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A phenomenological study of Black student leaders in a predominantly White institution
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Running head: BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION
1
A Phenomenological Study of Black Student Leaders in a Predominantly White Institution
Donté M. Miller
Master of Education—Educational Counseling
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 2
Table of Contents
Thesis Logline…..………………………………………………………………………………...5
Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………...…6
Chapter 1 Introduction………………………………………………………………………….7
Statement of the Problem………………………………………………………………...10
Purpose and Significance………………………………………………………………...10
Methodology and Framework Description………………………………………………11
Chapter 2 Literature Review…………………………………………………………………..13
Campus Climate………………………………………………………………………….13
Sense of Belonging………………………………………………………………………16
Mental Health…………………………………………………………………………….17
Effects of Stereotype Threat…………………………………………………………......18
Learning/Motivational Strategies………………………………………………………...19
Effects of Racial Battle Fatigue………………………………………………………….20
Counterspaces……………………………………………………………………………21
Cultural Centers………………………………………………………………………….22
Mentoring Black Students………………………………………………………………..23
Participation in Student Organizations…………………………………………………..25
Literature Review in Summary…………………………………………………………..28
Chapter 3 Research Design…………………………………………………………………….29
Relevant Studies………………………………………………………………………….29
Design……………………………………………………………………………………29
Methods……………………………………………………………………………...…...30
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 3
Trustworthiness and Bias………………………………………………………………...32
Limitations……………………………………………………………………………….34
Ethics……………………………………………………………………………………..34
Connections to Method and Data………………………………………………………...35
Chapter 4 Findings …………………………………………………………………………….36
Purpose and Goals………………………………………………………………………..36
Findings Presentation…………………………………………………………………….36
Student Demographics…………………………………………………………………...37
Belonging at SPU………………………………………………………………………...40
Ram Dynasty……………………………………………………………………..42
Negative Campus Climate……………………………………………………….44
Involvement……………………………………………………………………...47
Black Pride……………………………………………………………………….49
Positive Contribution…………………………………………………………….50
Future Endeavors………………………………………………………………...52
Academic Relation to Involvement……………………………………………………...53
Priorities………………………………………………………………………….53
Balancing Leadership and Academics…………………………………………...54
Pressures…………………………………………………………………………55
Negative Effects of Leadership…………………………………………………..56
Chapter 5 Discussion…………………………………………………………………………...59
Analysis of Findings……………………………………………………………………..59
Prioritizing Leadership and Academics………………………………………….60
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 4
Value of Leadership……………………………………………………………...61
National and Campus Climate…………………………………………………...62
University Pressure and Culture…………………………………………………63
Cultural Empowerment…………………………………………………………..63
Framework Critique….…………………………………………………………..64
Future Implications………………………………………………………………………66
Research………………………………………………………………………….66
Practice…………………………………………………………………………...66
Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………68
References……………………………………………………………………………………….70
Appendices………………………………………………………………………………………77
Appendix A. Interview Questions.……………………………………………………….77
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 5
Thesis Logline
My thesis questions what are the experiences of Black Undergraduate Student Leaders in a
Predominantly White Institution?
Thesis Committee
Kristan Venegas, Ph.D. (Chair)
Rossier School of Education
Darnell Cole, Ph.D.
Rossier School of Education
Frank Harris III, Ed.D.
San Diego State University
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 6
Abstract
Throughout their college years, Black students at Predominantly White Institutions may join a
plethora of organizations that reflect their desired goals and endeavors and gives them the
opportunity to lead and develop as individuals. These organizations vary from social
organizations that allow them the opportunity to explore their local city and state, professional
preparation organizations that enhance their competitiveness for the workforce. Cultural
organizations can provide a sense of camaraderie among peers, and develop their holistic
pathway as a growing adult. This thesis considers the experiences of traditionally aged highly
involved Black undergraduate students to identify the trajectory of student leadership and
involvement through the course of four years. Black undergraduate students at PWI’s are
matriculating through college at 34%, far below most other student populations (Harper, 2012).
Specifically, my thesis questions what are the experiences of Black Undergraduate Student
Leaders in a Predominantly White Institution? My findings suggest that despite the negative
racial climate, Black students find their student organizations to be extremely supportive and
impactful for the Black community both on and off campus. These organizations are valuable to
Black students’ sense of belonging at the university and hold them accountable for their
academics when they cannot participate in the activities for poor grades. Students hope to gain
support from university employees for their clubs and academic programs, but instead find it
more difficult to navigate racial tension on campus while excelling academically.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 7
CHAPTER ONE
The Involved Black Student and Academic Success
Black undergraduate students at Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) seek
community to combat the negative interactions of racism and discrimination that permeate
throughout their campuses and to thrive at the university (Allen, 1992). Throughout their college
years, Black students join a plethora of organizations that reflect their desired goals and
endeavors, which gives them the opportunity to lead and develop as individuals and impact
society. These organizations vary from social organizations that allow them the opportunity to
explore their local city and state to professional preparation organizations that enhance their
competitiveness for the workforce. Further, cultural organizations provide a sense of camaraderie
among peers, and develop their holistic pathway as a growing adult. This thesis considers the
experiences of traditionally aged highly involved Black undergraduate students and their
trajectory of student leadership and their academic success through the course of four years.
Highly involved students is characterized by students dedicated to one or more clubs and
organizations. Black undergraduate students at PWIs are matriculating through college at 34%,
far below most other student populations (Harper, 2012). While it is valuable for students to get
involved and challenge normative behaviors and standards or to push personal agendas, there
may be disconnect between the students’ level of involvement and their academic standing. My
thesis asks what are the experiences of Black Undergraduate Student Leaders in a Predominantly
White Institution? My thesis’ goal is to highlight strategies students use to combat injustices,
persist through the university as highly involved students, and discuss ways that university
employees can support them.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 8
Black students across the nation’s colleges and universities only make up about 5% of the
15 million enrolled undergraduates and unfortunately their graduation rate is only 34%
(Strayhorn, 2008). They are extremely involved in multiple organizations on campus, that they
hope will provide the tools necessary to be successful in college and beyond (Harper, 2006;
Mengesha, 2009). While students and the campus are strengthened by the students’ tireless
dedication to organizing, rallying, and fighting for their causes, my thesis seeks to understand
how student’s tireless involvement and their academic success and achievement in college relate.
How important is it to achieve the highest scholastic achievement and graduate at the top of their
class? Or is it more important for students to improve their emotional intelligence and social
mobility by getting invested in communal organizations. Students at the Southern Pacific
University (SPU), the institution included in this study, are told early that college is a time for
exploration and growth and that everyone gets involved in some organization, including but not
limited to Greek life, religious groups, and/or cultural organizations. In the early weeks of the
academic year, many schools like SPU host giant involvement fairs with their over 500 student
organizations and upper division students encouraging incoming students to find a home away
from home and indulge in the new college life they have anxiously waited for.
Black students may experience the narrative above and may be encouraged to showcase
or rediscover their Black identity by partaking in the Black Student Group’s welcome week
events. The programs typically follow or supplement the university’s efforts with performances
from the National Pan-Hellenic Council (NPHC), some form of a game night and community
service, and a party to wrap it all up hosted by the Black Student Association at SPU. Students
may be attending classes during these first few weeks, but with an oversaturating amount of
events and programs for them to plan around and attend, how do they make time to study or
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 9
learn to manage their time as newly admitted students? As the term progresses, students may be
faced with a dilemma; they were so anxious and enticed to join student organizations that it may
have inhibited their ability to fully focus on classes and could possibly be the reason that many
students perform poorly during that term.
As a counter to the racism and discrimination permeating through Predominantly White
campuses, Black undergraduate students are highly encouraged by their upper division peers to
find support systems and teams that will aid in their sense of belonging as a counter space
(Patton, 2008). Counter spaces serve as sites where deficit notions of people of color can be
challenged and where a positive collegiate racial climate can be established and maintained; and
an environment in which students can build camaraderie and coalitions in organizations to
counteract the injustices they experience as a community (Solórzano, Ceja, Yosso, 2000). These
spaces can be institutionalized through spaces like cultural centers and programming hubs, but
many students informally create and establish places on campus stoops, stages, benches and
more to know that on a specific day or time they can find their same-race peers on campus
(Woodward & Howard, 2015). As injustices of police killing unarmed Black people and being
acquitted of the wrongdoing, and issues of enslavement and poverty in the Black community,
students yearn for places or groups that can help to cope and converse about these and many
more issues (Allen, 1992 & Woodward & Howard, 2015). Students discovery, usage, and
creation of counter spaces is important to understanding how it influences their sense of
belonging, willingness to join organizations on campus, and how their academic achievement is
impacted.
Statement of the Problem
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 10
I explore the relationship between Black student’s level of involvement as student leaders
to their academic achievement goals and eventual graduation. Black students face extreme levels
of discrimination and racism on campus that has a negative impact on their student experience.
In some instances, students can get involved in a club or organization that will formulate and
discuss plans to help with coping mechanisms and actions to support the student. The spaces are
an added benefit in helping the student to understand their status as a Black student on campus,
yet they do not always help to ensure that students are adequately supported and encouraged
academically. If the two polarities were in tandem with one another and equipping students with
the best-needed tools for success, then students will receive holistic and impactful support, which
improves retention and college completion. Some Black students are experiencing stressful
campus interactions, overworking themselves to prove their worth and value as students that
belong to the university while other Black students are experiencing academic and racial
stressors, but are seeking coping mechanisms on their own (Allen, 1992). Therefore, universities
and student support services must provide assessments of their students’ experiences and
adequately create or strengthen resources for students that will consistently motivate, empower,
and encourage them to be a holistic student that ultimately finds ways to balance the variety of
things they are/want to be involved in. Black students have a dual role of combating societal
norms and racism as they navigate their academic journey.
Purpose and Significance of the Study
With the prevalence of campus protests and demonstrations, universities should learn to
address issues of student’s oppression, commitment balance, and lack of achievement to improve
their student’s experience and development at the institution. This study will help provide clarity
concerning how Black student leaders navigate their involvement and prioritize being students
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 11
and leaders on campus. Universities conduct assessments and evaluations throughout the
academic year, but the empirical evidence and narratives of the students is very unique and will
add value to the conversation. Much of the literature related to Black student outcomes, success,
and life experiences is deficit-based and negative, focusing on lack of wealth, father figures, and
achievement (Anderson 2008; Gadsden and Smith 1994). For student involvement, the literature
praises the work students do in fraternities or in protests (Harper, 2007; Harris III, 2010), but the
literature criticizes that some extracurricular activity impacts academic performance negatively
or disrupts the normative operations and goals that the administration has created (Fordham &
Ogbu, 1986; McWhorter, 2001, 2003). My work, however, concentrates on highly involved
Black college students’ experiences and how they use organizations to create and redefine
belonging at a PWI.
Methodology and Framework Description
My study uses a phenomenological approach to collect the narratives of Black students at
a large private institution in Southern California. Black students describing and communicating
their collegiate experience allows me to construct patterns and themes across the institution that
enlightens readers on the experience. The phenomenological approach is a constructivist
approach that is focused on the journey and students’ experiences throughout their academic
career. My thesis is informed by involvement, engagement, integration, and sense of belonging
theory respectively. Each theory has strong support to suggest how students are navigating the
institution, yet they all do not fully capture the narrative exposed in my research. Astin’s
involvement theory is popularly criticized for its lack of addressing the institutions’ role in
supporting students and lack of addressing desired outcomes from the students (Wolf-Wendel et
al., 2009). It provides critical insight of how students decide to get involved and how that helps
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 12
acclimate them to the institution. However, my research delves into both process and outcomes
of the decision. Kuh’s engagement theory is useful to my research as it highlights the amount of
time and effort students invest to their organizational involvement and how institutions allocate
their resources to support students (2001). Kuh’s theory acknowledges that students put in time
and effort into being engaged, and institutions choose to allocate resources or not. Despite this, it
fails to illustrate how students prioritize each option, persevere, and persist by balancing all of it.
In addition, Tinto’s integration theory is criticized for its assimilation-like framework suggesting
that students take on the university’s customs to then feel connected on campus (1987). My
research completely discredits this notion and, instead, suggests that students create their own
paths to organizing and getting involved to obtain their desired outcome. Hurtado and Carter’s
(1997) sense of belonging theory posits that outside discussions of course content and
membership in clubs and organizations increase students sense of belonging. Though
membership in organizations is useful to my research, my study carries this idea further as it
explores the experiences of having multiple leadership positions as a member of a club, and how
that relates to their academic success. Additionally, my thesis considers student’s experiences in
student organizations and how they use these connections to counter the many disadvantageous
and oppressive practices that they may experience. Evaluating these practices, I conducted
interviews about the challenges associated with being a student-leader and a high-achieving
student in the midst of a disturbing national and campus climate. Students had varying levels of
involvement in clubs, ways to prioritize their commitments, and strategies that helped them
persist, which is why it is important to collect each individual narrative and find themes to frame
the story.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 13
CHAPTER TWO
Literature Review
Black student achievement in higher education has garnered significant interest, yet
studies of student involvement and usage of counter spaces are much more limited (Allen, 1992;
Cole, 2002; Harper, 2006; Harris iii, 2010). There has been extensive research with regard to
Black student success, namely, Black students on the lower end of academic success and
achievement compared to their counterparts; researchers also encourage students to take part in
student organizations or other groups as a means to improve their student experience and
persistence (Harper, 2007; Patton, 2008; Allen 1992). There is also a body of literature that
discusses the impact of racial and oppressive institutional barriers at PWIs and how they
disenfranchise and undermine Black students at these institutions causing them to question how
to combat and find solace in the process (Allen, 1992; Harper, 2011; Woodward & Howard,
2015). I discuss themes within the body of literature related to my research question: What are
the experiences of Black Undergraduate Student Leaders in a Predominantly White Institution?
More specifically, I first highlight literature concerning a) campus climate, specifically as it
relates to Black students, and b) how student organizations shape student experiences.
Campus Climate
Issues of racism and classism affect Black students and lead to negative forms of campus
climate. A positive campus climate is characterized by Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pederson, and
Allen (1999) by four elements including: inclusion of people of color, curriculum relatable and
inclusivity of people of color, programs to support people of color, and ensuring the university’s
mission is inclusive of people of color. Researchers maintain that leaders in Black student
organizations, mainly Black Student Unions and Historically Black Fraternities and Sororities
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 14
(also known as the NPHC) improve the campus climate by intentionally creating programs and
initiatives that promote and stimulate their students’ ambitions and serves the interest of their
population, that ultimately helps to make the university diverse (Harper, 2007; Solorzano et. Al.,
2000).
To appropriately identify the reason for Black students’ involvement in student
organizations and reason for counter spaces at PWIs, there should be an investigation of the
campus climate in which they learn and thrive. Aronson, Fried, & Good (2002) conducted a
study in which Black students at a PWI reported experiencing stereotype threat, prejudice, and
racial/ethnic microaggressions within classrooms and in social settings. This is relevant
information as students who reported these circumstances also expressed heightened feelings of
anxiety, which could also lead to poor academic performance. Neville, Heppner, and Wang
(1997) conducted a study on Black college student attitudes in which participants gave
testimonies of culture-specific incidents that included racially charged encounters such as
discrimination, while on campus. As a result, there was a push for students to adjust
psychologically and a push for counter spaces to combat feelings of isolation caused by racial
exclusion (Allen, 1992; Anderson, 1988; Edmunds, 1984; Henderson, 1988).
In a study that examined the experiences of 36 Black college students at various types of
academic institutions, including Ivy League, Private, and Public categories across the United
States, Smith, Allen, & Danley (2007) found that students experienced a multitude of racial
microaggressions in every sphere of their academic lives. Students reported experiencing racial
hostility on campus in three areas: (1) in the academic setting, (2) in the social setting, and (3) in
public spaces. Black students felt marginalized, discriminated against, and reported feeling as if
they were constantly under surveillance. These findings relate to my central research question as
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 15
it discusses the nuances of racially motivated stressors Black students experience at PWIs and
why it is helpful for them to get involved to combat it.
In a study examining Asian and African American students at a Mid-Atlantic university,
Museus (2007) found that ethnic organizations helped combat a negative campus climate and
“facilitated cultural adjustment by serving as sources of cultural familiarity, vehicles for cultural
expression and advocacy, and venues for cultural validation” (p. 575). These findings suggest
that student organizations should be used as a means to propel students forward and help them
build camaraderie with their peers that share similar backgrounds and beliefs. Students in the
study felt a strong sense of belonging with their peers on campus and sought out mentoring
opportunities for the next student class. Further, students’ use of these spaces and groups serves
as a counter to a negative and a homely environment. This is not only represented in Museus’
work, but also, it has been noted in similar ways by other researchers.
Cole (2011) studies the relationship of 460 African American students’ academic self-
concept in relation to their academic success. He posits that despite the maladaptive attitudes
relating to Black student underachievement, Black students’ educational environment is
connected to student advancement and sense of belonging on campus. Using quantitative
approaches to understand the context behind Black student’s self-concept, he concluded that
their academic achievement in college is more influenced by the educational environment and a
strong intellectual self-concept entering college than by preconceived cultural inhibitors. Black
students at PWI’s are not discrediting their academic ability, but instead there are structural and
institutional barriers that perpetuate negative campus issues reinforcing an idea that Black
students do not belong on campus. In direct opposition, positive interactions with faculty and
established diversity groups warranted positive academic outcomes (i.e. GPA) for students,
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 16
which suggests that the more conducive and welcoming the college environment, the more
academically adept Black students are to matriculate (Cole, 2011; Gurin et. Al, 2002).
Sense of Belonging
This section details how Black students’ connection and sense of belonging to campus is
affected by institutional, academic, and social conditions. In a study conducted by Blume,
Denny, Lovato, and Thyken (2012), Black students that self-reported experiencing
microaggressions, racism, and discrimination on campus felt a heightened sense of alienation on
campus. As a result, students self-reported feelings of distance having an influence on their
health, thus encouraging help-seeking and ways to get involved. In another study, Black students
who experienced feelings of isolation due to racial discrimination on campus expressed being
stressed and questioning their status and competitiveness as a student at the university (Neville,
Heppner, and Wang, 1997). Cultural alienation (Spivey-Mooring, 2008) also affects this student
population and creates challenges for students, but can also serve as a means for them to seek
help through other means such as their friends that can offer support.
In a study exploring imposter feelings among minority students, 50 African American
students of the 240 students surveyed expressed that the residentially segregated experiences at
their PWI, within the classroom and on campus, made them feel hypervisible (Cokley, McClain,
Enciso, & Martinez, 2013). For example, being the only Black student in prominent spaces made
students feel as though they did not belong on that campus, causing them to experience strong
feelings of doubt and intellectual fraud. These studies found that minority status stress and
impostor phenomenon are significant predictors for negative collegiate experiential outcomes.
Mengesha (2009) explores the feelings and emotions of being the only Black student at a
PWI. He tells the story of how Black students instantly see their dual-role of hypervisibility and
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 17
invisibility in classrooms since they are often times the only ones in the classroom, but
summoned to answer questions on behalf of their racial subgroup. Upon anger or sadness, Black
students seek out spaces such as the Black Student Association or Black Greek Life hoping that
these spaces will help them contest the negative campus climate they are experiencing with
people that affirm their identity and, more importantly, their existence as students on campus.
Although there is not a one-size-fits-all approach to helping students through their experience, it
is imperative to affirm and support Black students’ sense of belonging on campus.
Hurtado and Carter explore sense of belonging for Latino students. They maintain that
intense and hostile campus environments in the first two years impacts students sense of
belonging in their third year (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). The Latino students in their study felt at
home when they were connected to their community both inside and outside of campus. They
also maintained that students felt more connected during their third year of college since they
had adjusted and learned from the multiple experiences during their first two years. The concepts
in this piece help to inform how students establish relationships and build community on campus
despite the mental turmoil in the first two years.
Mental Health
This section explores Black student mental health on predominantly White college
campuses and their need for support services. Brittain, Sy, and Stokes (2009), when studying
African American mental health, suggested that well-being is very important. As well-being
encompasses psychological stress and depression, the authors found that students need support
throughout their journey in those areas. For Black students to perform well academically and
have positive college experiences, positive mental health is crucial. Smith, Allen, and Danley
(2007) recognized the impact that encounters of racial hostility and microaggressions have on
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 18
African American students. These experiences led to psychological stress responses, such as
frustration, anxiety, anger, withdrawal, and hopelessness for the students, yet they were still
expected to perform academically. According to a study conducted by Blume, Denny, Lovato,
and Thyken (2002) Black students who have encountered negative racial circumstances on
campus are more likely to experience anxiety, which is highly associated with stress. Students of
color that experience racial and ethnic microaggressions, along with other stressors, need support
and services to help them overcome obstacles.
The Effects of Stereotype Threat
One of the primary problems impacting Black students’ ability to perform well at
prestigious universities is that they struggle with stereotype threat and feel the need to perform to
demystify or not reinforce a stereotype (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Stereotype threat makes
students feel uncomfortable and uneasy throughout the campus and affects the climate. Further,
the campus climate, which the students are embedded in, is disrupted by the fact that students
perceive themselves as conforming to a stereotype and are hypervisible when walking on
campus—knowing that other students perceive them as less than or only students at the
university because of athletic performance, not academics (Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000;
Harper, 2006). When a Black student’s existence on campus is questioned by others, a White
dominant hierarchy is reaffirmed, suggesting that the Black students perform less than their
White counterpart (Steele & Aronson, 1995).
Steele (1999) asserts that “when capable [B]lack college students fail to perform as well
as their white counterparts, the explanation often has less to do with preparation or ability than
with the threat of stereotypes about their capacity to succeed” (p. 44). Black students’ motivation
is hindered by what the author names as “attributional ambiguity”, which refers to conforming
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 19
and delving into an uncaring attitude about how other university members will perceive a
student, this then impacting their motivation and learning. Of most importance, Steele states that
the alleviation of stereotypes and discrimination to Black students is a primary cause in their
academic status. Instructors and other university officials must carefully consider the messages
that they send to students both verbally and non-verbally as it unintentionally stunts their
confidence and self-worth.
Stereotype threat impedes Black students’ motivation if they construct meaning and
cognitive distortions such as overgeneralizing and mind reading that hinders their drive to
complete an academic task (Griffin 2006; Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). For students to be
motivated and perform well academically they must be able to set and attain goals. Goals are
helpful in that they help them “become aware of [their] values [and] influence attitudes,
motivation, and learning” (Dembo & Seli, 2013, p. 21). It is very difficult to construct goals
when other students do not believe that a student is as academically sound as another group is.
Overall, the threat challenges Black students to find ways to prove their worth and value to
someone else rather than being intrinsically motivated and set goals themselves.
Learning/Motivation Strategies. Though there is significant literature in the motivation
arena on self-efficacy and goal setting, Black students construct these narratives and improve
their academic standing in more ways than the literature suggests (Bonner, 2001). Students that
reported feelings of external attributions to their academic success exhibited higher forms of
motivation than those that reported internal attributions (van Laar, 2000). Black students reported
being motivated both internally and externally, but external motivation typically encouraged
their will to perform better because of racial influences, their home environments, and the feeling
that most people did not expect success from them. Griffin (2006) conducted a multi-
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 20
dimensional study looking at the motivation behind 9 Black students at a university on the east
coast. Her findings show that both the internal and external motivating factors that students
narrate drove them to perform highly. The external motivation was characterized by combatting
negative academic perceptions of Black students and outsmart their peers because they were
Black (Bonner, 2001). Students were able to stay the course of their academic journey because
they knew they could succeed and “relied on their will, effort, and resourcefulness” to help
propel them forward despite not being completely immersed in organizations, yet still dealt with
racism and stereotypes (Griffin, 2006). The literature on motivation poses multiple questions
related to high achieving and lower achieving Black students with the latter overly reaffirmed.
Black students enter institutions with a high academic self-concept, but due to institutional
barriers, racism, and negative student interactions, deficit thinking and irrational beliefs about
Black students academic success permeate throughout campuses warranting students to feel less
than, incapable, or, worse, unmotivated (Cole, 2011; Mengesha, 2009).
The Effects of Racial Battle Fatigue
Racial battle fatigue is a process that considers the psychosocial, physiological, and
behavioral responses that Black students experience after being confronted with insults (Smith,
Hung, & Franklin, 2011). Through this process, students are burdened with the task to speak on
behalf of their race and having to defend themselves throughout their campus. Students struggle
with wearing clothing that is perceived as gang affiliated or a threat, being stopped and harassed
by police on their college campuses, and other unfair treatment on the basis of the color of their
skin (Smith, Allen, & Danley, 2007). These psychosocial pressures affect Black students
drastically and cause issues pertaining to retention such as self-doubt, self-worth, frustration,
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 21
insomnia, and the like (Smith, Hung, & Franklin, 2011). These feelings transcend to a lack of
motivation on part of the students and push them out from the university.
Students should be self-efficacious and interested in a task as these skills are indicative of
making informed choices and persisting through college (Dembo & Seli, 2013; Zimmerman et.
Al., 1992). Black students cannot graduate when they are afflicted by the campus community
with daily insults and harassments. If students are tired of the insults, and then seek out clubs and
organizations as a counter and safe space they may be surrounded by people that will understand
and help them stay motivated (Harper & Quaye, 2007). Students may lack motivation because of
the exhausting pressures of being a Black college student and having to fight the systematic and
institutional oppression that their White counterparts do not endure, yet the university still
expects Black students to excel academically (Smith et. Al, 2007; Smith et. Al., 2011).
Counter Spaces
As a way to feel supported on campus Black students discover buildings, offices, and
cubicles that foster community, challenge self-defeating thinking, and encourage personal
growth (Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Solórzano & Villalpando, 1998). As a service to
combat the lack of retention, the counter spaces often provide students with academic guidance,
personal advice, and counseling support. In addition, the counter spaces allow students to meet
other Black students in their field of study thereby allowing them to form study groups and build
lasting networks that aid in their growth, development, and comfort in the subject matter
(Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). Additionally, the counter spaces serve as a perfect conduit to
increase Black males’ self-efficacy, value, and interest in completing a task so that they feel
comfortable completing the task despite pressures (Dembo & Seli, 2013). The students are
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 22
encouraged by their peers to find their purpose and their value by studying together, challenging
each other, and building camaraderie to combat the injustices they experience.
Black students may find value in spaces that are comprised of other Black students.
According to Harper (2009), Black students benefitted and felt a huge sense of belonging and
attachment in all Black space mixers and classes that allowed them to be their natural self and
reified the idea that Black people are positive beacons for the community. Although unique, this
counter space constructs a counter narrative to the dominant paradigm that Black students are
lethargic, only athletic, and do not value education; instead the students shed light on how
amazed and impressed they were to be surrounded by a great deal of Black students that were so
eloquent and successful in the room. This translates into positive academic self-talk, students
believing in themselves to perform well, and being able to successfully retain themselves on
campus because they were extrinsically motivated by others that looked like them.
Cultural Centers. Cultural centers are defined by Patton and Hannon (2008) as an
administrative office or space that supports a diverse group of students, typically from
historically disenfranchised backgrounds, through programming, advisement, leadership
development, and retention; and also gives them an environment with students that share
common experiences that offer peer support. With ethnic groups such as Black and Latino men
occupying the lowest retention numbers of most student populations at PWIs, it is imperative
that these cultural centers are present and readily available for students. Programs that directly
cater to the students’ development like the Russell Scholars Program at the University of Maine,
affords students the opportunity to interact with faculty in a living-learning environment and
build upon their weaknesses and inabilities, and students flourish (Johnson and Romanoff, 1999).
Similarly, the Horizon program at Purdue University presents low-income, first generation, and
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 23
disabled students with a mentoring relationship with the program’s alumni and university staff
members that proved a hundred percent retention rate due to the program’s focus on student
academic skills and development (Dale and Zych, 1996). The cultural center idea is not just a
space to promote retention, it is home to many students that otherwise do not receive the
opportunity to network and build camaraderie with students that look like them, which is why it
is critical for leadership to take note of this counter space.
Student organizations such as historically Black Fraternities and Sororities, and groups
like Black Student Unions tend to act as student ambassadors and serve as a model for initiatives
and activities the university should take to support their students. As Hefner (2002) mentions, it
can behoove university officials seeking diversity on their campus to connect with their cultural
centers because of their connection with students that are promoting access and retention for
their same-race peers on campus and in the community. Harper and Quaye (2006) utilized a
phenomenological approach interviewing students about their experiences and one mentioned
that it was important for him to not only retain himself at the university, but to also immerse
himself, through the NPHC, in the discussion with administration on ways to improve access for
Black students that seek to follow in his footsteps. Although the students have been
disenfranchised historically and have been underserved in many ways, they are sought out by the
cultural centers and find it in their hearts to volunteer in BSU to improve college-going and
completion. Students as ambassadors are an integral part of the university because even though
the university officials order and pay people to improve access and retention, the results do not
exhibit high numbers of students at PWI’s. In collaboration with the student organizations,
cultural centers facilitate workshops and programs to aid in the holistic development of their
students and allow them to have a home away from home (Patton and Hannon, 2008).
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 24
Mentoring Black Students
Due to a small number of Black students on campus, it is imperative that they build
camaraderie and find other students, faculty, and staff that look like them or care for their well-
being, and that can aid in their collegiate experience (Harper, 2007). For Black faculty/mentors
need to be welcoming, empathetic, and supportive of student achievement in ways such as
providing advice, opportunities for internships, recommending student organizations, and even
letters of recommendations in the future (Palmer & Gasman, 2008). Faculty play an integral role
to the students’ progression academically because they teach the students, set grading standards,
and make themselves available and open for the students. When these mentoring relationships
are successful, students feel that they will be more successful in completing a task and being
successful in school. Students are empowered and comforted when professors self-disclose their
personal defeats, provide personal contact information and develop opportunities as a resource
(Palmer & Gasman, 2008). This approach compliments students’ self-regulation as well as the
extrinsic motivation from people that will stimulate their goals, and ambitions that reaffirms
students’ sense of belonging (Dembo & Seli, 2013; Cole, 2011).
Peer mentorship aids in Black student motivation efforts and academic achievement.
Students join clubs and organizations like historically Black fraternities that not only support
them socially with campus activities and community service but also highly mandate and
encourage study halls and high scholastic standards to ensure academic success at PWI’s (Allen
1992). Students benefit greatly from their peers’ impact academically and socially because they
are encouraged by each others’ hopes and ambitions that it then encourages them to instill that
sense of camaraderie and support to younger Black students (Palmer & Gasman, 2008). Black
students gain extreme value from their peer group, and through those interactions and networks,
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 25
students excel academically and are able to retain themselves (Astin, 1999). Overall, it is crucial
for Black students to find mentors on campus that will keep them motivated and support them
academically.
Woodward and Howard (2015) discuss an important program model to support the
retention, experiences, and doctoral pursuit of Black male students at their institution through the
Model of Excellence Initiative, catered to providing students with research and knowledge for
retention and graduate school endeavors. This program allows students that have participated in
their undergraduate course during their freshman year to return their next year and partake in
basic research mechanics with both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Students in the
course valued the mentorship and connections they receive from both the older undergraduates,
the graduate students and staff that they meet with during sessions, and most importantly, the
faculty mentor that serves as an inspirational figure that the students can confide in with issues
that arise or to ask for a letter of recommendation for their graduate pursuits. Of most importance
to the value of mentorship is how the interviewed students referred to their social capital and
network in the steps to pursue a Ph.D. because of their mentors. Black students are often first-
generation college students so their ambitions could be limited in comparison to their potential
and it is imperative that universities create programs as such to help connect these students with
positive role-models that will help propel them to graduation and positions to follow.
Participation in Student Organizations
Research related to student involvement has been studied and reevaluated for over 30
years in higher education and its focus on Black students is becoming more profound (Astin,
1984, Tinto, 1987; Tierney, 1999; Harper, 2007; Museus, 2007). Black students’ participation in
student organizations is key to successful retention. Tinto (1987) maintains that students must
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 26
integrate themselves into the social and intellectual facets of the collegiate experience in order to
fully immerse themselves and grow to be successful students. For the purposes of this study, I
dismiss Tinto’s model of social integration. He posits that a student’s journey through college
will be characterized by their academic and social integration into the campus and the higher
their commitment to the goal of college completion, the more likely they will finish (Tinto,
1975). This model is advantageous for the goal of this study in that it refers to a student’s
perception of the university and its offering for the student experience simultaneously.
Specifically, it shows how once students attain the social and cultural capital that the university
has to offer, they will then be able to use that capital to move forward with their goal of
graduating and their post-graduation plans to follow.
Tierney (1999) dismisses Tinto’s model of social integration for missing and lacking
relevant research to Black student identities and discrimination and poses the concept of cultural
suicide to be inclusive of lived experiences and counter the assimilating notion implicit in
Tinto’s model. Kuh (2001) focuses on the time allotment that students give to their organizations
and how to keep institutions accountable for their students’ development. It is unique to
supporting students from an institutional lens and identifies ways such as providing financial
support to organizations through supportive campus environments. Astin (1984) addresses the
importance of student organization as a foundation for student extracurricular gains, but is
limited in the experiences for Black students. Hurtado and Carter (1997) assert that students
sense of belonging is enhanced by membership in organizations to help combat negative campus
environments. All aforementioned authors fail to acknowledge students’ prioritization of
commitment to their organizations and role as highly involved executive board members hoping
to impact their community through such organizations.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 27
Black students value and seek to join student organizations, clubs, and fraternities
because it gives them access to a large audience that will support their growth and achievement.
Harper (2009) maintains that even though there are huge competitions, boasting, and egotistical
ideas amongst the organizations that make up the NPHC, the Black students in the organizations
care for each other and are advocating for the same communities, so it helps them hold each
other accountable as a collective body academically and socially. Black students are highly
involved on campus and it helps to increase their connections and improve their academic
ability.
Furthermore, Black college students have a unique role in that they inspire the next
generation of Black leaders through their involvement with access projects and community
service (Harper, 2007). Black students often immerse themselves in service trips locally and
nationally, blood drives at neighboring barbershops, and a variety of Black history month and
cultural celebrations at neighboring K-12 schools that instill hope into younger students
(Guiffrida, 2003). This two-prong involvement is meaningful in that it develops students and
offers them the planning skills, facilitation skills and service that employers value (Guiffrida,
2003; Woodward & Howard, 2015). This kind of involvement provides K-12 students with a
chance to learn early about the many services that colleges offer and instills a positive attitude to
get them motivated to attend college and graduate in the future (Guiffrida, 2003). Black students
have created opportunities for themselves to strengthen each other and their community amidst
the injustices they face and are able to persist together because of it. At the same time, the
research suggests that they have a variety of oppressive factors inhibiting their sense of
belonging and ability to perform, yet they are encouraged to get involved to combat the
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 28
structures. However, the research has not asserted how this relates to their academic success, or
lack thereof—and this thesis will explore these possibilities further.
Literature Review in Summary
The literature presented here reflects the many articles and notions from authors relating
to Black college student success, or lack thereof. Each topic aforementioned will be used as a
basis in the conversation with the students at the SPU. The literature provides context to how
Black students at other universities navigate the university as highly involved student leaders,
use the organizations as counter spaces to campus climate issues, and how it relates to their
academic achievement and prioritization process. My research fills gaps in the literature
concerning highly involved students and their outcomes. It adds to a concerning issue of
overinvolved students, but concentrates on how students use organizations as a means to create
and redefine membership on campus, service for their community, and graduate. My research
also contributes to research done on experiences of Black women in higher education that
sometimes gets left unaddressed when discussing Black men (Harper, 2012). The design and
approach of the study with regards to Southern Pacific University is discussed in the next
section.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 29
CHAPTER THREE
Research Design
Relevant Studies
As described in the literature review, there have been a few studies consistent with
understanding the relationship of students’ involvement with their identity development but have
not acknowledged the relationship to their academic success (Astin, 1984, Tinto, 1987; Harper,
2006; Museus, 2007;). Harper (2006) and Museus (2007) studied underrepresented Black and
Asian students in higher education to determine their level of integration in campus culture, how
they build camaraderie, and how it helped their ethnic identity flourish and adjust culturally at
PWIs. Griffin (2009) furthered knowledge on learning and motivation techniques that high-
performing students in the East United States used to continue excelling at the university but
lacked the involvement in campus as many posit increases their sense of belonging and success.
Astin (1984), Kuh (2001), Hurtado & Carter (1997), and Tinto’s (1987) models for student
organization participation are the frameworks used as a basis for the research. Utilizing the basis
of these articles and the many cited in the former section, this thesis explores how can students
find a balance between having high scholastic achievement and getting involved in clubs on
campus?
Design
The study is conducted using a phenomenological approach aimed at understanding the
lived experiences of students at the Southern Pacific University. The phenomenological approach
is a tool for capturing student experiences individually and in groups (Moustakas, 1994). The
approach interprets the student narratives and use students’ voices to describe how they have
navigated their position as students at the university and what that suggests for how the
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 30
university can support them. The approach is used to understand how Black students navigate the
university and how their experience as highly-involved student leaders help them organize and
persist through the university. The subsequent data informs the student spaces on campus that
serve to counteract negative experiences with the greater campus that builds community. The
data highlights the variation in student achievement with regard to their level of involvement and
their experiences with their same-race peers and how that helps them succeed. The design
answers the questions of how/why are students involved, how often are they involved, how they
prioritize their commitments, how/if they deal with oppression and discrimination, and how well
they are performing academically.
Methods
Site Selection. A predominantly White urban private research university enrolling over
19,000 undergraduates was selected as the site for this study. It is located in the Southern Pacific
of the United States and will, therefore, be referred to as the Southern Pacific University (SPU).
Approximately 33% of undergraduates enrolled at SPU are White, and their Asian, Black, and
Hispanic counterparts comprise 17%, 6%, and 13% of the undergraduate student population,
respectively. The students’ graduation and retention rates are unavailable through ethnic specific
data, but the student retention rate for fall 2015 is 96%. The researcher has a dual-role as a
graduate student and graduate assistant at the university. Thus in choosing the site, the purpose
was to select a site where race has been an issue, a campus that has a very competitive culture,
and one that has the ability to provide resources and support for students both socially and
academically. Accordingly, SPU is an ideal site as it is predominantly white, is a private
university with a 4.7-billion-dollar endowment, has a decent sized Black student population, and
centers and clubs for students to get involved and cope with the recent injustices plaguing the
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 31
Black community in the United States—with the Black Lives Matter movement, police killing
unarmed Black men, the United States Presidential Election, and international issues too.
Participant Selection. Non-proportional purposeful sampling is used in the study to
achieve variation in the narratives and intensity in their story. Patton (2002) refers to variation as
thematic ideas across different samples and intensity as rich details of a particular phenomenon.
Purposeful sampling allows participants with a plethora of knowledge about the injustices faced
on campus and in the community, are involved on campus, and has utilized campus centers or
spaces with the researcher to attend programs and activities to establish community. Highly
involved students will be selected as participants since they have two or more leadership position
that consumes their time and will inform the study. I outreached to the Director of the Black
Cultural Center to send a blast out to students that fit the above criteria to participate in my
study. The final sample was 10 Black students with an even split of men and women students.
The sample was selected for the purposes of conducting interviews with a variety of genders,
ages, and years in school to obtain a holistic idea of the experiences of Black student leaders at
SPU. All participants identified with the term Black, which encompasses African-American
students, African immigrants, Afro-Carribean, and other subgroups of the racial category. All
participants were undergraduate students with at least their first-year completed. Students are
involved as an executive board member of 2 or more clubs/organizations to emphasize their
commitment to multiple organizations while navigating the campus environment.
Data Collection. Students in the study participated in interviews ranging from 30-60
minutes. The interviews had a semi-structured approach allowing for students to answer the
given questions, but I probed and asked for clarification for detail purposes (Patton, 2002). The
protocol for the interview consisted of concepts related to Black students at SPU, personal
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 32
endeavors, internal and external motivators, and their academic achievement. Appendix A
describes the questions that participants answer. Students wishing not to answer questions,
especially as challenging and uncomfortable as academic standing, were not forced to answer.
Students received a meal swipe to the dining facility as a token of appreciation for participation
in the study.
Data Analysis. All interviews are transcribed by an outsourced transcription site, and I
reviewed them meticulously by listening and rereading the transcription. I coded the data for
themes using a 5-minute reflection technique and constructing umbrella ideas based on the
interview questions to compile a list of 10 themes. I allowed the students to narrate their
experience and used the experiences to identify individual and group stories that illustrate how
their lived-experience is informed and how it relates to their peers. Using the phenomenological
approach, I examined the codes and constructed themes of the participants’ experiences and
narrative that emerged from the interviews, drew upon new terms, made inferences about how
students choose to spread their time out at SPU, and describe how they perform academically
(Moustakas, 1994). While the sample is not representative of the overall population my research
attempts to study, it gives some insight into the varying experiences of Black students’ level of
involvement and success at SPU.
Trustworthiness & Bias
Trustworthiness of the data are assured in multiple ways. First, I worked directly with a
faculty advisor, who I had constant communication and check-ins on progress and actions related
to the research. Second, students were provided transcription notes from me detailing what was
said during the interview, and had the option, at any time during or after the interview, to retract
a statement or themselves completely from the study. Finally, any data that are not consistent for
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 33
the purposes of the study are not utilized and all data that is possessed following the collection
are stored on an external hard drive by me.
The role of the researcher is important in any study. I am a graduate student and am
connected with many of the students that I studied as a mentor and supervisor. As a graduate
student at SPU, I supervised Black students and worked with others through collaborations in
undergraduate and graduate student government. Black students on campus knew who I was
because I made an effort to support their student organizations and programs as I knew that I
wanted/needed the support from graduate students as an undergraduate too. Many of the
experiences that they were dealing with, I either had gone through already or I knew that I am a
Black male student that was heavily involved as an undergraduate at a public university with a
decent academic standing that enabled to gain admission into top ranked Master’s and doctoral
programs. I valued my extracurricular activities very much, but I noticed students that were
subject to dismissal for over-involvement and lacked balance. I participated in disrupting and
improving the campus practices and policies through research and videos like the Black Bruins
YouTube video, hopeful of change for my community (Stokes, 2013). When I met with students,
I was aware of my own history and I asked students to elaborate on experiences and topics to
provide context for the study. Pseudonyms are given to students to protect their status and
information. Lastly, the participants received a ten-dollar food or drink meal swipe from the
campus student union, which could have impacted students’ willingness to complete the study.
Limitations
The study is limited in that the study only focuses at a specific school/PWI. The study is
also limited by how I seek students through the email blast since I have no recollection of the
students that received the email. At the same time, because students are highly involved leaders
and academically intelligent, their time to conduct the interview sometimes conflicted or did not
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 34
seem worthwhile. The study cannot be generalizable to other campuses or ethnic groups at SPU
and also lacks students that identified as LGBT or not in the gender conforming binary.
To minimize the limitations in the study, I focus on a particular university and particular
student population that would provide me with concrete student narratives about competing in a
very competitive institution, trying to make campus and communal advances, and remain sane in
the midst of the injustices in the community, and/or just purely focusing on academics. Further
research could study student narratives at other institutions across the nation and other
underrepresented populations to further enhance the student experience, availability of support
services and spaces, and student achievement.
Ethics
The information and identity of the participants were kept private and anonymous. For
example, when conducting interviews and focus groups, I ensured that the names of the
participants, some student organizations, and the university were not directly linked to their
answers with the use of pseudonyms. I conducted interviews in a private room on the campus
that others did not see the students enter or leave. Participants have the opportunity to review
their statements to pull out of the study if they desired. When disclosing results, I was sure to
mention all results, whether positive or negative, to ensure the validity of my research. No
supporting information is withheld in an effort to make my research look more favorable to
others, but is reflective of the students’ narratives. As a researcher I identify as a Black male
student and was connected to the student population. I was active as a graduate student on the
campus and knew of many of the student’s contributions to the campus community. I wanted to
hear from them about their experiences as a Black student knowing that they had to navigate the
different climates while being a student leader dedicating time and energy to their communities.
All names and stories are kept completely confidential based on IRB requirements.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 35
Connections to Method and Data
Astin, Kuh, Hurtado & Carter, and Tinto do not address how student leaders on executive
board positions in multiple organizations prioritize their commitment to their organizations and
their academics in persisting through the university and dealing with negative racial
environments. Utilizing the phenomenological approach gives students at SPU the opportunity to
discuss how their experiences at the university have been shaped by racial injustices on/off
campus, by student organizations and culture centers, and how they have performed
academically as a result of the organizations. The university is about developing the holistic
student experience, but have not effectively supported Black students during the tumultuous time
academically or socially. So, the findings illustration about Black students at SPU and their
lived-experience as highly-involved student-leaders will be enlightening.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 36
CHAPTER FOUR
Findings
Purpose and Goals
The purpose of my study is to explore the relationship of highly involved Black students
and their academic success at Southern Pacific University. Specifically, I am interested in how
highly involve Black students matriculate through the university and establish their sense of
belonging and persist through an academically and socially competitive and racially tense
climate. Students are often the only Black person in their classes while also leading two or more
clubs outside of the classroom in hopes of attaining a college degree and profound career after. I
will present a description and my findings from student-leaders at SPU, and discuss ways to
support their belonging and successful degree attainment.
Findings Presentation
Black student leaders responded critically of their experiences at SPU and how they felt
the institution supported, challenged, or hindered their development based on questions asked in
Attachment A. Due to the breadth of the questions, students’ answers went in multiple directions,
but I will focus on:
1) The university’s image and persona in relation to the student’s perception of the
university,
2) Sense of belonging on campus,
3) Reasons of being involved on campus and prioritization of those involvements and
courses; and
4) Ability to succeed as a result of their position as Black student-leaders.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 37
The ten students are leaders in two or more clubs and organizations, are evenly distributed of
men and women, and have varying majors from engineering, law, policy, entertainment, and
science.
Student Demographics.
Table 1. Summary of Participants
Study
Participant
Student
Organizations
Leadership
Positions
Major GPA
Lebron Karma 3
Dance, BCC,
APhiA, ResEd
Dance Leader,
Facilitator,
Secretary, RA
Neuroscience 3.08
Ezekiel APhiA, BMU,
BSA, Spoken
Word Group
President,
President,
External
Affairs, Lead
Artist
Neuroscience,
minor Dramatic
Arts
3.37
Chad BSA, USG, External
Affairs, Senator
Political Science 3.61
Robert AACA, Black
Alumni, ResEd
President,
Volunteer
Lead, RA
Film & TV
Production
3.78
Will NSBE, BMU, Academic Industrial and 2.5
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 38
BSA Chair, VP,
Academic
Chair
Systems
Engineering
Rebecca BSA, ResEd,
Service Project
President, RA,
E-Board
Environmental
Science w/ focus
on Law
Between 3.5-
3.8
Shavonda BSA, ResEd,
AAIH
Outreach
President, RA,
E-Board
Health
Promotion and
Disease
Prevention
2.7
Jennifer SGRho, Pre-
Law fraternity
National Board
Member and
Chapter VP, E-
Board
Political
Science, minor
in Forensics and
Criminality
2.8
Sarah NABJ, BCM,
ResEd
President,
Leader, RA
Communications 3.2
Janet BSA, Black
Grad, Social
Work
Program Chair,
Program Chair,
E-board
Pre-Law 3.2
The students at SPU are all highly involved students in two or more organizations’
executive boards. The students self-identify as Black students and highlight their involvement as
leaders. Lebron is a fourth year transfer and Neuroscience major from Houston, Texas. He is
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 39
involved in Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity Incorporated, Karma Three Dance Crew, the Black
Cultural Center, and as a Resident Assistant. Ezekiel is a fourth year transfer, Neuroscience
major and minor in Dramatic arts from Houston, Texas. He is involved in Alpha Phi Alpha
Fraternity Incorporated, Black Men United, Black Student Assembly, and a spoken word club.
Chad (CJ) is a sophomore studying Political Science and is from Chicago, Illinois. He is
involved in the Undergraduate Student Government and the Black Student Assembly. Robert
(RJ) is a Film and Television Production major and is from Raleigh, North Carolina. He is
involved in the African American Cinema Association, the Black Alumni Association, and as a
Resident Assistant. Will is a fourth year Industrial and Systems Engineering major from Harlem,
New York. He is involved in the National Society of Black Engineers, Black Men United, and
the Black Student Assembly. Rebecca is a fourth year Environmental Science major focused on
law and is from New Jersey. She is involved in the Black Student Assembly, Undergraduate
Student Government, as a resident assistant, and a service project at SPU. Shavonda is a fourth
year Health Promotion and Disease Prevention major and is from the Bay Area in California. She
is involved in the Black Student Assembly, as a resident assistant, and African Americans in
Health. Jennifer is a third year Political Science major, minor in Forensics and Criminality and is
from Boston, Massachusetts. She is involved in Sigma Gamma Rho Sorority, Incorporated and a
Pre-Law fraternity. Sarah Wilson is a fourth year transfer, Communication major and is from
Riverside, California. She is involved in the National Association of Black Journalist, Black
Campus Ministries, and as a resident assistant. Janet is from the Bronx, New York and is a Pre-
Law major. She is involved in the Black Student Assembly, Black Graduation Committee, and
social work organization. All student positions and majors inform their experience at SPU and
my study.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 40
Table 2. Summary of Findings
Theme One: The university’s image and persona in relation to the student’s perception of the
university
Theme Two: Sense of belonging on campus
a. Belonging at SPU
b. SPU Dynasty
c. Negative Campus Climate
Theme Three: Reasons of being involved on campus
d. Involvement
e. Black Pride
f. Positive Contribution
g. Future Endeavors
Theme Four: Ability to succeed as a result of their position as Black student-leaders.
h. Academic Relation to Involvement
i. Balancing Leadership and Academics
j. Pressures
k. Negative Effects of Leadership
Belonging at SPU
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 41
SPU prides itself, like most universities, on its ranking as a world-class university, where
students will learn and grow at the university and are expected to make meaningful, impactful,
and innovative changes in society. With this perception, SPU sets a standard of excellence for
students to meet and that standard welcomes some and ostracizes others. The others tend to be
highly-involve Black students like Will that mentions:
Belonging has a lot to do with one, academics, because literally if your grades go too low
you're out. But also it has to do with culture, and like a culture for success. I think [SPU
has] a strong culture for success here. Everyone's doing amazing things, and
sometimes if you're not doing amazing things you don't really feel like you belong
because everyone's kind of superb in their craft.
Three students mention that SPU is “academic,” “pretentious,” and “divided,” perpetuating the
idea that students that are not excelling in their major or field, must get better to fit in. Lebron
shares that SPU is “very career driven, the people that come from this university, they are very
prominent in their field…and we just develop a lot of good things” that causes students to often
compete against one another. Chad says that the campus is a “work-hard, play-hard”
environment and that he enjoys the academic rigor because it challenges him to grow and
develop. It is not a tough adjustment for him because he knows that he has to work even harder
than his white peers to reach or try to exceed their successes. Janet agrees that because of the
“pretentious environment,” she has to overcompensate to be better than her peers. She shares that
although she knew she was great in high school and has the skillset to become a lawyer, her
involvement in the BSA along with her academic success will give her the necessary tools to get
into a top Law school. She says that she has a lot of group assignments, but she is strategic about
who she pairs with because “everybody ain’t yo friend or have your work ethic.” Although the
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 42
campus environment can seem very competitive and pretentious as the interviewees mention,
they rally behind the Ram Dynasty concept that the university bolsters.
Ram Dynasty. Lebron says the university has a unique slogan called the “Ram Dynasty,”
that is pressed upon students as they navigate the university, empowering them to know that
members of the dynasty succeed in every endeavor and that once they finish they will join an
alumni network that boasts innovation and quality-impact. Chad mentions that he is a proud Ram
and that he truly believes in the concept because “his grandfather was a professor here and he has
heard amazing stories about the connections and awards he has received.” Janet reiterates her
passion for the Ram Dynasty because she entered into the university as an athlete, which SPU
really values, but “once [she] hung up the spikes, she knew that the connections, degree, and
pedigree of SPU” would yield positive outcomes for her interest and future success in Law.
While many students value and appreciate the Ram dynasty, some students have difficulty
connecting to the idea.
Students mentioned that by being a part of student organizations and as they matured in
their educational journey, their perception of a Ram seemed like a façade. The façade is that the
university claims that the value of the Ram dynasty, traditions, and prestige are really tight and
strong, yet sometimes Black students struggle to feel the connection and establish a sense of
belonging. Specifically, students mentioned that belonging in their eyes is “first by being student,
and second by establishing a community that will challenge and support you” as Ezekiel and
Lebron mention. Jennifer says that she does not necessarily feel that she belongs and that it is
one of those processes you go through, that sometimes makes her question if she is the only one
out. Fortunately, her membership and leadership role on the National Executive Board in Sigma
Gamma Rho Sorority, Incorporated, a historically Black sorority of the National Pan-Hellenic
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 43
Council, helps her belong indirectly at the university because she feels connected at SPU with
her chapter, and is able to travel every weekend to support other chapters and bring relevant
initiatives back to SPU. Students feel disconnected from the ram dynasty and express the need to
indirectly connect themselves by joining organizations that help them define the family for
themselves. They understand that culturally based extracurricular activities are supported, but
there is not a supportive environment or campus climate where discussions about national
discourses, inside or outside of the class, are addressed.
Sarah, admitted as a transfer, and Will, admitted as a spring freshman emphasize that the
two populations have a difficult transition to establishing their sense of belonging, but were able
to demystify the façade by getting involved. Sarah shares the following:
I do, I definitely feel like it's my fit. I felt that pretty much instantly, which I'm very
fortunate to have, because as transfers typically they're just thrown to the side. That's not
just here, that's at most universities, that's always the struggle and that's kind of the things
that junior colleges try to tell you to face because you're not Freshmen and you're not
going to be treated as such. Honestly I instantly felt a connection the first time I came and
then the first time I was here and I was enrolled, I felt like I was exactly where I was
supposed to be.
Though transfer students often get the “leftovers at universities,” Sarah is able to connect and
feel welcomed by the fact she is connected with other Black students in her field that invite her
to the Black Cultural Center and Journalist organization. She shares that “at her community
college [she] valued [her] leadership positions, so it was imperative to find Will shares how his
perception of a Ram was tainted by his tough transition as a spring admit. He mentions that
having a non-traditional freshman route is very distinct at SPU and it made his adjustment
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 44
difficult because all fall freshman admits established their groups and built camaraderie, while he
was left in the shadows. He shares that “the university tried to do some wack programs to
connect us to other spring admits, but it just made us feel more ostracized and uncomfortable
because we were the new kids on the block and did not have support after those few days.”
Despite those difficulties and becoming close to dropping out, Will found comfort in the
National Society of Black Engineers and later established a leadership position to help his peers
build camaraderie and get academic support to remain in school. Much of Sarah’s and Will’s
adjustment and sense of belonging was established by being connected as involved students.
Although they had yet to fulfill the university’s expectation of belonging to the Ram dynasty,
they established camaraderie amongst their peers that affirmed their belonging and help them
transition to reach their success. Overall, SPU boasts a high-caliber and high-achieving
institution that many of the interviewees perceived to not fit and caused them to discover and
create their own sense of belonging. Rebecca shares that Black students have to deal with
“supporting and caring for their peers, succeeding academically, and battling campus racism to
fit in to the Ram dynasty,” but “do not gain any support or care from faculty or administration on
issues most pertinent to them” as Lebron shares. The belonging issue is also caused by an
institutional racism and campus climate issue that students argue SPU does a poor job of
addressing or assisting students.
Negative Campus Climate. SPU students discuss a myriad of discriminatory and racial
issues that plague them throughout their academic career and that the university often fails to
address. Students contend that the issues are cultural and happen inside and outside of the
classroom. Inside the classroom, Robert argues that the students with most privilege drive the
culture and perpetuate a negative campus environment. He shares: “There’s just a general feeling
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 45
that everybody is on top and if you’re not on top, then you’re kind of, don’t exist. It’s not even
necessary that people are going to pick on you, it’s just that you just fade away.” In hopes of not
fading away, Robert is pressured to make others know who he is, as he says, by holding
leadership roles in multiple organizations and getting every opportunity available for him to be
the best. The pressure to do well, as Robert mentions, is heightened in the classroom because
students with privilege are further prepared than their Black student counterparts that do not have
the same resources. He shares that “SPU has the premiere students that enter in the film school
with 3-5 films produced, gadgets he has never heard of, and internships and career connections”
that he was not privy to because he did not receive those resources in rural North Carolina.
Students face even more pressure in the classroom with the prevalence of Black people
being killed in the media and hoping that the university, namely professors, would address the
news in the classrooms and show empathy. Shavonda describes this as mentally taxing because
there she is trying to take care of herself and uplift society by going to college, but “black people
are literally getting murdered down the street, realistically, and also around the country and
around the world.” She mentions that she and her friends have conversations everyday in their
clubs about how to strengthen and liberate the Black community, but in the classroom there is
never any mention of the topic. At that moment, she struggles to prioritize and decide if going
out to protest and advocate for the community is worth skipping out on class time. Lebron agrees
with Shavonda, especially as a neuroscience major. He says that it makes him feel perplexed
because the killings are even happening near their campus, and the entire institution acts like it is
not. He shares: “White students can go an entire day without acknowledging the Travon Martin
or Alton Sterling killings because they aren’t brought up in the class.” He provides the example
of taking a psychology of perception class, and although professors have the opportune time to
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 46
talk about how society or the students perceived the death of a Travon Martin compared to
George Zimmerman, they failed to drive that into the curriculum. Instead, he simply learns what
he needs to learn through the syllabus and it “makes him feel bad because he is likely the only
one processing the situation as the only Black person in the classroom.” Inside the classroom,
students hope to dialogue about issues that are impacting their studies or society.
Simultaneously, they hope that they are not pressured to bring it up and have to speak on behalf
of their entire population since they are usually “the only Black person in the class” as Shavonda
shares.
Outside the classroom, students mentioned a work hard, play hard mentality and more
experiences with addressing national climate issues on their own. Chad, a sophomore political
science major says that when he sees a cop car coming down the street, his initial thought is
“warning or danger” because even as an educated college student, he is not immune to his life
being taken. He even emphasizes that he changes the way he dresses “because [he] don't want
people to look at [him] a certain way, which is frustrating but it is to protect [himself] and not be
a problem to anyone.” This fear alters Chad’s well-being and makes him second guess decisions
in hopes that his college dream is not deterred by death. Sarah mentions that even though her
Communications major can be more progressive, the climate is still tense, especially with the
presidential election. She shares that it “makes her tense” toward others in her class because she
would hope that her peers are pursuing higher education to advance society; and she does not see
how the election of the President does that, especially since “he has openly stated racist,
misogynist, and homophobic comments that hurts the students sitting next to them and some still
voted for him.” She has some hope in society since a few professors have actually taken the time
to incorporate the dialogue into the curriculum, but it remains frustrating for her to have the
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 47
dialogue with the students that do not share the same beliefs as she does. She finds it most useful,
however, to plan programs through her student organization and get faculty and students to
discuss the critical topic as she did with the “Black Campus Ministries and Residential Education
peers hosting an event in front of the Ram to pray and answer questions that the larger SPU
community had about the killings.” Sarah poses the need for faculty to meet students where they
are at and engage them with critical dialogue despite their viewpoints on the issue. Black
students hope that their faculty would address current issues in the classroom and include
national and cultural discourse that is most pertinent to them such as “in Law, where we will
have to know how to critically analyze or understand these cases, but it shows the university’s
priorities when they fail to address it” as Jennifer shares. Black students at SPU use their
involvement in student organizations and clubs as avenues to both combat the systemic and
cultural issues on campus and to make deep contributions to the Black community.
Involvement. Black students at SPU are highly involved and frequently lead more than
two organizations at a time that helps them belong and persist. Their decision to get involved
varies by student, but most interviewees’ overall purpose is to advocate for the advancement of
the Black community. This process is met with trials and triumphs for them. Rebecca mentions
that in solidarity with the Black Lives Matter Movement, she as the Black Student Assembly
Director has a “battery on [her] back to do things, but then it also induces an anxiety in a way
that one, there's this loud voice that's doing work, which is great so [she] knows that there is
work to be done. But then [she] feels like [her] smaller voice, how can [she] actually have an
impact.” She mentions this dual purpose of wanting to lead an organization of Black students in
ways that the Black Lives Matter Organization is leading the Black community, but she also
needs support herself. She says that her impact as the leader of the organization matters and the
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 48
legacy she leaves is what people will remember most. It is important to her because it helps with
career advancement in her career and social prestige with the Black community at SPU.
Reaffirming the pressure and anxiety placed on students to advocate for their peers, Ezekiel says
that as a spoken word artist he plateaued and “[His] speeches went from angry to sad, and then
when [he] hit this indifference stage, [he] didn't want to speak anymore.” He was called to speak
at rallies and protest after multiple killings of Black people like Sandra Bland and Philando
Castile and became overwhelmed with writing the same narrative and having to encourage his
peers to continue fighting both inside and outside of the classroom. He says that all of the energy
invested could have been invested elsewhere, but his love and care for the organization and
passion for uplifting his community kept him going. He shares: “I hope to say that when I cross
the stage, this campus is better than when I got here so that my little cousin and little boys like
him that are applying to college can have an easier time than I did.”
Other negative experiences in leadership consist of students feeling burned out. Multiple
students provide the phrase that “leadership is hard” and that it strips their energy in different
ways. Ezekiel mentions that finding a good balance between delegating and seeking opinions
that is extremely tough. There is not a clear direction for leadership, so leading highly intelligent
students at SPU is a difficult feat because they need a lot of resources. As he leads multiple
organizations, he finds it difficult to both trust others to get things done and get others to trust
him because he commits a lot of time to many clubs. Shavonda echoes Ezekiel’s comment on the
sense of responsibility she feels because she wants to do so much in her short time at the
university. She highly emphasized that it is burdensome to “inspire other people to want to take
up the goals [she] sets, but [she] cannot make anyone do anything they don’t want to.” Shavonda
and her peers have very strong passions for servicing the SPU community and cities like Flint,
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 49
Michigan experiencing tragedies but she despises the fact that she is not supported by the
university and has to develop relationships with her peers to do so. Robert faces challenges
explaining to his parents why he is so involved with campus leadership and not having tangible
support to back his explanation. He shares that “even when [he is] explaining the things [he
does] to [his] parents, they're just kind of like, why? Like, why aren't you studying? Why are you
doing all this stuff for people?” His response is that he hopes that students in his organizations do
not have the same troubles that he faced or that they have a resource to handle the situation.
Leadership to Black students at SPU is very demanding. They are constantly running around to
meetings, doing paperwork for their clubs, and often do not get a return on their investment.
Combining these negative characteristics along with the taxing climate, students hope that SPU
would support their development in these positions. However, while they know the organizations
are taxing, their positive impact on their community outweighs the challenges and helps them
belong and persist.
Black Pride. Black students at SPU feel honored and empowered to uplift their
community on campus, back home, and in society. While most of them were inclined to find an
opportunity to advocate for the Black community during high school, their passion and
dedication to that phenomenon grew tremendously and their reasons why are continuously
cultivated. Shavonda highlights how her identity as a Black woman showing youth that others
care for them is imperative and simultaneously she thinks about her ancestors before her that
could have quit when they were tired or exhausted, so she feels a “weird sense of atonement to
do the same.” Jennifer points out that sometimes it is valuable when she is nominated and that at
times she just has to step up:
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 50
Part of it was me, but a bigger part I want to say was that people saw potential in me. So
then they nominated me and then I was like, "You know what? This would be cool. I
would do it. I would love to do all this traveling and just be the advocate for everyone
else." I feel like I stumble into leadership positions more than I apply.
She makes it clear that the selfish reason is for her own development, but it is also heavily tied to
supporting and advocating for the community and others trusting in her ability to lead, so she
will do the extra work to progress the community forward. Chad mentions that he wanted to be
involved in campus leadership “simply because [he] was angry and saw that [SPU] has such
wonderful opportunities, but [he] saw that people that maybe looked like [him] didn't share those
same opportunities.” Chad highlights that his non-Black peers do not share those experiences so
there is a higher need for him to support other Black students. That genuine interest to serve and
help others is emphasized by Will, who says that he actually cares about the Black population at
the university due to growing up in New York and hoping to emulate and create the camaraderie
and homey environment that he is used to here, “where [he] can sit in the middle of campus or go
to the Black cultural center and be surrounded by people that understand [his] culture.” Will,
Sarah, and Robert contend that they just wanted to see something happen on campus, especially
after being freshman witnessing mentors fight for a cause while they were barely entering and
unaware of how to lead in college. Black students at SPU have an established sense of pride
toward the Black community because someone mentored them and welcomed them to the
community.
Positive Contribution. Almost every student mentioned that the most rewarding aspect
of their leadership is their constituents coming to them and thanking them for educating them on
a certain topic, servicing downtrodden communities, or just giving back to the university or the
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 51
neighboring city. These positive contributions reaffirm the students’ willingness to gain from
experiential-learning as the university often encourages. Rebecca mentions that there is an
external pressure to have something going on, saying:
Yeah, it almost is an unspoken rule because if you're not involved in a campus org, then
you're expected to be really involved in your major or something. You're doing a
fellowship, grant, something that you're doing within your academic studies. It is a part of
the culture because the students are so passionate about so many different things, and
we're a university that is big on reputation. Part of your reputation is what you've
accomplished and what you've done, and if you're not a part of an org or you're not
slaving away putting your hours in doing something, immersing yourself in something,
then it's kind of just like you're not taking advantage of one, all the resources the
university has to offer, and two, your own potential.
Rebecca adds that she values going to events knowing that her peers have many talented crafts
and spent time perfecting them, while balancing a million other things. Further, Lebron states
that its important to get involved for others and that impact is very self-fulfilling. He says that if
he “can make people's collegiate life just a tad bit easier by what [he] put on through programs as
an RA, or an Alpha, or even just working on campus, then that will make [him] happy.” He goes
on to say that doing it for others is what is most important, especially if the university is not
providing the service and it helps progress the community forward in a positive light. Lebron’s
fraternity brother Ezekiel has a similar lens, but hopes that by uplifting others, he is uplifting the
younger Black students at SPU and passing the torch of leadership. He mentions how “leaders
never take credit for their work, just do it,” and develops and encourages the young Rams’
development, enabling them to lead in the future. Shavonda expresses that her hope is to leave
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 52
knowing that she made a positive impact and established connections through her leadership
roles with staff. Those relationships, such as in the Black Cultural Center, help remind her that
she is gaining skills useful for her future. Will highlights the confidence and sense of community
he establishes through his leadership roles. He says that he pretty much knows everyone in the
Black community because of their fight for justice and equality through student organizations
and combatting the racial tension at SPU. He shares that he has a “familiar place of higher
learning” because his social networks through campus leadership connect him with other
students that can support and advocate for issues and agendas he pushes. He also says that
having a rough time as a spring admit, the university does not properly show students how to
rebound from difficult times, so he is a resource for his peers. Will found that his involvement in
the clubs and organizations keeps him grounded in his work and, like other interviewees,
mentions that he has younger students at SPU and back at home counting on him to do well so he
will do everything in his power to ensure that Black students get the resources they need to
persist.
Future Endeavors. Black students at SPU also mention that their involvement in the
organizations would help them in their future careers. Chad, Robert, Sarah, and Janet mention
that they learned a great deal of information about “very real life applicable tasks like handling a
budget, handling traveling, creating reports, presiding over meetings, etc. It's just things that
whether [they] may not be directly doing it in the future, they do have an impact and [they] can
correlate it in some way.” Students mention that the learning, teamwork, and network that they
establish now has equipped them with the tools to succeed. Janet highlights that teamwork is
important because you have to learn to work with people and delegate tasks so that you are not
burning out, and Robert extends it to suggest not just to deal with them as if they are objects that
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 53
need to be managed, but how to deal with them on a human level. He says that understanding
how and what they need to be successful is imperative and that the university does not do it, so
Black student leaders have an opportunity to shine.
The contributions to the Black community is at the core of Black students learning,
growth, and development at SPU. Students use their executive leadership roles in clubs and
organizations to navigate the institutions’ system, connect with others, and have an enjoyable
experience outside of the classroom. The next section explores how this promotes and stunts
their academic growth and how they process and prioritize that dynamic in its entirety.
Academic Relation to Involvement.
The Black students in this study are highly-involved and high-achieving; they hope to
have the most successful jobs upon completing their undergraduate career. As stated in the last
section, students benefit a lot from their multiple clubs and organizations, but in reality their
main goal is to obtain a degree. Students discuss how they prioritize and organize their days to
get their many duties and tasks achieved and, eventually, persist.
Priorities. Students have a unique ratio and time allotment to their activities. Students
mentioned the following about their time commitment to involvements and academics. Ezekiel
shares that half of his day is dedicated to his involvement and expanded by sharing:
Yikes. If I give you a percentage, I would say while I'm awake during a general weekday,
eighty percent of my time is dedicated to devoting my time towards the organizations,
and twenty percent of my time is dedicated to my actual academics. Which is odd,
even when I'm at work or in class, I'm probably not paying attention to the task at hand
because I'm emailing so and so, in the group trying to designate so and so, or whatever
the case may be. An unnatural amount of time, for sure.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 54
Ezekiel expresses that an overwhelming amount of time is dedicated to his extracurricular
commitments, not leaving much room for studying. Jennifer echoed those sentiments saying that
during the week of Monday thru Thursday she is handling on campus leadership positions and
goes to class throughout the week with very little time to study. From Thursday to Sunday she is
traveling as a part of her National Executive Board position that often leaves her “jetlagged and
exhausted” by the end of the week. Robert mentions that on top of being in the cinema school, he
has commitments as an RA and that leadership position can be upwards of 30 hours per week
along with the presidency of the cinema society. Students are spending minimally 20 to 30 hours
or, as some categorize it, 80% of their time, a week for their clubs and organizations. Also
mentioned is that students use class time to complete tasks for their clubs and organizations. Not
mentioned are the hours attending other peers’ events, working on-campus jobs, or even running
errands. Students have varying GPAs on the 2.5-3.8 end respectively, but used terms such as
“trash,” “filthy,” and “bounce-back,” to describe poor GPA’s in their eyes or others stating that
they are doing really well academically. Although students prioritize their leadership at 80%,
does not mean they do not succeed or persist. Instead, as Jennifer shares: “although my GPA is
on the lower end, I love my sorority and they hold me accountable to get my work done to keep
my position on the executive board.” Students did question their curricular learning and discuss
how valuable they find their experiential learning to be on the contrary.
Balancing Leadership and Academics. Black students at SPU truly value their
extracurricular activities, sometimes even more than their classroom learning. Rebecca questions
the validity of an A grade sharing “An ‘A’ is so arbitrary, but seeing people show up and
appreciate my event is more powerful to me because I can see the direct impact than a
percentage on a test.” She restates that uplifting and supporting the community especially in
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 55
tumultuous times is essential “because the Black community is in a tough moment where
students are completely shook and as the BSA President [she] had to support them through
programming, activism, and holistic support.” She goes on to say that she is doing well
academically in the 3.5-3.8 range and has not allowed her grades to suffer, but she is comfortable
waiting until the last minute to complete a paper if that means she spent the day protesting or
advocating for students. Jennifer adds that “the academic constraints—organizations having
minimal GPA standards, mandatory study nights, etc.”—help her throughout the process because
she knows that if she does not value her education or keep her grades up then she has to let go of
the positions she holds. Students also highlight that their clubs and organizations’ programs and
activities to support them are really valuable and aid in keeping them on top of their academics.
Will affirms this describing his role in the National Society of Black Engineers saying that they
are a very small subset of students and getting support is scarce, especially when math is
involved. He adds that because of the competition it is difficult to find support from his
classmates. He shared that he was once on academic probation, learned how to succeed, and then
took a position as an academic scholarship chair for NSBE. He became perplexed saying: “I'm
kinda the person I'm supposed to be going to for academic help. So I'm like, I'm at this loss.
Well, who do you go to, when you're the person to go to?” Although he has had a tough time
recently, his experience in NSBE has helped him learn to navigate the Engineering school as a
Black student and support his peers, especially when SPU does not.
Pressures. Students feel supported from their clubs and organizations knowing that the
constraint and pressure to succeed in both inside and outside of the classroom is important. Chad
highlights how his family pressures him to do well too because they told him that if he wanted to
do the extracurricular activities, they could not come at the expense of his grades. To ensure that
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 56
he does not go out as much and spends a lot of time and late nights working on assignments
because he wants to serve the Black community. Black students at SPU really value their
leadership roles in their clubs and organizations and will not allow failure to hinder their ability
to get involved and they discuss how it impacts them negatively, yet they still persist.
Negative Effects of Leadership. Some SPU students contend that their involvement
impacts them extremely negatively. Ezekiel adds that he is impacted extremely negatively and
should be a straight A student as he has been since before college. It is not that he cannot handle
the material, nor is it that he does not have the determination, but it is where he invests his time,
how much time does he have for study for these things, how much preparation is he providing.
He shares that his white and Asian peers probably average 4-5 more hours of studying than he
gets because he has communal issues to address with Black men in his Black Men United
organization or speaking at a rally to protest SPU’s policies. He discounts the argument saying
he does not have to be involved in the organizations saying that it is unfair and shares:
I'm going to have more pride in BSA, I'm going to have more pride in Alpha, I'm going
to have more pride in BMU, because those are the things that I actually devoted my time
to. That was eighty percent of my time, and my GPA is going to be what it be. And that's
unfortunate that it's flipped that way, but because of the state of our nation, because of
cultural relations, race relations, that has just become more important to me.
Ezekiel not only discusses how he devotes his time, but he also highlights that his non-Black
peers do not face the same issues because their community is not under attack in a way that
would yield their time being committed to the level of involvement the Black community does.
Sarah reaffirms this loose attitude towards grades stating that she does what she needs to do
academically to graduate, but she is not excelling. She states that she has always excelled but,
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 57
within a year of being here, she just said “I don't care what grade I get if I pass I pass, that still
gets me a degree.” Her motivation changed, but she found solace in knowing that she would get
the experiences she needed out of her organizations and support her community simultaneously.
Sarah and Ezekiel have not had dire academic difficulties that would warrant them to lose
positions on their leadership boards, but it is important to highlight how they are thinking about
their extracurriculars in relation to their academics. Robert, on the other hand, has had some
challenges and states that as much as he despises GPAs and thinks they are limiting, he knows it
is valuable. He states that he had to reprioritize his life and although he was struggling
academically, he still thinks that his “leadership skills build a stronger leader for the real world
and after 2 years in the workforce, it's really about what a person brings to the table.” Robert
understands that despite where his GPA stands, he has extensive qualities and skills that are
marketable in his career that SPU did not strictly provide. Robert has a 3.7 GPA and perpetuates
the high-achieving campus environment at SPU. Shavonda, who is on the lower end, shares: “I
used my extracurriculars and exhausted all my resources but being a Black pre-med student on
this campus is hard and hopefully doing a post-bac program will help me obtain my goals.”
Students like Shavonda hope that their extracurricular activities will override or circumvent their
GPA to allow them to obtain their career goals.
Data Summary
Phenomenology. During the data collection was a huge time of instability for students
and the country at large. The 45
th
United States Presidential Elections were happening and
students had to figure out how to support themselves and their peers simultaneously, while
unaware of what would occur in the next few months of the President’s first 100 days or four-
year term. Although the students were not in favor of the current president and Black students
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 58
are not a monolithic group, they had to navigate SPU students wearing hats and embellishing
symbols in support of the president both during and after his inauguration. There entire collegiate
experience has been difficult as they have seen their Black peers shot and killed on multiple
media outlets with very vivid and disturbing detail. As a Black male graduate student it was
tough navigating the climate and hearing how the students had to grit out these experiences by
supporting their peers and family was alarming.
Overall, Black SPU students are highly involved students and have a genuine care for
both their curricular and extracurricular activities. Although they may prioritize their
extracurricular activities, they know the value and importance of their GPA. Their passion for the
Black community is just as important to them as their grades are and they know or figure out
how to balance them both. There is an expectation that the student is going to be great—and that
they are going to go out into the world and make a huge impact while going to go through some
turmoil. The student orgs are their comfort and solace. Nonetheless, they would value more
support with campus and course discussions of national issues and emotional support during
tumultuous times from SPU, and recommendations are given to support this population in the
next chapter.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 59
CHAPTER FIVE
Discussion
Chapter 5 combines the data and literature to discuss practice, policy, and research
implications. Specifically, it addresses how highly involved Black students matriculate through
the university and establish their sense of belonging and direction through an academically and
socially competitive climate. The goal is for the thesis to highlight how students are prioritizing
their involvement in clubs and organizations on campus in relation to their academic success and
how they need to be supported. It informs how useful their experiential-learning is on campus
and how they hope the university would support them more often, especially in the midst of
national climate issues like the Black Lives Matter Movement. The analysis of the findings is
stated below.
Analysis of Findings. The findings highlight the relationship of Black students at SPU’s
academic success and high involvement. From the data, my findings consist of the following
categories: student prioritization of clubs or academics, leadership roles in the organizations,
national and campus climate engagement, university culture and pressure, cultural
empowerment.
For the students, the study will help them delegate and manage their time and decisions
effectively and ascertain how to balance their academics and extracurricular activities. Students
are highly encouraged during their early college days to get involved in some form of a club or
organization (Tinto 1987; Harper, 2006), but little research, especially for Black students has
examined students’ narratives that inform how they prioritize their daily initiatives as leaders,
how they combat oppressive structures, and are still expected to perform well academically as
students (Allen, 1985; Jones, Castellanos, and Cole 2002; Harper, 2006). Harper (2006) posits
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 60
that Black students’ identity as involved leaders or high academic achievers does not negate their
within-group interactions and dialogue, but he does recommend for studies to compare the two
student tracks and this paper will do that with particular attention to how students perform
academically on both spectrums. Consequently, when students are encouraged to get involved, it
could be that they cannot join a student organization or more than one student organization until
after their first semester. It could also be that the prevalence of racism and microaggressions on
campus are so strong that if the student does not get involved in some space, organization, or
cultural center that they will succumb to feelings of onlyness, helplessness, and individualized
experiences that cause them to try to fix the issue on their own, which often leads to increases in
low retention and dismissals from the university (Harper et.al., 2011). Once exposed to this
information, students can serve as mentors and advocates for first years as a preventative
measure to the discombobulated pathways the upperclassman may have endured (Allen, 1992).
Prioritizing Leadership and Academics. Much of the frameworks fail to address how
students make decisions and prioritize their involvement or academic commitments. Recall, the
80-20 commitment that many of the students referred to as the percentage of time per week that
students designate to both areas. Astin (1993) scratches the surface acknowledging that students
decide to join these organizations for value. Tinto (1987) might suggest that students integrate
into the institutions system that helps them balance the commitments. Kuh (2001) engages this
idea fairly closely by understanding how students invest their time to these commitments.
However, the data suggests that students move beyond dedicating time to a specific task, but are
instead prioritizing the most impactful task first. As students’ priorities each term are outlined, it
helps advance the research in this area to consider the prioritization to better inform students’
outcomes. Ezekiel’s point on graduating from SPU with more concern about his impact through
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 61
his organizations rather than his major is an important phenomenon to explore. Priorities are
important to the Black students at SPU, but their leadership roles shift the focus of the student
involvement theory.
Black students have a unique tradeoff with their 80/20 commitment. On the one hand,
they have the ability to influence in policy changes, practice, and overall operation at the
university and in the world through disruption and protest. On the other hand, they sacrifice a
superb and enriching learning environment in the classroom that they may not fully indulge or
engage by spending a lot of time on these activities. Though some students may do well at both,
or fail at one or the other, it impacts their reasoning and belonging on the campus. Some students
mention that there are classes that help them successfully engage both their curricular and
extracurricular development, but there are not enough. Black students tradeoffs and prioritization
of them are tied to their values and purpose on campus.
Value of Leadership. My thesis explores the experiences of highly involved student
leaders at Southern Pacific University. Each study participant held a leadership position on the
executive board of their organization, which challenged them in many ways. All of the 4
theoretical frameworks study traditional-aged students that claim involvement in an organization
is useful to students’ collegiate experience. However, the SPU students join the organization for
the advancement of the Black community, at the university and at home, and for the genuine care
to support others as Will, Janet, and Lebron mention. This idea expands Kuh’s research on time
allotment and university support because these students would likely donate more time getting
involved and feel more urgency to uphold their organization and not look trash as Jennifer
mentions. As a result, students’ academics have a higher likelihood of being impacted since
students are doing work in the classroom, procrastinating to the night before, or just have more
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 62
inclination to do work for their clubs. Students use their networks and peers in the clubs to hold
them accountable so they can maintain the positions. Considering highly involved students’
challenges is useful to inform the topic and research.
National and Campus Climate. The immediate environment strongly effected the data
and the context of the study because of the Black Lives Matter Movement, a new president in
office, and a huge uncertainty in the United States. Black students at SPU held a series of
protests, rallies, prayer meetings, and programs to ensure that students felt safe and supported as
much as possible. Additionally, Black students at SPU want to engage with and discuss issues
that impact them as students or their community. Hurtado and Carter (1997) found strong
correlations with students’ discussion of racial and ethnic topics outside of the classroom and
sense of belonging. Rebecca highlighted that during the emergence of the Black Lives Matter
movement, as the Director of the Black Student Assembly, she did not understand how to fully
support and advocate for her constituents anymore, especially when the killings could happen to
any of her beloved community. This dialogue helps to challenge and support students at varying
levels successfully persist through the university. Majority of interviewees mentioned that they
had not conversed much about societal issues, and they wanted and valued the conversations for
their growth and their mattering to the university, and were urged to support members of their
community’s grief and mourning processes. Smith (2007) highlights how the consistent
exhaustion and energy invested in negative campus and political climate experiences leads to
racial battle fatigue that hinders student’s full development and academic success at the
university. Students wanted processes from departments and the university so that they did not
have to continue doing all of the work and feeling coerced to educate other students about their
racial/ethnic group. The national political discourse has lasting effects on the campus culture.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 63
University Pressure and Culture. Black students at SPU vocalized how their university
is very competition based amongst the student body that influences student behaviors. There is
an external pressure from the university through the Ram dynasty and perpetuated by privileged
students to excel at SPU. None of the 4 frameworks address the pressure that students have to get
involved at their institution. However, Hurtado and Carter (1997) is most useful in unpacking
how students sense of belonging is enhanced through critical dialogue on campus, meaningful
social interactions, and experience at the university that equips students to succeed as they grow.
Recalling what Will and Robert mentioned, non-Black students in the media and engineering
schools have a very esteemed portfolio of accomplishments and boast of them frequently. The
campus academic and social culture pressures students to succeed as highly skilled and
academically enriched students that will transform society. They rally behind the idea of the Ram
dynasty and Black students have a difficult time adjusting and belonging in the conversations
when they are both so few in number, or there is a lack of concerns that the university
administrators address. This pressure to be great is upheld in leadership positions so students can
translate the learned skills into a career and simultaneously in the classroom, continue leading
their organizations, and find their career. Current research fails to address both dynamics and
how they relate to student success and involvement, but my findings suggest that the pressure
can ostracize students that do not learn early by getting involved, such as Will, and can aid
students that do immerse themselves in clubs, such as Robert and Ezekiel.
Cultural Empowerment. Black students at SPU benefit from service and dedication to
their community. Hurtado and Carter (1997) state that students felt a stronger sense of belonging
based on ethnic club membership and my research furthers this with their attachment to the
community. All students mentioned that despite their high level of involvement, academic
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 64
requirements, or other priorities Black SPU students are genuinely concerned about uplifting and
empowering the community. Their involvement in these organizations support this idea as they
are encouraged to advocate for students on campus and the Black community locally and
nationally. Black students feel that the university is inconsistent when allocating resources for
Black student organizations, but they do feel that the university allocates proper resources for
their social and academic development in its entirety (Kuh, 1987). Students mention that they
hoped for Black Lives Matter events hosted by university officials on top of their programs and
rallies from their clubs. The university must support students’ emotional, social, and cultural
well-being to truly be effective. While Black SPU students are appreciative of the abundance of
financial and organizational resources they can use to support their peers, the university must not
remain silent on issues like the presidential election or BLM that worries and effects students.
My research stresses that Black students’ decision and outcome to get involved is to stimulate
their community’s ambitions while also succeeding academically to create opportunities for
career advancement for themselves. Those career advancements could change very quickly if a
Black student were to be killed at a routine traffic stop or lose citizenship due to executive
presidential orders. I will now provide implications for practice and research to enhance
students’ experiences.
Framework Critique
Hurtado and Carter (1997) have a fantastic strategy on students’ sense of belonging and
navigation techniques used throughout their collegiate career. They carefully consider the student
processes that help students understand their position at the institution and later impact their
constituents. My thesis highlights the students’ role in creating, guiding, and upholding the
positions that the university offers. Students strategically assess their position, specifically to the
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 65
national and campus climate, and make intentional decisions to figure out how to disrupt or
improve theirs and their community’s conditions. Black student leaders are creating the spaces
for their peers to learn and grow. As all of the students mention, they are “booking rooms,
hosting conferences, soliciting funds, tapping into Black networks and businesses, and learning
how to forge change on their campus through their organizations.” They have a unique
opportunity to define membership in student organizations. They set agendas as leaders of their
organizations that are sometimes in tandem with another organization or not. Once they establish
the agendas they help to develop and expand their reach and impact to other students on their
campus and at neighboring institutions, and most importantly, their community. Of major
importance to consider with both Hurtado and Carter and my thesis is the responsibility of the
student and institution.
The Onus. Although students are supplied with the financial and structural resources to
impact their audience, there is an imbalance of what the university offers and how the students
navigate the process. The authors research strongly highlights that students are extremely taxed
with creating their own sense of belonging with the necessary resources and using them to
persist. My thesis is highly similar, yet there are strong implications for how the university can
better support students. The university cannot afford to disregard the national discourse that
students are tackling or that will enrich their learning and research. My participants discussed
strategies such as culturally relevant discourse and programmatic initiatives that the university
can use to support their development, but there must be more extensive research in this area. The
university’s silence creates further tension amongst SPU students and a heavier burden for its
Black students. While students are proud to be at their institution and cherish it for the many
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 66
benefits socially and academically, they struggle valuing and boasting the support they received
for their cultural and ethnic groups. I highlight further implications of my research.
Future Implications.
Research. The interviewees in my study were all students providing insight and
perspectives on the university processes and procedures that perpetuate a lack of belonging for
Black students. Further research should consider how universities take stances or support
students with national issues and what the ramifications are for addressing the issues
intentionally or not.
Further research should consider campus climate and classroom engagement. Students
stressed the importance of having meaningful and engaging dialogue at their university, but are
faculty and staff equipped to provide this training? Universities vary in the amount of services
offered to both faculty and students to learn about diversity and social justice, but better methods
can be implemented to support their constituents. PWI’s sometimes perpetuate negative campus
and racial climates, so it is important to understand a holistic view of who provides training,
what biases do they have when administering the training, and how can they be held accountable
for implementing trainings to support student growth.
Further research should consider the experiences of Black men, women, and LGBT
identifying students. Research conducted on Black males’ experiences in higher education is
abundant in the academy, but further research should concentrate on Black women and LGBT
peoples’ strategy to matriculate. My research highlights the extensive time and effort Black
women devote to their community. The data should inform how they balance that time along
with societal pressure to wed and reproduce.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 67
Practice. In practice, my research informs students, staff, and faculty on the experiences
of highly involved Black students at SPU. It is noteworthy for universities to find better systems
to merge academic and student affairs units to converse about the experiences that students
receive inside and outside of the classroom. One interviewee mentioned a professor encouraging
them to attend a rally on President Trump and writing and presenting the material to their class.
Various efforts as such provide students the opportunity to connect in the classroom while also
gaining experience with extracurricular activities. Another student hoped that more professors
would be mindful of or support event planning by allowing missed absences or attending an
event related to their field or class topic.
Further practice should also consider student organization training and accountability to
support students. Although students expressed the dire need to support the Black community, it
is important that they connect with university employees that could help them reach their goals.
Further research should study how much more successful students perform academically with a
focus on time to inform how many hours student organizations require of their members. While
most organizations are voluntary or student-led, advisors have an integral role to support students
both academically and socially on campus.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 68
Conclusion
Throughout this research, I hoped to solely study Black students at SPU that were
navigating racial tensions while striving to succeed academically. I understood that some
students were doing extremely well academically and others were struggling, but they all had a
genuine desire and interest in change. Following the data allowed me to understand that Black
students experience is not solely based on their grit and balance of their commitments, but is
instead mixed with creativity, passion, turmoil, and struggle. Black students at SPU make
extreme sacrifices for their self-development and community empowerment and want more
intentional support from the institution. They stressed that their journey was not purely
academics and extracurricular activities, but instead they have a community to serve and
structural issues to combat.
Overall, Black students in my study at Southern Pacific University are extremely
involved with leadership positions and are successfully matriculating through the university.
Despite the racial and campus climate, lack of support felt from the university, and the extreme
dedication they have to serving and uplifting their community, students find a balance and
prioritize their commitments to eventually attain their personal and career goals. Although
students usually prioritize their organizational commitments first, some perform well
academically and others ease by to continue serving as leaders. For these student leaders, they
are able to balance commitments sometimes, and other times not too well, so engaging a larger
population or different university could also inform research. Universities must demystify
negative cultures that force students to compete and overshadow their peers. Institutions should
also ensure that they are allocating proper funding and resources to support student and academic
affairs units that develop students’ skillset. Student organization and academic affairs
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 69
departments have tons of students to manage, so proper communication must occur to truly
support students’ holistic development. Students value their leadership activities and the
university encourages it too, but there must be mechanisms in place that inform students what
they are agreeing to. This research informs students that it is fine to take on a few leadership
positions, but they are students first and should work with mentors, faculty, or staff to discover a
sophisticated plan to manage all commitments. In addition, it informs institutions that they must
be more intentional behind supporting students’ development, especially in critical times. The
overall narrative is that students will go through racial and academic challenges and turmoil, find
and create supportive spaces to combat the injustices and be comforted, but the institutions must
care more deeply about their students’ success inside and outside of the classroom. Studies
should expand to other marginalized and underrepresented groups while also examining the
relationship of student organizations on academic achievement and success for higher education
systems. Lastly, they should also more intentionally highlight the role of institutions and leaders
with relation to engaging critical discourse and supporting extracurricular growth and
development.
BLACK STUDENTS, STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS, RETENTION 70
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Appendix A
Interview Questions
1. Please describe yourself (name, major, year, hometown).
2. Tell me about your journey to SPU.
3. Why did you choose to attend SPU?
4. Where do you hope to be after graduation or in the future?
5. What motivates you at SPU, internally and externally?
6. Describe the campus culture at SPU.
a. Prompts: in the classroom and outside of the classroom?
7. Can you describe your involvement in any clubs/organizations on campus?
8. About how much time would you say that you dedicate to extracurricular
involvement in clubs/organizations?
9. Why did you decide to become involved in campus leadership?
10. Tell me about your experiences in leadership?
a. What have been your most positive and/or negative experiences?
b. What have you learned from these experiences that you will take forward in
your future?
11. What does it mean to belong at SPU?
12. Do you feel like you have that sense of belonging at SPU? Why or why not?
13. What do you know about the BLM movement?
14. How does the Black Lives Matter movement and news of Black people being killed
in the media make you feel?
15. Do you feel like it impacts you as a student in any way?
16. How, if at all, has your involvement on campus served you academically at SPU?
17. How, if at all, has your involvement on campus served you socially at SPU?
18. Has your involvement affected you in other ways? Please describe.
19. How are you doing academically? How would you describe your academic standing
in relation to balancing your other commitments on/off campus?
20. Do you feel/need to be supported academically from your clubs/organizations?
21. Do you feel/need to be supported from instructors for your clubs/organizations?
22. How do you feel about people that may not be as involved in clubs/organizations as
you? Why?
23. Do you feel SPU supports your academic and social development? Why or why not?
24. How do you cope?
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
Throughout their college years, Black students at Predominantly White Institutions may join a plethora of organizations that reflect their desired goals and endeavors and gives them the opportunity to lead and develop as individuals. These organizations vary from social organizations that allow them the opportunity to explore their local city and state, professional preparation organizations that enhance their competitiveness for the workforce. Cultural organizations can provide a sense of camaraderie among peers, and develop their holistic pathway as a growing adult. This thesis considers the experiences of traditionally aged highly involved Black undergraduate students to identify the trajectory of student leadership and involvement through the course of four years. Black undergraduate students at PWI’s are matriculating through college at 34%, far below most other student populations (Harper, 2012). Specifically, my thesis questions what are the experiences of Black Undergraduate Student Leaders in a Predominantly White Institution? My findings suggest that despite the negative racial climate, Black students find their student organizations to be extremely supportive and impactful for the Black community both on and off campus. These organizations are valuable to Black students’ sense of belonging at the university and hold them accountable for their academics when they cannot participate in the activities for poor grades. Students hope to gain support from university employees for their clubs and academic programs, but instead, find it more difficult to navigate racial tension on campus while excelling academically.
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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Miller, Donté M.
(author)
Core Title
A phenomenological study of Black student leaders in a predominantly White institution
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Master of Education
Degree Program
Education Counseling
Publication Date
06/20/2017
Defense Date
06/20/2017
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
black students,OAI-PMH Harvest,retention,student organization
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Venegas, Kristan (
committee chair
), Cole, Darnell (
committee member
), Harris, Frank, III (
committee member
)
Creator Email
dontemil@usc.edu,dontemiller24@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-387919
Unique identifier
UC11259156
Identifier
etd-MillerDont-5442.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-387919 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-MillerDont-5442.pdf
Dmrecord
387919
Document Type
Thesis
Rights
Miller, Donté M.; Miller, Donte M.
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Tags
black students
retention
student organization