Finally, after the assemblies of both New York and New Jersey adopted unanimous resolutions condemning him for his actions and policies, Cornbury was recalled to England in December of 1708. Because of his 36 numerous debts, however, he was detained by the Sheriff of New York until the death of his father the next year elevated him to the Earl of Clarendon and he was 20 released. The years from 1691 to 1709 were terribly difficult for New York. Although the colony had finally obtained the official status it had desired since the English take over in 1664, it continued to falter economically and socially. The corrupt administrations of three successive governors, most certainly contributed to New York's sorry state. However, the constant threat of war with the Indians and French forced the colonists to spend large sums of money for defense, and thus, forced them even deeper into internal strife and economic depression. The constant factionalism between the Dutch and the English? the Long Islanders, and the mainlanders; the fur traders and the farmers; the Church of England and the Presbyterians; the Leislerians and the anti-Leislerians; the merchants and the manors; the colonial assemblies and the Royal governors, made New York one of the least attractive and most volitile of all the colonies. The New York of 1709 faced not only financial collapse, but yet another threat of war in Canada and the possibility of a 37 revolt on Long Island. When Robert Hunter arrived as Governor of New York in 1710, the task before him must have appeared an impossibility. 38 Footnotes to Chapter II Patricia U. Bonomi, A Factious People: Politics and Society in Colonial New York (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), p. 22. 2 Michael Kammen, Colonial New York: A History (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1975), pp. 2-3. 3 Ibid., p. 30. 4 . Ibid., p. 33 . c William Smith, Jr., The History of the Province of New York, vol. 1, ed. Michael Kammen (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), pp. 12-13. Kammen, p. 48. 7Ibid., p. 66. 8 Smith, vol. 1, p. 22. 9 Ibid., p. 33. ^Kammen, p. 10. •*-^E. B. O'Callaghan, ed., Documents Relative to the State of New York, vol. 2 (Albany, New York: Weed, Parsons and Company, 1856), p. 104. 12 Kammen, pp. 120-122. l^Bonomi, p. 76; Kammen, pp. 124-125. ■^Kammen, p. 126. 15 Jerome R. Reich, Leisler's Rebellion: A Study of Democracy in New York, 1664-1720 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), pp. 136-137; Bonomi, p. 77. 39 ■^John D. Runcie, "The Problem of Anglo-American Politics in Bellomont's New York," William and Mary Quarterly 26(3) (April 1969):194. 17Ibid., p. 201. 18 Dumas Malone, ed., Dictionary of American Biography, vol. 4 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1934), p. 442. 19 Smith, vol. 1, p. 149. ^Malone, vol. 4, p. 442. 40 CHAPTER III THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR ROBERT HUNTER AND THE CREATION OF ANDROBOROS The citizens of New York must have dreaded the arrival of a new governor in 1710. For over the previous nineteen years they had suffered, time and again, the false hopes and disillusionments that such a change of government invariably brought. Particularly jaded were the leading elected representatives of the Colonial Assembly, who were resolute in their determination not to allow the transgressions of past administrations to be repeated. They were, therefore, committed to an unspoken policy of non-cooperation with all Royal governors. The Anglican ministry, through the auspices of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and inspired by the over zealous support of Lord Cornbury's bigoted regime, were extremely anxious about the prospect of a new and perhaps unsympathetic governor. The Leislerians, on the other hand, saw the opportunity in a failing economy and a change of government 41 to regain the favored status they once had under Lord Bellomont, and looked upon a new governor with suspicious anticipation. The residents of Suffolk County, Long Island, took a similar view of a new government in their renewed efforts to avoid, the heavy New York taxes on their whaling products by joining the Colony of New England. In addition, to all the difficulties, the tribes of the Five Indian Nations, with whom New York shared an amicable if wary relationship, were now being induced by the French into scattered attacks on isolated settlements in the Mohawk Valley region. Into the cauldron of seemingly insurmountable problems was Colonel Robert Hunter thrown,in 1710. But by most accounts, there was none more suited for the position or capable of the task than Hunter. "He was," wrote an associate, "a gentleman of extraordinary abilities both natural and acquired and had every qualification requisite in a Governor."'*' Although the first five years of his administration were as volatile and difficult as any of his predecessors, he did not succumb to the numerous problems nor cater to various feuding factions. By maintaining a gubernatorial integrity unknown in the colony until then, Hunter guided New York into an era of unprecedented 42 prosperity and loyalty, to the Crown. "Mr. Hunter was," according to most, "a man of the greatest abilities that 2 ever governed New York." Hunter's success was not without its trying and troublesome moments. The numerous and diverse problems he inherited conspired to make his first few years as governor so difficult that at one point he wrote, "I have spent three years of life in such torment and vexation, that 3 nothing in life can ever make amends for it." However, despite all the hardship, according to Cadwallader Colden, ". . . .he kept up his spirits, never suffered the least dejection of diffidence of his affairs 4 to appear m public." As a man of wxt and xntellxgence. Hunter channeled his angry frustration, instead, into his private writings. . Androboros was the result. Very little is known, unfortunately, of Hunter's private life, particularly his early years. He was born into the landed family of James and Margaret Hunter of Hunterston, Ayrshire, Scotland in 1666, but from then until 1688 little else is known. According to the eighteenth century historian, William Smith, Jr., Hunter, in his youth worked briefly as an apothecary's apprentice, before 5 running off to join the army. 43 Cadwallader Colden, a close friend of the governor, questioned Smith's statement in a letter written in 1759: "I know not on what authority Mr. Smith says that Mr. Hunter when a boy was put aprentice [sic] to an apothecary it may be on as slender authority as many other 0 things he writes." "The first appearance Mr. Hunter made in the world,"according to Colden, "was at the Revolution C1688-9] as one of the gentlemen who served as a guard 7 under the Bishop of London to the Princess Anne." Shortly after the ascension of William III to the Throne in 1689, Hunter received a commission in the King's Army and served during the war with France from 1692 to 1697. Additionally, most scholars agree that on April 13, 1698, he was made a Major in the 8th Royal Irish Dragoons, under Brigadier-General Charles Ross, and later promoted to Lieutenant Colonel after the battle of Blenhiem in 1704. He continued his distinguished service with the forces of the Duke of Marlborough, under the command of General George Hamilton, Earl of Orkney, during the early years of the War of the Spanish Succession in the Netherlands. In 1706, Hunter was chosen as an aide-de-camp by the Duke of Marlborough and was instrumental in a key defeat of the 8 French at the Battle of Ramillies that same year. 44 Immediately following the battle, Hunter chanced upon the unique opportunity to singly negotiate the surrender of Antwerp. Although he was successful and the city fell to the English without a shot fired, the Duke was apparently disturbed that Hunter was receiving more credit than he for 9 the victory. As a result, Hunter soon fell out of favor with the Duke and resigned his commission in the winter of 1706 to return to London. Hunter resided in London for about one-half a year, and developed close associations with a number of England's finest authors and poets. As an occasional contributor to Richard Steele's literary magazine, "The Tatler," Hunter ". . . . wrote some elegant little pieces in poetry," under the pen name of "Eboracensis" and established himself as an intellect and a wit.'*'0 His literary skill was considered by Jonathan Swift.to be comparable to that of Addison, Halifax, Congreve or Steele, and as a result, Hunter attained quite a respectable posture in London society.^1 Among his closest friends were members of the Royal Court, in particular, the author Dr. John Arbuthnot, who was also Queen Anne's favorite physician and like Hunter, a Scotsman. It was his associations with Arbuthnot and Joseph Addison, who was then Under-Secretary of State, that 45 eventually led to his appointment in 1707 as the Governor- in-Chief of the Virginia Colony. His commission was apparently worked out through a compromise with the returing governor, and Hunter's former commander, the Earl of Orkney. Perhaps, mindful of the mishap at Ramillies, the Earl was reluctant to grant Hunter a full governorship. This mattered little to Hunter, who accepted the honor without hesitation and left immediately for the colonies on 'May 20, 1707.12 Hunter did not reach Virginia, however, for he was captured en route by French privateers and detained for over a year in Paris. His unusually long internment was the result of the Duke of Marlborough's influence over Queen Anne; he too, it seems, was still bitter over the misunderstanding at Ramillies and remained unsympathetic. While a prisoner in France, Hunter was afforded great leniency and managed not only to maintain his literary associations in London by correspondence, but became quite a social success in Paris, as well. He wrote frequently to Addison and developed a correspondent relationship with Swift from January to March, 1709, that would continue for the rest of his life.12 46 Eventually, Marlborough's influence over the Queen began to fade and Arbuthnot's suggestion to exchange the Bishop of Quebec for Hunter was accepted. Once back in London, Hunter immediately sought to obtain another colonial appointment, and saw an opportunity in a sudden and unfortunate social dilemma plaguing England at the time. During the latter one-half of 1709, London had become inundated with Palatine Protestants seeking asylum from religious persecution in the Rhineland. Needless to say, the growing number of refugees soon became a major problem for the English government. Hunter offered to ease the situation by relocating several thousand of the Palatine emigrants along the Hudson River in New York, where they would be employed to collect and process pitch and tar for the Royal Navy.^ Although Queen Anne had originally intended to offer Hunter the governorship of Jamaica, she instead appointed him to fill the vacancy in New York and New Jersey created by the recall of Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon. Queen Anne's decision was based not only on his Palatine proposal, but also on his convenient marriage that year to Lady Hay, widow of Brigadier General Lord John Hay and daughter of Sir Thomas 15 Orby, a close relatxve of the Earl of Orkney. 47 Hunter and his wife arrived aboard the H.M.S. Lyon at Governor's Island, New York on June 13, 1710. As Governor, Hunter guided the colony through a most treacherous period of growth and development. During his administration. New York became one of America's strongest and most significant colonies. For the first time in its history, as an English.Colony, New York was led by an honest, judicious, and loyal Governor. When he returned to England in 1719 to become a Brigadier-General, his presence was deeply missed by the colony. After ten years as a Royal advisor on colonial matters, Hunter was promoted to the rank of Major General and appointed to the prestigious but difficult governorship of Jamaica on June 20, 1729. Although he served in this post with distinction until his death on March 31, 1734, it was his governship in New York that is best remembered.^ Despite Hunter's good humor and administrative skills, he was besieged by problems almost immediately upon his arrival in New York. The numerous warring factions that had so long divided the troubled colony, sought directly to test and torment the new Governor with their various complaints. Not all the problems, however, were inherent in the position. Some were the result of 48 unforeseen interference from London or Paris, while others, Hunter unwittingly brought upon himself. But all of them, in one way or another, had a significant effect on the creation of Androboros. One of the first complications Hunter encountered was with the re-settlement of the Palatine immigrants. The plan was to settle them along the upper Hudson River and the Mohawk Valley. There they would serve two functions: to provide the Royal Navy with pitch and tar, and to serve, albeit unknowingly, as a cushion between the Indians and French in the north and the rest of the colony to the south. Arrangements were being made to settle them along the Schoharie River, until it was discovered that the land had been returned to the Mohawk Indians during Bellomont’s administration. Hunter, therefore, re-purchased the property, only to discover it was unsuitable for the intended purpose. With few trees and a poor water supply, the area was useless. To save the project, Hunter bought several thousand acres on the Livingston Manor, and settled the Palatines into five small communities. The distasteful nature of the work and the frustration of re-settling, however, led to a serious confrontation in 1711, in which sixty soldiers from Albany 49 were sent in to quell the mutinous Palatines. In 1712, however, the situation grew worse, when in London, Queen Anne re-established a Tory government that failed to continue backing the project and Hunter was forced to dis band the unfortunate Palatine communities.-^ The entire project was a severe blow to the Governor, who was not only financially responsible, but felt a moral responsibility, as well. In 1759, Cadwallader Colden wrote: "Mr. Hunter has been much blamed in respect to the Germans, as if he broke the promise made them, whereas the breach was by the Ministry, and Mr. Hunter was 18 really a fellow sufferer with the Germans." Hunter also suffered financially. Of the L32,000 he spent on the Palatine resettlement, only fclO,000 was reimbursed by the English parliament. The remainder which was to have been paid by the Colonial Assembly, never was and, thus, it came out of the Governor's own pocket. This confrontation with the Assembly on financial matters was only one out of several that Hunter faced during the early years of his term, over the control of the Colonial treasury. The problem stems from his predecessor, the Earl of Clarendon. Prior to 1702, the Colonial funds were controlled by the Governor. But due to the excesses 50 of the Cornbury administration, the Assembly created the office of treasurer, through whom all Colonial monies passed. Not wanting to repeat the mistakes of the past, the Assembly, through the office of the Treasurer, kept an extremely tight grip on all Colonial funds. Not only did they not reimburse Hunter for the Palatine settlements, but for six years, from 1710 to 1716, they withheld his salary. The reason for their severity with Hunter's salary was due, in part, to the Governor's shift in his policy on taxation early in his administration. From a system of tighter quit-rents and land taxes. Hunter began to favor duties and excise taxes instead, which angered the predominently merchant-class Assembly. His change in policy has been attributed to a growing friendship with Lewis Morris, who represented the rural interests. Their association was, apparently, fostered early, as evidenced by Morris's expulsion from the Assembly on November 9, 1710 for supporting the payment of Hunter's salary. (See Act First, Scene Second for a parody of this incident.) The wealthy merchants rallied behind the opposition to Hunter's tax plan, and further divided an 20 already factious Assembly. 51 Another disappointment for the Governor with the Assembly was his attempt to break the seditiousness and corruption that had evolved after Leisler’s Rebellion. Most of Hunter's predecessors did little to quell the turmoil. Moreover, they usually took advantage of the situation whenever possible, by siding with either the Leislerian's or anti-Leislerian's, which ever proved more fruitful at the time, to further their own ends. Hunter refused to take sides, however, and tried to reconcile the feuding colonists. His unreceptiveness to the factionalism and corruption made him quite unpopular at the start. A month after his arrival, Hunter wrote to the Lords of Trade, who were anxious to resolve New York's troubles: "All I can say as yet, is that they are in no worse 21 disposition than that I found them in." Within a year, Hunter had dissolved the Assembly, the first of four times between 1711 and 1715, for refusing to yield to the Crown on financial matters. The "new" Assembly in 1711, however, saw only one new face— David provoost, a Leislerian, who replaced Johannis Jansen of New York County, also a Leislerian. By March 1713, that 22 Assembly had been dissolved. The election of 1713 was particularly bitter. Seeking to change the balance in 52 favor of the Governor, both Lewis Morris and Robert Hunter published pamphlets stressing their viewpoint. A major thrust in their campaign was the sorry state of the colony's economy and the benefits that duties and excess taxes would provide. For Hunter, the election was particularly significant; he still had not been paid his official salary, and he was beginning to run out of personal funds. Unfortunately, for the Governor, the election results brought little change. Although the Assembly had several new members, they still refused to slacken the purse strings. Only after several months of bargaining did Hunter finally manage to gain a modicum of 2 3 favor with the Assembly. It is Colden's view that the turn toward the Governor's favor was due to the Leislerian's gaining a majority in the election. "The Leisler party thought they had been unjustly used by preceeding [sic] Assemblies and therefore they took this opportunity of doing themselves justice. [They] resolved to pay all the debts of the gov- 24 ernment by striking bills of credit for that purpose. . . The real credit probably goes to the landed gentry who also made a significant gain in the election. Robert Livingston of Livingston Manor and Henry Van Rensselaer of 53 Rensselaerwyck helped to rally support for the Governor in the Assembly. By mid-1714, the powerful merchant faction, led by Jacobus Van Cortlandt and Samuel Bayard, had once again stymied all attempts to levy permanent support for the Governor. Fortunately for Hunter, the death of Queen Anne on August 1, 1714 provided him with a conveniently necessary means to once again dissolve the unruly Assembly. The ascension of George I to the Throne, the same year, also heralded changes in Whitehall favorable to the Governor. The Tory government fell and the Whigs were restored. Being a staunch Whig, Hunter, of course, benefitted immensely from the change. But the effects were not felt until after the short-lived Assembly of 1715 was dissolved in August. What occurred politically from then until the next Assembly met almost a year later is somewhat of a mystery. What is known is that for only the second time in the eighty-five year history of the New York Colonial Assembly, the Fall Session was missed. When the succeeding Assembly, the 17th since 1691, resumed business on June 5, 1716, the entire four-man delegation from New York County had been replaced. Gone were Jacobus Van Cortlandt, Samuel Bayard, Stephen De Lancey and John Reade, who represented the 54 wealthy merchants and anti-Leislerian b l o c k s . 25 Their absence had a significant effect on the Seventeenth Assembly. Not only was it the first legislative body to finally side with Governor Hunter, but it served in session for over ten years, longer than any Assembly from 1691 to 1776. It was during this year-long hiatus in 1715 that Androboros was probably written {see Chapter V). The fact that the brief but virulent Sixteenth Assembly was so rapidly disposed must have had some bearing on the timing of the play's publication. It is easy to understand why the play is set in a fictitious legislative body and that many of its members are so rudely parodized. Two of the assemblymen most viciously portrayed in the play, and not heretofore discussed, are Samuel Mulford and Daniel Coxe, "Mulligrub" and "Coxcomb," respectively (see Chapter V). Both men were uniquely different problems for the Governor. Mulford, a member of the Assembly since 1705, was the leader of the Suffolk County Rebellion against New York. His relentless support for Suffolk County secession and bitter attacks against Royal authority eventually led to his being sued by Hunter in 1713 for withholding taxes and using Crown property for personal purposes. After a lengthy series of trials, Lewis 55 Morris, appointed New York’s Chief Justice by Hunter for his help in securing a favorable Assembly in 1715, predictably ruled in favor of the Governor. Prompted by New York’s seizure of twelve trading vessels, sailing between Long Island and New England, Mulford delivered a speech in the Assembly on April 2, 1714 in which he viciously attacked Hunter's administration and severely criticized their policy on trade restrictions. Copies of the speech were printed and distributed through out the Colony, which eventually led to his expulsion from the Assembly on June 2, 1715. It is this speech that is parodied in Act First, Scene Second, of the play. When Mulford was reelected to his seat in 1716, Hunter agreed not to press charges against him if he apologized for the attack. But Mulford refused and left for England instead to obtain support for Hunter's recall. Although he was unsuccessful, he returned to New York, and continued nevertheless, to harass Hunter, both in writing and in the o a. Assembly, but after 1716 he was not taken seriously. Daniel Coxe arrived in the colonies in 1702, when Lord Cornbury was appointed Governor of both New York and New Jersey. He was sent by his father, Dr. Daniel Coxe of London, who owned great portions of East and West Jersey, 56 to protect the family interests under the new joint govern ment. Throughout his stay in America, Coxe served in various government posts under several governors, and fought for an independent New Jersey. Coxe did not get along with Hunter, however, and was soon removed from the governor's council. As a newly elected member of the New Jersey Assembly in 1714, Coxe and his associates conspired to disrupt the proceedings by refusing to attend. For this he was expelled and fled to London. While in London, Coxe, his father, and his brother, Samuel, presented a list of twelve complaints against Hunter to the Lords of Trade, dated February 21, 1715 thus protesting the Governor's reappointment. Their complaints went unheeded, although Hunter eventually found out, since the character of Coxcomb mentions in Act Second, Scene First, "a ream of complaints . . . which were referred to the consideration of the casually sitting mebmers [sic] of the little House," (i.e., the House of Commons). After this incident, Coxe had little else to do with Robert Hunter and did not return 0 7 to New Jersey until 1725, long after Hunter departed. Obviously, neither Coxe nor Mulford were a major concern for Robert Hunter. Their various grievances, although individually interesting, are only peripherally 57 important- Yet, they were troublesome enough to assure themselves a place among the cast of characters in Androboros, nonetheless. Without a doubt, the most trying and, therefore, significant set of circumstances for Governor Hunter resulted, oddly enough, from his continuous confrontations with the local clergy. If Hunter was a devout Anglican, he 28 was "far from being a high churchman in principle," according to Colden. Yet he counted among his closest associates, Henry Compton, the Bishop of London and the Secretary for the Propagation of the Gospel, John Chamberlayne. Above all. Hunter was a man of reason and moderation who despised all types of fanaticism. It was perhaps inevitable, therefore, that one of his first and most virulent opponents was the Rev. William Vesey, Rector of the Trinity Church in New York (see Chapter V), who Leder describes as "a convert with a narrow and bigoted 29 approach to ecclesiastical affairs." Hunter and Vesey first clashed over the title to the Queen's Farm, on the lower west side of Manhattan just north of the city. Vesey wanted the valuable piece of property deeded back to the church as it had been under Fletcher's administration, twenty years earlier. Since 58 then the government had repossessed the property, and Hunter would only consider leasing it to the Trinity Church. Vesey, of course, remained adamant and succeeded in only annoying the new Governor. At about the same time. Hunter, perhaps by design, but more likely inadvertently, managed to snub the Rev. Vesey by refurbishing the old Chapel at the Fort. Claiming that the Trinity Church was too far for his troops to travel on Sunday's without leaving the city dangerously vulnerable. Hunter instituted regular services at the Chapel under the direction of the Fort Chaplain, the Rev. John Sharpe. Rev. Vesey complained that the services at the Fort, which were open to the public, were drawing parishioners away from his Trinity Church. In a letter to the Bishop of London, dated February 25, 1712, Hunter wrote: I sent for [Vesey] and reasoned with him upon that head, from the decency, expediency and necessity of it, that chappell being one of the oldest houses of prayer in the place, tho' for some time past a bear garden, I urged that the souldiers had no room nor place in the church, neither was it safe to march the garrison so far from the fort and that Her majesty paid a chaplain for that particular purpose, and had graciously bestowed Plate, Books and other Furnature for the use of it, but all this served only to plunge him into a fit of passion.30 59 Hunter's will, of course, prevailed again, but Vesey was fast becoming a staunch enemy of the Governor, and the feud between the two men was now well under way. Throughout the first few years of Hunter's administration, they continued to battle over such problems as the fruitless Palatine affair, the rector's salary, and the ouster of a dissenting minister in a Long Island parish in favor of an Anglican. As early as 1711, Vesey was conducting a relentless campaign to recall Hunter. Together, with a small, but growing number of Hunter's political enemies, Vesey and his followers conspired to discredit the Governor, both in the colonies and back in England. In a series of letters, they complained viciously to the Bishop of London, and the Earl of Clarendon, and encouraged fellow New Yorkers to do the 31 same The intensity of Vesey's campaign startled Hunter. Bewildered and offended by the growing number of false accusations and complaints, the Governor wrote to the Secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel on February 25, 1711: The Revd. Mr. Vesey Rector of Trinity Church here had, it seems in compliment to a great man then on his side, taken occasion to use me ill, before he knew me of which I was soon informed after my arrival and for which reason I did all that was in the power of man by good offices and civilities, which he was pleased to call constrained, to persuade him into a better opinion of me; his Provocacons [sic] increased in the Proportions that my kind usage did (I speak nothing but what is known to the whole Province) and despairing ever to extort a Persecution from me he casts about for another Plot to hurt me. . . .32 In spite of his efforts, there was little the Governor could do, for the "great man" mentioned above was Col. Francis Nicholson, the appointed "Governour of 3 3 governours (see Chapter V),who had obviously joined with Vesey in the attack. His conflict with Hunter was less clear than Vesey's, but his impact was just as severe. Nicholson was essentially a professional Governor, having served in this capacity in five American colonies during his career. Although his was considered an unusual profession at that time, Nicholson was, nevertheless, an able administrator and became a strong supporter of religion and education in the colonies. When the governor ship of New York became available in 1709, Nicholson was considered a leading contender for the post. The appoint ment of Hunter as Governor, instead, disturbed Nicholson and a rivalry between the two men soon developed. After the unsuccessful military expeditions to Canada in 1709 and 1711,3^ Nicholson was given a virtual carte blanche in the 61 form of various royal and religious commissions to oversee colonial affairs. Nicholson made one of his primary tasks the probing into the administration of Robert Hunter. About all he managed to accomplish was to unify the scattered opposition to Hunter. For Nicholson was the victim of an unfortunate malady that greatly hindered his ability to work with other people, and he suffered from an insane and uncontrollable temper. Colden describes Nicholson: . . . . excessive fits of passion so far as to lose the use of his reason. After he had been in one of these fits while he had command of the army, an Indian said to one of the officers, "The general is drunk." "No," answered the officers "he never drinks any strong liquor." The Indian replied, "I do not mean that he is drunk with rum. He was born d r u n k ."35 His associates were constantly appalled by his irrational and unpredictable behavior and, ultimately, Governor Hunter considered him to be a madman. In a letter sent to the Earl of Stair on October 18, 1714, Hunter states his case against Nicholson and Vesey: And that I might be robb'd of ease as well as Bread, that eternall teazer Nicholson comes over with a new commission of accounts which in reality gave him noe powers worthy of a Great seale, but the natural vanity of the man led him to make such uses of it in receiving and encouraging complaints from ye trouble some and disaffected, that all government was well nigh unhing’d here; hee stiled the Governour of Governours, and all obedience and dependence transferr'd to him. 62 To strengthen his powers & pretensions, that venerable society of which I have the honor to be a member, tho' unworthy, gave him under their seale a commission of Spiritual Inspection. How consistant that was with the powers granted to me in my letters patents, or the true interests of either the Church or State governments in these parts, I shall not take upon me to determine; but all the effect it had was to encourage two or three of the Clergy, and those profest Jacobites to flye in my face; but guessing out at ye designe, I would take noe provocation or any notice of their seditious conduct, least they should take occasion to crye Church here, as they had done else where; soe dispairing of a persecution the Reverend Rector of this place runs away for England without the privity of any body whom I know, and I as little known his errand; but he goes home in good time. I shall mention noe more of him but that he has the honour to stand on record in ye Council Books of this Province for haveing basely aspersed and abused his Sovereigne King William, even dureing his life. Such accusations continued to pass back and forth between both sides, until the culmination of all the diverse elements opposing the administration of Governor Hunter violently erupted late in the evening of February 9, 1714. According to depositions taken two days after the fact, by the New York Council, the Trinity Church in New York was broken into and a number of religious objects were defiled or destroyed. After deposing several witnesses between the 11th and 13th of February, the Council concluded that they, "cold [sic] not make any Op discovery of ye Authors of ye said Villanies." Two days later, the Rev. Vesey, unsatisfied with the council's 63 conclusion, petitioned to reopen the case and suspiciously offered some new evidence. Your petitioner, in order to detect such wicked persons thinks himself under an indispensible duty to represent to your Honor That on Saturday night last your petitioner was informed by the under sheriff Mr. Barnes that some shortt time before the Committing [of] this Horrid Wickedness, A person or persons at the house of Robert Drummond declared and threatened that he or they would sacrifice your Petitioner or do your Petitioner some mischief in A little or to yet effect. Vesey's plot, however, to set up Hunter as the perpetrator of the break-in went awry. Based on the above petition, the Council immediately deposed Robert Drummond and discovered that a Mr. Lawrence Smith had visited Drummond late in December 1713, and declared that Vesey, . . . was a villain and a Rascall because he Exposed his Brother Phillips Cause in an ill thing, and that Mr. Vesey had proposed to send word to my Lady Hay that his Excellency our Governor had to do with Lievt. Riggs wife and that it might have occasioned my Lady to loose her child and said that it was better my Lady should loose her child than one of ye Brethren should suffer and said ye said Mr. Vesey in time should Repent Smith was not deposed nor accused of the crime, but Drummond's testimony clearly shows that Vesey had attempted to blackmail Hunter by falsely accusing him of adultery. To espouse "his Brother Phillips Cause" was the apparent motive. Brother Phillips (the Rev. Francis 64 Philips, see Chapter V), it seems, was a close friend of Vesey, who had been kicked out of his parish in Stratford, Connecticut, on December 19, 1712, for allegedly "deserting his cure." In a letter sent to the Bishop of London, prior to the Trinity Church break-in, a number of influential supporters of Governor Hunter insisted that, ". . . the unhappy conduct of one Mr. Francis Philips lately sent by the Society to Stratford in New England has . . . done an . _ A 1 irrepairable LsicJ injury to the established church." Yet, Philips moved to New York, where, with the help of Vesey and members of the Trinity Church vestry, he sought to clear his name. In 1713 a Vestry being called it was proposed to them by Mr. Vesey that Mr. Francis Philips who had deserted his cure at Stratford, and had done some things here which obliged him to abscond, should be favored by them with a certificate of his good behaviour directed to the people of the Church of England in Philadelphia. This was disputed by many of the Vestry, and absolutely refused by some of the members who were men of established reputation in this place, but however a majority at last prevailed for it.42 The very next year, Philips was convicted in Philadelphia of neglecting his ministerial duties and falsely slighting the reputations of several of the city's most respected ladies by claiming he had engaged them in illicit love affairs."^ 65 The entire incident obviously hurt Vesey, for the vandalism occurred in the church's vestry room within a month after the above letter was sent, and thus, tends to indicate that he may have been the perpetrator in a plot to destroy Governor Hunter by criminal implication. Hunter certainly left no doubt as to his feelings in this matter. In an official proclamation deploring the crime, the Governor, in essence, accused the Rev. Vesey of vandalizing his own church: Whereas, such an impious outrage cannot be supposed to have been perpetrated by any but such as are avowed enemies of religion in general, or to the civil and religious constitution of England in particular, or such as for filthy lucre, or worse purposes, may have in appearance conformed to, or complied with either, but by their unchristian and lewd conversation, and their disloyal and seditious conduct, sufficiently manifest their aversion to both: to that end, there fore, that the actors, abettors, or contrivers of such an unexampled affront to religion and the Church of England may be detected, and the hellish devices of those who may have endeavored to load the innocent with their own quilt may be dissapointed, I have thought fit . . . to make, and order to be published, This Proclamation.^4 For Vesey, this was the final straw. Hoping to take advantage of the recent death of Hunter's friend, Henry Compton, the Bishop of London, Nicholson urged Vesey to present their case against Hunter to the new Bishop, John Robinson, and, perhaps, persuade him to their side. 66 Vesey left for London near the end of June 1714, but upon his arrival, much to his surprise, he was placed under house arrest by the new Bishop, the result, most likely, of Hunter's letter to the previous Bishop. After several months detainment, however, Vesey managed to regain both his good standing with the Church of England and his freedom, while at the same time, sufficiently impressing the Bishop. He returned to New York the first week in November 1715, not only as the re-instated rector of Trinity Church, but as the Bishop's personal commissary, in addition.^ It would be incorrect to assume that Vesey's trip to London and his subsequent appointment as the Bishop's commissary were the incidents that finally led Hunter to write Androboros. The timely culmination in 1715 of a number of troubling events for the Governor contributed, as well. The Coxe's list of complaints in February, Samuel Mulford's expulsion from the Assembly in June, the dissolving of the Assembly in August and Vesey's return to New York in November, all combined to prompt Hunter to create America's first published play. Was it written as an angry vent for mounting problems or as a release of humorous frustration in 67 retrospect? A clue may foe found in a letter Hunter wrote on March 28, 1715 in which he expresses a slight improve ment of his conditions: Mr. Nicholson who was sent hither with two strange Commissions, is now gone home without executing either for he never came nearer to us than Boston, where he remained upon assurances of a Commission for this Government, I am pretty easy as to him, for the present folks have no manner of occasion for madmen.46 Less than two weeks later, the Governor asserted that ". . . .1 am perfectly easy in my mind (which was lately 47 much otherwise). ..." Despite the news Hunter received in early August, of Vesey's commissary, just prior to the dissolving of his last troublesome Assembly, the Governor's assorted problems appeared to be lessening considerably by. the middle of 1715. The writing of the play, therefore, was probably less a heated attack on his political enemies than it was a witty, albeit crude, lampoon, of his past torments. Whatever ' the case, within a year, almost all the elements that had contributed to the play's creation had ceased to be a problem for Hunter. Although there is no evidence that the play was ever performed in its own day, Colden asserted that as a result of Androboros: 68 The general (Nicholson), the clergy and the Assembly were so humerously exposed that the laugh was turned upon them in all companies and from this laughing humour the people began to be in good humour with their Governor and to despise the idol of the clergy. It is more likely, however, that other factors had a greater effect on Hunter's’ improved reputation. On April 16, 1716, William Popple, Secretary for the Lords of Trade, wrote to Hunter about the various people causing friction in New York and expressed hope that "in a little time you will be made easy in it: for the board have taken measures by speaking to the proper persons that it seems reasonable to conclude these . . . gentlemen will not long be trouble- 49 some to you." Apparently the Secretary was correct. Two weeks later, Hunter responded to Popple that his troubled condition had greatly improved and that his long-time enemy, Rev. Vesey, "has thought fit to humble himself of late, to acknowledge his errors and promiss [sic] very 50 warmly a more commendable conduct for the future." It is highly improbable that the play would have had such an effect. Nevertheless, it does provide a fascinating perspective of the various problems encountered by Hunter's administration and offers a unique insight into one of New York's most difficult periods. 69 Footnotes to Chapter III ^Smith, vol. 1, p. 300. 2Ibid., p. 302. 3 Sir Walter Scott, ed., The Works of Jonathan Swift, vol. 16 (London: Bickers and Son, 1883), p. 28. A letter from Robert Hunter to Jonathan Swift. 4 Smith, vol. 1, p. 305. 5Ibid., p. 137. 6 Colden, vol. 1, p. 192. 7Ibid. 8 Malone, vol. 9, pp. 401-402. 9 Colden, vol. 1, p. 192. 10Ibid. ■^Leder, p. 153. 12 Colden, vol. 1, p. 194. "^Stephen and Lee, vol. 28, p. 299. 14 Ibid., p. 300; Malone, vol. 9, p. 402. 15 Malone, vol. 9, p. 401. ^Stephen and Lee, vol. 28, p. 300. 17 Kairanen, p. 178. 70 •^Colden, p. 195. 19 Leder, p. 155. 20 Bonomi, p. 82. ^O'Callaghan, vol. 5, p. 167. 22 Bonomi, p. 301. 23Ibid., pp. 83-84. 24 Colden, p. 195. 25 Bonomi, pp. 301-302. 26 Kammen, p. 164. 27Malone, vol. 4, pp. 484-485. op Colden, p. 194. 29 Leder, p. 155. 30 O'Callaghan, vol. 5, p. 315. 31 Malone, vol. 19, p. 259. 320'Callaghan, vol. 3, p. 155. 33 Ibid., vol. 5, p. 453. 34 See Act First, Scene Third, and Act Second, Scene Third of Androboros for Hunter's version of these ill-fated expeditions. 33Colden, p. 195. O £Z O'Callaghan, vol. 5, p. 400. 37Ibid., p. 453. OQ Ibid., vol. 3, p. 269. 39Ibid., p. 270. 71 480’Callaghan, vol. 5, p. 273. 41 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 264. 42Ibid., p. 266. 4^Arthur Lyon Cross, The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies (New York: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1902)# pp- 37-39. 44 O'Callaghan, vol. 3, p. 277. 4^Malone, vol. 19. p. 259 • 46 O'Callaghan, vol. 5, p. 400. 47Ibid., p. 401. 48Colden, p. 202. 49 O’Callaghan, vol. 5, p. 472. 50Ibid., p. 477. 72 CHAPTER IV THE QUESTIONS OF DATE AND AUTHORSHIP Androboros is typical of a genre in dramatic literature that was quite popular during the English Restoration and the eighteenth century, the political farce or lampoon. Usually written and printed anonymously, not so much to protect the author as it was simply the intention to be passed around only to the closest of friends, these unusual pieces of dramatic art, commonly known as "closet dramas," pose a number of difficult problems for modern day researchers. As is the case with Androboros, two of the primary problems are the determinations of author and date of publication. Unlike most others, Androboros contains the supposed playwright's name and date of printing, hand written on the title page. These two apparent "clues," however, have misled scholars over the years to accept them as absolute fact. While it is most likely that Robert Hunter was the author, perhaps with some assistance, it is equally clear the play was not written on the date or even 73 in the year that is indicated on the title page. This unusual contention is based on information contained in the play and verified by official documents of the period. As intimated in Chapter III, such a change in publication date considerably alters the purpose and intention of the play. It has been the common belief that Androboros was written and printed during the latter half of 1714. Some scholars actually sight August 1, 1714 as the date of the play’s first publication, from the information written on the title page of the only known original copy in the Huntington Library, San Marino, California {see Appendix A), which states: "Printed at Monoropolis since 1st August, 1714.” However, such assertions as to the date are relatively recent. The first published notice of the work is rather vague as to the year and does not mention the day of the month. In Baker and Reed, Biographia Dramatics in 1812, the title page of the original copy of Androboros is quoted in its entirety and reads: ". . . . printed at Moropolis, since August 170__. At first glance this may appear to be merely a printing error or oversight, but upon closer examination of the original title page, several things become apparent that may indicate otherwise. 74 One of the first things one notices, when looking at the title page,is a large stain or discolorization on the lower right-hand corner, which totally obscures several handwritten notations on the opposite side, but apparently leaves the last two numerals of the year on the front intact. The year, therefore, clearly reads "1714." However, the numerals in the "14" are slightly fainter than in the "17" and a closer look reveals that the last two numbers have been, in fact, written with a graphite pencil. The only such notation made in the entire work. On top of the "1" in "14" can still be seen the remnants ' of a printed numeral, probably a "1." It appears likely, there fore, that the last two digits in the year were added later than 1812. Similarly, the "1st" before "August" was added by hand, although in ink similar to that used for all other notations in the script. When this was added is difficult to say, however, it, too, was probably later than 1812, since Baker and Reed did not mention it in their publication. From these two handwritten additions, made by persons unknown during the early nineteenth century, scholars have since mistakenly determined the play's date of publication. For a political historian this would be an 75 easy mistake to make. Apart from the obvious fact that several numerals have been added by hand, August 1, 1714 is a most convenient date, and may, in fact, have been the actual date printed on the title page, but it has no bearing on the play's publication date. On August 1, 1714, Queen Anne died, marking not only a change in the monarchy, but in Whitehall as well. The Tory-controlled parliament, which had lasted since 1709, fell and the Whigs, with whom Hunter sympathized, assumed power. This meant that for the first time since becoming Governor of New York, Hunter was in a superior political position. The contention could be made, there fore, that Hunter, not wishing to risk public embarrassment during a Tory controlled government prior to 1714, withheld publication of the politically scandalous work until a favorable shift in the political climate occurred, hence, the phrase "since 1st August, 1714." As conveniently attractive as this explanation may be, evidence in the play does not bear this out. In fact, the indication is that the play was not published until 1715, and perhaps even later. The proof is in two incidents that are discussed in the play which independently show the publication date to be later than 76 1714. The first is found in the Dedication which is addressed to "Don. Com. Fiz.," and concludes, "Peace be with ye, I mean such a one as he made who made you a COM ." What "Com." refers to, in these instances, is the commissary given to the Rev. William Vesey during his visit to London in 1714-1715 by the Bishop of London. Later in the play, Vesey*s character, "Fizle" is even referred to in this light as the "Patriarch of the Western Empire." Clearly then. Hunter was aware of Vesey's clerical appointment at the time of writing. But when was Vesey appointed to the commissary? According to the actual parchment issued by the Bishop, the date was mentioned as "vicesimo quanto Die Januarii Anno D— (junta Stylum Magn. Britannia) Millesimo 2 Septingentismo decimo quarto," (i.e., January 24, 1714). Yet Vesey did not even depart the colonies for England until June, 1714 and immediately upon his arrival was detained, by the Bishop, under house arrest. It seems unlikely that the Bishop would issue a commissary in the absence of the recipient and then arrest him once he arrived. The apparent discrepancy, however, is soon cleared up when one realizes that the Bishop, in issuing the commissary, was using the ecclesiastical calendar, 77 which celebrates the New Year on Easter, and not January 1 as does the secular calendar. According to the secular calendar, therefore, the date on Vesey1s commissary is actually January 24, 1715, not 1714. The assumption, then, can be made that Vesey arrived in England and was promptly arrested late in the summer of 1714, but had sufficiently impressed the Bishop of London by January 1715 to be appointed his personal commissary. While it is true that the use of the church calendar was largely abandoned during the eighteenth century, it was still in use throughout the first several decades of the 1700s in both church and government docu ments . This carry-over from the old style calendar is seen in the numerous personal letters and official records of that era, which use a split year for dates between January and Easter, e.g., "March 14, 1712- 13" as found in a letter written by Hunter to Swift in which he complains of his 3 sorry state. (See Chapter III) Eventually, of course, the church year was dropped, but in 1715 it was obviously still in use, and the Bishop of London employed it exclusively, ignoring the secular year altogether. If this evidence is not convincing enough, it should then be pointed out that the commissary was signed 78 and sealed by "John, Bishop of London." Up until 1713, the Bishop of London was one Henry Compton, who, as pointed out in Chapter III, was a close associate of Robert Hunter. In August of that year, Henry Compton died and within two weeks, John Robinson was nominated to replace him. Robinson, however, was not officially elected to the post until March of 1714. While the claim could be made that he issued the commissary to Vesey in the preceding January in the capacity of an acting Bishop, this seems highly unlikely since Robinson was probably unfamiliar with the rector of Trinity Church at the time, and six months later placed Vesey under house detention upon his arrival in London based upon evidence presented by Hunter to the previous Bishop. As further evidence to the date of Vesey's commissary, the document concludes, as do all Royal docu ments, with the year of the present sovereign's reign, "Nostras Translationis anno primo," (i.e., In our transla tion, the first year) . 4 This, obviously, could hot refer to Queen Anne who died in the twelfth year of her reign in 1714. It must, therefore, indicate her successor, George I, who ascended the throne upon her death in August 1. The date on Vesey's commissary could not possibly be 79 January 24, 1714, according to the secular calendar, since the document states that it was issued during "the first year" of a sovereign's reign and George I did not ascend the throne until seven months later. Quite clearly then, Androboros could not have been written and published prior -to January 24, 1715. Allowing for a six-to eight-week time lag for news to cross the Atlantic, it is probable that Hunter was unaware of Vesey1s commissary until the end of March or early April. Hunter's correspondence supports this contention. Although Hunter mentions the Rev. Vesey in several letters written in early 1715, it is not until August 13, 1715 that he first acknowledges that, "He (Vesey) has wrote to his friends here that he is to return with the character of commissary 5 to the Bishop of London. ..." It is, perhaps, more than mere chance that this letter was written scarcely two days after Hunter dissolved his last troublesome Assembly, an act which precipitated the longest hiatus between Assembly sessions in colonial history. This unusually long interruption of one year, between the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Assemblies, gave Hunter ample opportunity to write his scathing farce. As subsequent information discloses, much of that year was 80 spent in the company of his long-time confidant, Lewis Morris. The second indication of the play's publication date found in the script serves merely to further substantiate the previous information. In Scene First, Act Second, the character "Coxcomb" (Daniel Coxe, see Chapter V) states "Have not I, and my Friends transmitted to Mr. Wry-Rump a Ream of Complaints, as big as the Bunch on his back, which were referred to the consideration of the Casually sitting mebmers [sic] of the little House. ..." What is being alluded to here is the list of twelve complaints against Robert Hunter, which were submitted to the House of Commons by Daniel Coxe, his father, and his brother Samuel, through a member of parliament, William & Dockwra ("Mr. Wry-Rump") on February 21, 1715. Again, allowing for a two month time lag, the news would not have reached Hunter until late April or early May, thus, adding further and conclusive proof of the play's publication year. Another area of some doubt surrounding the play is the question of authorship. Although not as clear-cut as the problem of the publication date, there is, nevertheless some indication that Hunter may not have written the play 81 alone. Certainly, the Governor had a major hand in the play's creation, but he may have had the assistance of his close ally Lewis Morris. The contention was first put forth by Cadwallader Colden, writing on Smith's controversial The History of the Province of New York in 1759. A very late associate of the Governor, Colden states that Hunter "diverted himself in composing a farce with the assistance of Mr. Morris which he called Androborus 7 [sic]." Colden's statement, unfortunately, is impossible to prove with current resources. Yet, his writings are the closest things available to an actual eyewitness account, and should, therefore, be allowed a certain amount of credibility. Additionally, there are elements in the play which may also provide some substance to Colden's state ment. Principally, the scene in Act First in which "Solemn" (Morris) is expelled, is a parody of an event that Hunter probably knew very little about. Morris was expelled from the Assembly on November 9, 1710 for apparently affronting "the integrity and honesty of [the] 8 House," in a speech he delivered in support of Robert Hunter's tax plan (see Chapter III). The substance of this speech was never published, yet the play contains a version of it, nevertheless. One could only assume that if 82 Morris did not actually write this small segment, he most certainly assisted in it. Another point, albeit less substantial, in favor of Morris’s assistance in the creation of Androboros is Hunter's itinerary during 1715-1716. After dissolving the Sixteenth Assembly in New York on August 11, 1715, Hunter only remained in the Colony until late October or early November. "The Calendar of Council Minutes" for the year 1715 record on October 27 that the "Governor is going to 9 New Jersey." By November 7th, he was in Perth-Amboy, New Jersey according to a minor official proclamation he issued on that date. The significance of this move is that Lewis Morris, despite being a member of the New York Assembly from Westchester County, owned a considerable amount of land in New Jersey and, as a result, spent much of his time there. After 1719, in fact, he moved to Brunswick, New Jersey permanently and was eventually named Governor of the Colony. It is known that while in New Jersey, Hunter often visited with Morris at his estate in Brunswick, occasionally issuing official statements or proclamations from there. It would not be unreasonable to assume that the two men met during Hunter's unusually long six month's stay in New Jersey to collaborate on the play, for both men 83 had the means and the motive. While Hunter was certainly the superior wit, Morris was not far behind, having written a number of clever and effective pamphlets, including a short play in 1728 entitled Dialogue Concerning Trade.^ The evidence in favor of Morris's complicity in the play's creation is, of course, meager at best. The contention of a Hunter contemporary, the Governor's unusual time schedule, plus the solid evidence concerning the play's date indicate more than mere coincidence. Moreover, the fact that Hunter stayed only two months in New York, after dissolving the Assembly in August of 1715, before spending over six months in New Jersey, indicates that the play may not have been published in 1715, but 1716 instead. One might, then, contend that the original date on the title page read "since August, 1715," since this was the month that Hunter's immediate problems came to an end. 84 Footnotes to Chapter IV ^"Baker and Reed, vol. 1, p. 28. 2 Morgan Dix, ed., A History of the Parish of Trinity Church, in the City of New York, vol. 1 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1898), p. 189. 3 Scott, vol. 16, p. 27. ^Dix, vol. 1, p. 189. 5 William A. Whitehead, ed.. Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey, vol. 5 (Newark, New Jersey: Daily Advertiser Printing House, 1882), p. 216. ^Ibid., pp. 203-206. 7 Colden, vol. 1, p. 199. 8 A Journal of the Votes of the General Assembly (New York: William Bradford, Printer, 1710), Early American Imprints of the American Antiquarian Society, Worchester, Mass., Evans no. 1479, p. 22. g Calender of Council Minutes, 1668-1783 (Albany: State University of New York, 1863), p. 260. 1 0 Bonomi, p. 83 n. CHAPTER V THE PLAY The copy of Robert Hunter1s Androboros contained in this chapter, has been typed verbatim et literatim from the only known original edition of the play in existence. This unique text is in the possession of the Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California, and is reproduced here with their kind permission. On the original edition are a number of ink additions and corrections, presumably by Gov. Robert Hunter. These ink notations are indicated in this text by angled brackets (< >). Only the footnote numbers have been added for the purpose of annotation. Within the brackets at the top of each page is the page number or numbers from the original text, except for the dedication. Current research indicates that the play was never performed publicly in its own day. It should be noted, however, that what is generally considered to be the world premiere of Androboros was presented in the Greenroom Theatre on the campus of the University of Southern 86 California from November 28 to November 30, 1979. The production was produced by the University of Southern California Reader's Theatre Program, under the supervision of Dr. Janet Bolton, and directed by Peter Davis. A video tape was made of this unique performance by the University of Southern California Humanities Audio-visual Department, under the direction of Mr. David Tool. 87 A N D R O B P R O S1 A 2 B< i> ographical Farce In Three Acts, VIZ. The SENATE, The CONSISTORY, and The APOTHEOSIS3 <By Governour Hunter> ^ Printed at Monoropolis^ since <lst> August, 17 <14> ^ 88 Drammatis Personae 1. Androboros, <Col. Nicholson> 7 2. Keeper, <Gov. Hunter> ® 3. Deputy, <G. Clark> 9 4. Speaker, < Nichols> 1® 5. Aesop, <Jamison> 6 . Doodlesack, <La.keman> 12 7. Tom of Bedlam, <G. Assembly> I2 8 . Babilard, < Bayard> 1^ 9. Coxcomb, <Coxe at Burlington> 15 10. Mulligrub, <Mulford> 15 11. Cobus, <Cortland> i 7 12. Solemn, < Morris> I® 13. Door-Keeperl9 14. Fizle, < — V e s e y > 20 15. Flip, < Philips > 2i 16. Messenger2 2 SCENE 23 Long Gallary in Moor-Fields 0 THE DEDICATION to 24 Don. Com. Fxz. Right Dreadful SIR! CERDO GLOUCESTRIENSIS, 2 5 an Author of the last Century, of great Sagacity, observ'd well. That Runto Polimunto Plumpismenoi Raperpandico^ — What d'ye stare at? This is good Greek for ought you know, and contains a Mystery,which shall continue so, unless you Reveal it; and so no more of that. The following Elionophysalo Fizlical F a r c e 2 7 having fallen into my 89 DEDICATION TO DON COM. FIZ. Hands by a most surprizing Accident, it seemeth meet unto me that it should, with all due Reverence Kiss yours. Here it lies at your Feet, take it up. Now read the first Act, ---- Have ye done? What's the matter Man? Have ye got the Gripes?^® A plague on your Sower Faces. Bring him a Drara.^^ What have have you to do, had you to do, or ought you to have to do with the Senate? You smell a Rat, you say. Be it so. But compose your self, and now Read the Second Act, How d'ye like it, Ha? O Hooo, T'churrrrrrrrrtch, I can say that as Loud as you can do? and if you'll but leave out these Damnable R's and T's which make it so hard in Pronounciation, and harder in Digestion, I like it better than you do. You don't believe me! and I don't believe in you? and this is a perilous Article in a Mans Belief too; For one3 0 wh0 dY'd a very good Christian, was sentenc'd by your Sanctity to be bury'd a Pagan, only because he seem'd to believe that you were some-what Thick of believing; yet you are a Christian, a very good Christian, 31 So was your Leader, Major Weere, Burnt for Bu ry, ^ 3 God be here. He had a good Gift of the GobJ~> too: You were bred up in the same Accademy, the same Principles, and the same way of Worship: All the Difference between you lies in this nice point, He Worship't the Dev'1 instead of God, and you worship God as if he were the Dev'l. Come to't again, first take two Turns cross the Room, Crossways, I say, Wipe the Sweat from your Brows, and sit down. Now read the Third Act, I'll sing the while, It is an Old Maxim, et c'est Escrit, Au trou de raon c u l , ^ 4 look there you'll sie't,3^ When the Head is Be ck't^^ the Body's Beshit, Which no Body dare Deny, Deny, Which no Body dare Deny. Read on, and be hang'd, don't mind me, Man, I sing for my own Diversion. 90 DEDICATION TO DON COM. FIZ. But 'tis strange how Notions are chang'd of late. For 'tis a New Maxim, but odd one, That Ce gue^ pend a_, nos culs^ do_it nous,..garnir.. latete , 37 That I flatly and boldly Deny, Deny, That I flatly and boldly Deny. What is the Matter now? Is he Dead? or is't a Qualm? Holo, a Hay! Who waits there? some burn't Feathers, Sal Armoniack?^® No, No, Let him smell to the Skirt of his own Garment. So, he Recovers. Poor Fiz! who could have thought that you were so quick of Smelling! Come, Man, take Courage; What have You or I to do with it? Let the Gall'd Horse wince, our Withers are unwrung. But tell me, will you be quiet for the Future? You shall be paid for't, nay, you have been paid for't; and it is hard that Men must be Brib'd for Not doing what they ought Not to do.39 I remember an Odd Fellow upon . Pont^.Neuf^'® who got his Livelihood by as Odd a Stratagem; He procur'd himself a Portable Forge and Bellows, which he carried under his Cloak, and having heated a small Iron red hot, he would lug it out and present it to the Gentlemen who pass'd that way, with this Complement, Good Sir! Pray Sir! give me leave to run my hot Iron into your Arse. When the Gentleman started at the Extravagance and Danger of the Motion, he continued. Nay, Sir, if you don't like it, pay me but a Sol Marquee^l for the heating of my Iron, and there is no harm done. Now had he insisted upon the Performance of the Operation aforesaid, after payment for the necessary Apparatus, he deserv'd to have his Bones broke; but he was most commonly satisfied, and all the Consequence was a fit of Laughter. Now, I know that it is not an easie matter for you to get rid of your Forge and Bellows, but can't you blow your Bellows and heat your Iron at home, and quit that unaccountable Rage of Running it into your honest quiet Neighbours Arses, who pay you amply, and meerly for F o r b e a r a n c e ?42 But I have done. Peace be with ye, I mean such a one as he made who made you a COM 43 And it was a most Masterly stroke of Art To give Fizle Room to Act his part; 91 DEDICATION TO DON COM. FIZ. For a Fizle Restrain'd will bounce like a F— t. Which no Body can Deny, Deny, Which no Body can Deny. But when it Escapes from Canonical Hose And -fly's in your Face, as it's odds it does. That a Man should be hang'd for stopping his Nose, That I flatly and boldly Deny, Deny; That I flatly and boldly Deny. Long Kept under Hatches, 'twill force a Vent In the Shape of a Turd, with its Size and Scent, And perhaps in its way may beshit a Vestment,^ Which no body can Deny, Deny, Which no body can Deny. But however 'tis Dignify'd or Disguis'd, That it should be for that the higher, Priz’d. And either Don Commis'd or Canoniz'd, That I flatly and boldly Deny, Deny, That I flatly and boldly Deny. B'uey Fizle.^ ANDROBOROS 92 Cl] ANDROBOROS. Scene First, Act First. Keeper, Deputy and Tom. Deputy. I HOPE,SIR, it is not your intention that this same Senate, as they call it, should sit. Keeper. What harm is there in't, if it does? Deputy. No great harm, only 'twill < feed > their Frenzy,* They are big with Expectation of some mighty Deliverance, towards which is to be brought about by means of Androboros; I think they call him so; Whether there is or ever was such a Person, I know not: but all their hopes are placed in him. Tom. Sir, it is Old Nick-nack/^® who has Paganiz'd himself with that Name, which interpreted, signifies a Man-Eater. He is now very far gone indeed. He talks of nothing but Battles and Seiges, tho'he never saw one, and Conquests over Nations, and Alliances with Princes who never had a being? and this Senate is mainly intended for his Reception, I hope you will not forbid its Meeting, if you do, I shall loose an Employment, having had the Honor to be appointed Clerk of the Senate this Morning, after the Choice of the Speaker; so I beg you'll not Rob me of that Honor, and your self of some Diversion, and I shall take care that their Session shall be harmless. Keeper. I wish you Joy with all my heart; But Prethee, Tom, What Chance or evil Fate conducted thee to this same Doleful Mansion? I am surpriz'd to find thee in such Company. Tom. No Chance, I assure you, Sir, but free Choice. I found in my reading. That Man was composed of three parts, Body, Soul and Spirit, and that the two first were entirely ingross'd by two Societys,^ so I Resolv'd to Exercize my poor Talent upon the Infirmitys of the last, not with any hopes or intention to Cure them, but as others do, meerly to raise my self a Maintenance^ out of them, here under your Honors happy Auspeces. But, Lo, here they come. Retire to a Corner. If I am seen in your Company, my Project is spoyl'd. 93 [2] Act First, Scene Second Enter Doodlesack, Babilard, Solemn, AEsop, &c. Speaker. Gentlemen, The Honor you have done me, how little soever I may deserve it, lays me under an Obligation to Exert my self to the utmost for the int’rest of this House. I humbly propose, That in the first place we concert and agree upon some necessary Rules for preventing Confusion. Deputy aside. Well spoke, Mr. Speaker, Tho'tis some thing strange that he who has ever affirm'd, That Laws and Liberty were things Incompatible, should now propose to proceed by Rules.49 Mulligr. I desire to be heard before you proceed to Rules, or any thing else; I have a Speech ready. Doodlesack. Laet onse hearken to Mr. Speaker, and begin with some Rules. Mullig. I'll have my Speech first. Coxcomb. D— n your Speech, Let's proceed to Rules. Babilard. If Rules be necessary to the Speech, let us have the Speech first, but if the Speech be necessary to the Rules, let us have the Rules. Cox. I'm for neither Speech nor Rules, let us fall upon buss'ness. Speaker. Gentlemen, The Question is not, as I take it, which you'll be pleas'd to have, but which shall have the Preference; for you may have both in their Turns. All Confusedly. Speech, Rules; Rules, Speech. &c. Mulligrub. My Speech has carry'd it. Hum, Ha, Ough, Ough, Ough, Ough, &c. Cox. Rot ye, it was not your Cough that Carry'd it; Let off your speech. AEsop. Mr. Speaker, I do not find that this matter is as yet, determin'd to the full satisfaction of this House, for which Cause I beg leave to offer an Expedient, which will end the Debate, that is, That we may have both at a time; whilst Mr. Mulligrub is Exonerating himself, we may imploy our selves in adjusting and forming the necessary Rules. All. Agreed. Speaker. Mr. Mulligrub, You may proceed. 94 C2-3] K Q Mull. Gentlemen, The ill Measures that have been taken, and the Foundation that hath been laid within this Tenement, to make the Tenants5- * - thereof, Tenants therein, is the Cause which causeth me to make this Speech. Our Grievances being innumerable, I shall Enumerate them. The first I shall mention, is this, That tho' the Tenement be large, the Mansions many, and the Inhabitants Numerous, There is but52 one Kitchin, and one5 5 Cellar, by which means we are kept from Eating and drinking What we please. When we please, and as Much as we please, which is our Birth-Right Priviledge by the Laws of God and Nature, settled upon us by Act of Parliament; for which cause I humbly [illegible half line] House, Whether it may not be more Convenient that each Mansion have its proper Kitchin and Cellar under the special Direction of the respective Tenants? To clear up the Necessity of this Method, I'll tell you what happ'ned to me t'other day; One of the Servants of this House, who brought me a Mess of Water Gruel, being my special Friend, and knowing how eagerly my Stomach stood towards what was forbidden me by the Physitians, conveys a Hand of Pork into the Porrige, but being discover'd he was punisht, tho’ he offer'd to take his Corporal Oath, That the Hand of Pork was a bunch of Radishes. But of all others, we of the5^ East End of the Tenement suffer most, for by reason of our distance from the Kitchin, our Porrige is cold before it comes to our Hands. To Remedy this, we fell upon a private Intercourse with the Bethlemites5 5 on the other side of Moor-fieIds,5 5 who by virtue of their Charter run at large, by which we broke the Laws pretty Comfortably for a season; but these same subtle Fellows of the5? Kitchin found it out, and put a stop to't, to the Great Prejudice of the Freedom of the Subject, and the direct -Discouragement of our indirect Commerce. I Remember we once Address'd our Superiors, That we might have a Servant of our own, independent of this Plaguey Keeper; They were Graciously pleas'd to allow us such a one, with this Restriction only, That the Servant aforesaid might have the Custody of our Straw and Water, but by no means of our Meat and Drink; notwithstanding this, the Keeper will not permit him to take the care and Custody of our Victuals and Drink. What! does he think us Non Corpus Mentlus,5^ that we do not know the meaning of 95 [3-4] plain words! But I shall Conclude at this time, with this Exhortation, That since it appears plainly, that we of this Tenement, who are Tenants thereof, are in danger of Being, by the Foundations laid, made Tenants therein, let us not lie Crying Thereat, but be Valiant Therefore, and Vindicate our Rights There-from, Our Birth-Right Parliamentary Rights, settled upon us by the Ten Commandments. Speaker. Gentlemen, Mr. Mulligrub has given you time to Concert the Rules of the House, would you have them read by the Clerk, in the Order they have been given to him by the several Members? All. Ay, Ay. Tom Reads. Mr. Speaker Proposes, That to prevent Confusion, not above Three or Four at most be permitted to speak at Once, except in a Grand Committee, where there is no occasion of Hearers. Mr. Coxcomb humbly proposes, That no Body be allow'd to speak but himself, because for want of the Attentive Faculty, he is like to have no share in the Hearing, and so ought to have Compensation in Speaking. Doodlesack has given his in a Forreign Tongue, which when interpreted stands thus, That He having but a small share of Elocution, but a very lively and strong imagination, may have leave, as occasion shall Offer, to Express his Thoughts by Staring, Grinning and Grimancing, of which he has so Exquisite a Talent, that those who cannot be said to understand any thing else, perfectly understand him in that Method of Utterance. Bibilardus59 Represents, That he is quite Dum- founded by the late fall of Stocks, so in Order to the opening his Mouth, he proposes a Law for raising Int'rest to Twelve per Cent. AEsop has given his Rule in Rhime, as follows. The Rule that I would advise. Is, Be quiet, and eat your Bread, If 'tis good; To be Merry and Wise, 'Tis the Dev'l to be Sullen and Mad. Coxcomb. Damn all Rules, Let us proceed to buss'ness. Cobus. Laet onze erst^ come to some Revoluties. Coxcom. Resolutions! Ay, begin with that, I like that Motion well enough; it is the shortest way. 96 [4] Speaker. Let one at a time Propose, and the rest Agree or Dissent, as they think fit. Coxcom. Resolv'd That neither this House, or they whom we Represent are bound by any Laws, Rules or Customs, any Law, Rule or Custom to the Contrary Notwithstanding.61 All. Agreed. Mulligr. That this House disclaims all Powers, Preheminencies or Authoritys, except it's own. All. Agreed. Babilard. That this House has an Inherent and Undoubted Right to the Undoubted Property of those we Represent. Coxcomb. That this House is the only Undoubted Supreme Inferior and Infimus Court of this Tenement, and that all others are a Nusance. All. Agreed. S o l e m n . 62 m*-. Speaker, being Resolv'd to enter my Dissent to these several Resolves, I shall first give my Reasons for so doing. I believe it is needless to put you in mind of our Origine, from whence we sprang, and how we came hither. It is well known that we were of that Number of Publick Spirited Persons, distinguish't from our Neighbours by an inward Light or Faculty, call it .what you Please. The Romans call it AEstrum, the French, Verve, our Northern Nation has indeed given it a Courser Name, which gave us a strong Disposition toward Reformations, Remonstrations, Resolutions, and other Acts of Zeal; in the eager pursuit of which we were apt to throw our selves, sometimes our Neighbours, into the Fire or Water. The Wisdom of the Times thought fit to Erect this Tenement for our Intertainment, where the Exercize of the Faculty aforesaid might be less Dangerous or hurtful to our selves, or others. Here we are Maintain'd at their Charge with Food and Rayment63 suitable to our Condition, and the Fabrick kept in Repair at the no small Annual Expences of our Landlords. And what Returns do we make? Have not many of us from our private Cells thrown our Filth and Ordure in their Faces? And now in a Collective Body we are about to throw more filthy Resolves at them. All. To the Barr, to the Barr. All. No, With-draw, With-draw. Solemn. I desire to be heard. 97 [5] All. With-draw. Speaker. Sir, It is pleasure of this House that you With-draw, in order to your being heard. [Exit Solemn. Gentlemen, your have heard this mans Insolence. What shall be done with him? Coxcomb. Hang'd, Drawn and Quarter 1d. AEsop. Ay, but what is his Crime? Coxcom. For affronting the Majesty of this House. AEsop. In what? What has he done or said? Cobus. Dat weet ick niet£4 but I agree with Coxcombs Propositie. Speaker. I am for Inflicting no Punishment but what is in our power, that is, to Expell him the House. All. Expell, Expell. AEsop. Hold a little. I suppose you intend to punish him, and not your selves; I'll tell you a Story. All. Expell, Expell, &c. AEsop. I beg your patience, 'tis but a short one; it is a Tale of a Pack of Hounds of my Acquantance, Fowler, the stanchest Hound o'th' breed, Had got th' ill Will of all the rest; Not for his Tongue, his Nose or Speed, Th' these were all by far the best; Malice and Envy know no bounds And Currs^S have ever bark'd at Hounds. But that which most provok'd their Spite Was this, that when they run a Foil^S Or Counter, Fowler led them right, Which cost him many a bitter broil. Snubbing the Rash and Rioters, And lugging laizy Ones by th' Ears. So at a General Council held For Grievances, or what you will, Poor trusty Fowler was Expell'd, That free-born Dogs might range their fill. And so they did; but mark what came on't, Hence-forth they made but sorry Game on't. 98 [5-6] The giddy Pack, their Guide b 'ing gone, Run Riot, and the Hunts-Man swore, Strap't some, and some he whipt; but one He hang'd, a Noisy babling Curr. In short, the Pack was spoyl'd; Pray then, Shall Fowler be Expell!d agen? ^ 7 Coxcomb. A Pox on your Tale, let us proceed to the Vote. Speaker. What is then your pleasure with relation to the Member who is to be Expell'd? All. Expell'd, Expell'd. Speaker. Call him to the Bar. Enter Solemn. Sir, for Reasons best known to our selves, you are Expell'd. r '.. Soleman. Sir, You do me too much honor. [Exit. Enter Messenger. Messenger. Mr. Speaker, The Lord Androboros with Two Men in Black^S desires Admittance. Speaker. Is it your pleasure he be admitted? Omnes. Ay, Ay. Speaker. Let the Clerk go to him with the Compliments of the House, and Conduct him in. [Tom a going. Keeper. St. St. St. Tom, a Word with you. Pray who are these same men in Black, who accompany the General? Tom. Two other special Friends of yours, viz. Fizle and Flip; The first was heretofore a Muggletonian^^ of the other side of Moorefields, but having no Butter to his Bread there, he Chang'd their Service for that of this House; He sometime fancy'd himself to be the Pope,7® but his Brother not relishing that as Derogatory to his Pretentions, he is now Contended to be7- 1 - Patriarch of the Western Empire, of which Androboros is to be Sultan; 7 2 The other, for a wonderful Energy in the two most Unruly Members of the Body, has been follow'd of late by the Women and Boys, but a late sinistrous Accident has Crack't his Voice, and — that now he is but little regarded.7 2 But I must be gone. [Ex. Tom. Keeper. The Rogue is a good Painter- Deputy. He draws from the Life, I assure you. 9 9 [6-7] Act First, Scene Third. Enter Androboros and Tom, Flip and Fizle. Androb. MOST VENERABLE Gentlemen, Upon my Rounds of Inspection, Prospection and Retrospection, I have understood with Pleasure that you have sequester'd from ypur House that wandring Plague, that Kibes^ in the Heels, and Piles in the posteriors of Mankind. AEsop. Pardon me, Sir, your Name has not been mention'd here, that I know of. Androb. I mean Solemn, which Act I approve and Commend. It is with no less satisfaction that I now acquaint you, That upon the Earnest Application and most humble Suit of the High and Potent Towrowmowyoughtough, Emperor of many Nations, and my good Allies, the Kings of Agnisagkimaghswoughsayk, Savanaghtipheugh, and Bowwougewouffe,^ i have undertaken an Expedition against the Mulo Machians, your Inveterate F o e s .76 Your Concurrence to enable me to carry it on with Success, is what I demand and expect; and for your Incouragement, I do Swear by this sacred Image, not to pare these Nails, wash this blew Visage, or put off this speckled Shirt, Until I have made that Haughly Monarch Confess himself, in all his Projects for Universal Dominion, my Inferior; and My D e l a m y a ,77 fairer then the fairest Princess of his Blood or Empire. So leaving this weighty Affair to your wise Counsels, We bid you heartily Farewell. [Exit Strutting. Speaker. You have heard what this Man has propos'd. What do you Resolve? Coxcom. Let us Resolve to Support, Maintain and Defend the undoubted Tilte [sic] of the Great Androboros to the Powers and Authoritys he has Graciously Assum'd over this and all other the like Tenements, against all Wardens, Directors, Keepers, and their Abettors. All. Agreed. Doodlesack. Laet onze Dissolve, That a Summ not Exceeding Negen Skillingen7® and Elleve Pence be rais'd for the Expeditie. All. Agreed. Speaker. Ay, and 'tis more then 'tis worth. Babilard. Let us Resolve, That He has behav'd Himself on the said Expedition with Courage, Conduct and Prudence. 100 [7-8] Speaker. What I before 'tis over! AEsop. By all means, lest when it is over you should have less reason for this Resolve. But if after all, we must go to War, I would be glad to be better satisfy'd with the Choice of a Leader? For as to this Mans Prowess, we have nothing but his own Word for't. Coxcomb. The Choice is a good Choice, and he that doubts it, is a Son----So for that, amongst other weighty Reasons, I second Mr. Babilards Motion. Doodlesack. Ick ock7^ because it may cast some Reflectic upon our Keeper. AEsop. Before you proceed any further. I'll beg leave to tell you another Tale, it is but a short one, and if it fails to Instruct, it may divert. The Bees®0 so fam'd for Feats of War, And Arts of Peace, were once, of Sense As void as other Insects are, 'Till time and late Experience, The only Schoolmaster of Fools, Taught them the use of Laws and Rules. In that wild state they were Assail'd By th' Wasps,®-'- oft routed and Opprest; Not that their Hearts or Hands had fail'd. But that their Head was none o'th' best. The D r o n e ® 2 being, by the Commons Voice, Chose for the Greatness of his Noise. Thus ill they sped in every Battle; For tho' the Chief was in Request At home, for's Fools Coat and his Rattle, Abroad he was the Common Jest. The Wasps in all Ingagements, held---- His Folly more then half the Field. Grown Wiser by repeated Woes, The Bees thought fit to change their Chief, It was a Humble Bee8they Chose, Whose Conduct brought them quick Relief; And ever since that Race has led 'em, The Drones are Drums, as Nature made 'em.84 101 [8-9] But go on with your Resolves; you have mine. Speaker. I like the last Choice of the Bees, for my part; for hy the Law no' man can be allow'd to be an Evidence for himself, especially when he happens to be be [sic] a single one. Doodlesack. Wishy Washy's; I agree to Mr. Babilards Proposite, for the Reasons given, with this addition, That our Keeper is een Skellum.8 8 Coxcomb. And ought to be dismiss't from having any further Authority over us. Act First, Scene Fourth. Enter Keeper and Deputy. Keeper. TO YOUR KENNELS, ye Hounds.---- [Exit Omnes. Deputy. Now, Sir, I hope you are satisfied, and for the future you'll keep 'em to their Cells. Keeper. No, let them enjoy their former Liberty, perhaps they'll stand Corrected. Deputy. I much doubt it; but I shall Obey. Keeper. Now, Mr. Tom. If I may be so bold. Favour me with a sight of the Minutes of your House. Tom. With all my heart, here they are. Keeper. What's herel A Castle, a Wind-Mill, and Sheperd with a Ram at his back? Tom. Ay, Sir, a sort of AEgyptian short Hand, containing the substance of their Resolves. The Castle Renvers'd8 8 and in the Air, denotes the independency of our House; the Wind-Mill without Sails, an Expedition without Means or Leader; 8 7 and the Ram butting the Shepherd on the Breech, or in other words, dismissing him from having any further Authority over him.---- Keeper. That wants no Explanation. You'll Watch them, Tom, and serve them in the same Capacity, if they meet again. Tom. To the best of my Skill. Keeper. Let1s to Dinner. [Exeunt. Finis Actus Primi. 102 [9] Act Second, Scene First. Enter Babilard, Fizle, Flip, Coxcomb Babilard. YOU SEE what our wise Resolves have brought upon us, we shall never do his buss'ness in this way, Muzled as we are; I wish my Advice had been follow'd. Fizle. Pray what was that? Babilard. I was for proceeding in the way of secret Representations and Remonstrances against him, which My Lord O i n o b a r o s , 8 8 his declar'd Enemy, might have long e'er this improv'd to his Ruin. Fizle. That was my own Method, but that which discourages me is, that at Parting my Lord assur'd me, That he would return in six Moneths, and Confirm me in my Patriarchatinstead of that, he has himself taken up with the Wardenship of a Spunging-house. Coxcomb. No, that Method will never do. Have not I, and my Friends transmitted to Mr. Wry Rump^ A Ream of Complaints, as big as the Bunch on his back, which were Referr'd to the Consideration of the Casually sitting Mebmers [sic] of the little House,and he was dismiss'd with a Kick o'h' Breech. We must Accuse him of something more Flagrant; Triffles won't do.9- ^ Fizle. Why, Then I have another Device for you. You see he can Dissolve our Senate with a Crack of his Whip, so there is nothing to be done that way. Let us incorporate our selves into a Consistory;^ That I believe He dare not touch, without being Reputed an Enemy to the Consistory; and if he does, we may hunt him down full Cry at present. Flip. That I shold like well enough, but I'm afraid the Cunning Rogue won't meddle with us, as such. Fizle. We'd say, and swear, That he did, and that's all one. I have a Plot in my head, which I hope will do the buss'ness; in the mean time, go you and acquaint the Rest, that they meet us here in full Consistory Immediately. [Exit Babilard, and Coxcom. Flip. Pray, Brother, Instruct me in your Contrivance, I may help you out with my Advice. 103 [9-10] Fizle. It is briefly this. This same Rogue was ever an Enemy to the short Coats and Scanty Skirts of the Laity, and Consequently to the long Robes and Pudding Sleeves of the others; I'll instantly have my long Coat Bes < k > irted^ and Besh , and give out, That it is He, or some of his People, who has don't. If any should be so Heterodox as to doubt the truth on't, I have some ready to swear to the Size and Colour of the T .96 Flip. I like this welly about it streight, I'll attend them here, Open the Consistory in your Name, and Prepare 'em for what is to ensue. [Exit Fizle. Flip. This same Fizle is a Notable Fellow for the head of a Consistory, if he had but a Competent Doze of Brains; but These are so shallow that a Louse may suck 'em up without surfeiting,97 which renders that noble Portion of Malice, with which he is Liberally endow'd of little use to the Publick. Act Second, Scene Second. Enter Mulligrub, Doodlesack, Babilard, Coxcomb, Tom, AEsop, &c. Flip. IN THE ABSENCE of My Brother Fizle whose occasions have call'd him away for a little time, I am to acquaint you, That he has of his own free Will, meer Motion and by virtue of the Plenitude of his Patriarchal Authority, chosen and e < 1 > ected you for his Consistory-men and Counsellors in all Cases and Causes Visible and Invisable. Coxcom. We are highly honor'd by his Choice, and Promise an Implicit Obedience to his pleasure. [Enter Fizle. Fizle. 0 Horror! O Abomination! was ever the like seen, heard or read of! Flip. What's the Matter? Fizle. As I went to Robe my self for the more decent Attendance on this Consistory I found my Robes in this Pickle! That Vestment, so Reverene'd by the Antient and Modern World, beskirted and Bedaub'd with what I must not name! AEsop. Who has done this? Fizle. Who has done it! Who but the known Enemies to Consistorys and Long Skirts? 104 [10-11] AEsop. But methinks your Discretion should have directed you to our Keeper with this Complaint. Fizle. Our Keeper 1 One of my Brethren told him of it but now, and he coldly Reply'd, if Mr. Fizle from the Redundancy of <His>- Zeal has beshit himself, the Abundance of his Wisdom methinks, should prevail with Q Q him to keep the Secret, and make himself Clean. Mulligr. A plain Proof the Keeper is the Man. Coxcomb. Ay, Ay, There Needs No Other Proof; it must be the Keeper. Fizle. I own, I thought so from the beginning; but what course shall we steer for Redress? Flip. If I may be thought worthy to advise in a matter of this Moment, we shall immediately Address My Lord Oinobaros" on this head, he being a Devotee to Long Robes of both Gendres, must highly Resent this Affront, and with the Assistance of Androboros, no less an Enemy to the Keeper, may Manage it to his Ruin and our Satisfaction. Babil. Let Mr. Fizle draw up an Address, and we'll all sign it. Fizle. Gentlemen, If such is your pleasure, I'll retire with the Clerk, prepare one, and submit it to your Approbation. All. Pray go about it. [Exit Fizle and Tom. AEsop. I Resent this Affront to the Long Robe as much as any Man, but methinks you proceed too hastily, and upon too slender Grounds against your Keeper. We all know the Malice of Mr. Fizle's heart, and that it has Increas'd in proportion to the Keepers good Nature. Had he been oftner Check'd, he had been less Troublesome to himself and us. Let us not provoke our Keeper; for my part, I think he is a good one. Coxcom. Whatl is he not an Enemy to the Consistory? AEsop. No, he is an Enemy to their Folly, and can well distinguish between the Function and the Person who abuses it. Pray give me leave to divert you, 'till Fizle returns, with another Tale; It is harmless, and I hope will give no Offence. 105 [11] In the beginning God made Men, And all was well, but in the End Men made their Gods, and Fondly pay'd 'em. The Worship due to him that made 'em, And all was wrong; for they Increas'd, And Multiply'd like Man and Beast. But none were bold in Reverence So much as P h o e b u s ,-*-^1 God of sense And Non-sense, Patron, as occasion Did serve, of Arts and Inspiration. Once on a day as he was led About to give a Cast of's Trade, Whether to Dance, or Sing, or Fiddle, Or as some say, to read a Riddle, I know not; but what-e'er it was, His Vehicle was but an Ass, And he none of the wisest neither; For when the Crowd had got together To pay due Homage to their God, Strowing with Flow'rs the Path he rode, And singing P < a> a n s , 1 0 2 the vain Beast Believ'd all this, to him Address't: He Pranc'd, and Flung, and Frisk'd about, Scatt'ring much Dirt among the Rout, And bray'd as if h 'had got a Pack Of Dev'Is, and not a God on's back. The Crowd essay'd by gentle ways, To Curb his Pride, and smooth < his> Pace; But all was talking to the Wind; For Zeal is deaf, when-e'er 'tis blind. Finding all other Methods fail, They seiz'd him by the Ears and Tail, And took the Idol from his back, With many a lusty Bang and Thwack. They let him know, that Phoebus was The God, and he was but an Ass.103 How d'ye like it? It is an old Tale, but a true Eccum Ipsum;104 let him speak for himself. 106 [12] Act Second, Scene Third. Enter Fizle and Tom. Fizle. GENTLEMEN, I have finish'd the Address Is it your pleasure that the Clerk read it? All. Ay, Ay. Tom. reads. To the most Potent Lord Oinobaros, Court of Kynommaria, Baron of E l a p h o k a r d i a . 1^6 T h e General Consistory of New Bedlam [?] most Humbly Represent, That we your Excellencies ever Besotted^-O^ [?] Subjects, Fizle. Devoted Subjects. Tom. Under a deep sense of the manifold Bastings we Enj oy'd. Fizle. Blessings, you OuphlOS you. Tom. Blessings we Enjoy'd under your Wild Administration. Fizle. Mild Administration. Tom. Mild Administration, find ourselves at this time under a Nonsensical Inclination. Fizle. What's that? Let me see't, Non-sensical Inclination! It can't be so. It is Indispensible Obligation. Tom. Ay, it should be so. Fizle. Write it down so then. Tom. 'Tis done. Finding our selves under an Incomprehensible Obstination. Flip. 'Owns' !109 That's worse than t'other. Tom. Cry Mercy, That is a blunder, Indispensible Obligation to have Recourse to your Excellencies known Condemnable Opposition to our Consistory, and all Things Sacred. Fizle. I think the Dev'l is in the Fellow. It is Commendable Disposition. Tom. You use so many Long Words, that a Clerk who is not a Scholar may easily mistake one for another. Towards our Consistory, and all things Sacred, Take leave humbly to Represent, That on the Ev'ning which succeeded the following Day. Fizle. Thou Eternal Dunce! The Ev'ning which preceded All-hallowday. HO Tom. Which preceded All-hallowday some open or secret Enemies to this Consistory broke into our Cupboard. Fizle. Ward-Robe. 107 [12-13] Tom. Wardrobe, taking from thence some Lumber appertaining to the Chief of our Rogues, I mean, some Robes appertaining to the Chief of our Number, which they Inhumanely Tore to pieces and Bedaub'd with Odour. Mulligrub. Hold I I make Exception to that, for there are sweet Odours as well as sower. Flip. 'Slid;H-l tis Ordure, (and not Odour) which is but another Name for a T— d. Mulligr. Write it down so then, for a T— is a T— all the world over. AEsop. And the more you stir it, the more 'twill stink. But go on. Tom. Now Tho' we cannot Possibly Prove, yet we Affirm Possitively, That it is our Keeper. AEsop. How's that? Fizle;. He reads wrong; it is, Tho' we cannot Possitively Prove, yet we Affirm, That possibly it may be our Keeper. Go on. Tom. Our Keeper or some of his People, who is guilty of this Facetious Fact. Fizle. Flagitious!^ Fact. Tom. Flagitious Fact. We further beg leave to Represent, That this Morning in a Collective Body, by a great Brutality of Noises. Fizle. Plurality of Voices. Tom. We had declar'd him a Raskal, but he had the Impudence to send us packing to our Cells, though we had several Merduous-*-^ Matters under the In <f> ection of our Hose. Mulligrub. Hold! I do not well understand that, Read it again. Fizle. He cant read his own Hand; it is Several Arduous Matters under the Inspection of our House. Go on. Tom. Wherefore it is our humble and earnest Supplication, That we may be once more put under your Wild Distraction. Fizle. Mild Direction. Tom. Or that of the Excrement Androboros. Fizle. Excellent Androboros. Tom. That so we may give a Loose to Our Knavery. Fizle. I'm afraid. Sirrah, you are a Knave; Get loose from our Slavery. 108 [13-14] Tom. I'm afraid. Sirrah, you are a Knave: Get loose from our Slavery, and fix a stolid Security for our Nasty Foundations. Fizle. Is the Dev'1 in thee! A solid Foundation for our lasting Security. Tom. A solid Foundation for our lasting Security. And your Petitioners, like Asses as they are, in a durty Pound,shall never cease to Bray. Fizle. (Raskal! it should be) like as they are in Duty Bound, shall never cease to pray. (I .could swear he reads thus on purpose.) Aesop. And not be For-sworn. But have you done? Tom. Yes, an't please your Honors. Fizle. Gentlemen, do you approve of this Draught? AEsop. I like it as the Clerk read it. Mulligrub. I approve of all, except the Ordure? I’ll have it a T— : Coxcom. You’ll have it a T— , A T— in your Teeth? it shall stand as it is Ordure. Mulligrub. T— d. Doodlesack. Ick been on the Cant van de T— d.^5 Babilard. Let us Compromise the Matter, and make it Turdure. All. Ay, agreed. AEsop. Gentlemen, you have agreed to the Draught of an Address? but what is to be done with it? Coxcom. Transmitted to Oinobaros. AEsop. For what purpose? Coxcomb. To ged Rid of our Keeper, and get Oinobaros in his room. AEsop. If you should, my mind Forbodes you would repent the Change. Coxcomb. Why? AEsop. Why! why because a man who could never yet Govern himself, will make but a sorry Governour for other s. H 6 Coxcomb. Have a care what you say? That is Scandalum Magnatum.117 Doodlesack. Pray, Mr. Tom. Wat is dat Lating? Ick forestaet niet.H^ Tom. He say my Lord is in a very great Post, call'd. The Scandalum Magnatum. Doodlesack. Is it given him lately. Tom. No, he has it by inheritance. H 9 109 [14] AEsop. Be advis'd by me; Lay your Address aside, and keep as you are; As for your Keeper, none of you can say that he has done you any harm; and for my part I am convinc'd, that he has done us much good. I must beg leave to tell you a Story. Coxcomb. Hang you and your Storys; we shan't mind em. AEsop. You may give it the same fair play you did to Mulligrub's Speech; hear it, tho' you do not mind it. I pray your patience. The Frogs,a Factious fickle Race, With little Maners, and less Grace, Croak'd for a King so loud, That all the Host of Heav'n sate mute Nodding to Jove-*-2^ - to grant their suit, And give 'em what they wou'd. A King they had, of such a size Who's Entry too, made such a Noise, That Ev'ry Neut and Frog Affrighted, run to hide their heads; Some in the Pool, some 'mongst the Reeds, Like fools, "Twas but a Log.122 At last, one bolder than the rest, Approach'd, and the new Prince Address't, No hurt from thence sustain’d, He mock'd his former Fears, and swore "Twas the best stick of Wood that o'er The Marshes ever Reign'd. Then all the Croaking Crew drew near, And in his shade from th' angry Air Were shelter'd safe, and eas'd, Nay more then that, they'd frisk and play Upon his back a live long day, He Undisturb'd and pleas'd. The Pertest Frog of all the Pack, A Toad, some say, his hue was Black;^23 'Tis true; but that's no matter, Upon the passive Monarch's head, At times would Noxious Venom shed, And- both his sides bespatter. 110 [14-15] 'Twas That same Frog, the Legends tell, Burst when he only meant to swell, Soon after these Events. Be that as 'twill, 'twas He that drew That giddy Senseless Crowd to new Sedition and Complaints. Give us a bustling King, Dread Sir I They cry'd, a King that makes a stir; This is not to be mov'd.124 Jove heard and gave'm one, who's care Was, that they should Obey and Fear, No matter how they Lov'd. It was a Stork ^^frio's Law-less Rage Spar'd neither Sex, Degree nor Age, That came within his reach. And that was great, for whilst his Claws Ransack't the Deep, his Vulturs Jaws Could wander oe'r the Beach. Then they Implor'd the God to send From heav’n a Plague, from Hell a Fiend, Or any but this Curse. Peace, cry'd the Monarch of the Gods, Ye Worms; Keep him you have, 'tis odds The Next may prove a W o r s e . 125 Now If you please, you may put the Question about your Address. I take it to be Log or Stork. Enter Door-Keeper. Door-keeper. Here's a Courier from Androboros, just return'd from the Expedition, who desires Admittance. AEsop. It is the most Expeditious Expedition I ever heard of; let us adjourn the Address, and receive the General's Message. Fizle. Let him come in. Enter Messenger. Messenger. The Renown'd Androboros with a tender of his hearty Zeal and Affection sends this to the Consistory, the Senate being Discontinued. I l l [15-16] [Delivers a Letter. Fizle Reads. RIGHT FRIGHTFUL AMD FORMIDABLE, We Greet you Well, And by this Acquaint you, That for many, Weighty Considerations Us thereunto moving. We have thought fit to adjourn the Intended Expedition to a more proper season, because we have, upon due and Mature Examination been fully convinc'd, that the Mulomachians, our Reputed Enemies, are in very deed our good and faithful Friends and Allies, who, to remove all Doubts and Scruples, have freely offer'd to Consolidate Consistories with us, as also to divide with us the Commerce of the World, generously resigning and yeilding to us that of the two Poles, reserving to themselves only what may lie between e'm. They have likewise Condescended that we shall keep some Forts and Holds, which by the Fortune of the War they could not take from us, and have promis'd and engag'd to Raze and Demolish some Places in their Possession to our prejudice, so soon as more Convenient are built in their room and place. You are further to understand, to your Great satisfaction, that this is a Treaty Litteral and Spiritual, so that having two Handles it may be Executed with the greater Facility, or if need be, the One may Execute the other, and so it may Execute it self. Now these Concessions (tho* it be well known that I hate Boasting) having been obtain'd, in a great measure by the Terror of my Name and Arms, I expect your Thanks. And so we bid you heartily F a r e w e l l . 127 Androboros AEsop. Buzzzzz, Hummmmm, Buzzzzz---- Fizle. What Return shall we give to this Civil and Obliging Message? AEsop. Return him his Letter. Coxcomb. No, let us vote him Thanks, a Statue and a Triumph! Enter Keeper. Keeper. Be no surpriz'd, I have heard what you are about, and Cordially joyn with you in what you propose, in honour of the Valiant Androboros, Having received instructions from my Superiors to use that mighty Man according to his Deserts.-' 112 [16-17] AEsop. What! Is our Keeper Mad too? Keeper. In the Mean time, All Retire to you respective Apartments, until due Disposition be made for his Reception. Exit, manent Fizle and AEsop. Act Second, Scene Fourth. <Fiz.> WHAT A MANI I1th Dumps, because our Keeper let fall a word or two about Orders to use a certain great Man according to his deserts! AEsop. I hope he has receiv'd the same Orders relating to you. Fizle. There is more in this than you Imagine; I ever believ'd, that it would come to this at last. AEsop. Why? What's the matter? Fizle. The Keeper undoubtedly has receiv'd Orders to resign to Androboros. AEsop. What then? Fizle. What then! I'll tell you what then; Then My Brethren and I shall have our due, and you with yours be proud to lick the Dust off our Feet. AEsop. Ha'nt ye your allowence? Fizle. What of that? That's no more then the Law gives us. AEsop. And you would have more. Law or Custom makes an Inch to an Ell-^® very fair allowance; you, it seems, want an Ell to an inch. I wish your Stint might be some how ascertain'd; but that, I doubt, cannot easily be compass'd. And whosoever, by giving hopes to find an end of your Craving will find himself deceiv'd. I'll tell you a Tale to this [half a line missing], *1 O Q The Rats, a Tribe much better fed Then taught, that mortally abhor'd To work, lov’d ease and eating, fled For shelter to a S a x o n ^ - 3 0 Lord, Who's Barns and Paunch were ever full. And nothing Empty but his Skull. 113 [17] Here did they Revel at their ease, Far from the watchful Pusses Eye; For he had banish't all that Race For th' Love they bore to liberty And Cleanliness, Things to his Nature As opposite as Fire to Water. His steward put him oft in mind. That all his plenty only serv'd To Fatten Vermin, whilst the Hind^^l That Labour'd, and his Servants starv'd; And what was worse, th* Infirm and Poor Unfed, unpity'd, ply'd his Door. To this, the Churlel32 reply'd at length. And they may all starve on for me. The Rats eat not above a Tenth, These would Consume me one in Three, They are the Rats that would destroy me; The others cannot much annoy me. The pamper'd Tribe familiar grown By this Indulgence, Lodg'd themselves No more as heretofore they ad [sic] done. In holes and Corners, and on Shelves, But in his Robes, and in the upshot. They ate his very Heart and Guts o u t . 133 God beyt't ye. [Exit AEsop. Fizle. Rats! a Dog! I'll Rat ye, ye Whorson Tale- Teller, you Vermin! a Son of a Whore---- [Exit Fizle. Act Third, Scene First Enter Keeper, Deputy, Tom and Servant. Deputy. WITH ALL DUE Submission, Sir, give me leave to ask you what you mean by the splendid Reception you have promis'd to give to that Odd Man? 114 [17-18] Keeper. Very Little besides Diversion. My Superiors, as I am inform'd, have Cloath'd him with Sham-Powers meerly to get rid of his Noise and Trouble; and since these must fall to my share, I'll humour him to keep him quiet.134 Deputy. That is not to be hop'd for whilst he lives. Tom. Persuade him that he is dead then. Keeper and Deputy. Ha, Ha, Ha, Tom. It' is far from Impossible, however Extravagant you may think the Overture. If you'll be rul'd by me. I'll answer for the Success of what I propose, under any Penalties you please. I'm sure he has had the Art to Dream himself into Notions every whit!35 as Absurd. His Imagination is very ductile when 'tis h e a t e d , 136 and by a Long Practice upon't, he has made it as susceptible of Impressions from Without, as it has been of these from Within. Do you but when he appears, behave your selves as if he were invisible, and take no maner [sic] of Notice of what he shall say or do, and I'll answer for the rest. Here he comes, mind him not. Enter Androboros. Tom. I was not present, Sir, when he Expir'd, but arriv'd a few Minutes after. Keeper, So suddenly too! I wish he may not have had foul play. Androb. Your Servant, Gentlemen, I hope I do not Interrupt you; pray, who is it you speak of? Tom. No, Sir, he dy'd of an uncommon Disease, The Physitians call it, a Tympany in the I m a g i n a t i o n , 13 7 occasion'd by a collection of much indigested Matter there, which for want of due Excretion, made a breach;in the P e r i c r a n e ,138 at which that great Soul took its flight. Keeper. Had he made his Will? Androboros. Pray, Gentlemen, who is it that's Dead? Tom. I have not heard of any. Androb. Cry mercy, I thought---- Tom. Only about the time he Expir'd, he Cry'd, I leave This World, this Worthless World to My Delamya, 0 Delamya! Androb. You Impudent Dog you, dare but to Profane that sacred Name with thy base breath, and I'll crush thee to Nothing. 115 [18-193 Tom. Hark, did not you hear an odd Noise? Deputy. Something like the Humming of a Bee. Tom. Me thinks it sounded rather like the Breath of the Bung of an Empty Barrel.139 Androb. You Sawcy Knave, Take that. [Strikes him a Box o'th'Ear Tom. It was nothing but a Flea in my Ear. [Scratching his Ear.] And, so (as I was saying,) with that Name in his Mouth he Expir'd. Androb. Gentlemen, I am not to be made a May-Game; your betters shall be acquainted with your Conduct. [Exit. Keeper. Run Tom, and allay or baulk his Fury. [Exit Tom. What d'ye think of Tom's Project, is it Not an Odd One? Deputy. I hardly believe He'll succeed, but if he does, what thenl Keeper. Then We shall live at ease, he'll dream no more, when he thinks that he's dead. It is amazing that this Mans Visions, like Yawning, should be catching. The Inhabitants of this Tenement are not the only Dupes of his Quixotism.140 Deputy. That Indeed is matter of Wonder; and if the Countenance given to Folly be not all Grimace, The World is as Mad as he. Enter Tom. Tom. I have Instructed the Porter, and the other Servants, and have proclaim'd to all, the General remains Incognito, until he makes his Publick Entry, and that no notice is to be taken of him, more then if he were Absent, under the Pain of his highest Displeasure. Keeper. So far all goes well, But you must Intrust Solemn and AEsop with your Plot. Tom. I have already. The first is to be my Conjurer. Keeper. Conjurer! Tom. Yes, my Conjurer; To him alone, and that too but some times, he shall be visible, to all besides, a shadow, an Empty Name. Here they come. 116 [19] Enter Solemn and AEsop. Keeper. Gentlemen, you have your Q. Solemn. Do you but keep your Countenance, leave the rest to us. [Chairs and a Table, they sit down. Enter Androboros. Androb. Sure all the World is Mad, or have a mind to make me so; I try'd to get out, but the Porter lean't his Staff against my Nose, and belch't full in my Chops; a C u l v e r i n e l 4 1 could not have done more suddain Execution than that Erruption of B a r m l 4 2 and Tobacco Smoak. Solemn. When is he to be Interr'd? Tom. This Ev'ning, but is to lie in State here till then. Androboros. I made a Shift to recover my self, and attempted the back passage; but in the Door of the Kitchinl43 j Was saluted with a Pale of <Foul> Water, which had like to have been succeeded by a Shovel of burning Coals, but that I made a speedy Retreat. Something's the matter, what e’er it is; I'll listen here and find it out. Keeper. But why so suddainly? 'Tis strange so Great a Man should be bury'd with so little Ceremony. Androb. Bury'd, said hel Tom. It is done by the advice of Physitians, who have declar'd that his Disease was such as make a man stink vilely after he is dead. Keeper. The fair Delamya! how does she bear the Loss? Tom. She's Inconsolable, ready to burst her sides. Keeper. How! Tom? Yes, Sir, Excess of Joy makes some People Weep; Excess of Grief makes her < Laugh > Inordinately, and Cry out Incessantly, Are these our promised Joys, O Androboros! One Grave shall hold us. And then she laughs again. Androb. Androboros, it seems then I'm dead; 'tis odd that I should not know it. I'll try that. [Takes a Chair. Keeper. Poor Lady, she lov'd him well, I doubt she'll be good as her Word. 117 [19-20] AEsop. Who set this Empty Chair by me? Solemn. Save me, ye Kinder Powers, and guard my Senses! Keeper. What's the matter Man? What d'ye see? Tom. It is but a Raving fit, the Effect of deep study: he is often taken so. Solemn. No, my sense is temperate as yours. Look there [symbol of pointing hand] AEsop. There is a Chair, What then? [Shoving it with his Foot. Solemn. Have ye no Eyes? Can't you see? Keeper. For my part I see nothing but what I use to see. Solemn. Why there, in that Chair sits the Venerable Form of the deceas'd Androboros, in nothing differing from that Awful Figure he once made, but that you regard it not. Keeper. Sure he Raves. AEsop. That Chair. Why there's nothing in that Chair. There it lies. [Strikes down Androboros, Chair and all. Solemn. 0! Offer it no Violence. Androb. You Old Dog, I'll be Reveng'd. [Goes off. Solemn. See how it Stalks off! With what Majestick Air, and how Stern a Brow! It Resents the Indignity offer'd. Ha, Ha, Ha. All. Ha, Ha, Ha, Ha. Tom. Now we have him; it begins to work, if I do not mistake his Looks. Deputy. I had much ado to contain my self. Keeper. What's next to be done? Tom. Trust that to me; but be sure not to mind him, ev’n tho' he should be Outragious. To Solemn only he must be visible for some time. Have you got your Conjuring Tackle ready? Solemn. I have. <T> hat will serve the turn. O here he comes again in very pensive Mood and doleful Dumps.' All walk off, as if you saw him not; I'll remain alone. [Exeunt Keeper, Deputy, Tom and AEsop, passing by Androboros without taking Notice of him. 118 [20-21] Act Third, Scene Second. Solemn at the Table with Books and Implements. Enter Androboros. Androb. 'TIS STRANGE, Wondrous strange, I should take the whole to be a Trick, were it not that my best, my firmest Friends, who never could be Induc'd to practice upon me in this gross manner, behave them selves to my Face as if they saw me not. Whilst I sate at that Table, That only Raskal, Solemn saw me, and started and star'd as if he had been a Ghost; The rest saw nothing. They were talking of my Disease, Death, Burial and latter Will, as of things certain, and of publick knowledge. I think I'm pretty sure that I am Alive, tho it seems, I am singular in that belief. I See, I Feel, I Hear as I us'd to do, ev'n now I hear my own Voice as plain as can be; I have Thought and Reflection as usual. But, Alasl departed Spirits if they think at all, must think that they do think, that is, that they are not dead, It may be so. Ev'n that very Knave who but now could see me, sits musing by himself as if if I were not here. I Remember it was the Common Opinion that a Ghost that walks, could be seen but by One of a Company. But why should he be blind now? [Walks nearer. Solemn. It must Portend some suddain Change i'th' State; For Ghosts of Note never walk but upon these solemn Errands. Androb. He does not see me yet; I remember I was on th' other side when he saw me last. [Goes to the other side. Solemn. If the poor Spirit is permitted once more to haunt these Walls, I'll question it, if my Courage fail me not; he may, perhaps, have something of Moment in Commission. Androb. If you can't see me, can't you hear me, you old Dev'l you? [Bawling. 119 [21] Solemn. How painful, yet unprofitable are all the deeper ways of Art? The Vulgar undisturb'd. Frequent the silent Shades, and quietly enjoy the pleasure of soft Recess or Balmy Slumbers, whilst I whom Science has rais'd so far above them, have not a peaceful hour. If at any time I would see into Futurity, I must take my Talisman, and then all Ghosts or Spectres which chance at that time to crowd the Ambient Air, become visible to me, and to me alone. Not dreaming of any search into the Intellectual World; but by meer Chance, I grasp'd my Talisman thus, when streight — [Takes a Tobacco-stopper out of his Pocket. Starts up Wildly- Angels and all the Ministers of Grace, Defend me. Be thou a spirit of Health, or Goblin Damn'd! Bring with thee Airs from Heav'n, or Blasts from Hell, Thou Com’st in such a Questionable Shape, I'll speak to Thee. Thanks Good Hamlet for this again, I'll [Softly. call thee General. Valiant Androboros, O speak. Androb. I tell you, ye Old Fool---- Solemn. O speak, if ought of dire Import. Androb. Why, I'll tell you. Sirrah---- Solemn. <To> this our state disturbs thy sacred Shade, impart, O speak. Androb. Let me speak then, and be hang'd--- Solemn. For sure no common Cause could raise thee from thy silent H e r s e . 145 Androb. ^OwnsL Can your Talisman make you See, and not make you Hear, You Old Conj'ring Dog, you? Solemn. Its Lips Tremble, as if it would Speak, but this is not the time- Up, Up, my Talisman, and give thy Master and the Perturbed Spirit Quiet for a Season.---- [Puts Up his Tobacco-stopper. Now all is well again.---- [Sits Down. Sure something is Amiss, what-e'er it is. <Androb.> Now he has lost Sight of Me again. Take out your what d'ye-call't once more, and may be I may tell you all. Solemn. If I should impart this Odd Event to others, they'll not Credit it, and to show him in his Aerial Form, I dare not. 120 [21-22] Androb. Can you show me to other Folks? I'm glad of that. You shall---- Solemn. Lest the Odious Name of Conjurer should be fixt upon me, and I (such is the prevailing Ignorance and Envy of the Age) instead of being Reverenc’d for my Science be hang’d for a Wizzard. Androb. Look ye, I'll answer for you. Solemn. Some other time I'll venture further. Mean while ’tis fit that I retire and ruminate upon this odd Phoenomenon, and find out by my Talismanick Art some means to unsear its Lips. [Exit. Androb. Unsear your Ears, ye Old Buzzard, I can speak, but you, it seems, can’t hear. He's gone, a Pestilence go with him. I can't tell what to think of it; Am I bew'itch't, or am I really Dead, as they say? It cannot be. Why, is not that a Hand as plain as a Pike Staff? Is not this a Nose? Don't I feel? Yes surely, to my Cost; for my back Akes still with the bruise I got when that Villain AEsop Over-set my Chair yet I remember to have heard the learned say, that it is the Soul alone that Feels, the Body is but a Senseless Mass. If I did not think, I should not feel; then Perhaps I only think I feel. Think I I know not what to think, or whether I think at all, if I am Alive or Dead, or whether I ever was alive or no. Sure all this cannot be a Dream; I wish it were, and that I were fairly a w a k e . 146 p here come my good Friends, Fizle and Flip. Now I shall know. Enter Fizle and Flip Fizle. You must take no Notice of him at all, before he makes his Publick Entry; He'll have it so, and you know his Humor. Poor Tom has been Whipt almost to Death by his Orders, for barely Saluting him. Flip. That is a little Whimsical, by the by; me thinks he might be visible to his Friends. Androb. What's that? Pray Gentlemen, let me ask you one Question, because I hear. That there is some Doubt my Visibility; D'ye see me? Am I Alive or Dead? What d'ye Think? Fizle. I told you so, this he does to try our Obedience. Answer him Not. 121 [ 2 2 - 2 3 ] Androb. Will neither of you Answer me? Fizle. At six a Clock I'll meet you here again. Adue. [Exeunt severally, without Noticing him. Androb. They're Gone, and saw me not! Nay, then 'tis too True, I am Dead, as sure as I'm Alive; Dead, Dead as a Herring, and something worse too; for I am Condemn'd to Converse with no Body, but Old Solemn, who ever was a Hell upon Earth to me. Would I could change that Doom for any other. Could I but have the Company of my Fellow Ghosts, I should be in some measure Happy, but that is not my Lot, it seems. If the Old Conjurer can but unsear Lips, as he calls it, or uncork his own Ears, as I take it, I might perhaps prevail with him to Conjure me a little better Conversation than his own. It is Tormenting, that I must be oblig'd to him: but there is no Remedy; I'll W h e a d l e l 4 7 him with a Story of the other World, of which I know as little as he does; That may work upon him. Enter Tom, with a Broom Sweeping the Gallary. Tom. What a Clutter is here about the Earthing an Old Stinking Corps; Would he had Lain in State in some other place; but rest his Soul, such was his Will. [Sings. Whenas Old Nick-Nack Rul'd this Land, A D o u g h t y l 4 8 Blade he Wore. Four Dozen < dragons > Hides he Tann'd. Of Gyants ekel^9 Four Score. Androb. I wonder if the Ghosts of other Man hear all the Vile Things that are said and Sung of them after their Death?150 [Tom sweeps the Dust on him. Tom. But now he's Dead, and laid in Clay.---- This Dust is most Abominably Salt, 15.1 i must qualify't a little. [Drinks, and spurts it upon him. What a Plaguy Earthy Taste this same small Beer has got, all of a suddain. [sings But now he's Dead and laid in Clay,---- 122 [ 2 3 - 2 4 ] Androb. That's a Lye, for I a'n‘t Bury1d yet, by his own Confession. Tom. Alack, and Wo therefore, The Gyants they may go to play. The" Dragons sleep and snore. What a Carrion stink here is; the more I sweep the more it stinks. .Androb. Solemn can see me, but can't hear me; This Fellow can neither see me nor hear me; but he can smell me; I'll try if he can feel me. Tom. The Dragons sleep and snore.---- The stink Comes that way. [Buts him on the Breast with the Broom. I'll Perfume the Air a little. [Besprinkles him with the Bottle- Androb. Hold, Sirrah, hold. Well, if I were alive they durst not have us'd me thus; This Usage convinces me more than anything else. [Exit. Tom. He has it, he has it; I doubt it will be a hard matter to perswade him to Life again. Act Third, Scene Third. Enter Fizle and Flip. Fizle. We see, Tom, you are very busy. But if it be no Interruption, pray give us leave to ask you, In what manner the General is to make his Entry? Tom. You have it. Fizle. Nay, Answer us Directly. Tom. I do, you have Leave. Flip. Well then. In what manner is the General to make his Entry? Tom. Ask him. Fizle. Thank you for that; Ask him, and have our Curiosity answer'd as your was. But we know that it depends in a great measure on the Keeper, and you of late are more in his Confidence than we. 123 [24] Tom- If it depends upon the Keeper, He'll make his Entry by way of Exit? If upon himself, it is Problematical, and admits of several Solutions. Flip. As how? Tom. Either, Hurry-Durry, Hum-Drum, or Blud and 'Owns.152 Rest you Merry, Gentlemen. [Exit. Fizle. We shall learn nothing from this Fellow; but so far we know, that the Keeper must assist at it; And from a broad by hints we have understood, that if he is destroy'd any how, so the General be not seen in't, He’ll take that Trust upon himself; Then all will be Well. Now if we can but Contrive to have the Chair over Loaded, plac'd Upon the Hatch over the Vault, and the Hatch Unbolted, or so weakly Barr'd, that its weight may sink him Down, we shall get Rid of him, and it will appear to the world to be the meer Effect of Chance. Tom- Peeping. Are you there with your Bears?153 i shall be up with you. I'll go find out Solemn, and try to build on this Foundation of their own Laying. [Exit. Flip. This is Admirable, and cannot fail; Let's loose no time, but go about it streight; I'll get into the Vault, and Prepare the Bolt; do you take care to place the Chair. Here comes old Solemn; no more words, but Mumm. [Exeunt. Enter Solemn, and Tom. Solem. are you sure that you heard distinctly? The Excess of the Villany makes it incredible! Tom. Am I sure that I live? But if you doubt it, the very Tampering with the Chair will Convince you. Solemn. Away then, acquaint the Keeper, and AEsop, leave the rest to me. One thing you must take care be Punctually Observ'd, that is. That Androboros Friends be planted next to the Chair, by way of Precedency. Quick, Quick, be gone. Tom. I fly. [Exit. Solemn. When Malice becomes a Moral Virtue, that Couple must be sainted; if the Long Robes were made use of only to Cover the Personal Defects and Blemishes of those who wear 'em, much might be said in their Defence; 124 [24-25] but when they are worn or lent to Cover Daggers, and Poyson prepar'd for the Innocent, is there a Mortal so devoid of Humanity as to appear on their side? If, as the Philosophers speak, the Corruption of the best Things produces the Worst, the Abuse of Things Sacred must he Dev'lish. 0! you are come in good time. Enter AEsop. Pray get all in order for this same Entry; Neglect not that part of the Ranking of them, which I, by Tom, recommended to you. I'll Equip the General, and dispose him for his Triumph: In the mean while do you Intertain'em with a Tale, or how you please, until he comes. AEsop. Dispatch then, for they grow Impatient. [Exit AEsop. Enter Androboros. Androb. I hope he has by this time found a way to unsear my Lips or his own Ears, no matter which. Solemn. Here he comes pat. Nick-Nack, How dos't do?154 I'm glad to see thee Awake with all my heart. Androb. Is the Dev'l in the Fellow? He can see me now without the help of his G y m e r a c k : 1 5 5 not to mention your odd Familiarity. What d'ye mean by Awake? When was I asleep? Solemn. Asleep! You have been so Time out of m i n d . 156 You have been Walking asleep. Talking asleep, and Fighting asleep, I know, not how long. Androb. I'm glad it's no Worse; I Thought I was Dead, at least every body else seem'd to think so. Solemn. Dead! No, No; it is all a Jest. Androb. Why, you old Raskal, you, Did you not but now start at the sight of me, as if you had seen a Ghost? Solemn. True, yet you are not actually Dead, but Invisible to all the World besides, and must continue so, so long as I shall think fitting. Androb. aside. I ever thought this Fellow had the black Art. [to him] I wish thou would'st change that Curse for any other. Canst thou not make thy self invisible to me, as thou hast done me to other Folks? So far I own I would be oblig'd to thee, and thank thee. 125 [25-26] Solemn. If that will oblige you, 'tis done, Look but into this Tellescope, and in that instant I shall become invisible to you. [Looks into a hollow Cane; Solemn from the other End blows Snuff into his Eyes. It is done? Androb. Villian, Dog, Raskal, I'm blind; Where are ye, ye Villian, Murderer? Solemn. Here, This way. This way; You must see with your Ears, until I shall think fit to Unsear your Eyes, General; That is the bargain, if I remember right. [Exit Solemn, Androb. Groping his way after him. Act Third, Scene Fourth. Curtain drawn. Discovers Keeper, Deputy, Tom, AEsop, Fizle, Flip, Coxcomb, Babilard, Mullegrub, &c. Keeper. LET THE BLACK Gentlemen be Rank'd as they desire; I'll do all I can to please 'em. AEsop. With all my Heart, Only I thought it bad Heraldry that these who are supported by the Chair, should support it.157 Keeper. Another time you shall have your way; I'll have it so now; let the Rest observe their distance. [Here they are rank't, Fizle and Flip next to the Chair. AEsop. I'll keep as distant as I can, that I may be at Ease; Fizle's Phizl58 always gives me the Chollick. I know not why he should be suffer'd to walk at Large, to the Detriment of his Majestys Leige People, whilst so many of his Species up and down the World are Insty'd, Inkennel'd, Impounded or I n c l o y s t e r ' d . 1^9 Did you ever hear how that came about? I'll tell you, if you please. Keeper. Come on. AEsop. And First of the First, 126 [26] Nature, which nothing leaves to Chance, Had' dealt to Creatures of each Kind, Provision for their Sustenance, To some her Bounty had Assign'd The Herb o'th’ Fields, whilst others had The Spoils of Trees, but All were Fed. The Grunting Kind obtain'd the last, A happy Lot; for every Wood Afforded store of Nuts and Mast,160 And Jovesl^l own Tree did Show’r down Food Enough for all, could all his Store Have kept that Herd from Craving more. But they with Sloath and Plenty Cloy'd,162 Wax'd Wanton, and with Tusks Profane, First, all the sacred Trees Destroy'd, Which fed 'em; Next invade the Plain, Where harmless Flocks did graze, and <Spoi3> With Rav'nous Snouts the fertile Soil. Jove-hears the loud Complaints and Cry's Of Suff'ring Flocks, and streight Ordains, That hence-forth Hogs be pen't in Sty's. And fed with Wash, and Husks and Grains; Where ever since th' Unhallow'd Race Wallows in Fat and Filthyness.163 Secondly, Beloved---- Keeper. No, No, We have enough of the first. [Noise within. What Noise is that? Androb. within. I'll have the Villian Hang'd; Dog, Raskal, Rogue, Scoundrel. AEsop. By my Life, it is the General making his Entry; It seems he has got no Herald for this Triumph, that he thus Proclaims his own Titles. [Enter Solemn, Androboros following him. Solemn. Make way there. Make way; Room, Room for the General; This way, This w a y ---- 127 [26-27] [Solemn Steps aside, Androboros Runs blindly upon the Chair, Fizle and Flip Endeavouring to Stop him, Sink with Him. Fizle and Flip. Hold, Hold; Help! Help! Help! Keeper. What's the meaning of this? Solemn. 'Tis but a Trap of their Own laid for you, Sir, in which They Themselves are Caught. Coxcomb. Let's be gone! There is no Safety here. [Coxcomb, Babilard, Mulligrub Sneaking off. Solemn. What! You are a making your Retreat; you need not fear, you are a sort of Vermin not worth the Bait; The others have their Deserts. In former, Ages virtuous Deeds Rais'd Mortals to the blest Abodes, But Hero1s of the Modem Breed And Saints go downward to the Gods. [Exeunt. Curtain Falls. FINIS. 128 Footnotes to Chapter V 1 Androboros: Greek for cannibal or man-eater. See Scene First, Act First: . . . that Name, which interpreted, signifies a Man-Eater." 2 B <i> ographical. The inference here is that the play is based upon the lives of various personages during Hunter's administration. See Appendix A. ■^APOTHEOSIS: Deification, viz. "Androboros," "Fizle," and "Flip" in Act Third, Scene Fourth. See "Solemn*s" last line. 4 Governour Hunter. Governor Robert Hunter. See Appendix A. 5 Corrected in ink to read: "Moropolis." From the Greek meaning City of Fools, i.e., New York. See Appendix B. 6 "1st" added in ink. The last two digits of the year, having been obscured by a stain, were later written in as "14," making the date of printing, "since 1st August, 1714." Or in other words, since the death of Queen Anne and the fall of the Whig controlled Parliament. See Appendix B. 7 Androboros: i.e., Col. Francis Nicholson. See Appendix A and n. 1. 8 Keeper: the keeper of the assembly, i.e., Gov. Robert Hunter. See Appendix A. 9 Deputy: deputy of the assembly, George Clarke. See Appendix A. 1 0 Speaker: speaker of the assembly, William Nicolls. See Appendix A. 129 ^Aesop: From the Greek fabulist (c . 620-c. 560, B.C.). The reason for this name becomes apparent upon reading the character's numerous and lengthy poems through out the play. The character refers to David Jamison. See Appendix A. 12 Doodlesack: Probably a play on two words simultaneously. From "Doodlesack," a shrill Scottish wind instrument and "doodslag," Dutch’ for homicide. Abraham Lakeman. See Appendix A. 13 Tom of Bedlam: A common name for a fool used throughout English literature. A familiar example is found in William Shakespeare's King Lear, Act I, Scene ii, lines 146-147. "My cue is villainous melancholy, with a sigh like Tom O' Bedlam." In this instance, the character does not refer to any particular individual, although the Clerk of the Assembly at the time was one Gabriel Ludlow. See Appendix A. ^4 Babilard: From the French "babillard" meaning a babbler. Samuel Bayard. See Appendix A. ■^Coxcomb: A fool a simpleton. Another common English term, found in Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night, Act V, Scene i, lines 175-176, "H'as broke my head across, and has given Sir Toby a bloody coxcomb too," and in King Lear, Act I, Scene iv, line 97, "Let me hire him too. Here’s my coxcomb." The term is an obvious play on the name of Daniel Coxe. See Appendix A. Mulligrub: Depressed spirits or a stomach ache. Samuel Mulford. See Appendix A. ■ L7Cobus: Another double play on words. Cobus is short for Jacobus and is also 18th century slang for a cob-loaf or round-head. Jacobus Van Cortlandt. See Appendix A. 18 Solemn: The application of this term to the identity of Lewis Morris becomes clear in the Act Third, Scene Second, when Solemn borrows liberally from Hamlet. "Thanks Good Hamlet for this again, ..." See Appendix A. 130 -^Door-Keeper: Cornelius Post. See Appendix A. 20 . Fizle: Probably a name derived from several sources. From the Scottish to flatter or coax; to fail as in fizzle, and/or from the English slang to break wind. The Rev. William Vesey. See Appendix A. 21 Flip: The Significance of the name is both ambiguous and yet obvious. Derived from either flippant or flip-flop, it is certainly not a kind term. The Rev. Francis Philips. See Appendix A. 2 2 Messenger: Although this character has several lines in the play, it is obviously too vague to determine a counterpart, if one indeed ever existed. See Act First, - Scene Second and Act Second, Scene Third. 23 "Long Gallary," i.e., the Assembly House, also slang for trundling dice to the end of the board. "Moor-Fields," i.e., swampish marshlands; another name for New York. 24 Don Commissary Fizle, i.e.. Rev. Vesey. Since Vesey was not granted the Commissary from the Bishop of London, until January 29, 1715, the play could not have been published in 1714 as the Title page indicates. See Chapter IV and Appendix A. 2^Cefdo. Cerdo (fl. 137 A.D.), Gnostic teacher in Rome and founder of a religious sect named after him: Cerdonians. Also Spanish for pig. Gloucestriensis, probably from the Scottish term for blustering. Thus, the author’s name is "Blustering Pig." Of whom Hunter makes this reference is unclear, although it would appear to be someone familiar to the Rev. Vesey. 2 fi Runto Polimunto Plumpismenoi Raperpandico: Anglicized Greek meaning, "Foul quarreling contaminates ones spirit and strikes one with false righteousness." The reference is directed to Rev. Vesey. ^7Elionophysalo Fizlical Farce. Bastardized Greek, meaning "a farce to physically remove Fizle." 131 28Gripes. An intestional pain. 2 9 Dram. A small alcoholic drink. 30 An ink footnote, no. 16, below the Drammatis Personae, referring to Capt. George Fane, Commander of H. M. Frigate, "Lowestaffe," assigned to protect the New York Harbor from 1706 to 1707. He filed a will in New York City on March 31, 1709 and died a short time later. His significance, in this instance, is unclear, although it was recorded on July 1, 1708 in the Calender of State Papers: Americas and West Indies - 1708, pp. 13, that "Capt. Fane is fallen out with this Provence. ..." which may have led to him not being accorded full burial honors. 3^-Maj. Weir (1600P-1670) was an English army officer who was burned at the stake in Edinburgh for practicing sorcery. Hunter, being a Scottsman and alive at the time, would have undoubtedly been familiar with this incident. Stephen and Lee, vol. 34, p. 372. 82B u ry. Probably "butchery." 33 Gift of the Gob. A way with words. 34 French, ejt c 'est Escrit, Au trou de mon cul_, "and it is written, in my asshole. . . ." 3^sie't. Sift or strain it. 36Be ck't. Probably "befuck•t." 37 French, "Ce que pend a. nos culs doit nous garnir latete, ..." "That which hangs from our asses must adorn our heads." This, as well as the previous verse, refers to the breaking and defilement of church vestments at the Trinity Church in New York on the night of February 9, 1714. 90 JOSal Armoniack. Ammonium chloride, i.e., urine. 39 "Men must be Brib'd for Not doing what they ought Not to do." A reference to the Trinity Church incident. 132 ^Opont Neuf. A bridge in Paris, famous for its street-singers and mountebanks. 41 Sol Marquee. An absolete French com, worth less than a penny. 42 This odd little parable is m reference to Vesey's constant threats and complaints against the Governour and more than likely hints at Col. Francis's once threatened arrival from Boston as the Governour of Governours upon Vesey's urging, an incident, of course, which never occurred. It may also refer to Vesey's presence in London, at the time, and his attempts, apparently successful, to persuade the Bishop of London to his side. 41 The "Peace. ..." that the Bishop of London made, as implied here, is not very sturdy, since Vesey returned to New York as the Bishop’s Commissary; an appointment that certainly distressed Gov. Hunter. 44 Vestment. A direct reference to the Trinity Church break in. ^^B'uey. "buey," Spanish for "bull-ox." ^Old Nick-nack. The devil. 47 "ingross'd by two Society," (1) the British Government and (2) the Society for the Propulgation of the Gospel. ^^Maintenance. Livelihood. . . . should not propose to proceed by Rules." A reference to a speech given by Nicolls in 1711 asserting the Assembly's right to decide important financial matters over that of the Council. Journal of the Votes and Proceedings of the Colony of New York, vol. 1 (New York: printer unknown, 1764-1766), p. 307. "^The following speech by "Mulligrub" is a direct parody of one delivered and published by Samuel Mu1ford on April 2, 1714. A copy of this eight page speech, entitled 133 "Speech to the Assembly at New York," is contained in the collection of Early American Imprints. The original begins: "The ill measures that have been taken, and the Foundation that hath been laid. ..." The substance of the speech concerns the trade difficulties of the Suffolk County residents on Long Island. As discussed in Chapter II, the problems were based on the inconveniences of trading through New York City rather than directly across the Long Island Sound to Connecticut, as the residents were accustomed to doing. Such controversy was a great sore point for Gov. Hunter and led to the rebellious attitude of Mulford who continued to oppose the Crown's taxation on whale bone and oil for years thereafter. Early American Imprints of the American Antiquarian Society, Worchester, Mass., Evans no. 1705. ^■'•Tenants. An ink footnote, no. 17, in the original text referring to the inhabitants of Suffolk Co., Long Island. 52 Ink footnote, no. 18, meaning "a port." See Appendix B. 53 Ink footnote, no. 19, meaning "custom house." See Appendix B. ^Ink footnote, no. 20, meaning "[ ]nd Long Island." (Partly obscured). See Appendix B. ^Ink footnote, no. 21. (Totally obscured). A reference to the inhabitants of New England. 56 Moorfields. In this instance, Long Island Sound. 5 7 Ink footnote, no. 22. (Totally obscured). "Kitchen," here, indicates the city of New York. 58 Non Corpus Mentlus. Latin, "mindless bodies." 59 . . Bibilardus. A comical twisting of the character's name to mean "drinker of lard." 8 n Laet onze erst. Dutch, "let us first." 134 61a clear example of early Colonial independence which eventually led to the War of Independence 60 years later. This rebellious attitude forced Hunter to dissolve the Assembly three times during his administration. 6 2 The following speech, by Solemn, and subsequent action parallels, to a certain extent, the events that surrounded Morris's expulsion from the Assembly on November 9, 1710. A Journal of the Votes of the General Assembly for 1710 records "a debate arising on the reflections Mr. Morris made on the House yesterday in his speech, a motion was made, and the question put, that Mr. Morris be ordered to withdraw? It was carried in the affirmative. Then Mr. Morris withdrew accordingly. Resolved, Nemine Contra- dicente, that Mr. Lewis Morris, in his speech yesterday has falsely and scandalously vilified the integrity and honest of this house. Resolved, that Mr. Lewis Morris for the said offence be expelled this house." Early American Imprints of the American Antiquarian Society, Worchester, Mass., Evans no. 1479, p. 22. O'Callaghan, vol. 5, p. 178. ^^Rayment. Clothes. 64 Pat weet lck m e t . Dutch, "that I know not." 65 Currs: a game fowl. k^Foil. To backtrack. 6 7 This short poem quite obviously deals with the aforementioned expulsion of Lewis Morris (Fowler) by the Assembly (the giddy Pack). See n. 62. 68 Two men in Black, i.e., clergymen. Since the two men in black being admitted are Fizle and Flip, Flip must therefore be a clergyman in addition to Fizle. This is contrary to Lawrence Leder1s contention that the character Flip is one Adolph Phillipse, a prominent New York merchant. As Tom's next line indicates, however. Flip is in fact the Rev. Francis Philips. See n. 73. 135 69 Ink footnote, no. 23: "presbyterian." In fact, the Muggletonian were an English religious sect founded in 1651 by Lodowicke Muggleton and John Reeve. Thomas Brown, in The Duke of Buckingham's Works, vol. 2 (1705), p. 13 states: "Here started up Presbyterians there Muggle- tonians, one making God damn all but themselves, and the other saving him the labor and doing it themselves." In this instance, the reference is to Vesey1s conversion from Presbyterianism to the Church of England in 1697 in order to secure the prestigious parish of Trinity Church in New York City. See Appendix A. 7 n uSee reference to the "popish Imposte," Calender of State Papers, Colony Series, August 1714 to December 1715 (London: printer unknown, 1717), p. 290. 71 Ink footnote, no. 24: "Commissary." Vesey was named the Bishop of London's Commissary on January 24, 1715, in order to curb, according to Hunter, at least, his "popish intentions." See Chapter IV and Appendix A. 7 7 In 1713, Nicholson was given two commissions to oversee the governmental and ecclesiastical affairs of the northern colonies. These broad appointments essentially made Nicholson a "governor of governors,” and in Hunter’s eyes a "Sultan." See Appendix A. ^This passage indicates that Philips was dismissed from his parish in Connecticut for reasons other than merely abandoning his cure. See E. B. O'Callaghan, ed., The Documentary History of the State of New York; Arranged Under Direction of the Hon. Christopher Morgan, Secretary of State, vol. 3 (Albany: Weed, Parsons, and Company, 1850), p. 266. See also Appendix A. 74 Kibes. Blisters. 75 Although the names are clearly meaningless, they are based upon Hunter's knowledge and experience with the eight Indian nations in Northern New York. The length and phonetics of the names are similar to Iroquois. 76 Mulo Machians. A reference to Nicholson's unsuccessful expedition against the Canadians in 1711. See Chapter III. 136 77 My Delamya. Refers to Martha Burwell, daughter of Major Lewis Burwell of Virginia. Nicholson attempted to court Miss Burwell, unsuccessfully, and "threatened if she were married to another, to cut the throats of the bride groom, the clergyman, and the justice of the peace giving the license." Dumas Malone, ed., Dictionary of American Biography, vol. 7 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1934), pp. 499-500. •7 0 /QNegan Skillingen. "Negen" is Dutch for nine. "Skillingen" is an obsolete Scandinavian coin of little value. 79 Ick ock. Dutch, "I also." Assembly. 80 The Bees. In other words, the rebellious 81 Wasps. In other words, the Canadians. 82 The Drone. In other words. Col. Nicholson. 83 A Humble Bee. In other words, Gov. Hunter. 84 . . . The poem deals with the unwise choice of Nicholson, by the Assembly, to lead the ill-fated invasion of Canada in 1711. See Appendix A. ®^Een Skellum. Dutch, "a rascal." 86 Renvers'd. Upsidedown. 8*7 A reference to Nicholson's Canadian Expedition of 1711. See Appendix A. 88 Lord Oinobaros. Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon (1661-1723), former governor of both New York and New Jersey, who amassed huge debts while in office and continually meddled in colonial affairs. "Oinobaros" is Greek meaning "wine drinker." See Appendix A. QQ Patriarchat. Patriarchal office. ^Spunging-house. A debtor's prison. 137 ^-*-Ink footnote, no. 25: meaning "Dockwras." William Dockwra, although a resident of London, owned several large parcels of land in East New Jersey and New York. In 1704, with the help of Samuel Mulford, he attempted to purchase a large portion of Suffolk County, in order to ease the trade problem. He represented the anti- Hunter forces in London. Charles W. Leng and William T. Davis, History of the City of New York, 1607-1909, vol. 2 (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., Inc., 1930), p. 739. <55 Little house. The House of Commons m England. 93 Upon Hunter's reappointment as Governor m 1715, Daniel Coxe and his son, Samuel, submitted to the House of Commons in England, through William Dockwra, "a ream of Complaints," dated February 21, 1715, citing twelve com plaints against the Governor and his administration. The House of Commons was clearly unimpressed. The mere mention of this is further evidence, however, that the play was published later than 1714. William A. Whitehead, ed., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey, vol. 4 (Newark, New Jersey: Daily Advertiser Printing House, 1882), pp. 203-206. See also Appendix A. ^Consistory. The forming of the Senate into a Consistory is indicative of the struggle between Vesey and Hunter over the support of the various factions in New York. It may also hint at the method which Vesey employed to handle the controversial recommendation of the Rev. Francis Philips given by a "purged" Trinity Church vestry in 1713. See Chapter III. ^Bes < k > irted. To squirt water on, i.e., to urinate. 96 Another reference to the break-xn of the Trxnxty Church in 1714. Hunter, obviously implicates Vesey as the perpetrator of the crime. See, O'Callaghan, vol. 3, p. 276. 97 Surfeiting. The state of bexng fxlled or satiated. 138 QQ A reference to Hunter's official proclamation, dated February 24, 1714, in which he denounced the Trinity Church break-in and implied Vesey's complicity in the crime. See n. 96. 99 Ink footnote, no. 26? meaning "Cornbury." See n. 8 8 and Appendix A. ^^Apparently, the Earl of Clarendon was fond of dressing up in women's clothing. The New York Historical Society, in fact, has a portrait of the Earl dressed in female attire painted during his lifetime. 101»phoebus." Apollo, god of sunlight, poetry, and music, who presides over the muses. 102 P<a> ans. A hymn or chant of thanksgiving to the god Apollo, or, in this case, "Phoebus." 103 The poem appears to be an admonishment to Vesey about assuming too much authority. 104 Eccum Ipsum. Latin, "behold itself." ^■^^Kynoiranaria. From the Greek meaning "strange madness." 106 Elaphokardia. From the Greek meaning "cowardly heart." 107 Besotted. Silly, foolish, or drunk. 1 f)Q Ouph. An elf or goblin. 109 Ownsi A petty Oath, "by God's wounds." ■ ' " ‘ 1' 0A11-Hallowday. Halloween. In reality, the Trinity Church break-in occurred on Shrove Tuesday, the day before Lent, February 9, 1714. See O'Callaghan, vol. 3, p. 275. ^■^'Slid. A petty oath of the 17th century, "God' s eyelid." 112 Flagitious. Wicked, vile, or shameful. 139 •*-^^Merduous. Prom French meaning "full of excrement or ordure. 114 Pound. A small enclosure or corral. 115 Ick been on the Cant van de T d. Dutch meaning, "I stand on the side of the T d (turd)." -|1^ A reference to the Earl of Clarendon's disastrous administration as Governor of New York and New Jersey. See Appendix A. 117 Scandalum Macrnatum. Latin for Scandal or Magistrates; a legal term meaning the uttering or publishing of any malicious report against an important person or dignitary. 118 Wat is dat Latincr? Ick forestaet niet. Dutch for "What is this bloodletting (or bloody thing)? I don't understand." 119 This reference is to Lord Cornbury, who became the Earl of Clarendon upon the death of his father in 1711. See Appendix A. 120 The Frogs. In other words, the New York colonists. 121 Jove. In other words, Great Britain or King George I. 122 Log. In other words, Gov. Hunter. 123 A Toad. In other words, Rev. Vesey. ■^^Mov'd. In other words, bribed. 125 Stork. Probably indicates Col. Nicholson. 126 The poem is clearly a warning against removing Hunter from office and establishing Nicholson as Governor. 127The letter parodies the degree of the Canadian Expedition's failure; the New York colonists having gained the "North and South Poles" and the Canadians "only what may lie between e'm. " See Chapter III. 140 128e h ^ An English measure of cloth, equivalent to forty-five inches. 129 The Rats. In other words, Rev. Vesey and his cohorts. 130 Saxon. A term used exclusively by Scotsmen to indicate an English lowlander. In this case, The Earl of Clarendon. 131 Hind. A farm land. 132 Churle. A peasant of the lowest order in England. 133 The poem describes the dependency of Vesey and his associates on the support of Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, in their action against Gov. Hunter. The implication is that they were merely using the Earl for their own purposes. ^^Apparently, Hunter has been informed that Nicholson's "two strange commissaries" were merely a means by Whitehall to get rid of him. 135 Whit. Bit. 136 Ductile when 'tis heated. The use of metal lurgical terminology is apparently appropriate when dealing with Nicholson's volatile temper. 137 A Tympany xn the Imagination. A bombastic or inflated conceit. ^■^^Pericrane. Skull. 139 Breath of the Bung of an Empty„Barrel. In other words, passing gas, or the sound made when the bung (stopper) on a keg of ale is removed. 140 The other "dupes" are m Whitehall. ^^Culverine. A sixteenth century cannon. 142 Barm. A yeast found on malt liquors. 141 143per] iapS a reference similar to n. 52. ^•^See Shakespeare's Hamlet. Act I, scene iv, lines 39-45, for the actual scene. 145 Herse. A coffin. 146 This is a parody of Descartes' "Cogito Ergo Sum. " 147 Wheadle. To entice or persuade by flattery. 14-8 Doughty. Valiant or able. 149 x^Eke. Also. 150 The song, Tom sings, is a sarcastic comment on Nicholson's administration. 151 Salt. Pungient. 152 These three short phrases are seventeenth- century slang. Hurry-Durry means rough, boisterous, and impatient, Hum-Drum means slow or dull, and Blud and 'Owns is short for the "blood and wounds of God." “I CO Are you there with your bears? A proverbial phrase meaning, "are you at it again"? It comes from a story once told by the Restoration actor and humorist, Joe Miller (1684-1738) of a man who exclaimed the phrase after hearing the same story of Elisha and the bears twice in two weeks by the same minister at different churches. The fact that such an obscure phrase is found in the play, lends credence to Hunter's authorship, since Miller was a close friend of both Addison and Swift. •^^Nick-Nack. See Mrs. Aphra Behn's Roundheads, Act III, "How dost do? Nacky? 155 Gymerack. A small,Useless knick-knack, a flashy, showy instrument with little or no purpose. 156 Time out of mind. During a period of time beyond memory or a loss of memory. 142 I c 7 A reminder to Vesey of who pays his salary- 158 Phiz. Face or facial expression, although a pun on Fizle's name and the act of breaking wind is also evident here. 159 In other words, like a pig. ■^^Mast. Acorns and nuts that accumulate on the forest floor and used as food for pigs. 161 Joves. In other words, Great Britain or King George I. 162 Cloy'd. Filled or satiated. 163 This poem is yet another admonishment to the clergy, more specifically, William Vesey. The implication is that if they attempt to over reach their power and position, they may find themselves, "Insty'd, Inkennel'd, Impounded or Incloyster'd." ^"^This final poem is the "Apotheosis" of the title page. Having fallen into their own trap, the villains of the play "go downward to the Gods." 143 CHAPTER VI SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS Summary The origins of American drama do not begin, of course, with the publication of Androboros. There is no indication, in fact, that the play had any effect whatso ever on the development of American drama after its publication. Androboros, in terms of theatre history, is a unique and isolated incident that is, perhaps, typical for its time but distinct in its locality. As dramatic literature, the play has no unusual qualities or values, when compared to its contemporary English counterparts. The plays of Dryden, Congreve, and Wycherley are of far greater interest and value than this simple piece of political satire. But when viewed in the context of American theatre history, Androboros is a play of great significance. While it is no literary masterpiece, it has sections that compare favorably with many great English works of its day. As a political satire, it preceeds the anti-royalist plays of the American Revolution by fifty 144 years. It is a work of modest literary merit that was clearly ahead of its time. The significance of Androboros, then, is in its position as an historical document, unrelated to the growth of drama in America, yet integral to the overall study of American theatre history. It was not America's first play, but it was the first to be both written and printed in the New World and somehow its one and only known copy has survived as America's earliest extant play. This alone makes it of the utmost importance, yet the play has been constantly ignored or overlooked by scholars and has suffered from a general lack of attention. The play was written during a period of intensely tumultuous development in Colonial New York. As a record of the times, it reflects the varied and numerous problems that were then shaping colonial history. It also offers a curious look into the personal and political problems of the Colony's Royal leader. The play was born out of the rebellious actions of an unruly Assembly, the frustrations of a disillusioned populous, the self-righteous accusations of a bigoted clergy, and the tedious attempts by a beleagured Governor to judiciously handle it all. During the course of Androboros some of New York's most prominent personages are humorously exposed or ridiculed and many of 145 the incidences that led to the play's creation are crudely parodied. These caricatures and events are the historical elements that make the play an important document and the circumstances in which they are presented makes it an unusual piece of Theatre History. Although numerous elements contributed, Androboros was the direct creation of Robert Hunter, who after a successful military career became the Governor of the Colony of New York in 1710. As a result of previously corrupt administrations and various rival factions inherent in the Colony's political structure. Hunter's attempts to inject a modicum of integrity into his administration was met by bitter resistance. He was criticized for unsuccessfully re-settling Palatine refugees along the Hudson River, was denied his salary and expenses for four years by a factionalized Assembly, and angered the local clergy. But by all accounts his was one of the most capable and effective, if troubled, of all colonial administrations. In the play, Hunter attacked his most virulent opponents and placed them in circumstances and events that parodied the originals. Set in a Senate House, Androboros immediately establishes Hunter's rocky relationship with 146 his Colonial Assembly. The session is non-sensical and uncontrollable, illustrating the general incompetence and pettiness of the members. There is a bombastic parody of Samuel Mulford's speech to the Assembly in April 1714, and an idiotic version of Lewis Morris's 1710 expulsion. Later in the play, Hunter's great rival, Francis Nicholson is exposed in the title role as an arrogant, hot tempered fop, who is blindly worshipped by the ignorant Senate, and despite being sent off on an ill-fated expedition against the "Mulo-machians," is welcomed back as a hero. But the cunning schemers of the work are the two "men in black," Fizle and Flip (the Revs. Vesey and Philips) who conspire to turn the Senate away from the Keeper (Hunter) in favor of Androboros, and devise a fiendish plot to dispose of their opposition by means of a faulty trapdoor, through which they eventually fall themselves. As Oral Sumner Coad observed, "Androboros was hardly designed to allay the quarrel which engendered it. At the same time, it seems unlikely that the play was the panacea to Hunter's problems that Colden professes. The assumption must be, therefore, that Androboros was written as mere amusement for Hunter's closest friends on both sides of the Atlantic, a means to illustrate his 147 troubled tenure as Governor in a most entertaining way. It also appears highly unlikely that the work was ever performed in its own day, or even accidentally passed into the wrong hands. For Hunter's problems seemed to be lessening by the time he wrote and published the play, and there are no indications that any flare-up occurred as a possible result of the work. Indeed, the period immediately following the play's approximate date of publication was marked by unusual calm and harmony among the residents of New York especially those once considered to be troublemakers. That Androboros has received such meager and improper attention is quite surprising. The play is far from being the mysterious and esoteric piece that scholars believe, for within the framework of the script are contained most of the essential elements that are needed to understand its historical significance. From even the most basic of studies, however, the importance of Androboros as both an historical document and an integral part of American Theatre History becomes apparent. 148 Conclusions Over the years, research on Androboros has been woefully inadequate for a piece of such key significance. As a result, a number of misconceptions have evolved around the play that have left it mired in confusion and obscurity, diminishing its position in American Theatre History. Such topics as the play's authorship, date of publication, intention, and the circumstances which led to its creation, have been misinterpreted by scholars for over sixty years. This study has served to correct this unfortunate situation and restore the work to its rightful place as an essential part of American Drama. Androboros is a detailed, yet biased, account of a pivotal point in the development of Colonial New York. While the work is highly personal, it also divulges the social and political atmosphere that prevailed at that time and illustrates the difficulties that existed in trying to change this atmosphere. Through the work, a number of prominent New Yorkers were exposed, and although many had been previously identified, several new identities were dis covered, one of major importance. The identities of the Clerk of the Assembly (Gabriel Ludlow) and the Doorkeeper 149 (Cornelius Post), are perhaps of minor significance since it is doubtful whether they were the models for their dramatic counterparts- They represent, nevertheless, a part of the completed picture that had previously been overlooked. The discovery of the Rev. Francis Philips (Flip), however, significantly alters the previously held conceptions of the work's evolution. It was, clearly, Philip’s attempt to obtain a recommendation of his good character from the vestry of Trinity Church in 1713-1714 that prompted on February 9, 1714, the vandalism of the church's vestryroom, and led to Vesey's trip to London that same year. This relatively minor act of vandalism had an obviously, great effect on Hunter and Androboros■ Not only is the actual event parodied during the Second Act, but throughout the play there are constant references to it through an abundance of crude anal humor. The discovery of the Rev. Philips, therefore, is key to the understanding of the play's crude orientation. Even more significant is the determination of the play's publication date. For years it has generally been assumed that the date printed on the title page was reasonably accurate, if not absolutely correct. The date, 150 August 1, 1714, was a logical choice since it marked a major change in English politics and society in favor of Governor Hunter, the death of Queen Anne and the fall of the Tories in Parliament. However, evidence in the play contradicts this notion. The numerous references to Fizle as a commissary in the Dedication and the body of the play, prove beyond a doubt that Androboros could not have been written until after January 24, 1715, the date of Vesey's commissary. Additionally, "Coxcomb's" (Daniel Coxe) line about a "ream of complaints" pushes the play's earliest date into February of 1715 since that is when Coxe and his associates submitted a list of complaints against Hunter to Parliament. Given, of course, time for news to travel to New York, it would be more accurate to assume that Hunter was unaware of this information until mid-1715. The play’s date could even be pushed further ahead in view of the fact that Hunter was still deeply involved with a mutinous Assembly until August 1715, when he dissolved it for the last time. Within two short months, he was in residence in New Jersey, where he remained until May, 1716. Although it appears impossible to accurately assign a fixed date for the work's actual printing, it most certainly was not August 1, 1714. 151 The implication that a change of date offers, alters the entire intent of the work. Where previously Androboros was considered a means for Hunter to vent his anger under severe pressure, it now appears that the work was an after-the-fact release of tension, perhaps a frustrated retrospective designed to amuse those friendly parties involved with a fanciful "what if." In any event, the play must now be viewed in a different historical light. The ambiguous question of authorship must also be viewed in relation to the discoveries of the play's date. If Hunter did indeed spend time in Burlington during his stay in New Jersey in 1715, then the possibility of Morris's collaboration is certainly greater. As it is, however, the play shows little indication of another hand in its creation, aside from the description of Solemn*s expulsion from the Senate, a parodied act that only Morris would have known. Yet Colden's contention that the two men worked together on the play cannot be ignored, although it might as well be a rather biased account. The significance of whether or not Morris assisted in the work's creation, however, does not have a great bearing on 152 the play as a whole. It is a question that may never be satisfactorily answered. Implications Having been ignored for so long, there are great possibilities for further study in this specific area. An obvious place to begin would be a further determination of the play's printing date and its subsequent history after Hunter's administration. Although the only known copy of Androboros passed through numerous hands before ending up at the Huntington Library# it would be interesting to determine if it remained in the Colonies for any length of time, perhaps effecting later works written by Colden and Morris. A comparison could be made of the play's similarity in content and structure to later American works or the works of Hunter's English contemporaries. A study could be made to determine the effect of such Hunter associates as Swift, Addison, Arbuthnot, and Steele, on Androboros. Further studies could concentrate on the hand written notations, determining accuracy, authorship, and date based on calligraphic analysis, with proof of location and date of the play's printing. Or the play could be 153 studied in terms of the numerous "Dialogues" printed in America then, to assess the effects of one upon the other. The play could also be studied for its literary and artistic merits, investigating its overlooked quality as a stageable piece of early American drama. 154 Footnotes to Chapter VI Oral Sumner Coad, "America's First Play (17 August 1918):183. Nation 155 APPENDICES 156 APPENDIX A THE LIST AND IDENTIFICATION OF CHARACTERS IN ANDROBOROS 157 THE LIST AND IDENTIFICATION OF CHARACTERS IN ANDROBOROS The following list of characters and their biographies is based on the "Drammatis Personae" on the second page of the only surviving copy of the play at the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery in San Marino, California. On the original page are printed the play's sixteen characters with handwritten notations, next to them, presumably by Gov. Hunter, indicating the last name of each real-life counterpart. The page also contains ten additional handwritten footnotes of terms and people that are found in the body of the text. The only exceptions to this are the characters of "Tom of Bedlam" and the "Door-Keeper" whose identities were determined without the aid of handwritten footnotes. Androboros Col. Francis Nicholson (November 12, 1655-March 5, 1728) was born in Yorkshire, England of unknown parentage, but was, nevertheless, a favorite of the Duke of Bolton. After a few years in Tangiers as the aide-de-camp of the 158 governor, Nicholson was sent to New England as a captain in the army, but soon resigned to become a councilor for the Dominion of New England. By 1688, he had been appointed lieutenant-governor of the province. He fled for England, however, to escape imprisonment during the Leisler rebellion, and failed in his bid to become governor of New York. Instead, Nicholson was made lieutenant-governor of Virginia in 1691, considered by most historians to be his most successful administration. In the long absence of the governor, Nicholson firmly guided the Virginia colony, establishing a postal system, exploring the western areas of the region, and, perhaps most notably, assisted the Rev. James Blair in founding the College of William and Mary. Unfortunately, within a year, he was replaced by Sir Edmund Andros and he returned to England. By 1694, however, Nicholson had been appointed to the governorship of Maryland, where he continued his deep interest in establishing the Church of England, and educational institutions in the New World. It was during this administration that Nicholson developed a volatile temperament that would soon cause him numerous problems and make him infamous in the eyes of his contemporaries. Nevertheless, he was promoted in 1698 to 159 the governorship of Virginia, but by now his temperament had greatly deteriorated. He succeeded in antagonizing both the Colonial Council and Assembly and had offended the Rev. Blair. By 1705, Nicholson was back in England. Nicholson's next venture to America was not until 1709 when he commanded the ill-fated Expedition against Canada. The next year, as a brigadier-general, he success fully conquered Port Royal in Nova Scotia for the Colony of Massachusetts. But he failed miserably against the very next year on a second assault against Canada. It is this second Expedition which is mentioned in Act First, Scene Fourth. In spite of his two failures in Canada and an ever increasing temperament problem, Nicholson was named Governor of Nova Scotia in 1713, but became preoccupied by his commissions of accounts and of spiritual inspection conferred by the Lords of Trade, and the Society for the Propulgation of the Gospel, respectively. These two sweeping commissions elevated him to a sort of "Governor of Governors" and he threatened to travel to New York upon the request of the Rev. William Vesey to investigate the administration of Gov. Robert Hunter. It is apparently, this threatened arrival that is parodied in Androboros. Fortunately, Nicholson never made good his threat and when 160 George I ascended the throne, his commissions were with drawn and he returned to England. His last governorship was in South Carolina, a position he held quietly from 1720 to 1725, when he returned to England for the last time.'L Keeper Governor Robert Hunter (1666-1734). See Chapter III, pages 41-49. Deputy George Clarke (1676-January 12, 1760), was a native of England, who amassed a considerable fortune during his forty-two years in the colonies as a landowner and colonial official. Having, apparently, no great strength in either intellect or personality, he achieved success through persistance and connections. As the nephew of William Blaithwait, Clerk of the Lords of Trade, Clarke received an appointment as Secretary for the Province of New York in 1703. In 1705, he married Anne Hyde, who was distantly related to Lord Cornbury, Governor of New York at the time, and moved into a one hundred acre estate he built on Long Island. Spending most of his time here, he delegated much of the duties of his office to his deputy, hence the name 161 his character in this play. In 1716, Clarke was appointed to the Council of New York and was named lieutenant- governor in 1736, after the collapse of the Cosby administration. He served with distinction in this capacity until September 1743 when he retired from public office. He finally returned to England in 1745, with a fortune in excess of L1 0 0 ,0 0 0 , where he lived in his 2 Chester estate until his death xn 1760. Speaker William Nicolls (1657-1723) was one of colonial New York's greatest lawyer's and participated in many significant cases. But his relationship with Robert Hunter was more of a mutual professional respect than a close friendship. In fact, as a resident of Suffolk County, Long Island, he often sided with Samuel Mulford (see Chapter III, pages 55-56),on the issues of taxation and trade restrictions, much to the dismay of the Governor. Born in England, Nicolls was the son of Matthias Nicolls, the first Secretary of the Province of New York, and most likely was a resident of America from 1664 until he returned in 1677 to serve in the English Army. After two years with the army in Flanders, Nicolls returned to 162 New York and was appointed Clerk of Queen's County in 1683 and Attorney-general in 1687. He was jailed during the Leisler Rebellion, but quickly resumed his political career following Leisler*s execution in 1691, when he was named as councilor for Gov. Sloughter. During Sloughter's adminis tration, Nicolls acquired large landholdings on Long Island and Shelter Island, and was one of the prosecutors in Leisler's trial. Under the administration of Richard Coote, the Earl of Bellomont, however, Nicolls lost much of his power, and, instead, ran for the office of assemblyman from Suffolk County in 1701 after he was removed as a governor's councilor. Although his election was successful, he was expelled from office within a week for not being a resident of Suffolk County. After building an estate on his one hundred square mile tract on Long Island, he was elected again the following year and was chosen Speaker of the Assembly, a post he held until 1718 when he resigned due to ill health Aesop David Jamison (1660-July 26, 1739) was a close friend of Gov. Hunter and served the Colony in a number of capacities during his life-time. The Governor's profound 163 respect for Jamison can be found in a letter Hunter wrote to the Lords of Trade on October 2, 1716 in which he called Jamison "the greatest man I ever knew; and I think of the most unbleminshed life and conversation of any of his rank in these parts." But Jamison arrived in the Colony in 1685 under far less respectable circumstances. Born in Scotland, he received a college education, but soon fell into trouble with the Stuart regime for his association with a fanatical religious sect called the "Sweet Singers." Shipped to the colonies as an indentured servant, Jamison eventually found himself at the head of a Latin School in New York, after a brief period bound to the Chaplain at the fort in New York City. By 1691, Jamison was a Deputy Secretary and Clerk of the Council. He also was one of the original vestrymen of Trinity Church. During Hunter's administration, Jamison became one of the Governor's closest associates, and as a result, was appointed Chief Justice of New Jersey in 1711. In 1712, he was appointed recorder of New York City and served as Attorney-general 4 for New York until 1723. 164 Doodlesack Abraham Lakeman (also Lockman and Lakerraan? 1661?- 1726?). Of all the characters in the play, the least is known of Abraham Lakeman. Even his dates of birth and death are a mystery. What is known, however, is that he was of Dutch descent and, although illiterate, was a member of the Assembly from 1702 to 1726 and served as a justice of the peace for Staten Island from 1707 to 1711. A life time resident of Richmond County, Staten Island, Lakeman also served as a vestryman for the St. Andrew's Dutch Reform Church. Judging from Hunter's unflattering caricature of him in the play, one must assume he spoke little English, resorting instead to "staring, grinning and grimacing," and sided with the Governor's opposition. The reason for his opposition is unclear, although his close association with Jacobus Van Cortlandt (Cobus) in the play may indeed be the answer, since Van Cortlandt was not only of Dutch descent, but a member of the Dutch Reform Church and a brother-in-law to Adolph Phillipse, a known opponent of Gov. Hunter. 165 Tom of Bedlam Although there is no indication that Hunter based "Tom of Bedlam" on anyone in particular, a Gabriel Ludlow served as the Clerk of the Assembly for thirty-nine years, from March 2, 1699 to October 20, 1738. "For engrossing of Publick Acts and transcribing the minutes of the House," Ludlow was paid, "the sum of Two hundred and eight ounces, seven penny weight and twelve grains of Plate," in 1715. Apart from this little else is known of Gabriel Ludlow. It is likely that Hunter based this character on the classic fool that is common throughout dramatic literature. The term "Tom of Bedlam" is frequently found in English literature to indicate a harmless madman or simpleton. (See Appendix A.) Babilard Samuel Bayard (1669-1745), a wealthy New York City merchant of French/Dutch decent, is perhaps best known as the son of Nicholas Bayard, one of the leading opponents of the Leislerian rebellion from 1689-1691. When his father died in 1707, Samuel inherited much of the Bayard estate including a large tract of land in Weehawken. By 1711, when he purchased the Hoboken tract, Samuel Bayard had 166 become one of New York"s wealthiest landowners and merchants. His marriage to Margaret Van Cortlandt solidified his position in the Colony and established him as an opponent of Gov. Hunter. His experience in politics was minimal, serving as a judge in the Court of Common Please for the Province of New Jersey in 1711 before being elected to the Assembly in 1713. He lost a re-election bid in 1716 and never again participated actively in New York 7 polxtxcs. Coxcomb Daniel Coxe (August 1673-April 25, 1739} originally came to the colonies in 1702 when Lord Cornbury assumed the joint governorship of New York and New Jersey. As one of the governor’s favorites, Coxe was appointed commander of the forces in West Jersey, a fortunate arrangement, since Coxe's father, Dr. Daniel Coxe (1640-1730) one of Queen Anne's personal physicians, owned huge amounts of land in the colonies including much in New Jersey. In 1706, he was appointed to the Council of New Jersey and served as a judge on the Supreme Court of the Province. During Hunter's administration, however, Coxe fell out of favor and was removed as a councilor in 1713. The 167 next year, however, Coxe was elected as an assemblyman from Gloucester County in the New Jersey Assembly. But Hunter prorogued the Assembly upon the death of Queen Anne and when the next Assembly convened Coxe attempted to block all business by convincing his followers to abstain from the session. Ultimately, Coxe was expelled and fled to England, where he, his father, and his brother presented a list of twelve grievences against Gov. Hunter to the House of Commons in 1715 but to no avail. It is this list that is referred to in Act Second, Scene First, when Coxcomb mentions a "ream of complaints." This reference assures the play's date of publication as being at least six months later than originally thought (refer to Chapter IV). Coxe returned to New Jersey in 1725 and served as a judge on the Supreme Court of New Jersey from 1734 until his death in 1739.® Mulligrub Samuel Mulford (1645-1725) was one of Hunter's greatest nemeses. Originally from Salem, Massachusetts, he was deeply involved with the Leislerian revolution, siding with the rebels. He served as the justice of the peace for Suffolk County, Long Island from 1689 to 1712 and was a 168 member of the Assembly from 1705 to 1720. As a long-time resident of the East-end of Long Island, he was a leader of Suffolk County's attempt to secede from New York and rejoin the New England colonies. The reason for this rebellious ness was that it was more practical and economical for the Suffolk County merchants to trade directly across Long Island Sound than to deal through New York City as required by law. Moreover, the residents of Suffolk County, led by Mulford in the Assembly, vehemently opposed the Crown's claim to seven percent of all whale and bone, the county's chief industry. Upon the renewal of the royal claim in 1713, Mulford and several associates were sued by Hunter for defiantly using the Crown's property for their own purposes. After a lengthy trial. Chief Justice Lewis Morris predictably ruled in favor of Governor Hunter, and in retaliation Mulford angrily denounced Hunter on the floor of the Assembly in April 1714. His speech, which is quite accurately parodied in Act First, Scene Second, was published and passed around New York. As a result of this action, Mulford was expelled from the Assembly in 1715. But he continued to battle Hunter and his successor, g William Burnet, until his death in 1725. 169 Cobus Jacobus Van Cortlandt (1658-1739) was one of New York's richest and most prominent merchants. A member of the Colony's first Assembly in 1691, he served as a representative from New York City until his election defeat in 1716. Like Abraham Lakeman, Van Cortlandt was of Dutch descent and a member of the Dutch Reform Church. As a merchant, he sided with his brother-in-law, Adolph Phillipse, in opposing Gov. Hunter's inclination toward duties and excise taxes to fund a financially ailing government. From 1710 to 1714, he and his colleagues in the Assembly, succeeded in blocking any and all legislation aimed at relieving the government's financial fix, including the withholding of Hunter's salary. After his defeat in 1716, Van Cortlandt abstained from active politics until Council President Peter Schuyler, acting as Governor after Hunter's departure, named him Mayor of New York in 1719, in defiance of John Johnston, Hunter's designee. He did not last long, however, in this post as mayor, for Hunter's successor William Burnet, replaced Van Cortlandt in September of 1720.10 170 Solemn Lewis Morris (October 15, 1671-May 21, 1746) was, without a doubt, Gov. Hunter's closest and most trusted friend during his administration in New York. There is even some indication that Morris assisted Hunter in the writing of flndroboros, although this cannot be proved (refer to Chapter IV). What is known is that Morris was also a man of letters and wit and wrote numerous articles and a short play in 1728 entitled Dialogue Concerning Trade. Morris was also an able Governor of New Jersey. Born in what is now the Bronx, Morris inherited much of the land in the area in 1691 upon the death of his uncle including almost 3,500 acres in Monmouth County, New Jersey. Probably due to his large landholdings and his marriage, the same year, to Isabella Graham, daughter of the Attorney-general of New York, Morris was made a judge of the court of common right for East Jersey and was placed on the New Jersey Council. He also served as a Vestryman for Trinity Church from 1697 to 1700. Under Cornbury1s administration, Morris spoke openly against the corrupt governor and, although he was dismissed from the Council as a result, he was elected to 171 the Assembly in 1707, where he was quite active in the removal of Cornbury from office. When Hunter arrived in 1709, the two men became fast friends, and Morris soon shifted his interest in New Jersey to that of New York. It was his early support of the policies of Gov. Hunter which resulted in his expulsion from the Assembly in 1710, an action parodied in Act First, Scene Second that has led some scholars to believe Morris had a hand in the play's creation. In 1715, Hunter appointed Morris Chief Justice of the New York Supreme Court, a post he held until Gov. William Cosby removed him in 1733. When New York and New Jersey were politically separated in 1738, Morris was appointed Governor of New Jersey. Although his adminis tration continued to battle the Assembly over financial matters, as in Hunter's time, Morris's term in office was effective and productive, nevertheless.^ Door-Keeper Like "Tom of Bedlam," the Door-Keeper apparently refers to no particular individual. Having only one line in the entire play (refer to Act Second, Scene Third), it is impossible to determine if the character is accurately 172 modeled after its real-life counterpart, one Cornelius Post, who held the position from September 1, 1710 to December 23, 1717, when Thomas Brasier was appointed to replace him. For his services, Mr. Post was paid twenty- seven pounds in 1714 and "seventy five ounces five penny weight of Plate" in 1715."*"2 Fizle The Reverend William Vesey (August 10, 1674-July 11, 1746) was probably Gov. Hunter's most virulent opponent. As the ultra-conservative and influential rector of New York's Trinity Church, from December 25, 1697 until his death in 1746, Vesey was the nemesis of many New York Colonial Governors. Born in Braintree, Massachusetts, and graduated from Harvard College in 1693, Vesey preached as a Congregationalist on Long Island for two years before returning to Boston to assist at King's Chapel. In 1696, he was asked by the newly formed vesty of the yet established Trinity Church in New York if he would travel to England to be ordained in the Church of England before being installed as rector- He did so, receiving an honorary M.A. from Oxford and being ordained on August 2, 1697 by the Bishop of London. By December 25th, he had 173 returned to New York and was inducted as Rector of the Trinity Church. His switch from the Congregationalists to the Church of England is mentioned by Tom of Bedlam in Act First, Scene Second. Although Vesey was deeply embroiled in salary disputes, the Presbyterian conflict in Jamaica and the controversy over the use of the fort's chapel for services, he is best remembered in this play for his involvement with the Reverend Francis Philips and the mysterious vandalism of the Trinity Church's vestryroom in 1714 (refer to Chapter III). As a result of his involve ment in these events and in order to seek relief from Hunter's severe criticism, Vesey became an associate of Col. Nicholson, who advised him to go to England in 1714 to plead his case against Hunter before the new Bishop of London. Upon his arrival in London, however, Vesey was apparently placed in detention by the Bishop due to numerous complaints filed against him by Gov. Hunter and his supporters. But after several months, Vesey managed to regain the confidence and approval of the new Bishop and on January 24, 1715 was named the Bishop's Commissary for New York and New Jersey, a post he held for the rest of his life. It was, undoubtly, this series of events that ultimately led Hunter to write Androboros. After Vesey's 174 return to New York in November 1715, however, things began to settle down and for the remainder of Hunter's tenure all was quiet. 1 3 Flip The Rev. Francis Philips. Of all the characters in the play, "Flip" is by far the most controversial. Mistakenly identified by Lawrence Leder in 1964 in the New York Merchant and Councilman Adolphe Phillipse, it is now evident that Flip is, in fact, the Rev. Francis Philips. The basis of this discovery is found in Act First, Scene Second, in which Flip and the character of "Fizle," the Rev. William Vesey (see Act First, Scene Second) are introduced as "Two men in black," i.e., clergymen. Adolphe Phillipse was never a clergyman and must therefore be discounted. The Rev. Francis Philips, on the other hand, played a key roll in the creation of Androboros despite Flip's relatively minor role in the play itself. Unfortunately, nothing is known, of Phillipse's early life. Undoubtedly an Englishman, he arrived in Baltimore, Maryland on December 10, 1711, and was installed as the rector of Christ Church in Stratford, Connecticut on December 19, 1712. His tenure at Stratford, however, was 175 short-lived. According to numerous complaints from parishioners, Philips spent the majority of his time away from Connecticut and in the company of Rev. William Vesey in New York. He was finally relieved of his position on August 19, 1713, officially for "deserting his cure," although unofficially "he had done something (there) which obliged him to abscond," the nature of which remains a mystery. A mention in the play (Act First, Scene Second), however, that "for a wonderful energy in the two most unruly members of the body (Flip) has been follow'd of late by the women and boys. . . ," may not be far from the truth. For after he left Stratford, he went immediately to New York seeking a recommendation of his good character from the vestry of the Trinity Church. A number of vestrymen vehemently opposed the recommendation based on his actions in Stratford, but ultimately Philips, with the support of Vesey and the remaining vestrymen prevailed. In the absence of the dissenting members, the vestry voted for his recommendation. With the written support of the Trinity Church vestry, Philips secured a parish in Philadelphia, but was soon banished from the Colony when he was convicted in 1716 of sexual misconduct and attempting to ruin the reputations of several of Philadelphia's most 176 prominent ladies by insinuating he had had sexual relationships with them. He was never heard of again. His significance in the creation of Androboros is based upon an incident that occurred while he was in New York awaiting the Trinity Church's approval. As described in Chapter III, the vestryroom of the Trinity Church was vandalized on the evening of February 9, 1714. Many of the religious articles and vestments were urinated upon and covered with excrement by vandals unknown. The reason for this act is unclear, although the vestry's approval of Philips' character may have been a prime motive. Hunter left no doubts as to his beliefs. In both the play and an official • proclamation issued several weeks after the incident, the Governor blamed Vesey as the perpetrator, whereas, Vesey placed the blame on agents of the Governor. In any case, the incident proved to be a major factor in the writing of Androboros. There are numerous allusions to the crime throughout the play, and in Act Second, Scene Second, there is even a parody of the actual incident. Philip's involve ment in all of this makes him a key figure in the creation of the play.-^ 177 Messenger There is, obviously, insufficient information to determine who the character might be, if indeed. Hunter had anyone in mind. Lord Oinobaros Edward Hyde, Viscount Cornbury, later Earl of Clarendon (166-1-April 1, 1723) is the only character in this play who does not appear, but he is quite significant, nevertheless. As governor of the Colonies of New York and » later New Jersey, he proved himself to be totally incompetent, prompting one contemporary historian to write "We never had a governor so universally detested." His disasterous effect on the colonies were felt years after he was recalled. Lord Oinobaros was the son of Henry Hyde, the Second Earl of Clarendon, and served in the House of Commons from 1685 to 1702. Due to his poor financial status, however, he accepted an appointment as Governor of New York and New Jersey, arriving in the Colonies on May 3, 1702. According to Charles Worthen Spencer, "careful inquiry into the course of Cornbury*s administration in New 178 York on the whole substantiates the legend which portrays him as a spendthrift, a 'grafter,' a . bigoted oppressor and a drunken, vain fool." Additionally the New Jersey Assembly in May of 1707 listed a series of charges against him that included his strange taste for appearing in public dressed in women's attire. Finally, in 1708, after draining the treasuries of both Colonies and arousing the ire of almost everyone of his subjects, Cornbury was recalled. But despite his miserable reputation in the Colonies, he was appointed to the Privy Council in 1711 and from this position continued to interfere in Colonial matters until his death. ^-5 179 Footnotes to Appendix A " ' ‘ Dumas Malone, ed., Dictionary of American Biography, vol. 7 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1934), pp. 499-501. 2 Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 151-152. 3 Ibid., vol. 7, pp. 516-517. ^Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 603—604. 5 1 . Charles W. Leng and William T. Davis, Staten Island and Its People: 1609-1929, vol. 4 (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., Inc., 1930), p. 498. ^Acts Passed by the General Assembly of the Colony of New York in June and July, 1714 ■ (New York: William Bradford, Printer, 1714), Early American Imprints of the American Antiquarian Society, Worchester, Mass., Evans no. 1770, p. 286. n Anson Phelps Attenbury, The Bayard Family, vol. 18 (Baltimore: The Order of Colonial Lords of Manors in America, 1928), p. 16. ^Malone, vol. 4, pp. 484-485. 9 E. B. O'Callaghan, ed., The Documentary History of the State of New York; Arranged Under Direction of the Hon. Christopher Morgan, Secretary of State, vol. 3 (Albany: Weed, Parson, and Company, 1850), pp. 229-230. ^Ibid., vol. 4, p. 508. Patricia U. Bonomi, A Factious People; Politics and Society in Colonial New York (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), pp. 8 8 ; 90 n. •'•■'•Malone, vol. 7, pp. 213-214. 180 ^ Acts passed by The General Assembly of the Colony of New York in June and July, 1714, p. 286. -^Malone, vol. 10, p. 259. •^O'Callaghan, vol. 3, pp. 266; 273. Arthur Lyon Cross, The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies, vol. 1 (New York: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1902), pp. 37-39. ■^Malone, vol. 4, pp. 441-442. 181 APPENDIX B PHOTOCOPY OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION OF ANDROBOROS FROM THE HENRY E. HUNTINGTON LIBRARY 182 'K f 4 ' G’ t / 5» i l t # \ • , A fsr . - ■ • I T * f t • H o , > V V » : » v • • „ . - In Three A&sv O M ■ * ■ A /;. A*' y . The - S E N A T E •rW '• 'V ! The Tlie \ \ A N D ‘ . . ■ } V I * - Cl > . i * t V/ t , *v ^ s r " ■ t * ■ * * fs ( » i < « • > - • ? • / - • • . . . • # • - • *W«V»i • • • ■ -v 4 “ . . i ' t ’ ' ‘ f r B y CJcv'erncitr jN i m t t r . t i - . y - T * i ; f - ■ : I i . a , ; ■ $ ' . * s ' , f ,# . /t ■ ; V * ; * « * % * / A T / ' | Printed at. N^owropolis* .fince /Xuguflv f - C & " ' „ ■ ■ * ‘ 4 ^.< ' * * * *.>1 " j u ■ . • • • • ' ' ‘ i ' C ' . V - J ' y f ;f • • ‘ ' ■ ✓ * ' *- • *> # 4 . • , .M 183 ■ “;.' -> • V V . •' ' ’• V - > . 'i1 *^ »' f '* ■ ' % " % * » % ;* * • - rV* % . „ - •. w J . A > X f ‘- „ T * ■ ' ’* » ■ ./'■ '• ■ ■ . * . • , j ,.>• I j _ ■ ’ \'N . ' . t t K « * * • V < * * * • E 'k ? i V 1 r , . . „ • «v,' « * / -■ ** :i * ’ . v - l ' ■ * ' - i Drammatis Perfonx. ; t jS tid ro b o ro s 9 &''/A/*2» | * T L c \ ' / ' / Z . s ? / r t ‘ ! n > Deputy*. (;)&>£. ; h Speaker* a,'/*// r . ; f MfoP, *'S?:C Doodlefacky ‘ Bedlam* c j Coxcomb, .ft.**-* c * s < ■ 4 0 Muliigrub, n Cobus, 1 % Solemn, */z&*4 * ; wDocr-kgeperf - n r > / ^ — ^ V • f - ...v V . ? r t f F U p y C/Vyc^ . ' - ' • " • * . //. • * V i - ■ : * j ’1 ..;AT . r“ * •*5 - r * - •* •"■rr CT- • A a . . . ‘ “> 1 ; • - : : ■ * * S C E N E * M * . . ■ ■ i * ' Long Galtary in M oor-Fielcfo ° *• - i ■ ■ \ ' * ' | « . - V . . J - t ? , * . iA“. ; s % * l- . ; ' ' . ' ,l V / • - yj ;'■■.,«•• V - ' i • - * ,• tf a -. R - ; • ' ■ ■ < • . ■ ■ • 9 . y / ' • * < • ' ■ ‘ -Qf1 - * ■ : “V'v.ift'rfy-v fcP^riiwv' , _ " • : , ' ■ ■ ■■ ; j . ‘; V - ^ * • ■■T av; j‘ v >1 * r; * ’ f , 7 - t t ; ? 1 ./• f . :f * i . * / * i ; f k ■ ■ i\ 184 The T O 3 3 o n . C o m . J F i ? . ‘Right Dreadful S I R ! C Erdo Gfouceflrienjis , an A uthor o f the laft Century* o f great Sagacity, obferv’d well, T h a t Runto Foli* viunto Plumpifmenoi Raperpandico.— W hat d’ye flare at ? T h is is good Greek for ought you know^ and contains a M y fte ry , which (hall continue fo, unlels you Reveal i t ; and fo no more o f that. T he follow ing Elionsphyfab Fiztical Farce having fallen into my Hands by a mod fu r- p riz in g Accident, it feemeth meet unto me that it ftlould, ' : w ith all due Reverence K ifs yours. Here it lies at yo ur ' F ret, take it up. N ow read the firft Ad:,. Have ye * done ? W hat’s the matter Man ? Have ye got the G ripes ? A Plague on your Sower Faces. Bring him a D ram . W hat have have yo u to d o ^ had you to do, o r ought you to have to do w ith the Senate ? You fm ell a R at, you fay. Be it fo. But compofe your fe lf, and now Read the fecond A6f, H ow d’ye like it, ha? O Jiooo, T\h'irrrrrrrrrtch, I can fay that as Loud as - you cart d o ; and i f you’ll but leave out thefe Damnable R*s and T ’s w hich make it fo hard in Pronounciation, and harder in Djgeftion , I like it better than you do. Y ou don’t believe me ! and I don’t believe in y o u ; and this is a perilous A rticle in a Mans Belief too ; For? o n eif who dy’d a Very good Ckriftian*, was fentenc’d by your f v- , ■..* Sanftity * - O 'M l * 185 Dedication to Don Com. Fiz. San&ity to, be bury’d a Pagan, only becaufe he feem’d to believe that you were lome-whac T h ic k o f b elie vin g; yet you are a C hriftiari, a very good C hriffian, So was your Leader, Major Weere, Burnt for B u ry, God be here. H e had a good G ift o f the Gob to o : You were bred lip in the fame Accademy, the fame Principles, and the fame way o f W orfhip : A ll the Difference between you lies in this nice point, H e W orfhip’t the Dev’i in - Read o f God, and you w orfhip God as i f he were the D ev’l. Come to 't again, firft take tw o Turns crofs the Room, Crofs-ways, 1 day, W ipe the Sweat from your Brows, and lit down. M ow read the T h ird A £l, 1*11 (ing the w hile, It is an Old Maxim, et c'efl Efcrit, Att trou demon cul, look there ycu'U fie*t, When the Head is Be- ck*t the Body's 'befijtt. Which n o Body dare Denyt Deny, Which n o Body dare Deny. Read on, and be hang’d, don’t m ind me, M an, I fing fo r m y own Diverfion. But ''tie firange how Notions are chang'd of late, lo r *tis a New M&xim, but odd o n e , That C e que pend a nos cuis d o it nous g a rn ir ja te te , : That I flatly and boldly Deny, Deny, That J flatly and b o ld y Deny, W h a t is the M atter now ? Is he Dead? or is’c a Q ualm ? H olo, a H ay ! W ho waits there ? fome burn’c Feathers, Sal Armoniack? N o , N o, L et him fm ell to the S kirt o f his own Garment. So, he Recovers* ^ Poor Fiz ! w ho could have thought that you were fo quick o f S m e llin g ! Come, M an, take Courage; W hat have You or I to do w ith it? Let the G all’d H orfe wince, Dedication to Don Com. Fiz. our W ithers are unw rung. B ut tell me, w ill you be quiet for the Future ? You (hull be paid for’t, nay, you have been paid for’t ; and it is hard that Men m uft be ; B rib ’d for N o t doing what they ought N ot to c!o. I re member an O dd Fellow upon Pont N euf who got his ^Livelihood by as Odd a Stratagem ; He procur’d him * fe lf a Portable Forge and Bellows, w hich he carried under his Cloak, and having heated a finall Iron red hot, he w ould lug it out and prefent it to the Gentlemen who pafs’d that way, w ith this Complement, Good Sir I Pray Sir I give me leave to tun my hot Iron into your Arfe. W hen the Gentleman ftarted at the Extravagance and Danger o f the M otion, he continued, Nay, 5 ir, i f you dont like it, pay me but a Sol Marquee for the heating o f my Iron, and there is no harmd ne. N ow had he infilled upon the Perform ance o f the Operation aforefaid, after payment fo r the necefiary Apparatus, he deferv’d to have his Bones broke ; ; f; but he was m oll commonly fatisfied, and all the Confe- quence was a fit o f I-a ugh ter. N o w , I know that it is not aneafie matter for you to get rid o f your Forge and Bellows, but can t you blow your Bellows and heat yo ur Irpn at home, and q u it that unaccountable Rage o f R un- • , in g it into your honeft quiet Neighbours Arfes, w ho pay j y o u am ply, and meerly for Forbearance? But I have done, b Peace be w ith ye, I mean fuch a one as he made who made you a COM- A nd it was a moft Mafterly Jlroke o f Art To give Fizle Boom to A B his part; Tor a F izle Refrain'd will bounce like a Which no Body can Deny, Deny, W h ich no Body can Deny# / ‘ ^ . | ' g : -1 187 If Dedication to Don Com. Jriz. B ut when it E(capes from Canonical IJofe And fly s in your Face, as it's odds it does, 'That a Alan flsould be bang'd for flopping his Sofr^ T h a t I flatly and boldly Deny, D e n y ; T h a t I flatly and boldly Deny. Long Kept under Hatches, 'tvcitt force a Vent In the Shape o f a Turd, with its Size and Scent% And perhaps in its way may bcfhit a Veftmenti W hich no body can Deny, Deny,* W hich no body can Deny. B ut however 'tis Dignify d or Dijguis'd, That it fbould be for that the higher Priz'd, And either Don Commis'd or Canoniz'd, That I flatly and boldly Deny,. Deny, k That I flatly and boldly Deny. J fu e y r < 5 * * j ' r t ■ i . Androboros , w ■ v j 188 Scene Firft, A £t Firft Keeper^ D eputy and Tom , DcputyP^T Hope, Sir, it is not your intention that this fame Senate, as they B call it, fhould fit. JL Keeper, VVhat hatm is thgrp in’t, i f it does ? Deputy, No great harm, only ’tw ilrpfiafe their frenzy j They are big With Expectation o f fome mighty Deliverance, towards which is to bd brought about by means of Androbaros ^ i think they call him fo ; W he* ther there is or ever was futh a Perfon, I know not : but all their hopes are placed in him. • Tom. Sir, it is Old N ic l.tta b b , who Has Paganiz’d him felf with that*. Name, w'hich interpreted, fignifics a M an-E ater. He is now very far gone indeed, He talks o f nothing but Battles and Seiges, tho* he never faw one, and Conquefts over Nations, and Alliances with Princes who never had a being; and this Senate is mainly intended for his Reception* 1 hope you will not forbid its Meeting, if you do, I fhall Joofe an Era. - ployment, having had the Honor to be appointed Clerk of the Senate this Morning, after the Choice o f the Speaker % fo I beg you’ll not Rob me of that Honor, and your felf o f fome Diverfion, and 1 fhall take care that their Seffion fhall be harmlels. Kttper. I wilh you Joy with alt my heart j But Prcthee, Tout, W hat Chance or evil Fate Conducted thee to this fame Doleful Manfion ? 1 am lurpriz’d to find thee in fuch Company. ! Tom. No Chance, I afiureyou, S ir, but frOe Choice. • I found ih my reading, That Man was com poled of three parts, Body,Sonl and Spirit, and that the two firft were entirely ingrofs’d by two Societys, fo 1 Refolv’d to Exercize my poor Talent upon the Infirmitys o f the laft, not with any hopes or intention to’ Cure them, but as others do, mecrly to raife my iclf a t Maintenance out of them* here under your Honors happy Aufpeces. But, Lo, here they come, Retire to a Corner, If I am feen in your Company, my Piojeft is fpoyl’d. /. 189 C 'O ; « KSl Firft, Scene Second. * • Enter Doodlefack, * B a b ila rd , Solemn^ JEfop, &rc* The Honor you have done me, how little foever t inay deferve it, lays me under an Obligation to Exeit m y felf to the utmoll for the int?reft of this Houle. 1 humbly propole, That in the firft place we concert and agree upon fome necefiary Rules for preventing Confufion, Deputy afide. W ell fpoke, M r. Speaker, Tfco* ’eis lomething ftrange that he who has ever affirmed, That Laws and Liberty were things In* compatible, fhould now propofe to proceed by Rules. A1nK.gr. I defire to be heard before you proceed to Rules, or any thing elle; I hay* a Speech ready. Doodlefack. Laet onfe hearken to M r, Speaker, and begin with fome Rules. ‘ M uU i*. I*il have my Speech firft. J Coxcomb. D — n y o u r Speech, Let’s proceed to Rules. ■ ” Sabilard. I f Rules be neceflary to the Speech, let us have the Speech firft, but if the Speech be neccfsary to the Rules, let us have the Rules. Cox.. I’m for neither Speech nor Rules, let us fall upon bufs’nefs. Speaker. Gentlemen, The Queftion is not, as 1 take it, which you’ll be pleas’d to have, but which fhall have the Preference; for you may have both in their Turns. •. ' srfil Confufsdly. Speech, Rules Rules, Speech, C^e. AfujiigrHb. M y Speech has carry*d it. Hiun, Ha, Ough, Ough, Ough, Ough, & t . Cox. Rot ye, it was not your Cough that Carry*d it 3 Let ofFyouf Speech. *s£fop: Mr. Speaker, I do not find that this matter is, as yet, deter* ! ^ min’d to the full fatisfaftion of this Houle, for which Caufc 1 beg leave to offer an Expedient, which will end the Debate, that is, That we may have both at a tim e; whilft Mr. AfulLgrub is Exonerating himlclf, we may v imploy our felves in adjufting and forming the necefiary Rules. / \ ; Jill. Agreed. 1 Speaker. Mr. Mulligrubs You may proceed. M utt. Gentlemen, fhe ill Meafures that have been taken, and the Foundation that hath been laid within this Tenement, to make the Tenants thereof, Tcnams‘/therein, is the Caufe which caufcth me to make this Speech. Our Grievances being innumerable, 1 fhall Enumerate them. The firft 1 fhall mention, is this, Thac tho’ the Tenement be , laree, the Manfions many, and the Inhabitants Numerous, There is hut »4 One Kitchin, and onelfcellar, by which means we are kept from Eating and drinking W hat we ptcafe, When we pleafe, and as Much as we pleafe, whicT. is our Birth-Right Priviledge by th e U w s o f God and L Mature, fettled upon us by A ft o f Parliament y lor which taufe I humbly - - T ~ — • « f • « * . » I VUa.k.* «• m,, nnf Iw. •■r 190 IftoreConvenient that each Manfion have its proper Kitchin and Ccllat i Under the fpecial Direction of the refpefHve Tenants? j T o clear up the Neccffity of this Method, I’ ll tell you what happ’ned 1 to me t’other day; One of the Servants of this Houfc, who brought me a Mels o f Water Gruel, being my fpeciat Friend, and knowing how f eagerly my Stottiach flood towards what was forbidden me by the Phv- fitians, conveys a H ind of Pork into the Porrigc, but being difcovccM “ he was punifhc, tho* he oflerM to take his Corporal Oath, That thd Hand o f Pork was a bunch of Radifhes. But of all others, We o f the „ 7 0 Eaft End o f the Tenement fuffcr moft, for by realon of our diftance ^ from the Kitchin, Ortr Porrige is cold before It comes to oiir Hands. T o Remedy this, wc fell upon a private Intercoutfe with th?* Betkiemitet on the other fide of Moor-fields, who by virtue o f their Charter run ac large, by which we broke the Law,§#Pretty Comfortably for a feafon j but thefe fame fubtle Fellows of the**Kitchin found it out, and put a ' flop to’t , to the Great Prejudice of the Freedom o f the Subjcft, and the dircft Di Icou rage men c of our indircft Commerce. I Remember we once Addrefs*d pur Superiors, That we might have a Servant of our " " ow n, independent of this Plaguey } They Were Gracioufly I pleas’d to allow us fuch a one, with this Reftriftion dnly, That the Sei- | vant aforefaid might have the Cuftodjr o f our Straw ahd W ater, but by ! no means of our Meat and Drink \ hotwithftanding this, the Keeper w lii not permit him to take the care and Cuftody o f our Victuals and — Drink. W h a t/ does he think us Nqn Corpus Afenthts^ that we do'not know the meaning o f plain words! But / fhall Conclude at this tim e, with this Exhortation, That fince it appears plainly, that we o f this Tenement, who arc Tenants thereof, are in danger o f Being, by the • Foundations laid, made Tenants therein, let us not lie Crying thereat, ' but be Valiant Therefore, and Vindicate our Rights There-from, O ut Birth-Right Parliamentary Rights, fettled upon us by the Ten Com* mandments. Speaker. Gentlemen, Mr. Mu&ig*h\> has given yoti time to Concert thd Rules o f the Houfc, would you have them read by the Clerk, in the Order, they have been given to him by the feveral Members ? ; jW . A y, Ay. Tom Reads. Mr. SptaUr Propofes, That to prevent Confufiorij hot above Three or Four at moft be permitted to fpcak at Once, except in a Grand Committee, where there is no occafion o f Hearers. M r. Coxcomb humbly propofes*, That no Body be allow’d to Ipeak but himfclf, becaulc for want o f the Attentive Faculty, he is like to have no fharc in the Hearing, and fo ought to have Compenfation in Speaking. Doodlefaek has given his in a Forreigti Tongue, Ufhich tvheri inter* preted Rands thus. That He having but a fmall fliare o f Elocution, but a very lively and ftrong imagination, may have leave, as occafion -fhall O iler, to Exprets his Thoughts by Staring* Grinning and Grim a* ‘ eing , of which he has io Exquifite a T alen t, that thofe who cannot be laid to underftand any thing elfir* perfectly underftand him in that Method of Utterance. B tlsilardui Reprefents, That he is quite Dum-foudded by the late fall 4 v - * ‘ , » , Q . ~ f : .........r— 191 _ [ 4 1 " - . ' ' ■ o f Stocks, fo in Order to the opening his M onth, he propofti * L » f ; • for raifing Itn’reft to Tw elve\per Cent, ' ' . f. % /E-Jop has given his Rule in llhime, as follows, 9 v » , i - * The Rule that I would ^advifc. ,* • ' Ms, Be quiet, and cat your Bread, > , , • I f ’ tis good; To be Merry and W ife, *Tis the Dfiv’l to be SuIJeh and Mad, - ! Coxcomb, Damn all Rules, Let us proceed to bulk’nels. I ii • -Cobus. Laet onfce erft come to fbme Revoluties. V I Coxcom. Refolutions 1 Ay, begin with that, I like that Motion well enough; it is the fhorteft way.' Speukgr. Let one at a time Propole, and the reft Agree or Difient* i as they think fit. Coxcom. Refolv’d Th at neither this Houle, or they whom we Repre* - I fent arc bound by any Laws, Rules or Cultoms, any Law, Rule o f v;' $. Cuftoro to the Contrary Hotwithftanding* f ^ AB. Agreed. '* MuUtgr. That this Houfe difclaims all Powers, Preheminencies or Au-» thoritys, except it*s Own. . jill. Agreed. ! “ - Babilard. That this Houfe has an Inherent and Undoubted Right to . * the Undoubted Property of thofe we Reprefent. i Coxcomb- Th at this Houfe is the only Undoubted Supreme Inferior •»-1 ; and Infimus Court of this Tenement, and that all others are a Nufance. ' .,> ; A ll. Agreed. 1 ^ ^ ' • Solemn* M r. Speaker, being RefolvM to'en ter my D (lent to thefe H . j-\*' feveral Refolves, I fhall lirll give my Reafons for fo doing. I believe • J I 3 t is neediefs to put you itl mind o f our Origine, from whence we > Iprang, and how we came] hither. It is well known that we were o f jtv that Number of Publick Spirited Perfons, diftinguilli’t from our Neigh- \ boors by an inward Light or faculty, call it what you PJeale,. Tha Homans call it t/Bflrutii, the French, f^erve^ our Northern Nation has .■ . > T ' indeed given j t a Courfer Nam e, which gave us a ftrong Difpofition ■ toward Reformations, Remonftrations, Refolutions, and other Ads of j.~, Zeal ; in the eager purfuit of which we were apt to throw our fclves, * , * fomctimes cur Neighbours, into the Fire or Water. The Wifdom of the Times thought fit to Ereft this Tenement for our Intertainment, - where the Exerciic of the Faculty aforelaid might be lefs Dangerous * *; . or hurtful to our felves, or others. Here we are Maintain’d at their Charge with Food and Rayment fuitable to our Condition, and the Fabrick kept in Repair at the no fmaH Annual Expences o f our Land- Lords. And what Returns do wc make ?. Have not many of us from rj S our private Cells thrown ouf Filth and Ordure in their Faces? And now , t in a Colleftive Body we are about to throw more filthy Refolves at :. them. . AB. T o the Barr, to the Barf, - ^ - , ; ' \ ■ - AB. No, W ith d ra w , W ith-draw ^ , r ... - , W > ; i < •* . .Solemn, I defire to br heard* -A"..- : t ^ ' r C ’ - ■ ’ j. -. ■ • ^ ~.— .J 192 >'AS. With-draw.” Speyer. S ir, It is the pleafure o f this Hoftfe that you W ith-draw, in order to your being heard. ££**> Sotemni Gentlemen, your have heard this mans Infolence* ^Wbat fhall be done with him f Coxcomb. Hang’d, Drawn and Quarter’d. JEfop. Ay* but what is his Crime ? Coxcom. For affronting the Majeffy o f this Houfe.’ JEfop. In what ? W hat has he done or faid ? Cobut. D at wect ick nice, but I agree with Coxcombt Propofftie.' Speaker. 1 am for Infli&ing no Puniflimcnt but what is in our power, that is, to Expell him the Houfe. /ill. Expell, Expel). x JEfop. Hold a little. 1 fuppofe you intend to punilh him, and not j your i'elvcs; I’ll tell you a Story. A ll. Expell, Expell, &c. _ . — « . .. M/op* I beg your patience, ’tis but a fhort one* at is a Tale o f a ] Pack of Hounds of my Acquantance, ‘ J Joivter- the ftancheft Hound o’th’ breed, , Had got th’ ill W ill of all the heft ; Not tor his Tongue, his Nofc or Speed, Tho’ thefc were all by far the beftj Malice and Envy know no bounds AndCurrs have ever bark’d at Hound*, f But that which moft provok’d their Spite Was this, that when they run a fo il O r Counter, Jotvltr led them right, Which coft him many a bitter broil, Snubbing the Rafh and Rioters,' And lugging, laizy Ones by th* Ears. So at a General Council held i For Grievances, or what you w ill, T-V ' ■ v f-. -\r j Poor trully Joxtler was Expelled, | \ Th at frce-bom Dogs might range their fill; ' 1 ^ And fo they did ; but mark what came on’ t, , y j Hence.forth they made but forry Game on’C ; . • | The giddy Pack, their Guide b’ing gone,. | Run Riot, and the Hunts-Man fwore, ^ - Strap’t fomc, and fome he whipt ; but one ' ^ ‘ He hang’d, a Noify babling Curr. In Ihort, the Pack was fpoyl’d i P fiy theft, Shall Jovoltr be EXpell’d agen ? Coxcomb. A Po* on your T ale* le t u i prbceed to th# V o te - : . y ; " * : , ‘ . 193 p-v' r' ■ •. ^ 1 . I [ Speaker. W hat is then your pleafure with relation to the Member I ,% ho i* ro be Expell *d ? f ! sill. Expcll’d, Expcll’d. I f S ' ! Speaker. Call him to the Bar/ S _ Enter Solem n. S ir, For Fcafons beft known to our fclves, you are ExpellM. | Solemn. Sir, You do me too much honor. C£*ir.‘ * E n te r M cjfenger. . Attffcnger. M r. Speaker, The Lord jindroborot with Tw o Men in Black S jv /. defircs Admittance. ‘ Speaker. Is it your pleafure he be admitted ? I Omnes Ay, Ay. ^ Speaker. Let the Clerk go to him with the Compliments o f the Houfe* . * i ^and Conduft hint in. {T o a going. Keeper. St. St. St. Tom, a W ord with you. Pray who are thefe ■ lame men in Black, who accompany the General ? . j Tom. Tw o other fpecial Friends of yours, viz.. Fizte and Flip • The i firft was heretofore aWMHggtctonian of the other fide o f Moorc-fitlds, b u t. . / ! ■having no Butter to his Bread there, he Chang’d their Service for that of this Houfe j He lometime fancy’d him felf to be the Pope, but his . , r L v Brother not relifhing that as Derogatory to his Pretentions, he is now Contended to be^Patriarch of the Weftern E m pire, of which jindrom • boros is to be Sultan \ The other* for a wonderful Energy, in the two j mod Unruly Members of the Body, has been follow’d o f late by the Women and Boys, but a late finiftrous Accident has Crack*c his Voice, and • , ‘—— that now he is buc little regarded. But 1 mu ft be gone, Tom* ** , s 1 , , : JCeeper. ^The Rogue is a good Painter, V , - \ * ' f ‘V JJepmjf. He draws from the Life, I afture you# - t i A ft Firft, Scene Third* ■■(■.'it ■- ■ ‘ tv' i i Enter Androboros and Tom, Flip and Fizte* ' ^ ■ J in d r o b ,\ / I O ft Venerable Gentlemen, Upon my .Rounds o f Infpefiiort# lV M Profpeftion and Retrofpcttion, I have underftood with j Pleafure, that you have fequeftcr’d from your Houfe that wandring Plague, that Kibes in the Heels, and Piles in the pofteriors o f Mankind. v lEfop. Pardon me, Sir, your Name has not been 'mention’d here, that * I know of. jSndrob. I mean Solemn, which A ft f approve and Commend. It is with no lefs fattsfo&ion that 1 now acquaint you, That upon the Earneft Application and moft humble Suit of the High and Potent Torerowmow* , yougbtougb. Emperor o f many Nations, and my good AMics, the Kings j, o f yignifagkimaghfaonghfaykjt Savanagbtiphengb, and Bowwongexoouffe, I > have undertaken an Expedition againft the A fu h Machinist, your Inveterate Foes. Your Concurrence to enable me to carry it on withSuccefs, is ! what I demand and expeft \ and for your Incouragement, t do Swear v by this facred Image, not to pare thefe Nails, wadi this blew Vifage, L- ; ■ ' 1 • * 0t 194 t ? 1 of put oft* this fpeckled Shirty U ntil I have made that Haughty Monarch’ Confcls him felf, in all his Projefts for Univerlal Dominion, my I Terior,’ . and My Delamya, fairer then the faireft Princcft o f his Blood or Empire. So leaving this weighty AiTair to your wile Counfels, W ebid you heartily Farewell. {.E xit Strutting. Speaker* You have heard what this Man has propos’d. W h a t do ■ you Rcfolve f Coxcom. Let us Refolve to Support, Maintain and Defend the un doubted T ilte o f the Great Androboros to the Powers and Authofitys he has Gracioufly Aflum’d over this and all other the like Tenements, again ft all Wardens, Directors, Keepers, and their Abettors, sill. Agreed. Dnodlejack- Laet onze Dido!vc, That a Summ not Exceeding Negett Skillingcn and Ellcve Pence be rais’d for the Expcditie. sill. Agreed. Speaker. Ay, and ’tis more then *tis worth. EaUilard. Let us Refolve, That He has behav’d H im felf on the faiJ Expedition with Courage, Conduft and Prudence. S taker. W h a t! before *iis over* JEfop. By all means, left when it is over you Jfhould have lefs rea- fon for this Reiolve. But if after all, we muft go to W ar, I would be glad to be better fatisfy’d with the Choice of a Leader* For as to this Mans Prowefs, we have nothing but his own W ord for’t. Coxcomb. The Choice is a good Choice, and he that doubts it, is a Son So for that, amongft other weighty Rcafons, 1 fecond Mr. E a~ bilards Motion. ' v Doodltfack. Ick' ock, becaufe i t may caft fome Refteftie upon our Keeper. JEfop. Before you* proceed any further, 1 * 1 1 beg leave to tell you another Tale, it is but a ihort one, and if it fails to Inftruft, it may divert. •, • . • I tf The Bees fo fam'd for Feats o f W ar, r And Arts o f Peace, were once, of Senfe As void as other Infefts are, > •T ill time and late Experience, ^ The only Schoolmafter of Fools, Taught them the ufe o f Laws and Rules* 4 , In that wild Rate they were Aflail’d By th* Wafps, oft routed and Oppreft * K o t that their Hearts or Hands had fail’d, , But that their Head was none o’th’ bed,' ^ ‘k The J Drone being, by the Commons Voice* V : Chofe lor the Greatnefs of his Noifc. * .Thus ill they fped in every Battle j For tho* the Chief was in Requeft . i A t home, for’s Fools Coat and his Rattle* Abroad he was the Common Jell. . . # The Wsfps in all lngagcmcnts, h eld *— * „ \.i. His Folly more then half thc Fitld* t ^ ^ - 195 c g ] r Grown W ifer by repeated Woes, ^ ' The Bees thought fit to change their Chief,' It was a Hum lle Bee they Chofe, Whole Condu& brought them quick Relief % And ever fince that Race has led 'em, The Drottct are Drums, as Nature made 'em. Finis ARus Fr'm i. • * But go on with your Rcfolves v you have mine. Speaker. I like the laft Choice of the Bees, for my part ; fo r by the Law no man can be allow’d to be an Evidence for him ielf, efpecially when he happens to he be a (ingle one. Doodlffaiki W ifhy W afliy’s; 1 agree to Mr. B«bil*rds Propofitie, for the Rcafons given, with this addition, That our Keeper is ecu Skcilum. Coxcemb. And ought to be difmifs’t from haying any further Autho* O r :£ tt ASt F irft, Scene Fourth. Enter K.eeper and D e p a tj. Keeper,n r * 0 your Kennels, ye Hounds.— — [ E x it Omrtei. *• Deputy. Now, Sir, I hope you arc fatisfied, and for the i future you*ll keep 'em to their Cells. Keeper, No, let them enjoy their former Liberty, perhaps they'iJ fland Corre&ed. Deputy. I much doubt it j but 1 (hall Obey* Keeper. Now, Mr. Tom. If I may be fo bold, Favour me with a fight o f the Minutes o f your Houfe. Tom . W ith all my heart, here they are. Keeper. W hat’s here J A C ajllc, a W iuA-AiiB, and Shepherd with a Ram at his back V Tom. A y, Sir, a fort o f ./Egyptian (hort Hand , containing the fub* fiance of their Refolves. The Cafile Renvert'd and in the A ir, denotes the independency of our Houfe; The W ind^M iH without Sails, an Expe dition without Means or Leader ; and the Ram butting the Shepherd on the Breech, or in other words, difmifling him from having any further A uthority over him.—— Keeper. That wants no Explanation. Y o u ' l l Watch them, 7cm, and fervc them in the lame Capacity, i f they meet again. . Tom. T o the beft o f m y Skill, S Keeper. Let's to Dinner. [.Exeunt* 196 A & Second, Scene Firft Enter B ab ilard , Vtsdc^ F lip ) Coxtomb. S a b iU rd .'y /'O u fee what our wife Refolves have brought upon us, we ihall never do his bulVnefs in this way, Mozlcd as we arc* 1 with’ my Advice had been follow'd. Ftzle. Pray what was that? hat Hard, I was for proceeding in the way of fecret Reprcfentations and Rcinonllrances againft him, which My Lord Oi»obaroit his declar'd Enemy, might have long e’er this improv’d to his Ruin. Fiz.lt. That was my own Method, but that which dilcouragcs me is, that ac Parting my Lord allur’d me, That he would return in fix M one th?, and Confirm me in my Patrianhat * initead o f that, he has hi m ft If i a ken up with the Wardenlhip of a Spunging-houfe. C ’o A -jo -fc, No, that Method will never do. Have not 1, and my Friends tranfmitted to Mr7 V 7 Rwrp a Ream o f Complaints, as big a s ^ the Bunch on his back, which were Referr’d to the Confidcration o f the Cahi dty fitting M :bmers of the little Houfe, and he_ was difmils’d with a Kick o* h* Breech. W e muft Accule him of fomething more Flagrant ; Trifle? Won’t do. F iU e . W iiv , Then I have another Device for you. You fee he can Ddi61ve our Senate with a Crack o f his W hip, fo there is nothing to he done that way. Let us incorporate our felves into a Confiflo y - Thac I bvlicve He dure not touch, without being Reputed an Enemy to the Confiilory j and if be does, we may hunt him down full Cry at prct’ ent Flip That 1 fhold like well enough, but 1 Pm afraid the Cunning Rogue won’t meddle with us, as fuch. < FtUe. W e’ll iky, and fwear, That he did, and that’s all one. f have a Plot in my head, which f hope will do the buls’nefs j in the mean time, go you and acquaint the Reft, that they meet us here in full Confiiiory immediately. < xit BabiLrdy and Coxcom. Flip. Pray, Brother, Inftrudi me in your Contrivance, I may help you out with my Advice. F iU e . It is briefly this. This fame Rogue was ever an Enemy to the fhorc Coats and Scanty Skirts of the Laity, and Confequently to the long Robes and Pudding Sleeves o f the others \ I’ll inftantiy have my long Coat BelXjrtcd and Befli— •, and give out, That it is He, or foriie o f his People, who has don’ t. I f any fhould be fo Heterodox as to doubt the truth o’nt V- have lome ready to fwear to the Si*e and Colour ’of the T —— . ' ■Flip, i like this wctf * about it ftrcight, i’ll attend them here, Open the Confiftory in youf Name, and Prepare ’em for what is tb erilue. ££*»# F iz.lt. '.<!.•» * - Flip. This fame F/xfc is .a' Notable Fellow for the head ot a Conliftory, i f be had but a Doze of Brains j but Thcle arc fq fhallow * ' B thar 1 > * |L.. ' , : : — - - - - i A & S e c O n r# S c e n e Third. ■ . r • . 1 ’ Enter f jz .le and 7 om. F ille . Entlcmen, I have. finifh’d the Addrefs Is it your pleafure S -wr chat l ^e Clerk read it? N J . AB. Ay, Ay. Tom. reads. To the moft Potent Lord Oinobaret. Court o f Kynommath^ Biron of Elaphokardia^ I he General Coniiilory o f M tw /?.•/•//« m<>it Humbly Rcprcfcnt, That we your Excellencies ever R ifn t.d S:<bjceltt . T itle . Devoted Subje£b. Tcm. Under a deep icnfc o f the manifold Bajlingt wc Enjoy’d. Ttcfe, Bltffings^ you Oiiph you. Tom. Blc flings wc EnjoyM u n d e r your Wild, A im iniftration. F izle, Mild Adininiftration, ^ * * Tom. Mild Adminiftraiion, find ourfwlvea at this time under a N t r f t u ftta l Inclinaton. Tiz.Ie. W hat’s that? Let me fee’t, N c n -ftrfica l l/ttliaation I It can’ t be To ; It is ladifpenf70’e Obligation* ■ * > Tom, Ay, it lhould be lb. Fie.te. W rite it down fo then. Tom. *Tis done. Finding our felvcs under an In cttrp reh rvflU O b fih ato n . Flip, ’Owns’ | That's worfe than t’ocher. Tom. Cry Mercv, That is a blunder, tndifienfikte Obligati n to have Rrcourfe to your Excellencies known Condemnable Ofpofitson to our Con- liffory, and all Things Sacred. ' • '‘v tai Ftzle. J think the Dev’l is in the Fellow. It is Commendable Difpo 1 i Jitio n . - . . , Tom. You life fo many Long Words, thaf: a Clerk who is not a | Scholar may eafily miftake one for another. Towards our Confiflorys and all things Sacred, Take leave humbly to Rcprcfcnt, That on the -.H £ v 'u in g n h ith fusct'ded the following D ay. 1 T n .lt. Thou Eternal Dunce! The Evening which preceded Ad-badow Jay, | Tom. Which preceded Ad-battowday forae open or fecret Enemies to this Cor fiftory broke into our Cupboard. FizJe. Ward-Robe» Tom. Wardrobe, taking from thence fbme Lumber appertaining to the C h ie f o f our Rogues, I mean; fdmc Robes appertaining to the . Chief o f our Number, which they Inhumanely Tore to pieces and Bedaub’d with Odour, ' M u llig ru b . Hold! I make Exception to that, for there are fwcec Odours as well as fower. F lip . ’Slid; ’tis O rdure, fand not Odour).'which.is but another Name ^ for a T — d. M u U ig r. W rite it down fo then, for a T — is a T — all the world over, ; ] JE fop. And the more you ftir it, the more *iw ill'ilin k.. But go m . Tom. Now tho’ we cannet Pojfsbly Prowc, yet we A firm P*JJi-ivc!yt That * ;| i t is our Keeper. . h . * . * ... - H ow V - J 198 " 7 .. L io j • , Chat a Loufe may fuck cm up without furfcitmg, which renders that noble Portion o f A/df'cr, with which h*.is Liberally endow'd of little I JO j fuck ’em up (alee, with ufe to the Publick- A 6k Second, Scene Second. s I * Enter MuUigrub, TJeodleful:, Bftbilard^ Coxcomb, Tom, JF. f op, &C. ! . f//p .T N the Abfcnce of My Brother F id e whofe occafions have call’d Hnl j X. away for a litle time, I am to acquaint you, That he has of his own tree YVill, nicer Motion and by virctie o f the Plenitude of his Patriarchal Authority, c ho fen and cftftcd you for his Confiftory-men ' and, Counfellors in all Cafes and Caufes Vifible and Invifiolc* Coxcom. W e arc highly honor’d by his Choice, and Proniife an Im - ' ■ > plicit Obedience to his pleafure. CEnter F id r . F id e . O Horror/ O Abomination/ was ever the like feen, heard or read o f ! FHp. W hat’s the Matter f F id e , As I went to Robe my fclf for the more decent Attendance on this Confiftory I found my Robes in this Pickle ! That Vcftment, fo Reverenc’d by the Antieut and Modern' W orld, bokirtcd and lie- daub’d yvith what 1 muft not name! *s£{op. W ho has done this? t id e . W ho has done it! W ho but the known Enemies to Confi* ftorysand Long Skirts ? JEfop. But methinks your Difcretion fhould have dircficd you to f- our Keeper with this Complaint. J Fix.le. Our Keeper! One o f my Brethren told him o f it bu$ now, f and he coldly Reply’d, I f M r. F id e from the Redundancy o fH ftfZ e a l / has befhit him felf, the Abundance o f his Wil'dom , methinks, fhould prevail with him to keep the Secret, and make him felf Clean. MnUigr. A plain Proof the Keeper is the Man. Coxcomb ■ A y, A y, There Needs No Other Proof; it muft be the j Keeper. j * F id e . I own, I thought fo from the beginning; but what courfe fhak we fteer for Redrels ? ^ Flip. I f I may be thought worthy to advife in a matter of this Mo- ^ menr, we fhall immediately Addrefs My Lord7 Oifiobx>oi on this head, he being a Devotee to Long Robes o f boch Gendres, muft highly j Refent this Affront, and with the Afliftance of jindroboros^ no lels an iv Enemy to the Keeper, may Manage it to his Ruin and our Satisfaftion. B*\>il. Let M r . F id e draw up an Addrefs, and we’ll all fign it. J i Fizle. Gentlemen, I f fuch is your pleafure, I'll retire with the Clerk, j prepare one, and fubmic it to your Approbation. ■ , ytll. Pray go about it. f.F x it F id e and Tom. 11 | lE fp . I Refent this Affront to the Long Robe'as much as any Man, ' 1 but methinks you proceed too haftily, and upon too flemier Grounds - j againft your Keeper. We all know the Malice o f M r. F id e *t heart, i I V . . . . , „ _____ . ._______ d,____ % 199 u J * “ J # ' and that it has increas'd in proportion to the Keepers good Katurei he been ofcner Check'd* he been Icfs Troublefome to himfelf and us. Let us not provoke our Keeper j for my part, I think he is ? . good one. ' Ccxtom. W hat! is he not an Enemy to the Confiftory ? is£fop. No, ha is an Enemy to their Folly, and can well diftihguifh between the Fun&ion and the Pcrfon who abufes it., Pray give me leave to diverc you, 'till FY*,/e returns, with another Tale ; It is harm- Ids, and I hope will give no Offence. ’ * ' In the beginning God made Men, And all was well, but in the End Men made their Gods, and Fondly pay’d *ertU ( The W orlhip due to him chat made ’em, And afl was wrong ; for. they Increas’d, A n d M td tip ly ’d like Man and Beaft.f v But none were bold in Reverence v So much as Pbothu.r, God o f fenfe And Non-lenfc, Patron, as occalion Did fcrvc, of Arts and lnfpiration.‘ Once on a day as he was led About to give a Caft .of’s Trade, ' . Whether to Dxnce, or Sing, or Fiddle^ Or as fume fay, to read a Riddle, I know nut; but what - e’er it was. His Vehicle was but an Afs, And. he cone of the wifeft neither; For \vh ea the Crowd had got together T o pay due Homage to th e ir God, I* v S iro w in g w ith Flow’rs th e Path he fodc* , / And tinging Pagans, the vain Beaft ’ f . Believ’d all this, to him Addrcfs’t : > He Pranc’d, and Flung, and Frisk’d about, 4 Scatt’ring much D irt among the Rout, And bray’d as i f h* had got a Pack O f Dcv’ ls, ar.d not a God oft's back.’ The Crowd eflay’d by gentle ways, f,Cf T o Cuib his Pride, and l'moothA Pace ; , ^ , But all was talking to the W in d ; "-.''V. • \ ' For Zeal is deaf, when - e’er ’tis blind* Finding all other Methods fail, ^ .1 1 They feiz’d him by the Ears and Tails . s v And took the Idol Irom his back, ^ W ith many a lufty Bang and Thwack* They let him know, that Pboebtit was The God, and he was but an A Is. '' a,'" How d’ye like it ? Ic is an old Tale, btiC a trpe Ectnm ipf***; let him fpeak for himfelf* s ~ “ ■ ■ L 1J i ......................' E r X ^ - n r 5 if i„ . * W *-*■ ** * + *'“ *>" » t l . . ...r././. * /• be one K ttptf* Go on. tiout F *& . f t * £ $ £ » £ W , lurrhcr be, le a ,. » : R ;p « fa .t, T b a tfh if Morning in a Collrftivc body, by a great B ,«,*!.< ! . / A°>/«- F i r f r . P lu ra lity o f VmccS. , , Im n u d en ce to * - » ***■“. u n d e r th e Jrtfo&ion of o t t r Huft, t u t R ead i t again. ^ i ^ t l n i « t nhiaW :"nUnH a t f it » V « , * * - > ^ $ & v s s ^ ta s * s z ^ u p p t o t l O D - T h > t w e «j?ay be once more put under your W%id D \jir*U ttm . F iU e. M ild Direaion. T o * . O r th a t o f th e F.yerement Andrtbom. jFi«./r. Excellent Artd.o»>»o.c. % To*. That fo we may g^« a K ' G e t loofe from ouf Fit/e. i’m afraid, Sirrah, you are a Knave, Get Jooie S r o " y’ I ’m afraid, Sirrah, you are a Knave; Get loofe from our Sla- K i r a s t s $ a s s - — * S f c a r j s s f t w w ^ S S C “ w * T ( f " k a i; iJ mould bO like « thty nr« ,n « * * - * . ■ J W amrf cr./i » fray. (1 « u id < " '« h« reads thus on Jjurpofe.) JEfop. And not be For-iworn. But have you done . Tom. Yes, an’t pleafc your Honors. ? F U lt . Gentlemen, do you approve of this Draught i JEfop. I like it as the C le r k read it. . ; T MMlVtrHb. I approye of all, except the O rdure, 111 C arro l You’ll have it a T ----- , A T —- in your Teeth » rt lh .ll Hand a* it is Ordmt. 4 M uU iir*b. T - ---- d. Deodlcfack lek been on the Cant van de T a. , rfr , FabiU rd Let us Compromife the Matter, and make it Tmrdttrt. M flp- ^Gentfcmen, yon have agreed to the Draught o f an Addrefs} b u t w h a t is to be d o n e w ith it? C o x c o m . Tranfmitted to Obobargi. ' tW o -» L °rToh g C c d PlRid of our Keeper, and get Oinobtrei m hijsroom , Jtfop if you (hould, my mind Forbodes you would repent the Change. X ' Why I why bccauifc a mjm who could never yet Govern him* felt, will make blit a lorry Goyernouc for others* , ; . r > - 201 I, *4 J Coxdtnb. nave a care what you lay • , T h 't is ScafidaUtm gnat urn. ■ Jjocdkjac, Pray* M r . T im . W at is dat Lating? Ick forcft.te't nict. Tom. He fay, my Lord is in a very great Poit, call’d, T ie Scandah tn JJooalefack Is it given him lately. Tom, No, he has it by inheritance. ! Efnp. Be advis’d by m e; Lay vour Addrefs afide, and keep as you ^arc* As for your Keeper, none of you can lay that he has done you any ; harm ; and for my part i am convinc’d, that he has done us much * good. 1 mull beg leave to tell you a Story. Coxcomb. Hang you and your Storys; we fhan’t. m ind’em, JEf>p. You may give it the fame fair play you did to M u H ig tkP c Speech j hear it, thu* youd j not mind it. 1 pray your patience. The Frogs, a Fa&ious fickle Race, W ith little Maners, and lefs Grace, Crock’d for a King fo loud, : That all the;Hoft of Heav’n late mute . Nodding to Jove to grant their fuit, And give ’em what they wou’d. v , A King they had, of inch a fize • W ho’s Entry too, made fuch a Noife, 4 / j That Ev’ry Ncut and Frog \ - * • • Affrighted, run to hide their heads \ Some in the Pool, fomc ’ mongft the Reeds, - Like Fools, 'Twas but a Log. i A t laft, one bolder than the reft, Approach’d, and the new Prince Addrcfs’ t,) | No hurt from thence fuftain’d, r i He mock’d his former Fears* and fworc t ’ Twas the be ft it ick of Wood that o’er ' The Marlhcs ever Reign’d. • ; Then all the Croaking Crew drew nearj And in his ihade from th* angry Air Were fhelter’d fafe, and cas’d, Nay, more then that, they’d frisk and play Upon his back a live long day, ’ He Undifturb’d and pleas’d. ; The Perteft Frog o f all the Pack, A Toad, fomc lay, his hue was Black} ’ Tis true j but that’s no matter, ' Upon the pa (live Monarch’s head, , ‘ A t times would Noxious Venom fhed, f And both his fides beipatter.c ’ Twas That ftme Frog, the Legends telly I Eurft when he only meant to fwelly - , Soon after thefe Events. , . .? ' It* - , ' i Be that as 'tw ill, *twa* He that drevy ‘ ^ . j ! T h a t giddy Senl’ elefs Crowd to new ; Sedition and Complaints. .Give us a buftling King, Dread Sir ! | They cry d, a King that makes a ftif J s ^ . This is not to be mov’d. . . Jove heard and gave ’m one, who’s car# Was, that they ihould Obey and Fear, No matter how they Lov’d. | I t was a $to>k* who’s Law-left Rage , ' . Spar’d neither Sex, Degree nor Age, < I That came within his reach, j , And that was great, for whilft his CfaWS Ranfack’c the Deep, his Vujturs Jaws j ] Could wander o’er the Beach. Then they Implor’d the God to fend | From heav’n a Plague, from Hell a Fiend, > ■ > 1 Or any but this Curfe. Ttact., cry’d the Monarch of the Gods, Te Worms \ Keep him you h.ivef * t i s odds s j The N t x t may prove a Wo~fe, f Now H you pleafe, you may put the Queftion about your Addrefs* * 1 take it to be Log or Stork. j Enter Door-Keeper. I Doo> •kfefer. Here’s a Courier from Androboros, juft return’d from the ! Expedition, who defires Admittance. /Efop, It is the molt Expeditious, Expedition | ever heard o f j let us adjourn the Addrefs, and receive the General's Mellage* .. FisJe, Let him come in. Enter Msffenger* * Afejfcnger. The Renown’d Andrcboros with a tender of his hearty Zeal and AJfcftion fends this to the Covfijhry, the, Senate being Difcontinued, {.Deliver* * Letter* Tizle Reads. R ight Frightful and Formidable, W e Greet you W e ll, And by this Acquaint you, That for many Weighty Confidcrations Us thereunto moving, W e have thought fit to adjourn the fndended Expe- , dition to a more proper fcafon, becaufe wc have, upon due and Ma ture Examination been fully convinc’d, that the MulornuehiaHi, our Re* putcd Enemies, are in very deed our good and faithful Friends and Allies, who, to remove all Doubts and Scruples, have freely oftef’d to Confoli- > date Confiftorics with us, as alfa to divide with us the Commerce of the W orld, gcneroufly refigning and yeilding to us that o f the two Poles, refcrving to themfelves only what may lie between e*m. They have likcwife Condcfcendcd that-'we'.'fhall keep fome Forts and Holds, which by the Fortune of the W ar they could not take from us, and have T oromisM.......J 203 ( t6 y promis'd and engag’d to Raze and Dcmolifti fome Places in their Poflcfnort to our prejudice, To loon as more Convenient arc buiit in their room and place. You are furcher to undcrftand, to your Great fatisfdHion, that this is n Treaty Litteral and Spiritual, fo that having two Handies it may be Executed with the greater Facility, or if need be, the* CX»e may Execute the other,' and lb it may Execute it fclf. Now thefe Concefiions (tho* it be well known that I hate Boafting) having been obtain*d, in a great meafure, by the Terror o f my Name and Arms, i Cxpcdi your Thanks. And fo we bid you heartily Farewell. Androborosl *s£fop- Buz.zz.'zZ, Hum mm mm, Bozzzzz— — — Ftz.U. W hat Return fliail we give to this Civil and Obliging Mcfiage ? I JEfop- Return him his Letter. Coxcomb. No, let us vote him Thanks, a Statue and a Trium ph! Enter Keeper. Keeper. Be not furpriz’d, I have heard what you .are about, and Cor dially joyn with you in what you propofe, in honour oi the Valiant „ jin d ro b o rtt, Having received inftru&ions from my Superiors to ul'e that \ mighty Man according to his Dcferts. JEfop. W h a t/ Is our Keeper Mad too? ' Keeper. In the Mean time, all Retire to your refpc&ive Apartments, until due Dislpofition be made for his Reception. E x it mancttt FizJc and xfop. . . > Adt Second, Scene Fourth. Hat Man f Pth Dumps, becaufc our Keeper let fall a word or two about Orders to ufe a certain great Man according to his deferts I •s£fop, I hope he has receiv’d the fame Orders relating to you. F itie . There is more in this than you Imagine; 1 ever believ’d, thaft it would come to this at la ft. JEfop. W bv? W hat’s the matter? F itie . The' Keeper undoubtedly has receiv’d Orders to refign to Jlmdreberti, JEfop, W hat then ? , F itie . W hat then! I ’ll tell you what then*, Then My Brethren and I fhall have our due, and you with yours be proud to lick the D u ll oft* our Feet. JEfop. Ha’nt ye your Allowcnce ? FitJe. W hat o f that? That’s no m o re then the Law gives us. JEfop. And you would have more. Law or Cuftom make an Inch to an EH very fair allowance $ you, it Icems, want an Ell to an inch. I w ifli your Stint might be fome how alcertain’d ; but that, I doubt, cannot eafily be compafs’d* And whofoever, by giving hope* tofind an end o f vour Craving will find himfelf deceiv’d, 1 1 1 cell you a Tale to this . - 1 1 7 1 The Rats, a Tribe much better ted - * t Then taught, that mortally abhor’d 1 , , 1 T o work, lov’d caic and eating, fled For flicker to a Saxcn Lord, # . , W ho’s Barns and Paunch were ever full)' . , And nothing Einply but his Skull. ' ." , s Hrrc did they Revel at their calc, , p Far from the watchful Pufles Eye; • For he had banifh’c all that Race For th* Love they bore to liberty . And Cleanlinels, Things to his Nature ' As oppofice as Fire to Water. r His (toward put him oft in mind, That all his plenty only fcrv’d ' ■ ! T o Fatten Vermin, whilil the Hind ! Thar Labour’d, and his Servants flarv’d 5 £ , • - And what was worfc, th’ Inftrin and Unfed, unpityd, ply d his Door. - 5 " t T o this, the Chutle reply’d at length*, ' » A n d they may all ftarve 011 for me, , ' . The Rats cat not above a Tenth, 1 , ■ ' Thcle would Con fume me one in Three, They are the Rats that would deflroy Om £ The others cannot much annoy me. ^ The pamper’d Tribe familiar grown . • By this Indulgence, Lodg’d themfelvcs Ho more as heretofore they ad done, " In holes and Corners, and on Shelves, i 5 V But in his Robes, and in the upfhot, ;/ >/ They ate his very Heart and Guts out.' / God beyt’t ye. T Bfop'. ^ FixJe. \<ats! a Dog! I’ll Rat ye, ye Whorfon Tale-Teller^ you Vermin J a Son of a W hore— - t £ x i t FixM , A ft Third, Scene Firft. Enter Kjeper, Deputy, Tom and Servant. Deputy. V 7 f 7 lth all due Submiirion, Sir, give me leave to ask you Y / Y / w,iaC von mean by the fplendid Reception you have promis’d to give to that Odd Man? Keeper. Very Little befidcs Divcrfion. My Superiors, as I am inform’d, have Cloath’d him with Sham-Powcrs meerly to get rid ofi his Noife and Trouble; and fmce thefe m ull fall to my lhare, 1 *1 1 humour him to keep-him quiet, •«' 1 ' > ■ - diw* o'; Deputy. That is hot to be hop’d for whdft he lives, w * . C * Torn* 205 t > 8 j ' "" ~ Tom, Perfuade' him that he is dead then.’ ' Ketper and Deputy. Ha, Ha. Ha, Tom . it is far from Impoflible, however Extravagant you may think | the Overture. If you’ll be rul’d by me, I’ll anfwer for the Succefs of what I propofc, under any Penalties you plcale. I’m furc he has had | the A rt to Dream hitnlclf into Notions every whit as Abfurd, His Imagination is very ducUlc when ’tis heated, and by a L«>ng Pra&ice tipon’c, he has'made it as fufccptible of Imprefliom from W ithout, as it ha$ been o f thefe from W ithin. Do you but when he appears, be- ; - have your felvcs as if he were lnvifible, and take no maner of Notice j o f what he fhall fay or do, and I ’ll anfwer for the reft. Here he conics, i mind him not, j * E nter ylxdroboros. j Tom. I was not prcfent, S ir, when he Expii’J, but arriv’d a few Mi* ; nutcs after. | Keeper, So fuddcnly tool i wifh he may not have had foul play, j sinkrob. Your Servant, Gentlemen, 1 hope i do not interrupt you ; pray, who is it you fpcak o f ? Tem. No, Sir, he dy’d of an uncommon Difcafe, The Phyfitians call •it, a Tympany in the Im agination, octiifion’d by a colleflion o f much Indl- gefted Matter there, which for want of due Excretion, made a breach in * . the Pericrane, at which that great Soul took its flight. [ K etptr. Had he made his W ill? ' ylndroboros. Pray, Gcnclemcn, who is it that’s Dead ?: Tom. I have not heard of an^. ' ; ndrob. Cry mercy, 1 thought------ Tom. Only about the time he Expir’d, he Cry’d, 1 leave This W orld, ; * this Worthlcfs W orld to M y Delamya, O Delamya I ! ■ yindrtb, You Impudent Dog you, dare but to Profane that facred Name j ,with thy bafe breath, and I ’ll crulh theef to Nothing, Tom. Hark, did not you hear an odd N o ife f < ^ Deputy, Something like the Humming of a Bee. Tomfi Me thinks it founded rather like the Breath o f the Bung of an ■ jfcmpty Barrel. ’ ylndrcb. ‘ You Savvey Knave, Take that. {.Strikes him a Box o'th' E ar * Tom . It was nothing but a Flea in my Ear. {Scratching his Ear.'J 'And fo, (as I was faying,) with that Name in his Mouth he Expir’d. yin dr ob* Gentlemen, 1 am not to be made a May-Game,' your betters fhallbc acquainted wit;h-your Copduft. Keeper. Ruti Tom ,' and allay or batilk his Fury« {E x it Tom. W hat d’ye think of Tom's Projeft, is it N ot an Odd One ? ' Deputy. - I hardly believe Hell’fucceed, but i f he does, what then J * Ketper.i Then. W e fhall live at eafe, he’ll dream no more, when he * thinks that he’s dead.* 'It is amazing that this Mans Vifions, like Yawn- ihg, fhodld'be catchmg. k The Inhabitants o f this Tenement are not the onlyl DupeS o f his; Qttixotijm . ^ 1 D tp a e y 'd 'Ithat* Indeed is matter of Wonder ; and if the Countenance given to Folly be not all Grimace, The W orld is as Mad ashc. , , r , . ’ -yji ; Emir Tom* ^ f ■ ^*”5? ' • ■ " ”'*• ‘V.'TWy. 206 Tom. 1 have tnftru&cd the Porter, and the other Servants, and have proclaim'd to all, the General remains incognito, uncii he makes his Publick Entry, and that no notice is to be taken of him, more then if, ‘ • lie were Abfent, under the Pain of his highcll Difpleature. k\tper. So fat all goes well. But you muft incrult Solemn and l&fof vritn your Plot. . < Tom. 1 have already. The firft is to be my Conjurer Keeper. Conjurer! T«w. Yes, my Conjurer ; T o him alone, and that too but fome times* he (hall be viliblc* to all befides, a fhadow, an Emply Name. Here they come. ' i E nter Solemn and Atfop* I Keeper. Gentlemen, you have your Q. : Solemn. D o you but keep your Countenance, leave the, reft to us. i ' {JChuirt and a Table., they fit down. i k ^ . E nter Androboros. • Androb. Sure all the W orld is Mad, ‘or have a mind td make rhe i io ; 1 try'd to get out, but the Porter lean’t his Staff againft my Note, and belch’t full in my Chops a Ctilverine could not have done more Juddain Execution than that Erruption of Barm and Tobacco Smoak. Solemn. When is he to be Interred/ Tom. This Evening, but is to lie in State hefe till then. I Androborot, I made a Shift to recover m y felf, and attempted the back • i palftge ; but in the Door^ of the Kitchin I was faiuted with a Pale o f . f 0 „|o«M W ater, which had like to have been fucceeded by a Shovel o f burning Coals, but that I made a fpeedy Retreat. Something’s the J :j matter, what e’er it is 5 i’ll liften here and find it out, J Keeper. But, why fo ftiddainly ? *Tis ftrangc fo Great a Man fhould ” V ..• be bury’d with fo little Ceremony, f , Androb. Bury’d, faid he | Tow. I t is done by the advice of Phyfitiarts,. who have deelar*d that his Difeafe was 1'uch as makes a man ftink vilely after he is dead. - •' , Keeper. The iiaxyTDclamya I how does Ihe bear the Lofs? • i? r ' ' Tara. She’s Inconlolable, ready fo burft her fides. ' > „ > : Keeper. H o w / Tom? Yes, Sir, Excels of Joy makes fonit People' W eep; Exce fs o f G rief makes her L^ughtic Inordinately, and Cry out Incefiantly* Are thefe our prcmifed J o y if O Androboros J One Grave flutll bold i mt. And then (be laughs again. Androb. Androbaros, it lecms then I’m dead ; ’tis odd that I fhould not know it. I ’ll try that. < £Takgt a Chair. Keeper. Poor Lady, (lie lov’d him well, I doubt fhe’il beasgopd as her Word. ' ' ’ * M fo p .. . Who let; this Empty Chair by me? ■ ; { . , ? Solemn. . Save rrtc, yc Kinder Powers, and guard m y Senftsj ; ; A>«per. W hat’s thif matter Man ? What d*ye fee? ii ? Tom. It is but i .RaVing fit, the Effeft of deep ftudy | • _ he w ofted - »kcn r». ■ , 1 ; ■ ' » ' - ^ fiolerrln. No, iriTfertftis temperate as yours, Lookthere, ThereX^ 207 _ _ _ _ _ ------ ' fefof- T h cr*is a Chair, W hat then ? £Shoveit% it With l i t Foot. Solemn. Have yc no Eyes? Can’t you fee ? JCtepcr. For my part 1 fee nothing but what I ufc to fee. Solemn. W hy there, in that Chair fits the Venerable Form of the r.s deceas’d JJ'vborosy in nothing diflering iioin that Awful Figure he o n c e made, but that you regard it not. • Keeper. Sure he Raves. . J&fop. T h at Chair. W hy there s nothing in that Chair. There it lies, ' fS tnkej down Androboros, Chuir and all. I Solemn. O 1 Offer it no Violence. . . uindrob. You Oid Dog, 1 ii be Reveng d. ^ fG o rt o f. Solemn. See how it Stalks oft I - W ith 'w h a t Majeftick A ir,' and how c ..rn a Brow I It Relents the Indignity olier’d. Ha, Ha, Ha. M - Ha, Ha, Ha* Ha. _ .. Tom. Now we have him * it begins to work, it I do not miftake his k°jDrp«ry. 1 had much ado to contain my felf. Keeper. W hat’s next to be done? Tom T ruft th a t to me* but be fure n o t to m irid h im , ev’n th o ’ he ftiould* be O u tra g io u s , T o Solemn on ly he m u ft be vifible fo r fome tim e . Have'vou g o t y o u r Cmjuring Tackle ready? Solemn. 1 have, \fn a t will ferve the tum .| O here he comes again, in very penfive Mood and doleful Dumps. All walk o il, as i f you law him not ; 1*11 remain alone. *- : .,,/m I £ Exeunt Keeper, Deputy, Tom and jfcfop, i * : ' by Androboros wit boat taking Notict / , e.'.i ■ . * of him. • • ; * '' » ■ * - J; ■ * '; * * . » • * 1 A B e Third, Scene Second. - { ! V/V VVilVSt 1 r f • i ' ' ' Solemn at the Table with Books and Implements. Enter Androboros. \ »J in d r e ^ r ■ "is Strange, Wondrous ftrangc, I fimuld take the whole to * ' ^ Jh #be a Trick, were it not that my beft, my firmefi Friends, * . w ho never could be Induc’d to pra&ice upon me in this "grofs manner, behave thcmfelves to my Face as if they faw me not. W h ilft I fate at that Table, That only Raskal, Solemn faw me, and Started and flar’d as i f he had fecn a Ghoft; The reft faw nothing. They'were talking of my Dileafe, Death, Burial and latter W ill, as of V th in g s certain, and o f publick knowledge. I,think I’ m pretty fure that I am Alive, tho’ it feefns, lam (ingular in that belief. I Ste, I Feel, 1 Hear as 1 us’d to do, cv*n now 1 hear my own Voted-as plain as can be; I hive Thought ’ and Refleflion as ufual. But, Alasf departed* Spirits if they think at all, muft think that they do think, that is, that they ate hot dead, It may. be fo Ev’n that v*ry Knave who but nojK could fee me, fits mufing by himfelf as it* if I were not here. I Eem em berlit^ii'the Comfnoo Opinion that a Ghoft that walks, could . * • be i i 208 r''- 21 '/) : • " - ^ be fcen but by One o f a Company. But why fhould he be blind now? ^ £ IV *lk j nearer, , . ; , Solemn. It muft Portend fomcfuddain Change i? th* State} For Ghofts 1 of- Note never walk hut upon thefe folcmn Errands. I ± An.l/ob. He docs not fee me yct^ I remember 1 was on th’ other fide when he law me Jaft. ^ ^ [ 0'iet to the other fide. Sohmn. I f the poor Spirit is permitted once more to haunt thefe Walls, I’ll queftion it, if my Courage fail me n o t, he may, perhaps, have fomething of Moment in Commiffion. Androb. I f you can’t l'cc me, can’t you hear me, you old Dev’l you ? , [Baw ling. Solemn. How painful, yet unprofitable are all the deeper ways of Arc? ~ The Vulgar undilturhM, Frequent the filent Shades, and quietly enjoy the pleafure of fofc Kectfs or Balmy Slumbers, whilft I wnom Science has rais’d fo far above them, have not a peaceful hour. I f at any time I would lee into Futurity, 1 muft take my Talifm an, and then ail Ghofts or Spcitres which chance at that time to crowd the Ambient A ir, become vilible to me, and to me alone. Not dreaming o f any fearch into the Intellectual W orld; but by meer Chance, 1 grafp’d my; . Talt fir. an thus, when ttrcigbc- ' a Tcharco-ficprer out o f his Pocket. Start t up W ildly. Angels and all the Miniftcrs of Grace, Defend me. Be thou a Spirit of Health, or Goblin Damn’d I bring with cnee Airs fromi Heav’n, or " Blafts trom Hell, Thou Com*It in fuch a Queftionable Shape, 1*11fpeak to Thee. T hanks Good Hamlet for this again, I’ll [Softly call thee General. Valiant ^ndroboroJ, O fpeak. Androb. I tell you, ye Old Fool—— Solemn. O fpeak, if ought o f dire Import. Androb. W hy. I ’ll tell you, Sirrah— Solemn. "7? this our ftate difturbs thy facred Shade, Impart, O fpeak* Androb. Let me fpeak then, and be hang’d — — 1 Solemn. For fure no common Gaufe could raife thee from thy filent , j Herfe. Androb. ’Owns f Can your Talifman make you See, and not make ‘ you Hear, You Old Conj’ring Dog} you? ; Solemn. Its Lips Tremble, as if it would Speak, but this is not the * ■ time. U p, Up, my Talifman, and give thy Mafter and the Perturbed ■ Spirit Quiet for a Seafon. —— £P *ts V p hit Tebaccofiofper, > Now all is well again.— — y /fn d rtiv . [Site Down. Sure fomething is Amifs , what - e’er it is. ^ Now he has loft Sight o f . Me again. Androb. Take out your what d’ye-call’t once more, and maybe I may Cell yon all. Solemn. If 1 (hould impart this Odd Event to others, they’ll not Credit it, and to (how him in his Aerial Form, I dare not. Androb. Can you fhow me to other Folks? I ’m glad o f that. You fliall — --------- j Solemn. Left the Odious Name o f Conjurer fhould be fi*t upon me, ! and I (fitch is the prevailing Ignorance and Envy of the Age) inftcad « f being Reverenc’d for my Science'be hang’d for a Wixzard. Androb * * . . ' i 209 £'>22 3' T ' \A > ii ob. l ook ye, I*JI anfwer lor you. . ' Stltt/m. Sumc other time lM venture further, Mean while *cis fit that I retire and ruminate upon this odd PFcenomenon, and find out by my TukJ/xattick. J r t ionic means to unfear its Lips. sittdrob Unfcar your Ears, yc Old Buzzard, I can fpeak, but you, it fectus, can‘t\ hear. He’s gone, a Pefliicnce go with him. I can’t tell whac to think o f it ; A n il bew.’itch’c, or am I really Dead, as they iayt? It cannot be. W hy, is not that a Hand as plain as a Pike Staff ? is not this a Nofe ? Don’t I feel? Yes furely, to my Coft ; for my bac* Akcs ftill with the bruife ] got w h in thatViJJain M/op Over-fet my Chair -$ e t 1 remember to have heard the learned lay, that it is the Soul alone chat Feels, the liody is but a Senfclefs Mafs. I f I did not think, | fhould not feel ;■ then Perhaps I only think I feel. Think ! f know not what to think, or whether I think at all, I f I am Alive or Dead, or whether 1 ever was alive or no. Sure all this cannot be a Dream ; ] wifh it were, and that 1 were fairly awake, O here come my good Friends, Fix.lt. and Fl.p. Now 1 fhall know. Enter F iz le and H ip . Finle. Yon mud take no Notice of him .at all, before he makes his Publick Entry ; He’ ll have it fo, and you know his Humor. Poor Totnhas been Whiptaimoil: to D^uth by his Orders, for barely Saluting him. Flip. That is a little Whimfical, by the b y ; me thinks he might be vifible to his Friends. ^Androb. What's that? Pray Gentlemen, let me ask you one Queftion; bccaule 1 hear, That there is fome Doubt my V ifib ility; D ’ye fee me r Am 1 Alive or Dead ? W hat d’ye Think ? FixJe, 1 told you fo, this he.does to try our Obedience. Anfwer ~ him Nor. ; slndrob; W ill neither o f you Anfwer me ? ^ - .■ < fitfe . A t fix a Clock I ’ll meet you here again. Adue. . j ‘ £ Exeunt fevtrallyy without N oticing him* . ' \j4ndrob. They’re Gone, and faw me not ! Nay, then ’tis too True, 1 am Dead, as fure as I'm Alive; Dead, Dead as a Herring, and fome- . thing worfc too ; for I am Condemn’d to Converfe with no Body, but O ld Soltmt/, ' who ever was a Hell upon Earth to me. Would 1 could ; change that Deom for any other. Could I but haVe the Company of m y Fellow Ghofts, 1 fhould be in fome mcafure Happy, but that is not my Lot, it feems. If the Old Conjurer can but unfear Lips, as he - calls it, or uncork his own Ears, as I take it, I might perhaps prevail with him to Conjure me a little better Converfation than his own. I t I , it Tormenting, that I muft be oblig’d to him: but there is uo Re- ; medy- 1 *1 1 Wheadle him with a Story o f the other W o rld , of which .1 know as little as he does; Th at may work upon him. Enter Tom. with d Broom Sweeping the GaSury. Tom , \yh at a Clutter is here about the Earthing an Old Stinking - Corps; Would he had Lain in State in fome other place; but left hia Soul, fuch was bis Will. . , Q S /r tg t* . • . . ‘ " . W k ttd t 210 , 1. " * $ J -- Whcnas Old Nick-Nack R u l'd this Land, A ‘D oughy Blade he w ore. Tour ‘Doz.cn Adides he T a n n 'd , c/rtf <toAS“ O f Gy ants eke Tour Score. r- * Androb. I wonder i f the Ghofts of other Men hear all the Vile Things that are faid and Sting of them after their Death > CTom fwetps the D njTou - him, Tom. But now h e ' s Dead, and laid i > / C/ay.-— ----— This Duftis moit Abominably Sait, 1 muft qualify’t a little. ' £ Dr inks, and fpurts i t vpon him* W hat a Plaguy Earthy Tafte this fame fmall Beer has got, all o f a fuddain. £Sings. But now b e * t Dead and laid in Clay,— Androb. That’s a Lye, for 1 aV c Bury’d yer, by his own Confef* ffion. } Tom . A lack, and W o therefore, j The Gyauts they may go to play, The Dragnm Jleep and fnore. W hat a Carrion ftink here is; the more 1 fwcep the more it ftinks* Androb. Solemn Can fee me, but can’t hear m e; This Fellow can neither'fee me nor hear m e; but he can fmell m e ; Tilery i f he can fee l me. . Tom, The Dragons Jletp and fnore. — — The ftink Comes that way. £Bnts him on the Breajl with t he Broom. i’ll Perfume the Air a little. pBtfprinkles him with the Bottlel Androb. Hold, Sirrah, hold. W ell, if I were alive they durft not have .ws’d me thus ; This Ufage convinces me more then any thing elfe. ££***• Tom. He has it, he has i t ; I doubt it w ill be & hard matter to per- fivadc him to Life again. A ft Third, Scene Third* Enter Tizle and flip, •JFi«ir.\T7E fee, Tom, you are very bufy. But i f it be no Interruption^ V V pray givt us leave to ask you, In what manner the General Is to make his Entry ? Tom, You have it. ftzJe, Nay, Anfwer us Dire&lyi Tom. I do, you have Leave. f lip . W ell then, In what manner is the General to make his Entry ? Tom. Ask him. f iz lt , Jhank you for that; Ask hifn, and hay® our .Curiofity •• anfwjer’d L J anfwef'd as yours was. But Wc know that it depends in a great niea- " Aire on the Keeper, and you of late are more m his Confidence than we. Tom. I f it depends upon the Keeper, He’ll make his Entry by way ©t Exit? it upon himfelf, it is Problematical, and admits o f feveral Solutions. Flip. As how ? Tom. Either, Hurry - Dtirry% Hutn-Drum , or Bind and 'Ownt. Reft you M erry, Gentlemen. [Exit." FiUe. W e (hall learn, nothing from this Fellow; but fo far we know, that the Keeper mu ft aflift at it; And from abroad by hints we have uuderflood, that i f he is deftroy’d any how, fo the General be not feen in'c, He’ll take that T ru ll upon h im felt; Then all will be W ell. Now if we can but Contrive to have the Chair over Loaded, plac’d Upon the Hatch over the Vault, and the Hatch Unbolted, or fo weakly Barr’d, that its weight may (ink him Down, we (hall get Rid of him, and it will appear to the world to be the nicer Efte& o f Chance, Tom. Peeping. Arc you there with your Rears? I (hall be up with you. I ’ll go* find out Stlemn , and try to build on this Foundation of their own Laying. . . [Exit. Flip This is Admirable, and cannot fail ; Let’s loole no time, but go s?bouc it ftreigbr ; I’ll get into the Vault, and Prepare the Bolt; do you take care to place the Chair* Here comes old Solemn; no more words, but Mumm. [Exeunt. Enter Solem n, and Tom, Seltm, Are you fure that you heard diftin&Iy? Th*e Excefa o f the . .Villany makes it incredible! . . . . . ^ Tom. Am I fure that I live ? But i f you. doubt it, the very Tam pering with the Chair will Convince you. Solemn. Away then, acquaint the Keeper, and Rfop, leave the reft to me. One thing you muft take care be Punaually Obferv’d, that is, That Androboros Friends be planted next to the Chair, by way o f Pre cedency. Quick, Qpick, begone. ' _ Tom. I fly. .... ; „ , Solemn. W hen Malice becomes a Moral Virtue, that Couple muft be fainted • if the Long Robes were made ufc of only to Cover the Perfon- al Defefts and Blcmifhes of thofe who wear ’em, much might be faid in their Defence; but when they are worn or lent to Cover Daggers, and Poyfon prepar’d for the Innocent is there a Mortal lo devoid o f Humanity as ^ a p p ear on their fide? If, as the Philofophers fpeak, the Corruption of the beft Things produces the W orft, the Abulc o f ^Things Sacred muft he Dev’lilh. O I you are come in good time. Enter JEfop. Pray get all in order for this fame Entry; Ncgle& not that partof the Ranking of them, which I by Tim,. recommended to you. l’Jl JEquip the General, and difpofe him for h* Triumph: In the mean 212 L *) j -- --- while do you Intertaiii 'cm with a Talc, or how you plcafe, until he tomei. # . JEj»p. Difpatch then, for they grow Impatient. H E x it JEfopi Enter Androboros* ’ ,, • Androb. I hope he has by this time found a way to1 unfear my Lips er his own E^rs, no matter which. Solemn. Here he comes pat. Nick-Nack^7 How dos*t do } I'm glad to fee thee Awake with all my heart. Androb Is the Dev’l in the fellow > He can fee me now without the help of his Gymcrack ; not to mention your odd Familiarity. W hat d'ye mean bv Awake ? When was I afkcp? Solemn. Aileep ! You have been io Time out o f mind. You have been Walking aftcep, Talking a lice p, and Fighting afieep, I know not how long. . ' A 'd -eb . j'm glad it’s no Worfe ; I Thought I was Dead, at lead every body elfe Item’d to think to Solemn. D e a d ! No, N o; it is a lia Jeft, Andrcb. W hy, you old Has*al, you, Did not you but now dart at the flight of me, as i f you h id feen a Ghoft? Solemn. True; yet you are not a&ually Dead, but Invifible to all the W orld bcfidcs, and muii continue fo, io long as I fhall think fitting. Androb. afide. I ever th o u g h t this Fellow had th e black Art. £ to him'} I wifh th o u w o u id 'ft change th a t Curie l o r a any o th e r. Canffc th o u noc m a k e th y f e lf in v iiib le to m e , as thou h aft done m e to o th e r Folks? To fa r I o w n I w o u ld be o b lig ’d to th e e , and th a n k thee. Seltm>t. If that will oblige you, ’ tis done, Look but into this Tellefeope, and in that snftaut I fhall become invifible to you. X.Lo*k* into * bo&ow Caae t Solemn frtm the other End blows Set o ff into bn Eyes. I t is done ? Androb. Viliian, Dog, Raskal, I ’m blind ; Where are ye, ye VillianJ Murderer? Solemn. Here, This way, This way; You muft fee with your Ears, ttntil I fhall th\nkfic to Uniear your Eyes, General ; That'is the bargain, i f 1 remember right. CE*if Solemn, Androb. Groping bit way after him . A & Third, Scene Fourth, Curtain drawn, Discovers Keeper, Deputy, Tom, /Efop, Fizle, F lip , Coxcomb, B abilard, M ullegrub, &c. X ttp er.T Et the Black Gentlemen be Rank’d as they defire ; I’ll do all a —* I can to pleafc e’m. SJop. W ith all my Heart, Only V thought it bad Heraldry that thefe \vho are fupported by the Chair, fhould fupport it. Keeper. Another time you fhall haye your w ay; I ’ll have it fd now; U I the Reft obferve their diftancc. £ Here thtp are ra v ^ t, Fi&lc and \ — • f . Flip near* r« the Chain fr ELfop. m keep rs diftant as I can, that I maybe at Eale; F id e ** Phiz always gives me the Choilick. 1 know not why he fhould be { luffer’d to walk at Large, to the Detriment of his Majcftys Leige People, urhilft fo many of his Species up and down the W orld are Infty’d, inkcnnel’d, Impounded or Incloyfter’d. Did you ever hear how that dame about? 1 * 1 1 tell you, it you plcaie, Keeper, Come on. 4 %/Efop. And Firft of the Firft Nature, which nothing leaves to Chance, Had dealt to Creatures of each Kind, .Provifion for their Suftenance, T o fome her Bounty had AflignM The Herb o’ch* Fields, whillt others had The Spoils of Trees, but All were Fed, *' The Grunting Kind obtain'd the laft, A happy Lot t, for every V k ood Afforded ftore of Nuts and Maft, And Jovts own Tree did Show’r down Food i Enough for all, could all his Store 1 Have kept that Herd from Craving more. i But they with Sloath and Plenty Cloy'd, W ax’d Wanton, and with Tusks Profane, - firft, all the. 1 acred Trees Deftroy'd, , Which fed Next invade the Plain, ^ h * Where harmlefs Fiocks did graze, and Spogt , i W ith Rav’nous Snouts the fertile Soil, i - j. . * ' “ ' < ’. ■ Jfotrr hears the loud Complaints and Cry's O f Suffering Flocks, and flreight Ordains, ,■ .That hence.forch Hogs be pen’c in Sty's, And fed with Wash, and Husks, and Grains^ | Where ever fine* th? Unhallow’d Race Wallows in Fat and Filtkyntfs. Secondly, Beloved------ Keeper. No, No, We have enough o f the firftj tE o ife n ith ix W hat Noil* is that? jfaJrch. w ithir. 1 *1 1 have the Villian Hang’d ; Dog, Raskal, Roguej Scoundrel. . . . . _ « /Efop. By my Life, it is the General making his Entry; It feems he has got no Herald for this Trium ph, that he thus Proclaims his own Titles, •[[Enter Solemn, Androboros following him. Solemn. JVlake way there. Make way j Room, Room for the General* Thi* Way, This Way-— [[Solemn Step* a fide, Androboros Runs blindlf upon the Chnir, Fizle *nd Flip E m it**o *rin f to Step him, Sink with H im * and flip . Hold, Hold | Help! Help| Help I 214 ^ 27 ) ^ '" V ' Keeper. W hat1 ** th* meaning of this ? Solemn. ‘ Tis but a Trap of their Own laid for you;. Sir, in which ^They Themfelves are Caught. Coxcomk. Let’s be gone) There is no Safety here. [Coxtorn. Babilordt A4*Bigrnb Sneaking e j f . Solemn^ W hat I You arc a making your Retreat; you need not tear, you area lore of Vermin not worth the Bait; The others have thciJj; Oeferts. In former Ages virtuous *Decds R ais’d Mortals to the blejl Abodes, But Hcr<?$ o f the Moden 'Lreed And Satnts go downward to the Gods, \ (Exeunt; Curtain Falls* — ' — — — — ^ — — ' ■ — ■ ' » *f ■ ^ ^ f i n i s :. 215 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 216 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Books Acts Passed by the General Assembly of the Colony of New York in June and July, 1714. New York: William Bradford, Printer, 1714. Early American Imprints of the American Antiquarian Society, Worchester, Mass., Evans no. 1706. Acts Passed by the General Assembly in July 1715. New York: William Bradford, Printer, 1715. Early American Imprints of the American Antiquarian Society, Worchester, Mass., Evans no. 1770. Aden, John M., ed. The Critical Opinions of John Dryden. Nashville: Porter Press, 1963. Ball, Francis Elrington, ed. The Correspondence of Jonathan Swift. 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