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The impact of cultural capital on advancement via individual determination students from two southern California high schools

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The impact of cultural capital on advancement via individual determination students from two southern California high schools

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THE IMPACT OF CULTURAL CAPITAL ON ADVANCEMENT VIA
INDIVIDUAL DETERMINATION STUDENTS FROM
TWO SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA HIGH SCHOOLS
by
Shelley R. Espinosa
_________________________________________________________________
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
December 2012
Copyright 2012 Shelley R. Espinosa

ii
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to my daughter Susie M. Hernandez. Baby, I know
you are very young now, however, you are the greatest blessing that I have ever been
given. It is because of you that I pushed myself to complete this tremendous project. I
want you to have everything that your heart desires and will teach you to put your heart’s
desires in the Lord. Always know that Mommy loves you more than words can ever
express.
As I dedicate this dissertation to my little girl, I must also express my gratitude to
the Lord for all I have been given. My mom’s favorite Bible verse was Philippians 4:13,
“I can do all things through Christ who strengthens me.” This incredible task was
completed only because of strength I gained from God. My Lord and Savior Jesus Christ
has made all of this possible.

iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Dr. Melora Sundt, chair, for supporting me through my educational and
professional endeavors. Dr. Mark Robison, committee member, for spending hours upon
hours reading drafts and guiding me through to completion. Dr. Sonja Lopez, committee
member, for pushing me during my darkest times and being my strength throughout this
“process.” Dr. Mike Escalante, committee member, for taking me on in my 11
th
hour of
need. Dr. Linda Fischer, dissertation support center, for always guiding me and not
allowing me to give up. Dr. Sandra Ochoa-Rivera & Dr. Lupe Montano, for sacrificing
your personal time to spend hours with me at Starbucks to ensure that I too finished.
Thank you to my family & friends for your constant encouragement and love.
Susie Mariana Hernandez, daughter, for being the purest love in my life and the reason
why I was dedicated to completing this project. I love you baby. Susie Espinosa, mom,
for looking down from heaven and lovingly smiling at me knowing that you have done a
wonderful job in preparing me for success. Jose Hernandez, for being the man in my life
who loves me and is proud of my achievements. Ramona Machuca, tia, for loving me,
supporting me throughout all of my trials. Robert Espinosa, dad, for loving, preparing
and guiding me in all I do and attempt to do. Robert Espinosa II, brother, for proudly yet
covertly bragging about my accomplishments. Rachel Krause, tia, for supporting and
guiding me through my most difficult times. Desiree Krause, cousin, for your honesty
and loving support of who I am. Christine Espinosa, sister, for being the wonderfully
talented little girl who I love. Jan Espinosa, for your support and pride through this long
process. Alex, Manuel, Art, Tony, Ronnie, Ray, & Gil Contreras, tios, for always being
ready to help me. Nana, Grandpa, Tio Juvie for smiling down on me and always loving
me.

iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ii
Acknowledgments iii
List of Tables vi
List of Figures vii
Abstract viii
Chapter 1: Overview of the Study 1
K-12 Response - AVID Program 4
Government Response 6
University Response 8
Cultural, Academic, and Social Capital 9
Statement of the Problem 11
Purpose of the Study 12
Significance of the Study 12
Limitations 13
Organization of the Dissertation 14
Chapter 2: Literature Review 16
Conceptual Framework: Cultural Capital 18
Cultural Integrity 22
Social Networks 24
Teachers’ Perceptions 27
Academic Achievement 29
Advancement Via Individual Determination 31
Questions Raised by the Literature Review 40
Chapter 3: Methods 42
Research Design 42
Research Site 43
Seta High School 44
El Cantante High School 45
Research Sample 45
Methods of Data Collection 48
Interviews 50
Focus Groups 51
Document Analysis 51
Instrumentation 52
Data Analysis 52
Reliability and Validity 53
Background of the Researcher 54
Chapter Summary 55
Chapter 4: Findings 57
Perspectives of Stakeholders 58

v
Students 58
Teachers 61
Parents 62
Administrators 62
Findings for Research Question 1 62
The Role of the Parent 63
The Role of the Teacher 71
Students’ Individual Determination for Success 75
Discussion of Research Question 1 79
Findings for Research Question 2 80
The AVID Teacher as a Change Agent 81
The Curriculum 83
Discussion of Research Question 2 91
Discussion of Results 93
Chapter 5: Conclusions and Recommendations 94
Findings 97
Discussion of the First Finding 97
Discussion of the Second Finding 100
Discussion of the Third Finding 103
Discussion of the Fourth Finding 105
Discussion of the Fifth Finding 106
Policy Recommendations 107
Maintain the Consistency of the ICA 107
Pipeline Partnerships 109
Strengthen the Relationship Between ICAs and PCAS 110
Future Research 111
Conclusion 112
References 114
Appendices
Appendix A: AVID Site Reports 120
Appendix B: AVID Mission Statement 124
Appendix C: Protocols 125

vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Rates of Earned Diploma or General Education Development (GED)
Certification, Comparing Latino Students to White Students 3
Table 2: Correlation of Elements of the Theoretical Framework Related to the
Research Questions 19
Table 3: Demographics of Students at Seta High School, 2004-2005 46
Table 4: Elements of College Preparation at Seta High School (Percentages) 46
Table 5: Demographics of Students at El Cantante High School, 2004-2005 47
Table 6: Elements of College Preparation at El Cantante High School
(Percentages) 47
Table 7: Comparison of Terms in Traditional Scientific Inquiry and
Naturalistic Inquiry 49

vii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Ethnic breakdown of student population in the Advancement Via
Individual Determination (AVID) program 33
Figure 2: Comparison of ethnic breakdown of Advancement Via Individual
Determination (AVID) students and national sample of students taking
advanced placement tests 34
Figure 3: Comparison of percentages of Advancement Via Individual
Determination (AVID) students and all California students
enrolling at a campus of the California State University 35
Figure 4: Comparison of percentages of Advancement Via Individual
Determination (AVID) students and all California students
enrolling at a campus of the University of California 35

viii
ABSTRACT
This study examined Latino student perceptions of how the college preparatory or
“pipeline” program of Advancement Via Individual Determination (AVID) contributed to
their academic achievement. The AVID program serves students who are historically
underrepresented in the university system through a rigorous core curriculum of honors
and advanced placement courses in combination with strategies for writing, inquiry,
collaboration and reading, as well as tutorial sessions. Utilizing cultural capital theory in
tandem with work on social capital and academic capital, this study answered the
following two research questions: what do students enrolled in an AVID program from
two southern California high schools perceive as “working” to aid them in achieving
academic success, and what factors identified by the student and teacher participants
relate to elements predicted by cultural capital theory?
Qualitative research methods were employed for this in-depth study of 11
th
and
12
th
grade students, teachers, parents, coordinators and administrators from two AVID
programs. A total of 57 participants took part in this study. One high school was deemed
a National Demonstration site by the AVID organization while the other high school was
in the early stages of program implementation.
The findings of this study indicated encouragement and support by parents is
necessary for students’ academic success, as are caring and motivational AVID teachers.
The students’ individual determination to obtain university admission was also critical.
As the AVID curriculum maintains embedded elements of cultural capital theory,
teachers, students, parents and the curriculum generated cultural capital for the students
through program elements.

1
CHAPTER 1
OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Studies indicate that peer study groups, along with rigorous curricula, are
effective in raising student achievement in high school and thus preparing students for
college (Gandara, 2002). The college preparation programs in most high schools
implement both of these elements. These programs, commonly referred to as “pipeline”
programs, are multifaceted in that they offer students support in their current high school
core curricular courses while providing a type of college counseling to guide students
through the admissions process.
The Advancement via Individual Determination (AVID) program is a locally
funded, school site based pipeline program that responds to the needs of minority Latino
students. The AVID program invokes a set of skills and ideals for a specific group of
students who are historically underrepresented in the university system to aid them in
obtaining academic success for college admission. Given that Cultural Capital is a set of
socially inherited knowledge, skills, and abilities (Bourdieu, 1986) it is usually passed on
generationally from parent to child. For 11th- and 12th-grade Latino students
participating in the AVID program, many will be the first in their families to attend a 4-
year university. This study examines AVID student perceptions of what “works” to aid
them in achieving academic success. In addition, this study identifies elements of the
AVID program that are consistent with cultural capital theory.
Latino and African American students are not graduating from high school at the
same rates as their White and Asian American counterparts (Kazis, 2004). In comparison
to their Caucasian non-Hispanic counterparts, Latino students complete high school at a
lower rate. In 2004, 62.4% of Latino students earned a high school diploma or a General

2
Education Development certification (GED), whereas 93.3% of the White (non-Hispanic)
population earned high school diplomas (National Center for Education Statistics
[NCES], 2008a, 2008b, 2008c). While high school graduation rates for Latino students
have increased over the past 30 years, the rates continue to be less than those for White
students. In 1971, only 48.3% of Latino students graduated from high school or earned a
GED, while 81.7% of Caucasian students did so (NCES, 2008a, 2008b). Among Latino
students, 62.8% earned a diploma in 1998, compared to 93.6% of White students. In
2004, there was a decrease from 1998 in the percentage of Latino students earning a
diploma to 62.4%. That minor decrease was also seen in the White population in 2004,
when 93.3% earned a diploma (Table 1).
Educational attainment translates to future earnings. A person who has completed
a university program is expected to earn more than the person who did not attend college.
College graduates earn about 70% more than non-graduates over their lifetime (Kazis,
Vargas, & Hoffman, 2004). According the 2009 U.S. Census, a Latino male non-high
school graduate will earn $22,200 per year whereas a Latino male college graduate
holding a Bachelor’s degree will earn $45,000 per year. This shows a 50% increase in
earnings. A Latina non-high school graduate will earn $16,500 per year whereas a Latina
female with a Bachelor’s degree will earn $41,000, that is over a 50% increase. It is
difficult for high school graduates to earn a middle-class wage and support a family with
only a high school diploma (Wilson, 2004). Latino students have a low percentage of
college completion, resulting in a social impact of lower earnings and inequality for the
people of this ethnicity.

3
Table 1

Rates of Earned Diploma or General Education Development (GED) Certification,
Comparing Latino Students to White Students

Ethnicity 2004 1998 1971

Latino 62.4% 62.8% 48.3%
White 93.3% 93.6% 81.7%

Source: “Meeting Common Goals: Linking K–12 and College Interventions,” by P.
Gandara, pp. 81-103 in W. Tierney & L. S. Hagedorn (Eds.), Increasing Access to
College: Extending Possibilities for All Students, Albany, NR: State University of New
York Press.
At the same time, the Latino and African American student population is growing.
From 1973 through 2007 the percentage of students of color in U.S. public schools
increased by 200%, beginning at 22% of the population and ending at 44% (Dillon, 2006;
Kazis, 2004; Sable & Plotts, 2010). The NCES reported that during school year 2007-
2008 the number of students of color in U.S. public schools in the following 11 states
exceeded the number of White students: Arizona, California, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii,
Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, New Mexico, Nevada, and Texas (NCES, 2008a,
2008b, 2008c). However, few Latino and African American students attend college.
According to the Education Trust (2009), of all 25- to 29-year-olds holding a bachelor’s
degree or higher, approximately 12% were Latino and 21% were African American,
whereas 37% were White. The problem of low college attendance rates among Latino
students and the achievement gap between Latino students and students of other
ethnicities require further exploration.
In 1997-1998, 6.7% of students enrolled in American universities were Latino. In
2008 the proportion increased to 14.1% (NCES, 2008a). The Caucasian student

4
enrollment rate was 76.3% (Gandara, 2002). Approximately 8.1% of Latino students
graduated with a Bachelor’s degree in 2008-2009, while 71.5% of Caucasian students
earned the degree. Only 6% of Latino students earned advanced degrees, whereas 64.6%
of Caucasian students earned advanced degrees (NCES, 2011). High schools and
universities have responded to this phenomenon by offering pre-college programs to aid
struggling students and to increase attendance rates. However, in 1992 only about 37% of
African Americans and 33% of Hispanics took advantage of these academic curricular
programs that were targeted to assist them in improving their achievement rates (Perna,
2000).
A variety of interventions have been initiated to respond to this problem of
underrepresentation by various social sectors. The government response to the low
numbers of Latino students prepared for college can be seen in intervention programs
such as TRIO, Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Programs
(GEAR UP), Upward Bound, Puente, and Liberty Partnership Program (LPP).
Universities offer programs such as Neighborhood Academic Initiative (NAI) and
Mathematics, Engineering, Science, Achievement (MESA), in which they align with high
schools to provide intervention and support for low-income minority students. Many K–
12 school districts recognize the need and have instituted programs such as Advancement
Via Individual Determination (AVID), which typically begins in middle school and
continues through high school.
K–12 Response - the AVID (Advancement via Individual Determination) Program
AVID targets the middle-level student (earning B, C, and sometimes D grades)
with a desire to work hard for college attainment. Although D grades are not encouraged,
students will not be removed from the AVID program for earning a D in a class. Usually,

5
these students are of low SES and members of an underrepresented minority group (e.g.,
Latino or African American). These students are often the first in their family to attend
college. AVID coordinators enroll these students in the college preparatory classes in
high school and support them through their program with an AVID elective. (Some
students in the aforementioned minority groups are offered remediation courses instead
of a college preparatory schedule).
There is a need to understand the reason for the low levels of degree attainment
by Latino students. The concept of cultural capital has been used to explain this
occurrence (Bourdieu, 1977). However, with the implementation of pre-college programs
on high school campuses, underrepresented students have found support and guidance in
attaining college admission. Specifically, AVID has demonstrated success in this field
(Appendix A).
Developed in 1980 by Mary Catherine Swanson of Clairemont High School in
San Diego, the AVID program was designed to respond to a court order for
desegregation. Clairemont High School was predominately White and maintained a
reputation for academic rigor. Ms. Swanson was concerned about the academic success
of the students in the underserved population being bussed into the school.
The program philosophy encouraged teachers to maintain high expectations for
their minority underserved students by holding them accountable to high standards while
offering academic and social support (AVID, 2011). The AVID program targets the
middle-level student with a desire to attend a 4-year college or university. Usually, these
students are the first in their family to attend college, their families are of low SES, and
they are members of ethnic groups who are numerically underrepresented as college

6
attendees. The students follow a college preparatory schedule of classes in high school
and are academically supported with an AVID elective course (AVID, 2011).
AVID is the focus of this study. A detailed account of the AVID program is
presented in Chapter 3. AVID targets the middle-level student with a desire to work hard
for college enrollment. Usually, these students are from families with low SES and
members of an underrepresented minority group. These students are often the first in their
families to attend college. AVID coordinators enroll these students in college preparatory
classes in high school and support them through their program with an AVID elective.
Government Response
In response to the underrepresentation of low-income, minority, first-generation
students on college campuses, the federal government and individual state governments
have instituted grant-funded programs at both the high school and college levels. These
federally funded educational opportunities are referred to as TRIO programs. These
programs include Upward Bound, Talent Search, and Student Support Services (SSS).
All programs federally fund universities through a competitive grant process and offer
support in the forms of tutoring and mentoring to encourage and support first-generation
college students who are traditionally underrepresented on college campuses in their
quests for college attainment (TRIO, 2011).
The LPP responds to New York state’s dropout rate. Low-SES students may feel
pressured to drop out of school due to the need to earn money to help their families.
Students find it difficult to maintain jobs and meet school requirements. Although this is
a concern, students whose parents maintain a significant amount of cultural capital will
persist to graduation. These programs have proven to be beneficial to students who have
the drive to succeed (Knight & Oesterreich, 2002).

7
The Puente program was designed to prepare “educationally disadvantaged”
students to enroll in a university, complete a university degree, and return to serve the
program as mentors to current participants. Puente serves students by providing
opportunities for tutoring, mentoring, and counseling. The success of the Puente program
is evident in high schools and community colleges. Nineteen percent of Puente students
are eligible for the University of California system, as opposed to 6% of non-Puente
students; 83% of Puente students attend a 2-year or 4-year college. Puente continues to
develop learning environments for underrepresented students while accepting the social,
cultural, and learning style differences in students. Puente currently operates 95 programs
throughout California at 55 community colleges and 36 high schools. More than 43,000
students have been served since the program’s beginnings in 1981 (Puente, 2011).
Originally, TRIO included only three programs; however, the system has
expanded to include Talent Search, Upward Bound, Upward Bound Math/Science,
Veterans Upward Bound, SSS, Educational Opportunity Centers, and Ronald E. McNair
Post-Baccalaureate Achievement. All of these programs focus on serving first-generation
underrepresented students. Title IV of the Higher Education Act of 1965 specifies ways
in which funding is disseminated. Specifically, two thirds of the students served by the
TRIO system are from families with low SES; that is, their income does not exceed
$28,000 per year and neither parent has graduated from college (TRIO, 2005).
Currently, more than 2,600 TRIO programs in the United States serve more than
866,000 students (TRIO, 2005). Overall, ethnic distribution of students served is 37%
White, 35% African American, 19% Hispanic, 4% Native American, 4% Asian
American, and 1% Other. About 25,000 students are disabled. More than 1,000

8
universities, colleges, community colleges, and agencies offer TRIO funded programs,
and access to TRIO funding is gained through a competitive grant process (TRIO, 2005).
Upward Bound was designed to increase graduation rates of underrepresented
students at universities. This program specifically serves students whose families are of
low SES and first-generation college attendees. Upward Bound projects offer support in
all subjects, along with specific instruction in reading, writing, and study skills.
Academic, financial, and personal counseling is also available. This program provides
mentors and exposes participants to cultural and academic events. In recognition of
students’ struggles with pre-college tasks, such as completing financial aid forms and
preparing for college entrance exams, Upward Bound officials offer support to students
in these areas as well (Upward Bound, 2011).
GEAR UP (Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate
Programs) is a grant program for middle and high schools serving students living in high-
poverty areas. A group of students is identified with the grant-aided school and those
students are followed through high school. This program also offers college scholarships
to low-SES students. GEAR UP is a grant that offers supplemental funding to existing
programs serving traditionally underrepresented students (GEAR UP, 2011).
University Response
NAI is a local program for low-income minority students in Grades 7 through 12.
The goal of the program is to increase chances of student participants to attend college.
The program is partnered with the University of Southern California (USC) and is viewed
as an early intervention program for students who are classified as at risk of failure or
retention. Overall, the NAI program has experienced great success. About 70% of its
participants graduate from high school and 60% graduate from 4-year colleges, which is

9
20% higher than the national average (NAI, 2011). Hagedorn and Tierney (2002)
explained that students wish to honor their cultural identity and allow learning to fit
within that identity. NAI’s success is derived from its attention to the individual student’s
cultural integrity, in addition to focus on cultural capital (Tierney, 1999).
The MESA program emphasizes that students will be successful in science and
mathematics. This program primarily serves middle and high school students; however,
elementary students are allowed to participate in certain circumstance. MESA centers are
aligned with specific 4-year institutions and some of the student activities take place in
cooperation with the university. MESA students complete science projects in local
competitions during a day academy (MESA, 2005).
The MESA program teachers, also known as MESA advisors, teach during a
specific period relating directly to the MESA program. Students take courses such as
study skills, career and college exploration, and SAT/PSAT preparation during these
periods. This program recognizes the importance of supporting parents and offers parent
leadership training. In California 70% of MESA’s graduating seniors go on to college. In
2000-2001, 21% of MESA students attended the University of California, 20% attended
the California State University, 19% went to community colleges, 6% went to private
California universities, and 5% chose institutions out of state. In 2001-2002, 12% of
underrepresented students who earned engineering degrees nationally were MESA
students. MESA students earned 74% of the baccalaureate degrees in California (MESA,
2005).
Cultural, Academic, and Social Capital
Scholars have applied the theory of cultural, social, and academic capital to
explain inconsistencies in student success based on ethnicity. Bourdieu (1977) posited

10
that the dominant class culture determines the function of the education system and that
the dominant class is thus favored in creating potential for social mobility, while
members of minority groups are not offered the same opportunities.
Degree attainment is cited in discussions of opportunities for success (Attinasi,
1989). The level of degree attainment contributes to the level of academic capital,
specifically defining one’s social network. Stanton-Salazar (1995) examined the social
network in the school system and discussed the role of social networks of minority
students. Stanton-Salazar posited that the social network of low-income, minority, and
first-generation college students is different from that of their high-income, majority
counterparts. In the discussion of social reproduction, all theories hold that the cultural
and social capital gained from family and social groups creates and propels social
reproduction. In most cases, students grow up with an education similar to that of their
parents and obtain a similar social position in employment (Bourdieu, 1972).
The cultural capital framework is defined as socially inherited knowledge, skills,
and abilities (Bourdieu, 1986). Parents provide their children with knowledge to maintain
their social standing. Parents who hold a high socioeconomic status (SES) can offer their
children more opportunities. However, students from low-income families do not hold
the same cultural capital and the expected knowledge for success is not passed on to them
(Mehan, Hubbard, Okamota, & Villanueva, 1994).
As part of the cultural capital framework, academic capital plays a pivotal role.
The social elite must achieve academically to maintain their standing. Their achievement
is related directly to degree attainment. DiMaggio and Mohr (1985) stated that
educational attainment is the pathway to occupational attainment. People of Latino
descent do not hold the majority high-paying, high-status positions because the majority

11
of these positions require a college degree. According to NCES (2011), Latino students
are not completing college and are therefore not qualified to assume the high-paying,
high-status positions. Hence, Latinos are overrepresented in low-paying, low-level jobs
(e.g., service workers, farm and nonfarm laborers; Attinasi, 1989).
The social group with which students affiliate becomes their social network. This
network consists of family members, teachers, and community members. The social
networks and relationships between adults and children are valuable to the child as the
child matures (Coleman, 1987). A parent who is a college graduate will be aware of the
function of the university system and may associate with other college graduates. That
parent’s children will automatically achieve a social network through the parent’s
affiliations. According to Bourdieu (1986), social networks and affiliations are the key to
social capital and in turn foster cultural capital.
Statement of the Problem
The origin and purpose of pre-colege programs vary, but all such programs
maintain the goal of assisting low-income, minority, and first-generation college students
to gain university acceptance. Some programs in the past focused on teaching students
about financial aid but did not prepare students academically, socially, or psychologically
for college attendance (Perna, 2000). However, most current pre-college programs
provide opportunities for students to apply for scholarships and grants. The most notable
pre-college programs share the program attributes of counseling, tutoring, and mentoring.
Parents, teachers, and peers unite to gear students toward a college path while
maintaining the goal of increasing college participation by disadvantaged students
(Tierney & Jun, 2001).

12
The AVID program combines participation from students, teachers, coordinators,
and parents with a curriculum utilized in the classroom. The program also provides an
experiential component in the form of field trips to universities and museums. This
program is designed to provide skills, networks and resources to under-represented
students of low socio economic status in order to facilitate academic success. Students
who participate in AVID experience more academic success than their non-AVID
counterparts, yet the specific aspects of the program that students perceive to be the most
beneficial remain unclear. It is also not clear how cultural capital theory relates to those
aspects of the AVID program that participants perceive to be beneficial.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to explore the significance of cultural capital on
students participating in the AVID program. Research indicates that cultural capital is a
vital component in predicting academic success (Bourdieu, 1977). AVID is comprised of
elements that instill this form of capital while providing resources to social networks.
Further, AVID leaders encourage students to strive for academic success, ultimately
providing them with academic capital. Two research questions guided the conduct of this
study:
1. What do students enrolled in AVID program from two southern California high
schools perceive as “working” to aid them in achieving academic success?
2. What factors identified by the student and teacher participants relate to
elements predicted by cultural capital theory?
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because it links the framework of cultural capital to the
AVID program. The information presented is intended to aid Seta High School and El

13
Cantante High School to strengthen their AVID programs. Furthermore, Wall Union
High School District administrators may find the information useful in determining
whether to implement district-wide AVID programs. School districts with similar
demographics may also find this study significant as it may aid them in determining
district-level support for site AVID programs.
It is important to recognize that the focus of these AVID programs is to provide
students with the resources to attend college. This program offers students opportunities
such as visits to college campuses on field trips, access to scholarship information, help
in applying for financial aid, and tutoring in courses to achieve grades required to attend
college. These opportunities are packaged in a program that is geared toward minority
students who would not typically have access to this information or directions on how to
use the information.
Education is important for financial success in this society. It is imperative that
students graduate from high school and obtain a college degree to earn a decent living.
College graduates earn 70% more than high school graduates. Only about 8.1% of Latino
students are graduating from college. From a financial perspective, college attendance is
important. Further, education is the great equalizer. Students who earn a college degree
not only gain academic capital but also build social networks and cultural capital in
society.
Limitations
Some limitations of the study are recognized. First, the study focuses on two low-
SES suburban high schools with predominantly Latino populations. This study does not
examine the program’s findings in relation to other ethnic groups. Second, the researcher,
as a former site coordinator and AVID teacher, maintains a bias in support of the AVID

14
program. Third, individual interviews in naturalistic inquiry leave opportunities for
misinterpretation due to oversimplification, lack of experience, or lack of familiarity.
The two schools targeted in this study are certified AVID sites. The coordinator at
each site was asked to make recommendations for participants in the individual interview
process and the focus groups. The focus groups included faculty, administrators, and
parents. A small group of 40 students from Grades 11 and 12 were the participants. The
sample was a volunteer group and primarily of Latino descent.
Organization of the Dissertation
The dissertation contains five chapters, a list of cited references, and appendices.
Chapter 1 provides background for the study, a statement of the problem, and the
framework for the research question.
Chapter 2 presents a literature review focused on findings of pertinent studies
dealing with the issue of cultural capital. The cultural capital conceptual framework is
based on work by theorists such as Bourdieu and Passeron (1977). The issue of cultural
capital and the concept of cultural integrity (Tierney, 1999) is reviewed in relation to
underrepresentation of Latino students in higher education. The role of social networks
(Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988) and the concept of teacher perceptions are reviewed.
The chapter concludes with an examination of academic achievement by underrepre-
sented students, focusing on pre-college programs that aid those underrepresented
students to gain college access.
Chapter 3 describes the methodology used in the study, including program
selection criteria, site selection, sampling procedures, and data collection and analysis
plans. Based on characteristics of naturalistic inquiry, qualitative methods were used in
an ethnographic approach to collect data. Data were collected using interviews and

15
observations of the participants in their natural school environment. This data collection
was supplemented with review of documents/reports and audiovisual materials, making
this study an ethnographic case study.
Chapter 4 presents the findings, with a focus on addressing the research question.
Emergent trends in the data drove the findings in this study. Chapter 5 reviews the
implications of the findings and suggests areas for further research.

16
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
The background provided in Chapter 1 illustrated that few ethnic minority
students such as Latinos or African Americans are pursuing a college path and still fewer
are earning degrees. This review of the literature focuses on underrepresented minority
students of Latino descent. The first section of the review focuses on literature associated
with Latino underrepresentation in the university system as it relates to the topic of the
study. First, the review focuses on the conceptual framework of cultural capital as seen
through the perspectives of pertinent theorists such as Bourdieu and Passeron (1977).
Second, literature on cultural integrity is reviewed to explain how this issue, as outlined
by Tierney (1999), relates to underrepresentation of Latino students in higher education.
The second section of the literature review delves into the role of social networks,
examining research by Bourdieu (1986) and Coleman (1988), including teachers’
perceptions of the concepts. The third section reviews literature on the issue of academic
achievement by underrepresented students. Current pre-college programs are reviewed
according to government response, university response, and K-12 response, as well as the
AVID program. The fourth section summarizes cultural, social, and academic capital in
direct reference to the underrepresentation of Latino students in higher education.
The literature review below demonstrates that elements of cultural, social and
academic capital theory are evident in pipeline programs that bring students to the college
door. Some parents view the importance of education and perceive it as a gateway to
success for their children (Mehan, 1994). The Advancement via Individual
Determination program (AVID, 2011) specifically targets underrepresented students and
supports them through a rigorous college preparatory program with the intent of instilling

17
the cultural, social and academic capital to propel them toward college. Rigor is
important because, as Adelman (1999) argues, the higher level of academic rigor the
more likely that child will be to attend college. Academic rigor instills a sense of
academic capital that students need to be successful enough in high school to reach
college. As suggested by Bourdieu (1997) parents impart cultural and social capital
however, Mehan (1994) explains that programs such as AVID propel the socialization
process and allow the development of academic capital through the rigorous expectations.
Before discussing cultural capital, it may be helpful to discuss the notion of
culture in general. Culture refers to a person’s learned way of behaving, evaluating,
believing, and perceiving the world (Rueda, 2001). This culture is directly gained from
role models, usually parents; however, it is indirectly gained from other members of the
society who share one’s ethnic heritage. “Culture is a set of symbolic processes,
ideologies, and sociohistorical contexts that are situated in an arena of struggle,
contestation and multiple interpretations” (Tierney, 1999, p. 83).
Culture can be conceived as a shared system of beliefs and traditions, usually
among people of similar heritage or ethnicity. Mehan (1992) explained that culture does
not reflect simply structural forces but also a meaningful system that intercedes between
human actions and social structures. Although individual families can share a specific set
of beliefs and traditions, in this study culture will be considered to be those beliefs and
traditions shared by a larger body of people of the same heritage or ethnicity. These
shared beliefs and perceptions can directly or indirectly affect academic achievement. For
example, if a culture emphasizes the value of a work ethic directly relating to physical
labor and does not highly value knowledge gained from books, then a person of that
culture who excels in school rather than in “the fields” is out of the cultural norm. This

18
systematic set of beliefs and traditions is not necessarily verbalized; it may be simply
understood. Concepts of social positions are culturally integrated at a young age and may
be difficult to challenge.
Table 2 provides a visual representation of each research question and its relation
to the theoretical frameworks of cultural, social and academic capital with consistent
elements of the AVID program highlighted.
Conceptual Framework: Cultural Capital
In American society, achievement in school is viewed positively; however, people
of Latino descent are not attending college at the same rate as their Caucasian
counterparts (Barth & Haycock, 2004). In an analysis of upper- and middle-class students
Bourdieu (1986) provided a framework of cultural capital, defining it as socially inherited

19
Table 2

Correlation of Elements of the Theoretical Framework Related to the Research Questions

Research question Cultural capital Social capital Academic capital

What do students
enrolled in AVID
program from two
southern California
high schools
perceive as
“working” to aid
them in achieving
academic success?
Teacher
transmission of
cultural capital via
college information,
knowledge, and
skills.
Social network of
parents and teachers
offer
encouragement,
maintain
expectations and
provide future
direction
Individual determin-
ation for success
(personal desire for
success, family and
community expecta-
tions of success,
students’ personal,
financial, and edu-
cational obstacles)
What factors
identified by the
student and teacher
participants relate to
elements predicted
by cultural capital
theory?
AVID Teacher
provides learning
tools and skills via
AVID curriculum.
AVID Teacher and
Family (including
parents) support
students in
curricular, extra-
curricular endeavors
Test-taking skills,
learning how to
learn, college
knowledge, and
curricular and
instructional
challenges

knowledge, skills, and abilities. The designation of middle and upper class directly relates
to SES. Bourdieu (1977) pointed out that parents of upper- and middle-class students
provide their children with necessary tools, such as financial security and educational
support, to maintain their social class. Parents who hold a high SES can offer more
opportunities to their children, sometimes simply because they live in wealthy areas and
send their children to schools with more opportunities.
Schools in more affluent neighborhoods have been shown to provide more
rigorous college preparatory and honors courses than schools in lower-income
communities that largely serve populations of underrepresented students.
(Gandara, 2002, p. 87)

20
School officials maintain an expected knowledge or cultural capital. Students
from middle-income families pass on the knowledge expected of them. Students from
low-income families do not hold the same cultural capital; the “expected knowledge” for
success is not passed on to them (Mehan, Hubbard, Okamota & Villanueva, 1994).
Hurtado, A., Gonzalez, and Vega (1994) found that a high income was positively related
to academic success, independent of individual social identification.
Mehan, Hubbard, Okamota & Villanueva (1994) found that middle-income
parents used language that reflects implicit school demands, which provided their
children with skills that are praised in the classroom. Low-income parents were less
likely to use language that was supported in the classroom, so their children were not
given the background knowledge that is vital in the classroom.
The cultural capital framework asserts the idea that attitudes, preferences, formal
knowledge, behaviors, goods, and credentials become institutionalized by the upper and
middle classes and are used on an exclusionary basis (Lareau & Lamont, 1998). Parents
of the dominant social class maintain the ability to provide for the needs of their children.
Parents of the nondominant social classes are unable to provide these opportunities for
their children. Thus, the cyclical nature of social status continues in a condition called
social reproduction (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977).
According to Bourdieu (1986), cultural capital is divided into three sections:
embodied, objectified, and institutionalized. Embodied capital is experiential as one
enjoys fine arts and museum visits, objectified capital elicits ownership of valuable goods
(e.g., a famous sculpture or painting), and institutionalized capital refers to a social status,
such as a college degree (Tierney, 1999). For example, a Bachelor’s degree holds a
greater amount of institutional capital than a degree from a 2-year community college.

21
The value of capital is dependent on social setting. In an educational setting, those
who hold a greater degree of cultural capital tend to be more successful in that
environment. However, in any situation, each person must decide whether to activate his
or her capital. There is a pertinent difference between the activation of capital (choosing
whether or not to use existing capital) and the possession of capital (e.g., maintaining an
amount of capital; Lareau& Horvat, 1999).
Bourdieu and Passeron (1977) used the term habitus to refer to an internal thought
process, a system of beliefs, and perceptions derived from one’s environmental
conditions, sometimes called embodied capital. Embodied capital is more commonly
thought of as one’s attitudes, aspirations, and expectations (McDonough, 1994). Bourdieu
(1977) explained that students with a great deal of parental support will hold a different
type of cultural capital and thus will set high personal goals according to their cultural
norms. The habitus of a student with less parental support is likely to result in lowered
self-expectations (Bourdieu, 1977).
The goal of education is to equip people for survival in their social and physical
world by imparting knowledge appropriate to their level of understanding (Schwartz,
2004). Educators are to implement strategies, introducing ideas and concepts that can be
used beyond the classroom environment (e.g., reading, writing, speaking, listening).
Schools have been developed and operated by people of the dominant culture for many
years, with the frameworks and systems of values and morals mirroring that culture
(Bourdieu, 1977). People of ethnic minority cultures have been left to try to adapt to that
culture without losing their own cultural identity. Bourdieu (1977) asserted that the
education system apparently maintains an embedded cultural orientation. The fact that a
formally recognized form of education exists shows the influence of the dominant group.

22
The ethnic minority group may not have historically placed a high value on formal
education.
Based on the literature, it is important to examine whether educators are imparting
equal amounts of knowledge to dominant-culture students and minority-culture
students. One way to think about this is in light of the concept of cultural capital,
which is directly linked to parents. These parents were not instilled with cultural
capital and are therefore unable to pass it on to their children (Bourdieu,
1977).The [educational] system rests on the initiative of parents. The poorest
parents, often the products of inferior education, lack the information access and
the skill of navigation in an often hostile and intimidating situation to channel
their children to the better schools, obtain applications, and (perhaps a little more
important) help them to get ready for the necessary tests. (Kozol, 1992, p. 60)
Many low-income students are therefore not familiar with ideas associated with college
(Attinasi, 1989). This is not necessarily a systematic fault, but it is a true issue of cultural
capital and social reproduction (Bourdieu, 1977).
Cultural capital is an important contributor to college enrollment decisions made
by African Americans, Latinos, and Whites (Perna, 2000). Cultural capital is as important
as academic ability in underrepresented students in determining enrollment in a 4-year
institution versus a 2-year college. To maximize cultural capital, a student must be
willing to invest time, effort, and money in obtaining a higher education. Working-class
minority students tend to rely on educators to generate the socialization process that is
occurring in the homes of their middle-class minority counterparts (Tierney & Jun, 2001).
Low-income and minority students are affected by issues of cultural capital, evidenced in
studies of the AVID program (Mehan, 1994).
Cultural Integrity
Tierney and Jun (2001) asserted that disadvantaged minority students reflect pride
in their heritage through their cultural identity. Along with cultural pride comes the desire

23
to succeed socially and academically while representing one’s specific ethnicity (Tierney
& Jun, 2001). The desire for success can be explained in a discussion of cultural integrity.
The notion of cultural integrity deals with the individual student. It allows for an
appreciation of racial and ethnic background in a positive manner. In a 10-year
ethnographic study of Navajo youth, Deyhle (1995) found that students who were secure
in their cultural traditions performed better in school. These students modeled the concept
of cultural identity, defined below. A student’s race and ethnicity becomes an integral
part of individual success (Deyhle, 1995; Tierney & Jun, 2001). Cultural integrity is
specifically defined as follows:
Those programs and teaching strategies that call upon students’ racial and ethnic
backgrounds in a positive manner toward the development of their pedagogies
and learning activities. Cultural integrity removes the problem from the child and
looks on the child’s background neither as neutral nor a negative factor for
learning. (Tierney & Jun, 2001, p. 211)
Successful college preparation or enhancement programs must meet the specific needs of
students and honor their cultural identities in ways that make learning appropriate
(Hagadorn & Tierney, 2002). Cultural integrity theory seeks to affirm students’ cultural
identities, whereas cultural capital focuses on the power and influence of culture in
society (Villalpando & Solorzano, 2005).
Taking this concept one step further, Cummins (1997) explained that power, not a
fixed quantity, is produced in interpersonal settings. In these interactions identities are
affirmed and participants are empowered. That affirmation of a student’s cultural identity
increases the student’s chances of graduating from an institution of higher education
(Tierney, 1999). Educational programs must honor the many identities that students value
(Hagadorn & Tierney, 2002).

24
The transfer of responsibility from the student to the institution is also a key
concept of cultural integrity. An essential element of academic success is the
identification of a student’s cultural background. S. Hurtado (1994) described Latino
consciousness as the Latino perception of systemic inequalities. Latino students who do
not internalize demeaning messages about their culture are more likely to pursue higher
education.
Although cultural heritage may elicit a certain amount of pride and honor, pride
may not always be enough to propel a student to the next level of success. For many
underrepresented students, college attendance will bring a great deal of pride to their
families. However, these students’ families may have not established connections to aid
the students in their quest for college attendance. It becomes clear that many students are
determined to climb that mountain of success, with or without a guide. Such guides may
be available to students within their social network.
Social Networks
The student’s social network consists of family members, teachers, and
community members. The social networks and relationships between adults and children
are valuable to the child as the child matures (Coleman, 1987). For example, a parent
who is a college graduate is likely to be aware of the function of the university system
and may associate with other college graduates. That parent’s children are likely to
automatically achieve a social network of college graduates through the parent’s
affiliations. A parent who graduated from high school may associate with others who
graduated from high school and the child’s social network will not be as oriented to
college as that of the student in the first example. Social networks and affiliations foster
cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986).

25
The sons and daughters of low-income and poorly educated families wind up in
the same kinds of jobs as their parents. They do not progress upward through the
occupational structure; their low positions are maintained, generation after
generation. (Mehan, 1994, p. 87)
The concept of social networks or social reproduction theory is embedded in the cultural
capital conceptual framework, which holds that families produce offspring that hold the
same social class (Bourdieu, 1977).
Social structure and facilitation actions exist as part of students’ social networks.
Coleman (1988) identified trustworthiness, information, and common good as elements
of the capital associated with social networks. First, people choose associates based on a
sense of trust. Second, channels of information serve as conduits to gain and distribute
information. Third, the desire to work toward a common good focuses on helping society
and on not hindering social progress (Schuller & Bamford, 2000). Coleman (1988)
indicated that it is the responsibility of the family to adopt social norms that will enhance
the lives of their children, whereas Bourdieu (1986) envisioned social capital as a means
of perpetuating social reproduction through family networks and ties.
Stanton-Salazar (1995) focused on access to social capital for minority children.
According to Stanton-Salazar, school officials assume a quasi-parental role, without
limiting their official role, to empower students with access to social networks that they
would not typically be able to access. Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) identified
social relationships as a means to gain institutional support. This type of support includes
knowledge-based resources, such as college admission, guidance, and job advancement.
Success of minority students in a system of education can be determined by their
social networks. Institutional agents or those with the capacity to offer academic
resources to students such as tutoring and mentoring aid in developing a positive
educational outcome for minority students (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). These

26
researchers referred to social networks and affiliations as social capital and defined social
capital as a value gained by social ties and networks.
Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) asserted that social capital can be assessed
in several ways: (a) whether a tie or network is oriented toward providing institutional
support, (b) the quality of the resources provided, and (c) the degree to which support is
tailored to the needs of the individual. In their study of 205 students of Mexican descent
attending high schools in the San Francisco and San José areas, Stanton-Salazar and
Dornbusch concluded that high school students with higher grades and higher status
expectations generally had greater social capital than their counterparts with lower grades
and expectations. In comparing various types of capital, Wong (1998) explained that
social capital is the least tangible capital because it exists only in person-to-person
relationships.
Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak, and Terenzini (2004) explained that social networks
among first-generation college students are not as strong as those among second- or third-
generation college students. Students entering college for the first time have a lower stock
of capital than their peers; however, social engagement during college can make up for
the deficit. In the National Study of Student Leaning (NSSL), Pascarella et al. (2004)
followed a sample of first-generation college students from 18 four-year colleges in a 3-
year longitudinal study spanning 15 states. The goal was to assess factors influencing
student learning and cognitive development during college. The qualification for the first-
generation college student was a parent who may or may not have graduated high school
but had not attended college. Pascarella et al. found that first-generation students were
limited in terms of the type of institution they attended and the kinds of college
experiences that they encountered. The first-generation college students completed fewer

27
unit hours of coursework and worked more hours than did their multigenerational
counterparts. Further, first-generation students had a tendency to enroll as part-time
students and live off campus. Although the first-generation students were less likely to
become involved in extracurricular opportunities on campus, they experienced greater
outcome benefits when they did participate (Pascarella et al., 2004).
Many first-generation Latino college students do not have access to the social
networks that will offer them guidance for college attendance. These students may have
taken appropriate courses and maintained an appropriate grade point average (GPA) for
admission to a 4-year institution but may not be familiar with the steps to gain admission
and thus opt for the simplified community college route. These students may be capable
but the type of social networks that they maintain may prevent them from gaining
academic success. However, pre-college programs such as AVID give these students
access to social networks that are necessary for academic success.
Teachers’ Perceptions
Teachers are influential in sending nonverbal signals about their confidence levels
in students’ abilities (Gandara, 2002). Masten, Plata, and Wenglar (1998) identified that
teachers’ ratings of Anglo American and Latino students were significantly different and
showed a high correlation with the students’ acculturation level and ethnic group. They
invited 274 fifth-grade students to participate, of whom 150 accepted (63 males, 87
females, 63 Latinos, 87 Anglo Americans; 51% of the Latino group almost never spoke
Spanish, while 49% spoke Spanish part of the time). The researchers were concerned
with underrepresentation of Latinos in gifted education programs and concluded that
teacher ratings, acculturation, and ethnicity were key issues relating to these outcomes.

28
Parents may not consider that individual teacher perceptions play a role in the
information presented to their children. Working-class parents tend to depend on the
teacher to educate the child because they do not have resources such as a high degree of
academic or social capital to offer the child. Parents in middle-class cultures are provided
with more information about schooling than parents with a low SES. The middle-class
parents form social networks within the school community that impart a greater degree of
social capital to their children (Lareau, 1987).
Teachers who are members of the dominant culture have a cultural value
orientation that may interfere with referrals of minority children to gifted programs
(Peterson, 1999). Teachers apply individual perceptions of giftedness based on their
inherited knowledge, skills, and abilities (i.e., cultural capital). In Peterson’s (1999)
analysis of underrepresentation of nonmainstream children in gifted programs, he noted
that teachers from the dominant culture tended to evaluate students from minority groups
based on the teacher’s own cultural value standards. This has historically been part of the
problem with identification of students. Students who maintain linguistic styles, aesthetic
preferences, and interactions (habitus) of the dominant social group are more likely to be
viewed in a positive manner by teachers (De Graaf, De Graaf, & Kraaykamp, 2000).
Fernandez, Gay, Lucky, and Gavilan (1998) contended that teacher perceptions of gifted
Latino limited-English-proficient students played a major role in determining which
students were tested. Stanton-Salazar (1995) suggested that schools propel or hinder
social capital of students by adopting covert strategies.
The most important practices occurring in our public schools and classrooms
happen at the tacit, hidden, or subterranean level, and . . . these practices . . . have
the most lasting effects on children. . . . Such notions are not easily or frequently
communicated in the public discourse on education and low-income minority
youth. It is these hidden social practices that motivate so many sociologists of

29
education; yet they are also practices that need the light of public discourse, as
well as careful attention of teachers and other school agents. (Stanton-Salazar,
2001, p. 161)
Most American schools are led by members of the dominant (Anglo American or
Caucasian) culture, and few ethnic students have been identified as gifted. The method of
identification is based on the cultural bias of the teacher (whether intrinsic or extrinsic);
the initial judgment is determined by the teacher and thus by that teacher’s value system
(Bourdieu, 1977). Students internalize this phenomenon and develop a falta de confianza
(an absence of trust) toward school agents (Stanton-Salazar, 2001). It is not uncommon
for adolescents to mistrust adults, specifically school agents; however, Stanton-Salazar
(1995) explained that there is a difference based on ethnicity and SES. Middle-class
majority students maintain built-in support through their social networks, whereas
working-class minority students maintain a defensive help-seeking orientation, especially
in relation to the school system. Their life experience is not embedded with the same
social capital as that of majority, middle-class counterparts, which exacerbates their
decapitalization.
Academic Achievement
It is clear that, for students to be prepared for college, they should achieve
academic success in high school. Part of college preparedness is exposure to a rigorous
curriculum. Adelman (1999) concluded that exposure to a rigorous curriculum is
predictive of academic outcome. High academic standards are the clearest indicators of
whether children will go on to a postsecondary institution. For example, a person with a
high school diploma maintains a portion of academic achievement but a person with a
doctorate may be viewed as holding a much higher level of academic success. Academic
success not only pertains to academic standards; it is the actual attainment of the levels of

30
education that determines the level of capital maintained. Academic achievement brings a
student to the college door (Hagedorn & Tierney, 2002). Academic success—academic
capital—alone may not sustain the student through graduation from college. Academic
success is equivalent to the level of academic attainment (Adelman, 2002).
Financial incentives can motivate students to achieve academically. Knight and
Oesterreich (2002) found that African American, Latino, and Asian female students
would not burden their mothers with financial issues associated with college attendance.
They counted on either being awarded a scholarship to attend college or enlisting in the
military.
Assuming that Adelman’s (1999) determination of academic capital is a high
academic standard, then academic capital becomes embedded in cultural capital and it
develops into a perspective held by one’s family. For example, a family that has not
exposed the children to college but holds an expectation for the children to graduate from
high school possesses a specific level of academic capital as part of its cultural capital.
The educational expectations are met; therefore, the expected level of academic capital is
met for the children. Minority parents may hold high aspirations for their children’s
education; however, they are realistic regarding what their children can actually achieve
(Henderson, 1997). A family with parents who did not attend college yet expect their
children to attend college maintain a higher level of educational expectation, which
translates into a higher level of expected academic capital or academic achievement.
Students must achieve academic success in high school before they can be
successful in college. Part of college preparedness is exposure to a rigorous high school
curriculum. Adelman (1999) concluded that academic outcomes can be predicted by the
degree of exposure to a rigorous curriculum. A student who challenges himself/herself in

31
high school by taking honors or Advanced Placement (AP) courses is more likely to
complete college, compared to regular education counterparts, even if the grades earned
in the honors or AP courses are average. High academic standards are the clearest
indicators of whether high school students will go on to a postsecondary institution.
Academic success pertains not only to academic standards; it is the actual attainment of
the levels of education that determine the level of capital earned. Academic achievement
in high school brings a student to the college door (Hagadorn & Tierney, 2002) but is not
indicative of completion. Academic success or academic capital alone may not sustain
the student through to college graduation. Academic success is equivalent to the level of
academic attainment (Adelman, 2002). Parents whose children participate in the AVID
program are aware of the importance of education and view college as a gateway to
success for their child (Mehan, 1994).
Advancement Via Individual Determination
The AVID elective class offered support for its rigorous curriculum in that
teachers focused on test-taking and note-taking skills for success in general coursework
and on standardized examinations, such as the SAT. Students were required to keep an
organized notebook that was checked on a weekly basis. Tutors from local 4-year
colleges and universities were hired to hold tutorial sessions on a biweekly basis. Tutorial
sessions focused on the core subjects of language arts, mathematics, social studies, and
science. Tutorials were intended to teach students to ask critical higher-level-thinking
questions and gain support from their tutors and peers in finding answers to those
questions. The AVID curriculum was designed around four principles: writing, inquiry,
collaboration, and reading (AVID, 2011).

32
The AVID program, developed by Mary Catherine Swanson of Clairemont High
School in San Diego, was designed to respond to a court order for desegregation.
Clairemont High School maintains a reputation for academic rigor and Ms. Swanson was
concerned about the academic success of the students in the underserved population. Her
response in 1980 was AVID.
The program philosophy encouraged teachers to maintain high expectations for
their students by holding them accountable to high standards while offering academic and
social support. Given that this is the expectation, students respond appropriately to the
challenge (AVID, 2011). During its first year (1980) the program served 30 students at
Clairemont High School. The program recently served over 105,000 students in 30 states
and 15 countries. AVID claims a 95% graduation rate and states that 30,000 students
have graduated from the program and have gone on to college (AVID, 2005).
The AVID program has sustained a record of positive findings. The program
philosophy and goals, described in Chapter 2, clearly affect the college-going rate of
Latino students. Students graduate from high school at a 90% rate, as compared to the
70% national graduation rate. Figure 1 shows that the majority of participants in the

33

Figure 1. Ethnic breakdown of student population in the Advancement Via Individual
Determination (AVID) program. Source: Intro to the AVID program, by AVID, 2005,
retrieved from www.avidonline.org/intro.html

AVID program are Hispanic students. The AVID program encourages students to take
honors and AP classes. As shown in Figure 2, nationally, 63% of Latino Students take AP
exams, compared to their non-AVID peers, of whom 9% of Latino students completed
the AP exams (AVID, 2005).
Eighty-one percent of students in California completed the A-G requirements to
enter a 4-year institution, whereas only 34% of all high school graduates in California
met this requirement. Nationally, about 70% of high school students graduated, whereas
98% of students graduated. About 40% of students will enroll at a California State
University campus, compared to only 12% of non-students (Figure 3). About 14% of
California’s students will enroll at a University of California campus, compared to only

34

Figure 2. Comparison of ethnic breakdown of Advancement Via Individual Determina-
tion (AVID) students and national sample of students taking advanced placement tests.
Source: Intro to the AVID program, by AVID, 2005, retrieved from www.avidonline.org/
intro.html

9% of non-students (Figure 4). A graphic representation of AVID results is available
online at the AVID website (AVID, 2005). In light of these data, the AVID program
should be further investigated.
The AVID program targets the middle-level student with a desire to attend a 4-
year college or university. Usually, these students are the first in their family to attend
college, their families are of low SES, and they are members of ethnic groups who are
numerically underrepresented as college attendees. The students follow a college
preparatory schedule of classes in high school and are academically supported with an
AVID elective course.

35

Figure 3. Comparison of percentages of Advancement Via Individual Determination
(AVID) students and all California students enrolling at a campus of the California State
University. Source: Intro to the AVID program, by AVID, 2005, retrieved from
www.avidonline.org/intro.html

Figure 4. Comparison of percentages of Advancement Via Individual Determination
(AVID) students and all California students enrolling at a campus of the University of
California. Source: Intro to the AVID program, by AVID, 2005, retrieved from
www.avidonline.org/intro.html

36
Mehan et al. (1994) conducted a study focusing on the AVID program. Low-
income, ethnic minority students who held middle-level grades were placed in a situation
where they were untracked. Typically, these students would be placed on a remedial or
vocational track in their high school courses. However, as part of the AVID program,
these students were enrolled in a college preparatory academic program. The study
spanned 3 years (1990-1992) in eight San Diego high schools. The researcher used
official school records, conducted classroom observations, and interviewed students,
parents, teachers and administrators. This study examined 1,053 students enrolled in
Grades 9–12 in the San Diego City Schools (SDCS). Of those, 353 had participated in
AVID for 3 years and graduated in 1990, 1991, or 1992. The intent was to interview all
353 graduates to determine their post-graduation activities; however, only 105 graduates
and 146 students who had left the AVID program after 1 year were interviewed. Mehan
et al. (1994) found that mixed-ability grouping, which is referred to as the untracking
program used by the AVID program, is successful in preparing students for college.
Forty-eight percent of students who participated in 3 years of AVID reported enrolling in
a 4-year university and 40% had enrolled in a 2-year college. The remaining 12%
reported being involved in activities such as church service, voluntary work, or traveling.
In comparison to the national average of 39% in 4-year college enrollment, these students
were 9% more likely to be in college. The SDCS reported that 37% of their students had
enrolled in a 4-year college; the students who participated in AVID for 3 years reported a
rate 11% higher. Thus, AVID student rates were higher than the national and local rates
for enrolling in a 4-year college. The findings also illustrated that 43% of AVID Latinos
had enrolled in a 4-year college, whereas locally only 25% had enrolled and nationally
only 29% had enrolled, an increase of 18% nationally and 14% locally. Mehan et al.

37
explained that students are not bound by social status but can achieve educational success
in the form of college enrollment.
Further findings suggest that students are provided cultural capital in their
classroom paralleling the cultural capital that advantaged students receive at home. The
untracking used by the AVID program seeks to place underrepresented students in
academically rigorous, college preparatory classes (Mehan, Hubbard, Okamota, &
Villanueva., 1994). Adelman (1999) found that academic intensity, such as honors and
AP courses, was more important in preparing students for degree completion than GPA
or class rank.
Parents of students are aware of the importance of education and view college as a
gateway to success in the life of their child. Mehan (1994) explained one Latina parent’s
vernacular version of cultural capital as “going to college is the only inheritance that
people like us can give.” Issues of cultural capital are directly tied to this example when
ethnicity is brought into play. A Mexican American family with parents who did not
attend college may expect their child to do well in school and may be proud if their child
pursues a junior college program after high school. In the circumstances of that family,
junior college is “college”; therefore, their child is attending college.
Rendon, Jalamo and Garcia (1994) posited that students who directly attend a 4-
year college are significantly more likely to complete their degrees than those who begin
their college experience in a 2-year institution. Rendon, Jalamo, and Garcia (1994)
reported that 65% of all minorities pursing higher education were enrolled in 2-year
colleges. The level of academic capital is embedded into the level of cultural capital. For
many Latino students, attending college is viewed as a revolt against family codes of
loyalty and unity. This college-going experience is abnormal for these students; hence,

38
there are fewer Latino students attending college than their White counterparts (Rendon
et al., 1994).
In many cases, the student from a low-income family has not been socialized for
classroom success. Mehan (1994) explained that programs such as AVID allow the
socialization process to happen during school, as teachers rather than parents impart
social capital, as suggested by Bourdieu (1977). AVID teachers create a “college-going”
atmosphere and encourage students to pursue a college education. These teachers and
coordinators may serve as mediators for students as they embark on the process of going
to college (Mehan, 1994).
The AVID teacher embodies the functions of mentor, academician, coach, and
cheerleader. Students are encouraged to bring not only their academic problems
into the classroom, but their personal issues as well, particularly those that may be
interfering with their ability to study and excel in school. (Stanton-Salazar, 2001,
p. 186)
These teachers are the students’ social network to college exposure and in life.
Students attend field trips to college campuses and cultural events as part of the AVID
program. The AVID teacher creates opportunities to expose students to situations that
will enhance their learning, such as visiting college campuses or listening to professional
lectures, while supporting them in their academic course work (Stanton-Salazar, 2001).
Typically, underrepresented “middle-level” students or struggling students are
placed on a vocational or remedial academic path. In a study of Chicana high achievers,
Gandara (1994) found that the women benefited from being placed on a college-bound
track that exposed them to information, opportunities, highly motivated teachers, and
peer experiences that typically would not have been afforded to them. Low-income
Chicanas viewed the college track as a way out of their current situation.

39
Most families hold their children to an educational standard or expectation. If the
child exceeds the expectation, the family has achieved their expected level of academic
achievement. In combining these expectations with the issue of access, it is clear that
social networks can be tied to SES. The concept of cultural capital is related to SES and
social capital (Coleman, 1988). The previous example was a Mexican American family
with a low SES and a relatively low expectation for academic achievement because the
parents expected their children to graduate from high school. The low SES explains
where the family is on a social scale. Their social networks include working-class people;
therefore, they maintain a different contribution of cultural capital.
Low income and minority parents often lack the cultural capital—knowledge of
how the system works—and social capital—access to important social net-
works—that play such an important role for middle class White and Asian parents
in supporting their children’s academic achievement. (Gandara, 2002, p. 92)
Most parents expect their children to graduate from high school, an indication of the
parents’ value of education (Bourdieu, 1977). However, if that is indeed all the children
do, the children are left with a low level of academic achievement compared to their
Caucasian counterparts.
It is becoming clear that cultural capital and family structure can determine social
networks and levels of academic success.
Today, the ways of knowing of White, wealthy, and thus most powerful
Americans not only remain more valued, they continue to be acted upon by K-12
schools, universities, and society as if they are a function of innate ability. The
logic remains so pervasive and has such explanatory value that we still find
tolerable, if unfortunate, the large gaps in college admissions between upper-
class, White Americans and lower-income applicants and applicants of color.
Cloaked in the aura of science, the testing’s persistent stratifying effects continue
to make deep, unquestioned sense to many in society. The cultural capital of
White and wealthy families masquerades as meritorious “natural” ability, rather
than as a function of social privilege. (Oakes, Rogers, Lipton, & Morrell, 2002,
p. 81-104)

40
Oakes et al. (2002) postulated that people who generally have less capital need extra
resources. A wealthy (economic capital, high-SES) family with a great deal of social
resources (social capital) and a high level of academic aspirations (academic capital) will
offer greater resources to their child and hold a high degree of cultural capital. It is
evident that parents are vital to the academic and social success of their children (Oakes
et al., 2002).
Questions Raised by the Literature Review
This review of cultural, social, and academic capital shows that a college-bound
attitude is embedded at a very young age. Family experiences, along with social
interactions associated with a student’s network, contribute to a “college-prep” persona.
A desire for academic capital attainment is also influenced by the surrounding culture.
Researchers such as Bourdieu, Tierney, Gandara, and many others have identified the
existing issues of human capital theory.
However, these discoveries simply raise further questions. Is education the great
equalizer, as many have believed for so long? Without a given amount of embedded
cultural capital, it is not likely that students will succeed academically. Parents and social
networks are the guarantors of such capital and low-SES parents simply have less of it to
offer than their high-SES counterparts.
Who will take the responsibility for imparting cultural, social, and academic
capital to low-income, minority students? Has it become the job of the university systems
or does this responsibility belong to K–12 educators? Many high schools have taken steps
to identify and alleviate this issue with the implementation of pre-college programs such
as AVID. However, there is still a long road ahead. There is much to be learned about

41
how cultural capital affects students in AVID programs. The current study was designed
to examine the role of cultural capital in AVID student success.

42
CHAPTER 3
RESEARCH METHODS
The purpose of this study was to ascertain how perceptions of cultural capital
impacted participants in the AVID program. Cultural capital is socially inherited
knowledge, skills, and abilities (Bourdieu, 1986) and is passed on generationally from
parent to child. The AVID program invokes a set of skills and ideals on a specific group
of students who are traditionally underrepresented in the university system to aid them in
obtaining academic success for college admission. This study focused on 11th- and 12th-
grade Latino students, many of whom would be the first in their families to attend a 4-
year university. Two research questions guided the conduct of this study:
1. What do students enrolled in AVID program from two southern California high
schools perceive as “working” to aid them in achieving academic success?
2. What factors identified by the student and teacher participants relate to
elements predicted by cultural capital theory?
Research Design
Post-positivism contends that a reality exists beyond what science can study. This
critical realism holds that all observation is fallible and all theory is revisable. Trochim
(2001) stated that a post-positivist framework contends that everyone operates from a
bias and therefore objectivity is tainted. These ideas stem from a constructivist model that
states that people develop their world view based on individual perceptions (Trochim,
2001). This point of view lends itself to the area of naturalistic inquiry.
The characteristics of naturalistic inquiry should include research occurring in an
authentic environment with the participant and the researcher as the data-gathering
instrument. Naturalistic inquiry encourages intuitive knowledge by the researcher, along

43
with qualitative methods of gathering data (Guba & Lincoln, 1989). Lincoln and Guba
(1985) developed alternative criteria for constructivist inquiry that focus on credibility
versus reliability and validity.
This study was designed as a case study, that is, an in-depth study of a case or
multiple cases through a detailed collection of data, including observations, interviews,
documents/reports, and audio/visual materials (Creswell, 1998). This case study adopted
an ethnographic approach to qualitative inquiry. Applying this methodology to multiple
cases (students, teachers, parents, and administrators) generated a thorough examination
of the AVID program and how it is related to elements of cultural capital.
The study allowed for students to be observed and interviewed in their natural
school setting and while participating in AVID related events and classes. As naturalistic
inquiry describes, the questions were focused on the participants’ thoughts and feelings
about the AVID program. The study was designed to gain understanding of the role that
cultural capital plays in AVID Latino students’ academic success. Qualitative data
collection methods were chosen to determine how cultural capital impacts students.
Qualitative research was intended to identify the “what” and “how” rather than the “why”
comparisons that are the focus of most quantitative research (Creswell, 1998).
Research Site
The AVID program targets middle-level students who have a desire to attend a
4-year college or university. Usually, these students are the first in their family to attend
college, from families of low SES, and members of ethnic groups that are numerically
underrepresented in college. These students follow a college preparatory schedule of
classes in high school and are academically supported with an AVID elective course.

44
Data were collected from two California high school campuses: (a) Seta High
School, located in Seta Springs, California, and part of the Wall Union High School
District (WUHSD); and (b) El Cantante High School, located in Wall, California, and
also part of the WUHSD. (Pseudonyms have been used to protect the identity of the
cities, both schools, and all individuals involved in the study.) These schools were
selected because they are in the same district and have similar demographics. Both
schools have experienced success with their AVID programs but are in different
developmental stages of the program. Seta High School’s AVID program received
national recognition as an AVID Demonstration Site in the past year. El Cantante’s
AVID program is in the beginning stage of development, having been offered for only 3
years. Evidence of each site’s demographics and the results of state assessment on
California Basic Educational Data System (CBEDS) from 2004-2005 are shown in tables
below. These data illustrate that the sites are similar in terms of demographics and
college preparation. School site officials from each site show support of the AVID
program by choosing that specific pre-college program for their campus as it offers
students a gateway to college. The goal of the study was to identify AVID Latino
students’ perceptions of factors that contributed to their academic success, using the lens
of cultural capital theory.
Seta High School
Seta High School serves students living in parts of Seta Springs and North Walk.
Established in 1955, Seta High School is one of five 4-year comprehensive public high
schools in the WUHSD. In the 2004-2005 school year the school enrolled 2,761 students.
Demographics of students at Seta High School in that year are shown in Table 3. The
elements of college preparation at the school are summarized in Table 4.

45
El Cantante High School
El Cantante High School reported an enrollment of 1,293 students in 2004-2005
and currently has 90 students enrolled in the AVID program. Latino students comprise
92% of the student population. Demographics of students at El Cantante High School in
2004-2005 are shown in Table 5. The elements of college preparation at the school are
summarized in Table 6.
Research Sample
The cultural value of education aids in explaining the low numbers of Latino
students attending college (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995). If the culture as a whole
places a high value on “traditional” education, it could be an expectation that children
enrolled in this traditional system will place a high value on education and perform to
their fullest potential. The goal of the AVID program is to hold students to a higher
standard than they would normally be held to, by not allowing them to take remedial
classes but requiring them to take honors and Advanced Placement courses. The AVID
teachers and coordinators support students in those classes by offering tutorial sessions
where students can get help from peers and employed tutors. Teachers and coordinators
expect students to achieve that elevated goal. The AVID program requires a great deal of
effort on the part of students, teachers, tutors, coordinators and parents (Gandara, 2002).
The current study was delimited to Latino students in this program because they have
been understudied in this area.

46
Table 3

Demographics of Students at Seta High School, 2004-2005

Key factor Enrollment County average State average

Number of students 2,761 2,169 1,375
English learners (%) 17 21 16
Low-income students (%) 44 42 33
Parents attended/graduated
from college (%) 41 56 61

Table 4

Elements of College Preparation at Seta High School (Percentages)

Key factor School County average State average

AP courses taken and passed 20 24 22
Students meeting UC or CSU
course requirements 33 39 36
Students attending UC 6 9 8
Students attending CSU 10 11 11
Students attending community college 38 32 30
Graduation rate 99 83 90

Note. UC = University of California, CSU = California State University. The data show
positive gains in reducing the dropout rate over a 3-year period, as reported by the
California Basic Educational Data System (CBEDS).

47
Table 5

Demographics of Students at El Cantante High School, 2004-2005

Key factor Enrollment County average State average

Number of students 1,702 2,169 1,375
English learners (%) 16 21 16
Low-income students (%) 46 42 33
Parents attended/graduated
from college (%) 35 56 61

Table 6

Elements of College Preparation at El Cantante High School (Percentages)

Key factor School County average State average

AP courses taken and passed 15 24 22
Students meeting UC or CSU
course requirements 30 39 36
Students attending UC 3 9 8
Students attending CSU 6 11 11
Students attending community college 21 32 30
Graduation rate 92 83 90

Note. UC = University of California, CSU = California State University. The data show
positive gains in reducing the dropout rate over a 3-year period, as reported by the
California Basic Educational Data System (CBEDS).

48
Students were selected for invitation to participate based on observations, teacher
recommendations, ethnicity (Latino), gender (equal distribution), and grade level (Grade
11 or 12 in equal distribution). All participants were upperclassmen (juniors and seniors)
ages of 15 to 18.
Teachers that had been designated by the school site principal as the AVID
elective teacher and the AVID coordinator were invited to participate in the focus group.
Administrators at both school sites were invited to participate in the AVID staff focus
group at each site.
Parents at both school sites were invited to participate in the focus group.
However, only parents at one school where the AVID teachers and coordinators
personally requested their presence in the focus group meeting.
Methods of Data Collection
In this study there were four types of data collected. They are interview, focus
groups, classroom and event observations and document analysis. All data collection
were conducted based on terms of naturalistic inquiry rather than terms of traditional
scientific study (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Trochim, 2001). The terms for the two
approaches to inquiry are compared in Table 7. All data for this qualitative study was
collected over a period of three months in 2007. Each of the data collected are described
in further detail.

49
Table 7

Comparison of Terms in Traditional Scientific Inquiry and Naturalistic Inquiry

Aspect Scientific term Naturalistic term

Truth value Internal validity Credibility
Applicability External validity/generalizability Transferability
Consistency Reliability Dependability
Neutrality Objectivity Confirmability

Sources: (a) (Guba & Lincoln ,1989, p. 104, 1989; (b) The Research Methods Knowledge
Base, by M. K. Trochim, 2001, Cincinnati, OH: Atomic Dog Publishing.

Individual interviews were conducted with 16 students at each site on a weekly
basis until all data were collected. In total 32 individual interviews were conducted with
students of approximately 45 minutes each. Each interview was recorded on audio tape
and later transcribed and distributed to interviewees to check for accuracy. Interviews
were informal in nature. Most interviews took place during the AVID elective period in a
school site conference room; others took place before or after school if that time
was more convenient for the student.
Observations of the of six AVID elective courses from “Bell to Bell” at each
school site were conducted with notes on the course structure taken. Further, notes taken
from the observation elicited that each class follow the similar structure in that students
were broken up into tutorial groups by subject area and were directed by a college tutor.
The student groups were subject specific and intended to support student needs in that
subject area. It was also observed that students used the AVID elective course to

50
complete projects/ homework assignments for other classes with the guidance of their
AVID teacher.
Individual interviews were conducted with 32 students at on a weekly basis until
all data were collected. In total 32 individual interviews were conducted with students of
approximately 45 minutes each. Each interview was recorded on audio tape and later
transcribed and distributed to interviewees to check for accuracy. Interviews were
informal in nature. Most interviews took place during the AVID elective period in a
school site conference room; others took place before or after school if that time
was more convenient for the student.
Interviews
Sixteen students were selected from Seta High School and 16 students were
selected from El Cantante High School, for a total of 32 students An ideal AVID elective
course is made up of 20 students. In an attempt to conduct this study with the number of
students that would be found in an ideal AVID elective class, 20 students were invited
from each site. However, only 16 interviews were completed from each site. In essence,
the study was conducted with the equivalent of a full AVID class from each site. All
students who participated in interviews were given their transcripts to check for accuracy.
Protocols specific to interviews and focus groups were created by researcher based on the
conceptual framework.
Individual interviews were conducted with 16 students at each site on a weekly
basis until all data were collected. In total 32 individual interviews were conducted with
students of approximately 45 minutes each. Each interview was recorded on audio tape
and later transcribed and distributed to interviewees to check for accuracy. Interviews
were informal in nature. Most interviews took place during the AVID elective period in a

51
school site conference room; others took place before or after school if that time
was more convenient for the student.
Focus Groups
Three focus groups were conducted: (a) 9 AVID teachers, coordinators, and
school administrators at Seta High School; (b) 4 AVID teachers, coordinators, and
administrators at El Cantante High School; and (c) 8 parents of students at El Cantante
High School. The focus groups were conducted at each site. The groups of AVID
teachers, coordinators, and administrators discussed issues related to students and the
AVID program for a maximum of 1 hour. These meetings took place at each school site
during a designated AVID team meeting time. Three focus groups consisting of 21
teachers, site administrators, and parents were also conducted. In general, the focus
groups met for 1 hour each. Each focus group session was audio taped and transcribed.
Focus group members received a copy of the transcript to check for accuracy. Six
sessions of AVID classes were observed and audio taped at each site. The total in-class
observation time was 12 hours. Tapes were transcribed. AVID events that were observed
included parent meetings, fundraiser meetings, fundraiser events and college trip
preparation meetings. The parent focus group discussed issues related to students,
teachers, coordinators, and administrators. Parents were also encouraged to discuss the
AVID program in general.
Document Analysis
Documents from each site’s AVID program were collected and reviewed. These
documents included site and district AVID policies, site curriculum, and student records.
Notes were taken throughout entire period of data collection. Notes were primarily for

52
reflection; as well as they aided the researcher in remembering any special circumstances
surrounding and the data collection process.
Instrumentation
Mehan (1994) was the principal study used to derive protocol questions. Trochim
(2001) and Creswell (1998) aided in the design by providing the guiding elements of
qualitative study protocols. Further, the protocols were developed using the method of
triangulation within a dissertation group focused on theoretical framework related to
cultural capital and pipeline programs. The protocol for student interviews was designed
to elicit student perceptions of what “works” to aid them in achieving academic success
(Appendix C). The focus group protocol for parents was designed to egather parent
perceptions of program elements that aid their children in achieving academic success
(Appendix C). The focus group protocol designed for teachers, coordinators and
administrators was designed to collect the institutional agents’ perceptions on program
elements that aid students in achieving academic success (Appendix C).
Data Analysis
Qualitative methods were used to analyze data in this case study of three specific
AVID programs. After transcription and accuracy check of the interviews as described
above, data were coded using a software program called HyperRESEARCH
®
. Themes
emerged in the data that offered an opportunity to discuss findings and formulate
recommendations for AVID classroom practices and policies held by districts. Further,
data were triangulated in interviews, observations, and review of documents and artifacts
to increase validity and reliability of the findings. The findings are presented as related to
the two research questions, followed by a detailed analysis and discussion.

53
Reliability and Validity
Reliability is ensured when a study can be replicated and derive the same
outcomes (Guba &Lincoln , 1989). The term credibility refers to offering believable
outcomes in the eyes of the participant. In qualitative research, credibility is equivalent to
establishing internal validity (Trochim, 2001). However, the researcher cannot determine
that a participant will give the same answer each time the participant is interviewed. For
example, if Participant A is interviewed about AVID in September 2006 and interviewed
again a year later, that person has had different experiences to draw from and thus may
offer different answers. Therefore, many individual interviews were used and trends were
sought during the process of coding the interviews.
A limitation in individual interviews in naturalistic inquiry is that there are
opportunities for misinterpretation due to oversimplification, lack of experience, or lack
of familiarity (Guba & Lincoln, 1989). The accuracy of the transcript was enhanced by
giving a copy of the transcript to each participant and asking the participant to check for
accuracy. Also offering the opportunity to change statements and to clarify the
“meaning” of the statements.
Reliability is important to a research project because it directly affects the validity
of the study. Lincoln and Guba (1985) stated that, for a study to be valid, the measure
must be reliable. Coded transcripts were shared and discussed with peers in the thematic
dissertation group to ensure credibility.
Triangulation occurs when researchers use multiple perspectives to seek a
singular truth (Patton, 2002). Given a constructivist operation from a vantage point that
truth is individually perceived, researchers rely on triangulation methods to lend
credibility to findings. In an attempt to overcome intrinsic bias that derives from single-

54
observer studies, researchers can combine multiple observer methods and data sources
(Patton, 2002). Triangulation occurred in this study through cross-referencing
information gained from observations, interviews, and focus groups. There are four types
of triangulation: (a) Methods triangulation requires the researcher to check consistency
through various methods of data collection, (b) triangulation of sources requires the
researcher to use different data sources within the same method, (c) analyst triangulation
requires that the researcher use multiple analysts to review findings, and (d) theory or
perspective triangulation requires the researcher to use multiple perspectives or theories
to interpret the data (Patton, 2002). Two of these four types of triangulation were used in
the current study: (a) Methods triangulation was used by collecting data in a variety of
ways (interviews, focus groups, observations and document analysis), and (b) source
triangulation was used in interviews of 32 students and meetings of three focus groups
(one parent groups and two groups of school officials). Analyst and perspective
triangulation was not used because the researcher was the sole interpreter and analyst of
the data. Colleagues in a thematic dissertation group were asked to check the researcher’s
interpretation of data.
Background of the Researcher
As a language arts teacher, I have been aware for many years of the need to
prepare students for the next academic step. My middle school site served about 90%
Latino students who were economically disadvantaged. Over 80% of the students were
on the free/reduced-price lunch program and the school site received Title I funding. I
began to teach AVID concepts about 5 years ago without realizing that there was a
program linked to what I was teaching. On a daily basis, I expressed to my students the
importance of attending college and supported them with instruction that helped them to

55
be aware of college entrance requirements. The AVID program was brought to Lake
Center (my school) about 4 years ago. At that time, I was the coordinator and sole AVID
teacher. The principal at that time supported the program and allowed me to take students
on field trips to colleges and universities.
It is important to identify individual biases to maintain the credibility of the study.
Researchers conducting individual interviews sometimes “hear what they want to hear”
rather than what is being said by the interviewee, due to personal bias.
The best cure for biases is to try to become increasingly aware of our own biases
and how they slant and shape what we hear, how they interfere with our repro-
duction of the speaker’s reality and how they transfigure truth into falsity.
(Lincoln & Guba, 1985, p. 148)
I expounded on my biases to prevent them from interfering with the study. I have had
personal experience with the AVID program in which I have seen committed teachers
produce successful students; I have also seen uncommitted teachers, with whom students
tend to achieve less. My personal bias is that the AVID program can work if all key
players—students, teachers, parents, and administrators—are committed to its success.
As a Latina woman, it is important for me to address the issue of Latino
underrepresentation in the university system. Given that I am from the same ethnic
background of the students who are the focus of this research, I understood many of the
cultural norms. I had the opportunity to delve deeply into these issues and explain what is
going on in classroom from a viewpoint shared by the participants.
Chapter Summary
This chapter focused on the methodology used in the study. Using cultural capital
as the conceptual framework, qualitative methods within the realm of naturalistic inquiry
were selected to address the research question. Data collection was completed via (a)

56
individual interviews with students, parents, teachers, and administrators; (b) focus
groups of teachers, administrators, and parents; (c) observation of AVID classrooms and
events; and (d) review of documentation related to the AVID program. During data
analysis issues of triangulation, validity and reliability were addressed.

57
CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS
The purpose of this study was to understand the elements of cultural, social, and
academic capital embedded in the AVID program as perceived by students who
participate in AVID. The data gathered in this study identified programmatic elements
that students believed had contributed to their success. This chapter presents the findings
from data produced by students, parents, AVID teachers, and school site administrators
affiliated with the AVID program in two high-poverty urban high schools by identifying
elements of cultural, social, and academic capital offered to these students by teachers,
staff, and family members who support the AVID program. The students who
participated in the study were members of Latino ethnic groups and were primarily from
economically disadvantaged families, who have been historically underrepresented on
university campuses.
The AVID program is locally funded on a site-by-site basis. The participants in
this study participated freely, without any awareness of whether the findings of the study
would affect their specific site or the program as a whole. College attainment by the low-
income Latino student was important to all who participated in the study. Teachers,
coordinators, counselors, school site administrators, parents, family members, and
peers—herein referred to as institutional and personal change agents—play a direct role
in influencing, directing, encouraging, and guiding the students.
The findings in this chapter are based on data from the data collected solely by the
researcher and are based on data from interviews, observations, focus groups and
documents that were shared by the study’s participants and informed the research
questions.

58
The findings presented addressed the following two research questions that were
investigated in this study:
1. What do students enrolled in AVID program from two southern California high
schools perceive as “working” to aid them in achieving academic success?
2. What factors identified by the student and teacher participants relate to
elements predicted by cultural capital theory?
Each research question considered the two primary groups that disseminate
information to students. First, Institutional Change Agents consisted of school
administrators, counselors, and AVID teachers. Second, personal change agents Personal
Change Agents included parents, guardians, and families of the students who also
transmit cultural capital that differs from that offered by their institutional counterparts.
Perspectives of Stakeholders
Thirty-two individual student interviews were completed, along with three
teacher/staff focus group sessions. The first focus group included nine teachers, one
administrator, one AVID coordinator, and one counselor from Sans High School. The
second focus group included four teachers and one AVID coordinator from El Cantante
High School. The third focus group included eight parents from El Cantante High School
who self-identified as Latino. The fourth focus group of parents at Sans High School was
planned but did not occur due to scheduling problems on two occasions. The following
section shares the perspectives of students, teachers, parents and administrators as
collective groups in the student perspective section.
Students
Before examining the research questions it is useful to acquaint the reader with
four students whose examples and explanations in their responses illustrate those of their

59
peers: (a) José, a male 12th-grade AVID student; (b) Bobby, a male 11th-grade AVID
student; (c) Ramona, a female 12th-grade AVID student; and (d) Sonja, a female 11th-
grade AVID student.
José is a 17-year-old senior who was born and raised in southern California; he
described himself as athletic. He has played most of the sports that the city offers since he
was a young boy and has also excelled as a high school athlete. He has played many
school sports but has focused on track and field. He wants to go to college and get a
scholarship for athletics but admitted that he was not sure how to make that happen. He
explained that his AVID teacher had informed him that it is good to play sports because it
keeps him well rounded. He has done his best to get good grades in school but most of
the time he is concerned with doing well enough to play. He knows that his parents want
the best for him but neither of them went to college. He has two younger sisters, one in
her first year in high school and the other in junior high school. He said that he wants to
make sure that his sisters are part of the AVID program because he wants them to be able
to go to college.
Bobby is a high school junior who also considers himself an athlete but his focus
is football. He wants to go to college but does not yet know which one. He hopes that the
AVID program will help him to be accepted by a university by helping him with
applications, personal statements, and financial aid. Bobby’s parents did not attend
college nor did either of them finish high school. Bobby said that his parents tell him to
“do good and concentrate on school” but they cannot really help him with any academic
issues or college questions. Bobby is grateful for his AVID teachers because he knows
that he can go to them for anything from school problems to family problems. Bobby said

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that his father wants him to work and that he feels guilty that he has not tried to get a job
to help his family, but he really wants to play football and do well in school so he can go
to college. Given his parents’ level of education, Bobby said that they do not consider it
to be as important as he does, nor it is viewed as important for Bobby’s future, according
to his father. His father has always been able to put food on the table without attending
college so he does not understand the importance that Bobby ascribes to college. Yet,
Bobby said that his father wants him to do well and go to college. Bobby seemed
confused about how to please his father but expressed a desire to go to college, a desire
that he said he had gained through his AVID teachers. Bobby said that he hopes that his
two younger brothers also go to college. He reported that his older sister probably will
not go because she did not finish high school and already has a child.
Ramona is currently in the 12th grade and intends to apply to three universities:
one in the University of California system, one in the California State University system,
and, one private university in California. Her parents did not graduate from college and
she stated that they adhere to traditional gender roles. Her mother stays home to raise four
children and her father works as a mechanic. She has not participated in any extracurricu-
lar activities because she has worked after school to help her family. However, Ramona is
quite intelligent, maintaining a 3.6 GPA and taking as many honors and AP courses as
her school offers.
Sonja described herself as an 11th-grade AVID student who wants to go to
college to make her life better than that of her Mexican immigrant parents. Sonja
discussed the struggles that she had endured growing up as an immigrant and identified
many educational challenges that she endured to be successful in school. She has a

61
younger brother who wants to be a professional soccer player. Her parents are proud of
her for doing well in school but do not understand what happens at school. Sonja
explained that her parents are not able to help her financially or academically with high
school and probably will not be able to help with college. Her father works for a
company but she was not sure of the name; her mother stays at home.
Teachers
Thirteen teachers participated in the focus groups at the two school sites. The
focus group at the first school site had 9 teacher participants and focus group at the
second school site had 4 teacher participants. The majority of AVID teachers at each
school site were Latina. Two White female teachers participated in the AVID program at
the first school site and the other 7 were Latino. The first school site also had 3 Latino
AVID teachers who were committed to their students and to the AVID program and who
participated in the focus group. At the second school site were 4 teachers: 3 Latina and 1
Latino. All of the teachers reported that they were credentialed in specific core
curriculum subjects, ranging from Mathematics to English, and all had chosen to instruct
AVID electives. A teacher at the second school site expressed that, while in college she
was an AVID tutor and knew that when she became a teacher, she wanted to be a part of
the program if it were offered at her place of employment. Being an AVID teacher is
voluntary, and a great deal of dedication and additional time to aid students academically
is expected. As part of their commitment, the teachers were expected to attend an unpaid
weeklong training session in San Diego. The teachers indicated that they had a clear
desire to help “their kids” enroll in college.

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Parents
All eight parents of the students were Latino and the majority were women. One
father participated in the focus group interview. The parents expressed that they wanted
the best for their children and wanted them to go to college but had to rely on AVID
teachers for the information because they had not attended college and could not guide
their children. The parents expressed the importance of emotional and financial support
for their children and remarked that their children needed money for AVID field trips and
college tests. The parents expressed a willingness to sacrifice for their children’s future;
although they did not fully understand the outcome of a “college education,” they knew
that it was positive and wanted the best for their children.
Administrators
The three participating administrators were a much smaller and more detached
group. The women from the first school site were Latina and held the positions of
principal and AVID coordinator. The second school site provided the AVID coordinator/
school counselor for the focus group. The group discussed the rigor associated with the
AVID expectations, along with high expectation of the students.
Findings for Research Question 1
Research question 1 asked, What do students enrolled in AVID program from two
southern California high schools perceive as “working” to aid them in achieving
academic success? Students identified three consistent contributions to their success: (a)
parents, (b) teachers, and (c) their own individual determination to succeed. The students
illustrated their perspective of their individual social network, both institutional and
personal, as including parents, teachers, counselors, administrators, and peers. The
institutional network consists of those who are directly involved with the education

63
system: teachers, counselors, coordinators, and administrators. The personal network
consists of parents or guardians, family members, and peers. To demonstrate students’
perceptions of elements contributing to their academic success, three indicators emerged
from the data: (a) the role of parents in supporting their children by encouraging them to
be academically successful, (b) how AVID teachers build positive relationships with their
students and hold high expectations for their academic success, and (c) students’
individual determination to succeed academically and to attend college.
The Role of the Parent
The students who were interviewed reported that specific people in their lives
consistently expressed their care and concern for their personal success. The parents
interviewed in this study seemed to fulfill the duties of the Personal Change Agent. This
was evident in two ways. First, parents expressed an understanding that they should
encourage their children to be academically successful and that AVID teachers were
strong motivators of their children. Second, many of the parents indicated that the AVID
teachers provided information that they could use to encourage their children from home.
The data showed that AVID teachers supply information that parents can use to
help their children and encourage and support their children academically. All parents
reported that they had learned about college and college entrance requirements from their
children, who had gained this information from the AVID teachers as part of the essential
program elements. Mr. Hernandez stated his view of the AVID program:
Being involved in helping our children to enter college. . . . I believe that we are
all with the purpose to enter university, we are always telling them to be involved
in athletics, for them to stay busy and that being busy is part of their studies.
Mrs. Machuca explained that her contribution to her child’s education supported the view
of the AVID program.

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I try to encourage my daughter to keep up with her grades to the best of her
ability. I try to get everything that she needs. I always make sure that I emphasize
that, if she gets a good education, she is going to be able to get a good job.
The parents who participated in this study were Personal Change Agents, as they had not
only supported their children but had encouraged them to succeed. Mr. and Mrs.
Hernandez explained,
We tell our children that the future is in your hands and we try to motivate them
the most that we can and we tell them that you can and there’s no barriers that you
can’t go over and stay positive all the time that you can do it and go always
forward and motivating. That’s all that we can do.
Mrs. Machuca summarized the feelings of the group: “We all have the same feeling and
the thoughts about it, just try to push our kids and try to get on the ball in school and let
them know that . . . this is their future.” Parents showed a strong desire to see their
children succeed. Although they shared that they were not familiar with all of the
requirements to attend college, they clearly viewed education as a means to a fruitful
future for their children and supported them in reaching that goal.
The parents also shared their feelings about their child attending college. Most
explained that their child would be the first in their family to attend a 4-year university.
Mrs. Machuca explained, “If my son attends college, I have done my job as a mother.”
Clearly, Mrs. Machuca holds strong convictions about education. Mr. Contreras stated,
I’m really happy that she is thinking about going forward so that she is doing the
best she can go to college. I did not have the opportunity to go the university. I
couldn’t have done that, and since I wasn’t able to do that, I always tell her that I
didn’t have a chance to go, so they have a chance to go, they should take
advantage of that. There’s nothing can stop them from getting whatever they
want.
Mrs. Machuca had a similar response:
I would feel very happy and proud at the same time to see that my sons are doing
the possible to keep studying and that the simple fact that going to university
opens them a lot of doors than a person that doesn’t have any studies, they’re not

65
going to excel or do what’s sufficient to one that has a university compared to one
that hasn’t studied.
Mr. Hernandez shared, “Once they’re there, I tell them you’re going to get as far as you
want, these days you can reach the stars if you want to, I’m just really happy once they
get there.” Each parent was an advocate for the child’s education and clearly exemplified
the role of encouraging and supporting the child to reach educational goals.
The parents reported that they relied on the AVID program and teachers for
information to support their children. The parents clearly understood that the AVID
teacher helped to motivate their child to perform academically and ultimately have a
desire to attend college. Mr. Contreras shared that he believed that the AVID program
motivated his child and expressed the importance of motivation in college attainment.
Mrs. Machuca stated,
I feel the same way. They’re motivated. The program chooses the classes for her
so she doesn’t have to be, “Should I be taking this class or what class should I be
taking? . . . Will it be good or it’s not going to be good?” So the program already
chooses the classes that they need to take and they make sure that the classes they
will be taking will be accepted on any other universities, either private or state
universities. They also motivate them by taking them to different places like
Magic Mountain and stuff like that. There’s a lot of motivations behind the pro-
gram that really pushes them. The expectations that they have for the classes are
really high. That’s another very important factor in the system. I feel that AVID is
making the difference. I have two daughters; one is already out of high school and
one is going to the last year. I can see the difference. I can tell you that the system
is working. I tried to fight that she would be accepted in the AVID program the
last year. Unfortunately, I didn’t know the right people to push really hard and get
her into the system or something fell apart, I wasn’t able to get her on the AVID
program. It is working with [the other child].
As the parents continued to discuss motivation, Mrs. Hernandez commented,
I think that from [the time] they enter the AVID program, they start motivating
them to go to college, and they start to proportion their classes that they have to
take to go to college, especially to go to university, so they don’t deviate to go to
another road or that they feel comfortable just to come out of high school. They
motivate them to go to a university and to work for a career and in the future their
doctorate. More than anything, they motivate them to succeed.

66
Mr. Hernandez said,
I think AVID is a really good program. Since they started, I have my brother who
was one of the first students in AVID since AVID started in El Monte. He just
graduated last week, and he started in AVID, he was really motivated. In the
AVID program they ask you, “What do you plan to do?” and they help you set
that goal, . . . they give you the classes you need to take in order to get into a
university. If you don’t make it to the university, this is where you can go, they
guide you, they tell you, “If you can’t do it this way, for any reason you fail, then
you can do it this other way.” They guide them, they take them to the universities.
I myself have gone with the AVID counselors and the students to the university.
You get to walk all around the university. It’s a really really good program and it
does motivate students. They let them know that you have to be at an average
grade in order to be in AVID, you can’t just be in AVID and not be doing
anything, you have to work for it. It’s a really really good program. My brother
just graduated and he was in one of the first classes in AVID from El Monte. I
have another boy who is going to be a senior this coming year, and I have
freshmen coming in.
The parent participants agreed that the AVID program played an important role in
motivating their children to go to college; however, they also contended that their own
role was significant in encouraging their children to do their best and propelling them
toward success. The parents explained that their role was to verbally encourage their
children to do well in school so that they could get into college, as well as to support
them financially for trips and tests. They did not recognize an ability to provide college
information and thus relied on the AVID teacher for that portion of their child’s college
dream.
Mr. Contreras explained that his role as a parent was
to tell her that I am really proud of her, to maintain her in that program. She likes
it a lot. I see the change. My daughter has never been a bad student, she’s always
been a good student. I don’t need to ask her or demand a lot from her. She just
gives it because she is motivated with the program.
Mrs. Machuca explained,
My years of keeping tabs with the counselors, every time that they have the
grades, I review her grades and I see where she is getting comfortable but is not
getting the grades that she should be getting. . . I encourage her to strive for the

67
best and keeping tabs with the teachers and keep a good relationship with them so
if she needs help, try to push her and get her back to where she was, that’s the role
that I have.
Parents clearly expressed the importance of communication. Mrs. Hernandez said,
I’ve tried to always have a good communication with the teachers and to be
motivating them to keep going forward and always to be aware and up to date
with the program and what it does to open doors.
Mrs. Machuca summarized,
Just being involved with your kids and motivating them the same way that the
AVID program does. Then if they have any questions, you know they’re going to
come to you and try to help them out and guide them as much as we can do try to
guide them so that they get a better future.
The parents clearly saw the importance of involvement and were not hesitant to
state that they ask questions of the counselors, teachers, or program administrators on
behalf of their children when they do not understand. They shared the perceived
importance of a college education and stated that they were encouraging their children to
pursue a college education, despite the fact that none of the parents had completed
college. When the parents discussed their perceptions of college, given that they had not
attended, they credited the AVID program officials for providing information to allow
them to feel that they were making informed decisions. Mr. Hernandez supported this
view.
It has changed my views that the program is also focused to help them with
identifying potential resources of income, like grants and scholarships, like the
money side of education. Without the program, I used to tell them that I think you
should go to a 2-year college, which is a lot cheaper than the university, and get
your general education out of the way and then you can go to the university and
by then I shall be more prepared to help you. But since the program is already
helping to identify potential sources of money, then if you got the money, go for
it, if your imagination is your limitation, that’s what I tell them.
The parents were change agents in that they recognized that they did not have the
financial resources or the information but maintained that college would be a positive life

68
experience for their children and that they would support and encourage them in any way
possible. Mrs. Machuca explained specifics about the AVID program and how it has
contributed to her child’s overall success.
The program has helped a lot because, before, I thought that the university was for
certain people and not any people could go to college. The trips and excursions by
AVID has shown them and they have motivated them and they have taught them.
Some things you learn from your parents, that there’s not a lot of obstacles, if you
look for a way like Mr. Picasso, if you look for help from the government, you
can go pretty easy to the university, only by having good grades that they put a lot
from their part.
Mr. Contreras stated that AVID officials provided him with the information to give to his
child.
I just got more information. Just like they said, you know the difference between a
college and a Cal Poly and a university and what the differences are and how did
you get funding for them. I think AVID has not just worked for my son, but it’s
also feeding us as a parent not to say, “Hey, well, if your son’s not him, but he can
still work there, just come down here if that’s what he wants.” I think they have
helped us by giving us information as well as our students.
Mr. Contreras contended that the AVID program makes the difference between success
and failure.
I would definitely encourage them and tell them the difference of them being in
the AVID program and them not being in any kind of program might be the
difference between being successful and failure. So definitely work for it. But
being one out of the bunch is not going to get you to the program, so strive to get
into the program and work for it. I would definitely encourage people to get them
into the program.
A refreshing aspect of each of these AVID parent participants was their overall
positive attitude. Each reported a positive experience with the program and expressed a
personal commitment to the child’s success. However, each also discussed a positive
social outlook. There was no placing of blame or contempt for the “have-not population”;
it was a perception of “can do” and “celebration for opportunities offered” as an AVID
student. Mrs. Machuca stated,

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Sometimes they say that he got educated but he doesn’t have a house or have a
good car. But that’s not what’s important. What’s important is what we have here
[pointing to head to indicate brain]. A car we can lose it, a house we can lose it. I
think education is what’s most important.
Mr. Hernandez agreed and added a twist by saying that he encourages his child through
example.
I guess it could be both ways. In my family I would say that I would probably be
the most educated of my brothers and sisters. I almost completed a 2-year college
degree back when I was already married. It was really, really hard for me to go to
school and work for my family. But that’s one of the things that I’ve been using to
encourage them to keep going. I tell them, “When you were little kids, sometimes
I didn’t see you, only during the weekends, because I had to get up 6 o’clock from
here when you were still asleep for work, and from work I used to go straight to
the college, and when I got back home, you were already asleep. So in that sense I
made a lot of sacrifice. Sometimes I didn’t sleep well because I had to do my
homework and stuff like that. So now that you have the opportunity, you don’t
have to go through this. Get the education that you need so that you don’t have to
be like me.” But on the other hand, there’s no one else [in the family] that has
almost finished up a degree or has gone to the university. On my wife’s side
nobody ever did it, either. So they can say, “Well, Mom didn’t even finish
grammar school, so why should I?” I feel that it could go either way. But you start
showing the difference between being educated and not being educated and that
kinds of pushes them to go ahead. That’s the way I feel. It could go either way.
Mrs. Hernandez agreed.
Absolutely, more so the people that are from Mexico. Most of the people are from
here are second or third generation, so they haven’t broken the vicious circle of
just getting a high school education and going to work. It’s a circle. If one does it,
the others will do it. It will keep going the same way, but somebody has to break
it. I feel they’re the ones that have the opportunity to go. I feel that it could either
stop or push them to make the difference.
However, Mr. Hernandez added an interesting aspect to the conversation by recognizing
that most of the students were of Latino/Mexican descent and of the minority population.
Instead of explaining the difficulty that he had experienced through a deficit lens, he
expressed a perception of opportunity:
I don’t think that’s an obstacle. The race doesn’t have any impairment in any-
thing. What is important is that they want to succeed and study. No impairments,
in one side you do it and the other side you fight, put it aside. . . . When a person
has an education, the way they introduce themselves and say hello. I tell my child-

70
ren that it is really pretty, really beautiful that you have an education, that you
know how to respect more than anything people, even though we are not the
same. Everybody has a right and they treat you with respect and an educated
person, I see it as that you have a lot of doors open in your future.
The final comment by Mrs. Machuca summed up the perceptions of all of the parents. As
Mrs. Machuca made this statement, all parent participants nodded in agreement,
indicating their approval and demonstrating their positive attitude.
I always taught them, “You never limit yourselves.” I think you respect others just
like they respect you and you go for it and it shouldn’t matter, I don’t they should
be thought of as somebody’s lesser and you are higher than somebody. I always
tell them, “Everybody’s the same, everybody’s equal, and you should go for it.”
Mrs. Machuca exemplified the positive outlook of the parents and illustrated how they act
as a support network for their children.
In sum, many parents reported that they had not received a college education and
relied on the AVID program officials and teachers for the information to support their
children. However, these parents expressed that they would find a way to encourage their
children stay positive and achieve an education. The evidence suggests that these parents
expect their children to succeed and will propel them to achieve, whether or not they
received the same level of education. The parents demonstrated their influence as
Personal Change Agents in the lives of their children as they continued to support and
encourage their children to move toward educational and personal success.
There is a clear delineation of opportunities presented based on the SES of
parents. Bourdieu (1986) posited that parents with a high SES tend to reside in wealthier
areas where there are more opportunities for their children to learn and experience life
educationally, socially, and psychologically. Wealthy parents can temporally and
financially afford the opportunities for their children and understand the value of the
exposure to these opportunities for their children. Parents with low SES may not live in

71
an area where there is a wealth of opportunity nor can they afford to provide their
children with the time or financial commitment of these educational, social, and
psychological enhancements. Students of parents with a high SES hold a different level
of “expected knowledge” than their middle- or low-SES counterparts (Mehan, 1994).
School officials are aware of this “expected knowledge” and respond to students
according to their respective living environments. Gandara (2002) pointed out that
schools in affluent areas offer a greater number of rigorous courses identified as honors,
college preparatory, or AP than schools that serve predominantly underrepresented
minority youth. Middle- and low-SES parents rely on school officials such as AVID
teachers to pass on the “cultural capital” tied to education and socialization, whereas
high-SES parents assume that responsibility (Tierney & Jun, 2001).
Given that middle- and low-SES parents rely on school officials to carry out this
critical role, the school official may yield a great deal of power with students as they
become providers of socialization, education, and cultural capital. School officials have
been shown to be catalysts for change for low- and middle-SES minority students; thus,
they have been designated Institutional Change Agents. Mehan (1994) identified AVID
program officials as transmitters of cultural capital. The AVID team includes school site
administrators, a dedicated school counselor for the AVID program, trained AVID
program teachers, and AVID program tutors. Student participants in this study credited
the AVID teacher as the primary institutional contributor to their academic success.
The Role of the Teacher
The data suggested students’ perceptions of the AVID teacher and the positive
impact that the AVID teacher has on the life of each student. Students in this study
consistently reported that their AVID teacher cared about them and their positive

72
progress toward high school academic and social success, as well as future college
attendance. The AVID teacher, as an Institutional Change Agent, successfully transmitted
cultural, social, and academic capital to the students. The AVID teachers are voluntary
advocates for their students as they challenge them to push themselves in their pursuit
toward academic success and eventual college attainment.
Students identified AVID teachers as the primary disseminators of information
concerning all aspects of their education. Some shared that they relied on the AVID
teacher for information about the courses that they should take to prepare for the
university and for information and support. They described AVID teachers as readily
approachable and primary disseminators of information about college. Mr. Hernandez
stated, “I was learning the information for the first time with my son, and I tried to learn
so that I can push him, too.” Students explained that the AVID teachers provided
information for them to support the student in achieving academic success and their
ultimate goal of obtaining college acceptance by being readily available in answering
questions, returning phone calls, and holding parent information meetings. One teacher
explained that their school site offered a parent night at the beginning of each semester, at
which they provided parents an overview of the AVID program and offered information
about college.
The students described AVID teachers as compassionate and approachable and
expressed that they believed that the AVID teachers cared about them. The AVID teacher
was clearly an Institutional Change Agent, as the students and their parents recognized
individual support provided by each AVID teacher. Regarding a sense of caring, Ramona
explained:

73
AVID teachers really, really care. Actually, I don’t know if they do care, but it
seems like they care. . . . He [AVID teacher] is always, or I’ve always seen him as
like, a counselor. If we have any problem, we could go to him like school, per-
sonal, whatever. I feel like they’re there for support, moral support, or educational
support. So, they’re more like, I don’t know how I would put it, but they’re more
like guidance, like a father/mother type.
Sonja expounded on her perception of the role of the AVID teacher. “The AVID
teachers’ role is to be first a role model as moral citizens and persons; in addition they’re
there to help us out on not only academic issues, but also social and economical advice.”
José stated, “Their role is to pretty much look out for you and to . . . make sure you’re
getting good grades to get you into college.”
The students explained that the AVID teacher has very specific expectations for
them. Sonja said,
They always expect me to be doing well in all the classes and to be doing my
work, not as much this year, though. We would have a lot of workdays because of
benchmarks, finals, and stuff, and this year we are focusing more on our college
essays and more things about college, which we should learn about.
AVID teachers hold students to an expectation that they will be responsible and
productive in both the AVID program and their other classes. Ramona reported,
They expect me to be responsible for my work. They want me to have everything
done. Sometimes they keep emphasizing that it’s an AP class, it’s a college class,
that we should have more responsibility. If we don’t do something, they are
always pushing that into our minds.
Bobby expounded on the personal nature of the relationship between the student and the
teacher. In his description he said that he perceived that the AVID teacher cared about
him and his success, without directly using the word care or specifically saying, “I
believe that my AVID teacher cares about me.”
Because they are AVID teachers, you could get more of a personal relationship
with them because that’s what they are there for, to help you get into college and
to get rid of any doubt you have. Regular teachers, some you do have that per-
sonal relationship, friendship, or whatever, but you still just look at them as the

74
math teacher or the English teacher. Your AVID teacher, you look at them as,
since it’s AVID, it’s broad.
The students noted the impact of the AVID teacher in their decisions, ranging
from choice of high school classes to the decision to go to college. The students reported
that they consult the AVID teachers for help in making decisions, both personal and
academic. They described the AVID teachers as counselors, teachers, and pseudo parents,
or as Bobby described it, “a second dad.” Teachers described this relationship as being
“mutually respectful” and “more personal.” One teacher stated, “I felt like a parent most
of the time.” Another teacher described himself as a coach. This personal relationship
between the teacher and the student creates a sense of trust and the AVID class becomes
a family. Students know that their teachers care about them. One teacher stated,
With our kids, if you get them to care, about you or about the class, whatever, you
will find that when they care, they do, they do their work, they participate in
activities, ultimately, they “do” what you ask; and when they “do,” they learn,
grow, and flourish. That is what we want for our kids. AVID encourages this
trusting, honest, family type of environment to support our kids to care, do, grow
and ultimately achieve their dreams, which is our greatest hope for them.
An important aspect of the position of the AVID teacher is to prepare students for college
and to provide students with the skill set, encouragement, support, and direction to reach
that goal. The students’ knowledge of college and the function of the university system is
also provided by the AVID teacher.
In sum, students shared their perceptions of teachers as the primary reason for
their success in the AVID program. They reported that their AVID teachers cared about
them first as people, then as students. Sharing their hopes, dreams, and desires for future
success with their AVID teacher was as common as confiding in them for guidance
during times of problems, both personal and academic. Students equated their
relationship with their AVID teachers as a child-parent relationship. Stanton-Salazar’s

75
(1995) research focused on access to social capital by minority children and illustrated
the role of school officials in assuming a quasi-parental role, without limitations in terms
of their official place as educators. This dual role played by school officials (teachers,
counselors, and administrators) includes the expected task of educating; however, as
quasi-parents, these school officials empower students with critical access to social
networks that they would not typically be able to access. Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch
(1995) identified social relationships as a “pipeline” to gain institutional support for
access to knowledge-based resources, such as college admission, guidance, and job
advancement.
Students’ Individual Determination for Success
AVID teachers ask students to focus on the latter two words of their organization
title, “individual determination.” One of the program tenets is that the individual student
must have an innate desire for academic success and college attainment. This “desire”
cannot be pushed on them by well-meaning parents or family members. AVID teachers
conduct individual interviews upon accepting students into the program to ensure that the
students maintain a longing to make a commitment to themselves and to their academic
endeavors. As a part of the application process, students’ motives for wanting to
participate in the AVID program are questioned; those who are accepted into the program
have illustrated a drive or an “individual determination” for academic success. The
students in this study provided insights into their rationale for AVID participation. Many
not only discussed a desire to succeed for personal success but perceived that the personal
success would convert to familial success in that they could use their education and later
occupational success to give their families a “better life.”

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All participants spoke of a shared experience in that they would be the first in
their families to attend college. When these students spoke of family, they were referring
to the holistic perception of family: tios, tias, and primos (uncles, aunts, and cousins).
Hence, it is even more significant to be the first in the family to attend college when one
refers to this extended family. José noted, “I’m Hispanic and have a Latino background
and I know it’s gonna be way harder for me, so I know that I’m gonna have to work ten
times harder than most people do.” José’s perception that he will have to work harder
than other people reflects his idea of college. Other students expressed the same idea.
Sonja said,
It’s like I have to show everybody that I’m capable of doing what I want and not
just because I was born here and I have everything, like I got all my papers
because people think, I know for a fact that I am smart and I can do whatever I
want. Right?
Sonja wanted to show “everyone”; when pressed for a definition of everyone, she
included not only her family, extended family, and peers, but society as a whole. Her
statement illustrates that her perception of college attendance was not necessarily for a
select group of students. The term papers referred to her legal status to be in the United
States, documenting that she was born here. Typically, the term refers to immigration
documentation that a person who has emigrated from another country has a legal right to
be in the United States. Sonja ended her comment with a question, illustrating her
insecurity about this issue.
I’ve always been like a B student. I’m not very bright, naturally. I have to work
really hard to get the grades that I get and sometimes I just feel like I can’t. I
guess there’s so much pressure, but my teachers, like Mr. X, Miss X, support me,
they have supported me. And when I have a problem, I feel really comfortable
coming to them and they talk to me and it helps me because I feel like I have
people behind me who care about me and who believe in me. A couple of months
ago, I was taking this Honors U.S. History class and I came to school crying cause
I couldn’t do it. I thought I couldn’t do it anymore. Mr. X helped me and gave me

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advice, and from then on, I stepped up and right now I have a B in that class, so
he helped me a lot. I still remember that day.
The students perceived ethnic barriers to their academic success in daily
situations, as Bobby explained.
People put you down, saying, “Oh, since you’re Mexican, you can’t go to
college.” You know, I see it that way. You know, you have to do this; you have to
work other jobs that don’t require an education.
In a bit more positive sense, Bobby expressed understanding that not very many
Mexican students attend college and identified that universities desire to assemble a
diverse student body, which will give him a better chance at acceptance. Unfortunately,
he is referring to a situation that he believed was common in the 1990s, when universities
allowed minority students into the university but in some cases lowered their admission
requirements to do so. However, Affirmative Action ended in the late 1990s with a
determination that students be admitted only on merit to make a fair acceptance decision
for all universities and student populations (Kahlenberg, 2010).
Sonja explained her experience as an immigrant student educated in the United
States with dreams of attending a university and aspirations for her future.
I was born in Mexico and I came here when I was 7 years old. I didn’t speak any
English at all. My life in Mexico was really, we had economical issues and I was
around 7. I started to work with my father in the morning, milking cows. It was
nonstop work. I feel that that has motivated me to succeed in life and lead for
higher education. A lot of people have the mentality or the stereotyping that the
Latino community the only good we are for is picking strawberries or doing some
busboy job in some restaurant, and it’s sad to see that some of our Latinos are
thinking of that, too. You know, believing that stereotypical thing, that’s not true.
You can succeed and do it if you set your mind to it. So, that gives me more
power to keep on going, more inspiration.
Sonja’s positive view of her potential and that of members of her ethnic group to achieve
an education was evident. However, her perception of society and its view of Latino
people was also quite obvious. Sonja made it clear that she perceived that many people,

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including many people of her own ethnicity, do not believe in her ability to be successful
because of her ethnicity.
Ramona explained this social expectation by discussing her perception of the
structure and hierarchy of the Mexican family.
My ethnicity is Mexican. I believe, like in most Mexican families, it’s the family
first and then you have to help out in any way possible. Like, if you have to
sacrifice yourself academic wise, you usually do it, you usually help out the
family before you . . . That’s kind of like what I do sometimes; I help out my dad
fix whatever or help my brothers with their homework before I do mine.
Ramona was clear in discussing the structure of the Mexican family. In a sense,
she expressed the belief that the Mexican person is expected to help family first with their
needs and place his or her own needs and desires second. This could be one element to
explain why Latino students do not progress academically at the same rate as their non-
Latino counterparts. If they (specifically young women) are expected to put everyone
else’s needs before their own, in a family with four siblings such as Ramona’s, her needs
to be academically successful are not as important as the needs of her father or brothers.
Therefore, Ramona’s desire to be academically successful drove her to focus
academically and work harder than her non-Latino counterparts because of the cultural
expectations placed on her. Ramona expressed that she must attend to the needs of her
father and brothers before her own.
Students were well aware that academic success in college is foreshadowed by
high school achievement. Adelman (1999) postulated that a rigorous curriculum in high
school predicts college completion more than high grades alone. Students shared that
they could achieve their goals and dreams in life for themselves and their families by
choosing to pursue a higher education

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In sum, the students credited the positive relationship with their teachers as a
contributor to their academic success. They discussed that the high expectations held by
their teachers propel their desire to succeed. They consistently mentioned parental
support along with that of their extended family members as contributors to their
academic success. Although they claimed that their family members do not necessarily
offer them academic support, the students clearly understood that they were expected to
do well academically and go to college to represent the family in a positive manner. The
students also maintained a personal desire to succeed. The AVID program officials have
used this identified personal student quality as part of the program name: Advancement
via Individual Determination. The individual determination refers to the students’
personal desire to be academically successful and ultimately earn a place at the
university.
Adelman (1999) postulated that a rigorous curriculum in high school predicts
college completion more than high grades alone. Students, and AVID teachers alike
identified the typical AVID student as “determined” to succeed academically and
identified that personal desire for academic success as the focus of the student’s passion
or individual determination to achieve higher education.
Discussion of Research Question 1
There were three findings in response to the first research question. First, AVID
student participants perceived Personal Change Agents, specifically parents, as
encouragers and supporters who are “working” to aid them in achieving academic
success and go to college, even though these agents were unable to give them information
about higher education. Second, AVID students perceived their AVID teachers to be in
a quasi-parental role because they were aware that their AVID teachers cared about them

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and their success. Third, the students had an innate sense of individual determination to
be successful and were willing to seek assistance that was needed to achieve their goals.
When these students were unaware of information and could not get the
information from their parents, they found another avenue: in this case, the AVID
program and the AVID teacher. The quasi-parental caring role of the AVID teacher on
campus was identified as a valuable aid in understanding the importance of the support
experienced by students. This suggests that the students were successful because they
perceived that their AVID teacher cared about them and their academic success. Further,
these students had an innate desire to be successful. The AVID program officials referred
to this as individual determination; however, coupled with that, the quasi-caring parental
role of the AVID teacher propels these students toward academic success.
Findings for Research Question 2
Research question 2 asked: What factors of the AVID program identified by the
student and teacher participants relate to elements predicted by cultural capital theory?
Given the conceptual framework of cultural capital theory, the findings reflected specific
elements of the AVID program that aligned with these theoretical principals, in short by
suggesting the need for academic excellence that corresponds to the academic capital
theory, the need for social support that supports the social capital theory, and the need for
parental support that supports the cultural capital theory. Students and teachers suggested
that AVID program elements such as curriculum placement and extracurricular activities
were prominent in the institutional network and thus contributed to academic success.
The individual’s determination for success addresses desires for achieving academic
excellence and expressed by the individual, the family, and the community, focusing on
teachers’ perceptions of educational challenges for low-income minority students. Two

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themes emerged from the analysis: (a) the AVID teacher as an Institutional Change
Agent, and (b) elements that the AVID curriculum contributes to student success.
The primary Institutional Change Agents in the AVID program are the AVID
teachers, although anyone who participates on the AVID site team to disseminate
information and transmit cultural, social, and academic capital to students might also
receive that designation. These AVID teachers assume responsibility to expose their
students to all aspects of college, from application to attendance. In tandem, family
members are seen to take on the role of Personal Change Agents, motivating and
encouraging the child to strive for success. Students in this study expressed that Personal
Change Agents verbally encouraged them but transmitted little information about
education or college, chiefly because these Personal Change Agents did not possess such
information.
In an examination of social networks in educational institutions, Stanton-Salazar
(2001) posited that the social network of low-SES, first-generation, minority college
students differs from that of their majority counterparts, which position supports the
cyclical nature of the social reproduction theory. Students follow the pattern of their
parents by mimicking social position, level of education, and academic achievement
(Bourdieu, 1977).
The AVID Teacher as a Change Agent
AVID teachers served as the Institutional Change Agents for their individual
AVID classes and groups of students. The Institutional Change Agents’ contributions are
the focus as they are the primary disseminators of information and transmitters of
cultural, social, and academic capital for their students. AVID teachers transmit capital to
their students, using components of the AVID program. They expose their students to

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college and address the requirements and expectations of college attendance. Parents rely
on the AVID teacher to be the Institutional Change Agents for transmission of
information. In the sections that follow, the AVID teacher, as an Institutional Change
Agent, is discussed from the teachers’ perspective. The AVID curriculum and elements
that directly relate to cultural capital theory are discussed from the teachers’ perspective.
The sections include a key discussion about the AVID teacher in a “coaching” role.
The teachers perceived their role in the AVID program as disseminators of
information. They recognized that they encourage and motivate students to strive for
academic excellence. They credited the AVID program as the vehicle for this knowledge
transmission and acknowledged the students’ innate determination for success. Mr.
Lorraine reported, “In AVID, everything we do is built around going to college.” Mrs.
Chavez explained, “By the time they get to college, they feel well prepared.” When
discussing the relationship between the AVID teacher and students, Mrs. Chavez stated,
“The relationship with students in AVID is extremely close. They are always conscious
about the A-G requirements.”
Mr. Lorraine indicated that he recognized that students maintained close
relationships with their AVID teachers and that students in turn trusted their teachers as
they would a coach. “I think coach comes to mind because you are pushing them in a way
. . . all your students in all your classes because you develop a relationship that is team
based.” Further, the AVID teachers recognized that they have all chosen to be a part of
the AVID program and willingly participated in extensive training to be able to teach in
the AVID program. There is a dedicated AVID week in the summer for preparing
teachers to participate in the AVID program. Mr. Lorraine reported that all AVID

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teachers had attended the summer institute. Mrs. Chavez, who is not only an AVID
teacher but also the school site coordinator, explained,
We make sure every teacher is trained. We do have some expectations. When you
do go to the conference, you are expected to share those good practices with the
rest of the staff and then those strategies are further reinforced at the buyback day.
Both school sites had adopted school-wide AVID strategies and, given that these
strategies can be implemented in any class, teachers are trained and asked to expect
students to apply them. The principal of Seta High School expressed support for the
AVID program and recognized strategies as forms of best practices for all students. Dr.
Omega of Seta High School explained that there are ample opportunities for training for
all teachers. If a teacher is unable to attend the summer institute, professional
development sessions to support AVID strategies in the classroom are offered during
district “buy-back days,” a term referring to district-wide contracted work days in which
time is allotted for teacher professional development.
The Curriculum
The AVID program focuses on the individual student’s curriculum as a primary
program element. Both students and teachers credited the AVID program as contributing
to the students’ academic success. The students’ perspective is discussed, with a focus on
elements of the AVID curriculum, followed by a discussion of the teachers’ perspective
of the AVID elements and curriculum. The first point that contributes to student success
is the college preparatory curriculum required by the AVID program officials. The
second point is AVID program support for taking tests such as the SAT and ACT. Third,
curriculum elements such as Writing, Inquiry, Collaboration and Reading (WICR) and
teaching strategies such as philosophical chairs are discussed.

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Students are required to take courses that are college preparatory but are
encouraged to take courses that are Honors or AP. Each AVID student who was
interviewed discussed the A-G requirements that are the driving force in acceptance
decisions by the University of California Board of Regents. Given that the Regents
requirements are representative of highly competitive universities, the AVID program
officials adhere to their standards for their students’ curriculum decisions. José explained,
For example, the A-G’s I got to know by my sophomore year. To understand and
fully know what’s happening, as in for some seniors, that are my friends, they
don’t even know what the A-G’s are and what they need in order to graduate.
College awareness or which college would be more suitable to them and a plan,
for example, know when everything’s due and how I’m gonna succeed in life.
José was confident, as were all students who were interviewed, that he was taking
the right courses to get into college because he was following the A-G requirements.
Sonja identified the courses that she was taking that fulfill the A-G requirements.
Definitely pre-calculus, chemistry, English AP, Spanish AP, to my major. . . .
College entrance requirements . . . . It feels rewarding because from my high
school I haven’t dropped my GPA anywhere lower than a 3.2. I’ve always
managed to keep like a B average. It might be hard at times, but then once I get
the task done, I see everything. It’s really rewarding to see that I managed to do
that on my own, with the help of my teachers and my friends, of course.
Sonja explained her understanding that GPA is just as important as taking the correct
classes; she proudly shared her personal information.
Ramona commented that the AVID program required an expectation of
organization and GPA; “They just made me more organized and getting my grades up
and all that, they’ve helped me with that.” The students were confident in their choices of
courses and were assured that those courses met expectations for college acceptance,
given that they fulfilled the A-G requirements provided by University of California Board

85
of Regents. The AVID teacher and designated counselor supported, directed, and
encouraged each student to choose courses that met the appropriate requirements.
Test preparation is encouraged as an element of the AVID program; however, the
information presented in the program is specific to the individual AVID class and the
specific AVID teacher. The AVID teacher is primarily credited with helping students to
navigate the SAT testing program by noting testing deadlines and assisting students to
navigate the website for College Boards to complete the registration process. Students
stated that their AVID teachers frequently reminded them about test dates. They shared
information about the SAT that they had been given by their AVID teachers and clearly
understood the importance of the test. For example, Ramona explained, “Taking the SAT
is like a major thing in order to get into college and it’s like a better thing to take it your
junior year and senior year . . . and they can compare it.” What Ramona had been told by
the AVID teacher was that the SAT test is important to college admission and that having
two opportunities to take the test can benefit the student. Ramona elaborated, “Once you
take it your junior year, you know what you did wrong, work on that and get a better
score from there.” Again, Ramona recognized the importance of the SAT and realized
that it is incumbent to obtain a high or improved score to gain university acceptance.
Bobby reported that AVID teachers help with SAT preparation.
They’ve helped us toward the SAT. They give us SAT prep tests and the basics
like what you need to know, how to take notes in college, how to act with your
teacher in college, depending on what class size you want in college.
It was evident that the students understood the information and had taken the
initiative to apply that information in their personal desire to succeed. José reported that
the AVID program had informed him of the significance of the SAT and ACT.

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Like the SAT the ACT, I wouldn’t have no one to register for them. I’m sure I
would’ve, cause I have my sisters, they went to college and said, “You have to do
this” and I would have been like, “Oh, where do I have to do this and what is this
for?” and they talked to me. The AVID program gave me examples of the test and
how to do practice SATs.
José noted that the AVID program teachers are responsible for informing him about the
exams for college admission. The AVID program emphasizes elements required to attend
college such as taking the SAT, obtaining letters of recommendation. Prior to the AVID
teachers instructing him, he had no idea about the importance of the exams; however, he
expressed that his sisters would inform him of the registration time.
The AVID program focuses on teaching note-taking strategies and questioning
techniques that can bring a student success well beyond high school. By embedding these
strategic programmatic elements of success, students are empowered to achieve
academically because they are given the tools to do so. The AVID program teaches
students a note-taking strategy adopted from Cornell University originally created in
1949 for law students by Pauk. Although note taking might seem to be understood by the
time the student enters high school, Pauk found that most law students did not know how
to take notes and developed a systematic way of taking notes. Although the system was
not adopted in high schools for almost 50 years, the AVID program adopted the system
and many southern California high schools have supported a system of school-wide
AVID strategies in which all students learn tools such as the Cornell note-taking system.
Using Bloom’s taxonomy, a hierarchical form of deriving questions, Costa (2001)
developed a four-level question strategy that the AVID program adopted as part of the
Cornell note-taking system. The intent was to give students the tools to think and process
information for later recall during review sessions. Students in this study were observed
taking, processing, and reviewing their Cornell notes on various core subjects. When

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questioned about strategies that they had gained from the AVID program, most of the
students identified Cornell note taking as the primary tool for success that had been
taught as an essential element of the AVID program. The students also explained that
they were required to take notes in each class, regardless of the activity or lecture. The
AVID program requires students to take two pages of notes per class per day. The
students indicated that the individual AVID teacher enforced this requirement. During
observations at both school sites, it was evident that certain AVID teachers were lenient
with some of the AVID essential elements, such as the acceptable extent of Cornell Notes
each week, while the majority maintained the AVID program’s expectation and students
responded accordingly. Those students who were aware of the teacher’s leniency
produced less; those who were aware of their teacher’s “high expectations” rose to the
occasion and produced the stipulated amount.
The AVID program offers students these tools for success and expects them to
apply them in their college preparatory courses. Students must have a certain element of
individual determination and desire to succeed to even want to be part of the AVID
program. As the students learn the tools for success, they use them with the ultimate goal
of college admission and attendance. Ramona shared, “I’m more concentrated on my
work and stuff and what classes to take. It was a total shock to me that I had to take all
just that to get into college.” Clearly, Sonja was surprised that she had direction and focus
in completing her work. José discussed the system of taking Cornell Notes:
For us, the students, it had tips and strategies, like how to take notes, prepare for
tests. The notes we have to take is Cornell Notes. . . . questions, you take the notes
and from the notes you come up with questions, and main ideas on the left.
José noted that the AVID program supports students in many ways and
specifically discussed time management and study groups.

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Time management is an example. Two weeks ago there was this big test in
chemistry and I was . . . the last moment, but then I saw Mr. X and I was really
stressed. He told me, “You need to calm down, get your mind straight.” So, after
that we talked, we used two times a week, and then after that the students our-
selves took the initiative to have a study group after school, which was practically
all the average students in chemistry.
The students clearly understood the important elements taught by the AVID
program. Further, the AVID program employs educators who are committed to student
achievement and these teachers enable their students with the tools for success, as the
students use their “individual determination” to pursue dreams of college acceptance.
One of the reasons the AVID program has seen success with Latino students is the
sense of community or family that is offered. Socially and culturally, people of Latino
descent maintain close family ties. Students who participated in this study shared that
they had large immediate and extended family units and explained that their “families”
were very close physically as well as relationally. The students reported that the unity of
their family carries them through all obstacles. Bobby explained, “A college prep class is
like a family to me, because we’re really close.” This young man was enrolled in college
preparatory classes with fellow students. El Cantante High School tracks students,
allowing them to take similar courses together. The rationale behind this “tracking” is
that AVID peers in their college preparatory classes support other students. The teachers
of specific classes are aware of the strong presence of AVID students and offer support
by contacting the students’ AVID teachers, counselors, and coordinator.
Teachers discussed the AVID curriculum as a guiding factor for student success.
They identified strategies used in the classroom that aid student learning, including;
writing, inquiry, collaboration, and reading (WICR), Cornell Notes, philosophical chairs,
Socratic seminars, and the embedded tutoring program.

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Mr. Lorraine explained WICR strategies: “In the AVID classroom we teach them
the WICR strategies (writing, inquiry, collaboration, and reading) every single day.” In
order to implement this teaching framework in their classes, teachers require students to
write daily; many require journals. The AVID course specifically includes a 25-minute
timed essay every week.
Mrs. Chaves discussed the use of Cornell Notes:
You have to adapt Cornell notes to your subject . . . . as an English teacher I am
able to use the Cornell notes the way AVID intended and my students can use
them to review if we are doing a test on terms and they can take the time at the
end of class to do the summary, so they can really internalize everything that was
talked about.
Dr. Omega reported that Cornell Notes have been adopted as a school-wide strategy and
are used not only in the AVID program but also in all courses.
Mr. Lorraine discussed the use of learning logs in the AVID classroom.
All of our teachers have learned how to use learning logs . . . [which provide]
feedback on what that student learned during that lesson. We are seeing this used
constantly in classrooms . . . . We train a lot on buyback days and we model that
in our leadership team. When we read a book, it’s not just reading and saying,
“What did you think of the book?” It’s using a Socratic seminar to make sure all
of the comments that we made about the book are embedded in the textbook or
novel.
Teachers credited the Socratic seminar as a crucial part of the curriculum. Mrs.
Chavez described the Socratic seminar:
In AVID, students have a text . . . older students take the text home, mark it up,
read it, younger students actually get to read the text in class. They come into a
circle of no more than 18-20 students, and another 18 or however many students
are left over are in the outside circle and we have them grade the people inside the
circle to keep them involved (they are not allowed to talk). We come up with
some questions and start asking different questions; students need to ask each
other questions that don’t require yes/no answers, and we are supposed to be
using the text.
Mr. Lorraine added to her description:

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The idea is that you move away from the teacher facilitating the discussion and
the teacher only throws in the focus question now and then, and the kids are
directing the conversation around the text . . . . As a teacher, we put our heads
down and don’t make any eye contact because the students will talk to the teacher
because they are so used to doing that and that cuts down on their expression to
each other.
This is a common strategy in the AVID Program; some teachers reported that they use
this strategy weekly.
Teachers credited another AVID strategy as a primary contributor to student
success: Philosophical Chairs. Mrs. Chavez described this strategy:
You have a statement and you have two sides. Basically, if they change their
position, they can move to the other side. It’s organized in that one side says
something and then another and you are not allowed to talk over each other and at
the very end they do a self-assessment . . . . how willing [they were] to change
positions and things like that.
Both Philosophical Chairs and the Socratic seminar require students to read and
analyze the text in preparation for a larger activity involving inquiry, collaboration, and
discussion. Thus, the writing, inquiry, collaboration, and reading (WICR) strategies of
AVID are supported using these strategies. The teachers acknowledged the AVID
adoption of a tutoring program referred to as “tutorial sessions” as preparing students for
college. The tutorial session occurs twice per week during the AVID course and the
tutors are current college students. Mr. Lorraine described the tutoring program: “We
have college students who come in and teach tutorials; part of the tutor program is that
kids who are struggling (we call it AVID intervention), the tutors now mentor them.” The
students are supported by elements of the AVID program as well as by teachers and
tutors. The teachers credited the curriculum design of the program. Mrs. Chavez stated,
We are given very strict guidelines for the Junior/Senior seminar to meet a key
requirement. My sophomores had to work their way through a novel. Part of the
curriculum is that juniors and seniors are required to do research and writing
every day. . . . We do not spend any time watching movies or sitting around. . .
The UC just recently revamped the Junior/Senior AVID class. One of the

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requirements of our AVID here is that we are supposed to be encouraging 100%
of our Students to take at least one or two AP classes
Mrs. Chavez outlined that the AVID portion of the curriculum supports or
enhances the rest of the high school curriculum. Using strategies from AVID, students
have tools to be successful in all classes and are expected to rise to the challenge of AP
and Honors courses. Mr. Lorraine stated, “A lot of my AVID student are signing up for
honors and AP, so I’ve seen this group helps them want to be in honors and AP.” Dr.
Omega added to the concept of high expectations of students from the beginning: “We
put all of our AVID freshmen into honors English, we integrate them in a level of
expectation.” The AVID site team, including teachers, counselors, and administrators,
take pride in the success of the program and credit much of that success to elements of
the program and the fact that they follow the program by holding high expectations for
their students. They identified their support for their students and shared that the support
is embedded in the AVID program.
Discussion of Research Question 2
The students who participated in this study discussed their social environment as
an important support factor in their pursuit of higher education. Parents and AVID
teachers were the primary source of encouragement, expectation, and direction in
academic and personal areas of their lives. The fact that Latino students in general tend to
derive a social and cultural sense of support from family members and peers is indicative
of their view of the AVID teacher, AVID peer group, and family as sources of
encouragement, inspiration, and direction. The social network has been shown to be a
valuable contributing factor to individual student success; the network includes family
members, teachers, and community members (Coleman, 1987). Parents play a large role
in the social reproduction phenomenon described by Bourdieu (1986) as they provide

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students with their first social affiliations and exposures. Students from families with
high SES have a different set of social affiliations and exposures than their low-SES
counterparts. Children from poorly educated and low-SES families tend to follow the
generationally cyclical pattern of their parents and do not progress toward upward social
mobility (Mehan, 1994). This study found that Personal Change Agents and Institutional
Change Agents offer students elements of cultural capital necessary to get them to the
college door using the AVID program curriculum. This suggests that the AVID
curriculum has embedded elements of cultural, social, and academic capital in the
program.
The students who participated in this study designated the AVID program
teachers as the primary disseminators of information about college. Along with peer
group projects, discussion, and access to collegiate tutors and mentors, these students
expressed that they were confident about the information that they had obtained about
college, specifically referring to admissions and testing expectations. Students informed
the researcher that their non-AVID peers did not have the same information about testing
or college admission. They said that the information that they had about college and
college life had been gained from elements of the AVID program. They expressed a
positive interest in attending college and were working toward a personal goal of college
admission. They noted that they did not have parental support in the form of information
or college access but relied on AVID teachers and embedded program elements such as
university field trips and guest speakers. Perna (2000) stated that cultural capital is an
important and contributing factor to college enrollment decisions made by African
Americans, Latinos, and Whites. Cultural capital is as important as academic ability in
underrepresented students in determining enrollment in a 4-year college or university

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versus a 2-year college. To maximize cultural capital, a student must be willing to invest
time, effort, and money in obtaining a higher education. Working-class minority students
tend to rely on educators to generate the socialization process that is occurring in the
homes of their middle-class minority counterparts (Tierney & Jun, 2001). Mehan (1996)
noted that low-income and minority students are affected by issues of cultural capital,
evident in studies of the AVID program. This study found that students need cultural
capital to aid them in attending college. Personal Change Agents and Institutional Change
Agents offer students the necessary elements of cultural capital using elements of the
AVID program curriculum. This suggests that the AVID curriculum has embedded
elements of cultural, social, and academic capital in the program that aids students in
gaining college acceptance.
Discussion of Results
Five findings emerged from the data. Three findings were related to Research
Question 1: (a) Encouragement and support by parents is necessary for students’
academic success (b) the students indicated that their AVID teachers cared about them
and motivated them, which contributed to their academic success and (c) The individual
determination of the AVID students contributes to their educational progress. One finding
related directly to Research Question 2: (a) The AVID curriculum has embedded cultural
capital theory. For example, Personal Change Agents and Institutional Change Agents
provide necessary support for students to gain college acceptance. An additional fifth
finding related to both research questions: teachers, students, parents and the AVID
curriculum generated cultural, social, and academic capital through AVID program
elements, all of which aided students in getting to the college door.

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Chapter 5
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The African adage “It takes a village to raise a child” reflects a social
responsibility for the education of a child. Clinton (1996) explained that every family is
influenced by larger society, regardless of social position. Clinton stated that caring for
all American children is a moral and social responsibility that reflects self-interest. Tied
to that social responsibility is an issue of equity: All children should be given the
opportunity to become educated, contributing members of society. Low-income and
underrepresented minority youth should be as prepared for college as their high-SES
majority counterparts.
The purpose of this study was to understand the elements of cultural, social, and
academic capital embedded in the AVID program as perceived by students who
participated in the program. Cultural capital is socially inherited knowledge, skills, and
abilities (Bourdieu, 1986) and is passed on generationally from parent to child. The
AVID program invokes a set of skills and ideals for a specific group of students who are
traditionally underrepresented in the university system to aid them in obtaining academic
success for college admission. This study focused on 11th- and 12th-grade Latino
students, many of whom will be the first in their families to attend a 4-year university.
Two research questions guided the conduct of this study:
1. What do students enrolled in AVID program from two southern California high
schools perceive as “working” to aid them in achieving academic success?
2. What factors identified by the student and teacher participants relate to
elements predicted by cultural capital theory?

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The methodology described in Chapter 3 and used in the study focused on using
cultural capital as the conceptual framework and qualitative methods within the realm of
naturalistic inquiry to address the research questions. Research methods address issues of
triangulation and credibility. Data collection was completed via (a) individual interviews
with students, parents, teachers, and administrators; (b) focus groups of teachers,
administrators, and parents; (c) observation of AVID classrooms and events; and
(d) review of documentation related to the AVID program. Chapter 4 presented the
findings of collection related to the research questions.
Cultural, social, and academic capital theories have been used by scholars to
explain inconsistencies in student success. The dominant social class culture defines the
function of the education system and maintains an advantage in assuming social mobility,
while the minority social class is not afforded the same opportunity (Bourdieu, 1977).
Attinasi (1989) explained academic capital by identifying the level of degree attainment
as a contributing factor to one’s level of academic capital, which is directly tied to one’s
social network.
Cultural capital is directly transmitted from parent to child and is defined by a set
of skills, attitudes, and beliefs that affect the person socially, economically, educationally,
and psychologically (Bourdieu, 1986). In his theory of cultural capital Bourdieu (1986)
noted that society is cyclical in nature in that parents produce children to hold the same
social standing as they once did. A doctor’s child is likely to be a doctor and a
supermarket attendant’s child is likely to join the workforce in a retail capacity because
of this cultural capital phenomenon. The embedded core belief system is passed from
parent to child (Bourdieu, 1986). However, a parent can pass only his or her own
knowledge and experiences. If the parent’s experience and knowledge base is limited to a

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specific skill set, that is all that will be passed to the child. A parent who maintains
extended experiential encounters and education will be able to pass more to the child.
There is a clear delineation of opportunities presented based on the SES of
parents. Bourdieu (1986) posited that parents with a high SES tend to reside in wealthier
areas where there are more opportunities for their children to learn and experience life
educationally, socially, and psychologically. Wealthy parents can temporally and
financially afford the opportunities for their children and understand the value of the
exposure to these opportunities for their children. Parents with low SES may not live in
an area where there is a wealth of opportunity nor can they afford to provide their
children with the time or financial commitment of these educational, social, and
psychological enhancements. Students of parents with a high SES hold a different level
of “expected knowledge” than their middle- or low-SES counterparts (Mehan, 1994).
School officials are aware of this “expected knowledge” and respond to students
according to their respective living environments. Gandara (2002) pointed out that
schools in affluent areas offer a greater number of rigorous courses identified as honors,
college preparatory, or AP courses than schools that serve predominantly underrepre-
sented minority youth. Middle- and low-SES parents rely on school officials to pass on
the “cultural capital” tied to education and socialization, whereas high-SES parents
assume that responsibility (Tierney & Jun, 2001).
Given that middle- and low-SES parents rely on school officials to carry out this
critical role, the school official may yield a great deal of power with students as they
become providers of socialization, education, and cultural capital. School officials have
been shown to be catalysts for change for low- and middle-SES minority students; thus,
they have been designated Institutional Change Agents. Mehan (1985) identified AVID

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program officials as transmitters of cultural capital. The AVID team includes school site
administrators, a dedicated school counselor for the AVID program, trained AVID
program teachers, and AVID program tutors. Personal Change Agents, including parents,
guardians, and families of the students, also transmit cultural capital that differs from that
offered by institutional counterparts.
Findings
In a review of the data, five findings clearly emerged. Research Question 1
elicited three findings as follows: (a) Encouragement and support by parents is necessary
for students’ academic success; (b) the students indicated that their AVID teachers cared
about them and motivated them, which contributed to their academic success; and (c) The
individual determination of the AVID students contributes to their educational progress.
Research Question 2 revealed one finding: The AVID curriculum has key elements of
cultural capital theory embedded within it. The fifth finding that emerged from the data
responds to both Research Question 1 and Research Question 2 and is as follows:
teachers, students, parents and the AVID curriculum generated cultural, social, and
academic capital through AVID program elements, all of which aided students in getting
to the college door.
Discussion of the First Finding
The first finding was that encouragement and support by parents is necessary for
students’ academic success. Students perceive Personal Change Agents, specifically
parents, as encouragers and supporters who are “working” to aid them in achieving
academic success. Most important, parent participants in this study consistently
advocated for their children’s academic success. They expressed their desire to propel
their children toward academic achievement by supporting them through university

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acceptance and attendance to the best of their ability, thus demonstrating that they were
Personal Change Agents in the lives of their children. Their altruism, commitment to
their children’s success, and desire to support their children without any personal
expected outcomes other than the satisfaction of witnessing their children’s happiness
exemplified their role as Personal Change Agents.
This finding corresponds to the current literature, which reports that students who
are supported institutionally and personally are successful. The Personal Change Agents
whose children participated in the AVID program credited the program with providing
them information about the university system and about financial aid to support their
children in their collegiate endeavors. Many parents said that their role was to encourage
their children to achieve high grades and to support them emotionally and financially in
achieving their goals. The parents shared that they could not provide the information or
academic support necessary for their children to attend college and expressed gratitude to
the AVID teachers for providing the information and academic support needed to
encourage their children to attend college. Coleman (1987) stated that students’ social
networks consist of family members, teachers, and community members. For example, a
parent who is a college graduate is likely to be aware of the function of the university
system and may associate with other college graduates. Children whose parents have
graduated from college are likely to automatically access a social network of college
graduates through their parents’ affiliations. A parent who graduated only from high
school may associate with others who graduated from high school and the child’s social
network will not be as oriented to college as that of the student in the first example.
Social networks and affiliations foster cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986). Mehan (1994)
reported that children of low-income and poorly educated families take on the same types

99
of positions as their parents. In such a generational pattern, children do not experience
upward mobility.
Bourdieu (1986) defined cultural capital as socially inherited knowledge, skills,
and abilities. He discussed cultural capital in relation to SES and differentiated between
upper- and middle-class students in his analysis. Bourdieu (1977) stated that parents of
upper- and middle-class students provide their children with necessary tools, such as
financial security and educational support, to maintain their social class. In essence,
parents who hold a high SES can offer more opportunities to their children, sometimes
simply because they live in wealthy areas and send their children to schools with more
opportunities. Mehan (1994) explained that school officials maintain an expected
knowledge or cultural capital. Students from middle-income families pass on the
knowledge expected of them. Students from low-income families do not hold the same
cultural capital; the “expected knowledge” for success is not passed on to them. Gandara
(2002) noted that schools in affluent neighborhoods offer a more rigorous college
preparatory and honors curriculum than schools that serve students who are of the
historically underrepresented populations, also referred to as minority students, of
African American and Latino descent. Hurtado et al. (1994) found that a high income was
positively related to academic success, independent of individual social identification.
Understanding the cultural capital theoretical framework has led to awareness that
attitudes, preferences, and formal knowledge have become institutionalized by the upper
and middle classes. This awareness and formal knowledge are used to exclude people
who are not members of the social middle class or elite (Lareau & Lamont, 1998).
Parents of the dominant social class maintain the ability to provide for the needs of their

100
children; parents of the non-dominant social classes are unable to provide these
opportunities for their children.
The students who participated in this study discussed their social environment as
an important support factor for their pursuit of higher education. Parents and AVID
teachers were the primary source of encouragement, expectation and direction in
academic and personal areas of their lives. The fact that Latino students in general tend to
derive a social and cultural sense of support from family members and peers is indicative
of their view of the AVID teacher, AVID peer group, and family as sources of
encouragement, inspiration, and direction. The social network has been shown to be a
valuable contributing factor to individual student success; the network includes family
members, teachers, and community members (Coleman, 1987). Parents play a large role
in the social reproduction phenomenon described by Bourdieu (1986) as they provide
students with their first social affiliations and exposures. Students from families with
high SES have a different set of social affiliations and exposures than their low-SES
counterparts. Children from poorly educated and low-SES families tend to follow the
generationally cyclical pattern of their parents and do not progress toward upward social
mobility (Mehan, 1994).
Discussion of the Second Finding
The second finding was that the individual determination of the AVID students
contributes to their educational progress. The students perceived their AVID teacher in a
quasi-parental role because they were aware that their AVID teacher cared about them
and their success. They equated their relationships with their AVID teachers with a child-
parent relationship. They did not seem to view the AVID teachers as mentors or coaches
as the teachers had expected, but instead viewed them as second parents who wanted

101
them to succeed in all areas of their life, especially academic areas. Each student reported
various experiences in which teachers had motivated him or her to succeed, taking on the
roles of influencers, motivators, cheerleaders, and family members.
It could be concluded that AVID teachers were indeed Institutional Change
Agents. The primary Institutional Change Agents in the AVID program are the AVID
teachers, although anyone who participates on the AVID site team to disseminate
information and transmit cultural, social and academic capital to students might also
deserve that designation. These AVID teachers assume responsibility to expose their
students to all aspects of college, from application to attendance (AVID, 2011). In
tandem, family members are seen to take on the role of Personal Change Agent,
motivating and encouraging the child to strive for success. Students in this study
expressed that Personal Change Agents verbally motivated and encouraged them but
transmitted little information about education or college, chiefly because these Personal
Change Agents did not possess such information.
The Institutional Change Agents perceived their role as primary disseminators of
information and recognized that they encouraged and expected their students to pursue
academic excellence. However, they credited the AVID program as being a vehicle for
the transmission of knowledge along with the students’ individual determination.
Participating students credited their AVID teachers as the only disseminators of
information about college and were determined to respond to their high expectations to
achieve college admission. AVID teachers defined their role in the students’ lives in
addition to being an educator as a coach, which illustrates that they recognized
themselves as encouragers and motivators. Students identified their relationship with
their AVID teachers as “second parents,” which reflects a very personal and high

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standing that these Institutional Change Agent held in the lives of the students. The
members of the AVID site team reported that they had opted to participate in the AVID
program training both at the summer institute and during the school year.
Stanton-Salazar’s (1997) research focused on access to social capital by minority
children and illustrated the role of school officials in assuming a quasi-parental role,
without limitations in terms of their official place as educators. This dual role played by
school officials (teachers, counselors, and administrators) includes the expected task of
educating; however, as quasi-parents, these school officials empower students with
access to social networks that they would not typically be able to access. Stanton-Salazar
and Dornbusch (1995) identified social relationships as a “pipeline” to gain institutional
support for access to knowledge-based resources, such as college admission, guidance,
and job advancement.
Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) stated that social networks directly
contribute to the success of minority students in an education system and identified
educators or members of the educational system as institutional agents. Institutional
agents are those with the capacity to offer academic resources to students, such as
tutoring and mentoring aid, to develop a positive educational outcome for minority
students. These researchers referred to social networks and affiliations as social capital
and defined social capital as a value gained by social ties and networks. Without the
assistance of these institutional agents, many first-generation Latino college students do
not have access to the social networks that will offer them guidance for college
attendance. Although these students may have taken appropriate college preparatory
courses and maintained a competitive GPA to earn admission to a 4-year institution,
many may not be familiar with the procedures required to gain admission. The

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researchers noted that, due to this lack of support and familiarity, many would opt for
relatively simpler community college route. These students have demonstrated their
capability based on their choices of high school coursework and earned GPA but their
social network has not moved them toward academic success, which in turn limits them
from achieving more academic capital. Conversely, precollege “pipeline” programs such
as AVID give these students access to social networks that are necessary for academic
success.
Individuals play a large role in the lives of students and make significant
contributions to the success of students. Unfortunately, they also have the power to deter
and demoralize students (Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Institutional Change Agents are
represented as administrators, counselors, teachers, and tutors in the school setting. They
maintain the power to provide information and instill hope and direction in the lives of
students who do not have that support at home. In a positive light, these people are
catalysts for change in a student’s life. The AVID team consists of the school site
administrators, a dedicated counselor for the AVID program, AVID teachers, and AVID
tutors.
Discussion of the Third Finding
The third finding was that students indicated that their AVID teachers cared about
them and motivated them, which contributed to their academic success. The participating
students had chosen to be a part of the AVID program and had demonstrated a strong
desire to achieve academically. They credited their AVID teachers as well as their
families with being the driving force behind their desire to succeed. All of the students
self-identified as members of the Latino ethnic group, as well as prospective, first-
generation college students. The students referred to their AVID teachers as encouragers

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or “cheerleaders” but identified the teachers as guides or mentors through the academic
process. The students stated that they were aware that their AVID teachers wanted them
to be academically successful but also explained that they also had a personal desire to be
academically successful via college and career.
The students mentioned that they were well aware that few members of their
ethnic group attended and completed college successfully. Some expressed that they felt
that they had to do more than others to achieve the same outcome and described a social
perception that they were not expected to be academically successful. One student
internalized the perception that he was not expected to go to college but insisted that he
still had the desire to do so. Another student explained that, according the familial system
in a Latino family, everything and everyone else comes before the person and that
person’s education. She explained that she completes familial tasks prior to doing her
school work. This perception that education holds an importance second to the needs of
the family could offer an explanation for the low numbers of Latino students in the
university system. Many universities do not recognize this phenomenon in the Latino
family.
The participating teachers shared that AVID students are often the easiest to teach
because of their self-imposed expectation to achieve college admission and their
willingness to work toward that goal throughout high school. Recognizing the students’
goals and dreams, the teacher maintains high expectations for students and expects the
students to rise to each occasion. The teachers shared that they were committed to
support their students in all areas for them to achieve their goals and dreams.
The participating students designated the AVID program teachers as the primary
disseminators of information about college. Along with peer group projects, discussion,

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and access to collegiate tutors and mentors, these students expressed that they were
confident about the information that they had obtained about college, specifically
referring to admissions and testing expectations. The students informed the researcher
that their non-AVID peers did not have the same information about testing or college
admission. They said that the information that they had about college and college life had
been gained from elements of the AVID program. They expressed a positive interest in
attending college and were working toward a personal goal of college admission. They
noted that they did not have parental support in the form of information or college access
but relied on AVID teachers and embedded program elements such as university field
trips and guest speakers.
Perna (2000) stated that cultural capital is an important and contributing factor to
college enrollment decisions made by African Americans, Latinos, and Whites. Cultural
capital is as important as academic ability in underrepresented students in determining
enrollment in a 4-year college or university versus a 2-year college. To maximize cultural
capital, a student must be willing to invest time, effort, and money to obtain a higher
education. Working-class minority students tend to rely on educators to generate the
socialization process that is occurring in the homes of their middle-class minority
counterparts (Tierney & Jun, 2001). Mehan (1985) noted that low-income and minority
students are affected by issues of cultural capital, evident in studies of the AVID
program.
Discussion of the Fourth Finding
The fourth finding was that the AVID curriculum has embedded cultural capital
theory as the Personal Change Agents and Institutional Change Agents provide the
support necessary for students to gain college acceptance. The AVID curriculum has

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embedded cultural capital theory. The AVID program requires that all students follow the
A-G guidelines for course selection for eligibility for the University of California.
Students are directed and supported through the successful completion of this process
(AVID, 2011). The students expressed confidence in their course selection and their
potential for college acceptance, as did their Institutional Change Agents. The AVID
program aids students in navigating the SAT examination and offers them testing support
in their individual courses. Other teachers at the low-performing school apparently lacked
the drive and motivation to encourage student to take the test, but the AVID teachers
encouraged their students to pursue additional test preparation options. Students attended
biweekly tutoring sessions, studied the Cornell Notes system, applied WICR strategies,
and utilized organizational skills as embedded program elements to support their learning
in all courses (AVID, 2011).
Discussion of the Fifth Finding
The fifth finding was that AVID leaders disseminated cultural, social, and
academic capital using program elements; the teachers, students, parents, and AVID
curriculum collectively aid students in getting to the college door. Personal Change
Agents and Institutional Change Agents disseminate cultural, social, and academic capital
using the AVID program elements. Participating teachers identified the core AVID
curricular strategies as primary contributors to individual student achievement, as well as
program success. Strategies identified as part of the AVID curriculum included WICR,
Cornell Notes, Philosophical Chairs, Socratic seminars, learning logs, and the embedded
tutoring program (AVID, 2011). Teachers are taught to use these elements in their
classrooms in all subjects and in most cases are expected to implement the strategies
along with the rubric for note scoring. Teachers expressed the importance of teaching

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students a systematic way of taking notes and later applying the notes for studying.
Administrators and teachers at both high schools had implemented a school-wide note-
taking policy that they considered had benefitted all students, not just the students
enrolled in the AVID program. School administrators at both sites supported all teachers
in implementing AVID strategies by training teachers to use these strategies in their
classrooms during designated district-sponsored professional development days.
Policy Recommendations
As the achievement gap widens, local, federal and state government entities,
pipeline programs, and higher education institutions must respond in such as way as to
foster social equity and maintain social justice. Academic achievement alone will not
bring low-income and minority students to the college door. Support must be built in the
forms of cultural and social capital many years prior to college admission. The policy
recommendations presented here will aid educators, institutions, and local, state, and
federal governments as they seek to improve access and support systems for
underrepresented and minority students to gain academic capital in their pursuit of a
higher education. Three policy recommendations are presented: (a) maintain the
consistency of the Institutional Change Agent, (b) foster partnerships with local higher
education institutions, and (c) strengthen the relationship between Institutional Change
Agents and Personal Change Agents.
Maintain the Consistency of the Institutional Change Agent
The AVID program currently utilizes an AVID teacher at each grade level, who
enters into partnership with a specific counselor assigned to the Students, along with
school site administrators. All of these people play roles in the students’ achievement as
they transmit cultural, social, and academic capital via the AVID program. The students

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identified most with their AVID teacher as their Institutional Change Agent and
recognized that person as their primary source of college information and academic and
social support in the institution. The students described their Institutional Change Agents
as influencers, motivators, cheerleaders, and pseudo parental figures who foster a sincere
bond as they guide them both educationally and personally.
The AVID program is currently set up in a framework in which students have a
different AVID teacher and/or Institutional Change Agent each year of participation.
Given that students have identified with a single Institutional Change Agent and/or AVID
teacher as impacting their educational career, it would be an effective policy to assign
one AVID teacher to teach a set group of students for their 4- year high school
experience. All AVID teachers are trained in the same manner by the AVID organization
and the local district supports this training, so each teacher is capable of teaching the
information required each AVID year.
The AVID teacher would have 4 years to foster relationships with students and
families as they move toward academic success. This primary Institutional Change Agent
would also provide the student with consistency throughout the AVID program and
would be well aware of the student’s strengths and weaknesses over time. The consistent
Institutional Change Agent would know the student on a personal level and could support
strengths and weaknesses academically as they advocate for the student’s success. The
students have already shared their understanding that their AVID teachers truly care
about them and their academic success. By providing a stable and consistent AVID
teacher, the student and the student’s family would be further supported in college
endeavors.

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Pipeline Partnerships
Cultural and social capital are developed primarily through exposure to one’s
social environment. Given that a child’s first social environment is the family, family
provides most of the early exposure. The information that the family maintains and
provides is the extent of the child’s exposure. Low-income, minority families who do not
include college attendees may have difficulty in providing their children exposure to this
aspect of cultural and social capital. These families must rely on educational institutions
to provide this information to their children. Pipeline programs such as the AVID
program fill this need. However, the AVID program is missing a crucial component in
that it lacks a systematic way of fostering local partnerships with universities to sustain
their students’ exposure.
The AVID program is locally funded and supported at the district level on a site-
by-site basis. Therefore, there is no systematic way to align the program with a specific
set of universities. It is recommended that each district align itself with local universities
to expose students to the local opportunities for higher education. University outreach
programs consistently target students who are of the AVID demographic and, based on
their current alignment with alternate pipeline programs, the universities would be likely
to support this type of partnership. Students would be supported as the university system
would be demystified as the program provided access to specific university campuses.
This recommendation does not advocate guaranteed admission; rather, it suggests that
simply providing an opportunity for local systematic alignment between the local
universities and students of the AVID program would be clearly beneficial.

110
Strengthen the Relationship Between Institutional Change Agents and Personal Change
Agents
The primary Institutional Change Agent (the AVID teacher) and the primary
Personal Change Agent (the AVID student’s parent) are both student advocates and both
want their students/children to succeed academically. Well-established AVID programs
such as those at schools designated as National Demonstration sites offer a monthly
meeting to provide parents with information about upcoming program events and college
information. Most other AVID programs recognize the need to include parents and offer
a bi-yearly or yearly meeting with students, parents, and school officials to discuss
program elements and offer parents information about college. Students are encouraged
to participate and bring family members, although parents’ attendance is not required.
It is recommended that AVID program officials include parent participation
hours, such as attendance at workshops or conferences and assistance in the classroom
and field trips, to maintain parent or Personal Change Agent involvement with the child.
It would be a difficult task to require parents to attend a specific meeting, given work
schedules; however, a specific level of participation could be required of the parents to
allow their children to participate in the AVID program. This simple mandate would
encourage parents to maintain a vested interest in the function of the AVID program as
they support their child’s participation; it would also provide parents with social and
cultural capital to reinforce at home with information and knowledge about college.
The AVID program title suggests that the student is the only responsible party in
academic success; however, the tenets of the program recognize the importance of
support systems furnished by Institutional Change Agents and Personal Change Agents.
Teachers already have a vested interest in the program, given that they have requested to
teach in the program and have voluntarily attended unpaid summer conferences and

111
training. They have demonstrated a desire to support students and move them toward
academic success in college. The Personal Change Agents, primarily parents, have for the
most part instilled a high value of education in their children and demonstrate a desire to
aid their children in all academic endeavors. The majority view it as a dream for their
children to go to college, given that they would be the first in the family to achieve that
goal. Publicly funded institutions do not usually mandate participation hours or monetary
donations in lieu of participation hours, as do many privately funded institutions.
Nevertheless, the parents (Personal Change Agents) and teachers (Institutional Change
Agents) have demonstrated a vested interest in the lives of the students and have
expressed that they would do whatever it takes to see their children/ students succeed in
college.
Future Research
This study examined elements of cultural, social, and academic capital as they are
incorporated in the AVID program. Perhaps the most critical finding of this study is the
importance of the role played by the AVID teacher. Both parents and students credited
the teacher as the primary disseminator of capital that in essence carried the AVID
student to the college door. An examination of the attributes of the person who becomes
an AVID teacher would be beneficial in future research. Is the person who becomes an
AVID teacher one who already has great empathy for the plight of the underserved
student or is this a trained response, which is supported by the AVID program
holistically? Is this simply a “type” of person that is drawn to the AVID program, such
as one who maintains the qualities described by students and parents? Can these
characteristics be replicated in the development of high quality teachers in general?

112
Identifying ways of developing or recruiting this type of successful teacher would be a
source for positive change in education.
In addition, there are three other recommendations for future research. The first
suggests a longitudinal study of students in the AVID program. The second suggests
longitudinal research that compares students who participate in AVID programs in
Grades 9 through 12 with a comparison group of non-AVID students and their college
attendance rates. The third suggests looking at other ethnic groups with low college
attendance rates.
Longitudinal research on students in the AVID program from Grades 9 through
12 could explore the elements of the cultural, social, and academic capital embedded at
each grade level in an attempt to identify the culmination of gained capital as students are
ready to enter college. Such a longitudinal study could follow a small group of students
as they progress through the AVID program, examining specific elements in the students’
lives, including personal, familial, and educational factors that contribute to their desire
to attend college.
This research looked only at students who self-identified as members of the
Hispanic or Latino ethnic group. Future researchers could examine other ethnic groups,
such as Native Americans or African Americans. College acceptance rates and high
school graduation rates are low in these ethnic groups as well. In reviewing research, it is
evident that all students benefit from institutional and personal support.
Conclusion
Embarking on the pathway to higher education by underrepresented students who
will be the first in their families to attend college can be daunting. Their support systems
of personal and institutional change agents play a crucial role in the success of their

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journey. Many students maintain the desire and determination to succeed but lack
guidance and direction on their voyage. Pipeline programs such as AVID are beneficial
for students who need additional support. The AVID program has been demonstrated to
provide assistance by addressing the essential elements of curricular and extracurricular
support for their low-SES, minority, and future first-generation college students. Students
are supported academically as they are offered a wealth of opportunities to enhance their
education so they can learn beyond the classroom walls as they pursue their journey to
college.

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APPENDIX A
AVID SITE REPORTS

121

122

123

Source: AVID. (2005). Intro to the AVID program. Retrieved from www.avidonline.org/
intro.html

124
APPENDIX B
AVID MISSION STATEMENT

We believe:
• our students must be effective communicators, quality producers, self-directed
lifelong learners, community contributors, collaborative workers, and complex
thinkers.
• every individual has worth and dignity.
• every student can learn.
• in the strength inherent in the ethnic and cultural diversity of the students, parents
and community we serve.
• every student must be prepared to meet the challenges and changing needs of
society.
• in maintaining a safe and secure learning environment.
• parents are essential partners in the education of their children.
• in providing a well-trained, competent staff.

Source: AVID. (2005). Intro to the AVID program. Retrieved from www.avidonline.org/
intro.html.

125
APPENDIX C
PROTOCOLS

Pre-Interview Student Protocol

Student Information:
Name: __________________________Nicknames:______________________
Place of birth: ________________________ Date of birth: ________
Parent(s) or guardian(s) names: ________________________________
Where have you lived? (name cities and states)
__________________________________________________

What is your self-described ethnicity? _________________________
Religious background? __________________________________________
Marital status? ____________________
How are doing in high school? (circle one)
mostly A’s mostly A’s & B’s mostly B’s
mostly B’s and C’s mostly C’s mostly C’s and D’s

Family Background:
How many siblings? _________________
Where do you fall in the birth order? ________________
How many step-brothers/sisters? ____________________
How many siblings did your mother have? ____________
How many siblings did your father have? ____________
Family’s overall annual income (check one)?
____less than $20,000 ____$40,000 - $50,000
____$20,000 - $30,000 ____$50,000 - $60,000
____$30,000 - $40,000 ____over $60,000

126
Pre-Interview Parent Protocol

Parent Information:
Name: __________________________________________________________
Place of birth: ________________________ Date of birth: ________
Child(s) name(s): ________________________________

What is your self-described ethnicity? _________________________
Religious background? __________________________________________
Marital status? ____________________
How is your child doing in high school? (circle one)
mostly A’s mostly A’s & B’s mostly B’s
mostly B’s and C’s mostly C’s mostly C’s and D’s

Family Background:
How many children do you have? _________________
Where does your AVID student you fall in the birth order? ________________
How many aunts and uncles (tios/tias) does your child have? ____________
How many family members have attended college? ____________
How many family members have completed college? ____________
Family’s overall annual income (check one)?
____less than $20,000 ____$40,000 - $50,000
____$20,000 - $30,000 ____$50,000 - $60,000
____$30,000 - $40,000 ____over $60,000

127
Pre-Interview Teacher Protocol

Teacher information:
Name: __________________________________________________________
Place of birth: ________________________ Date of birth: ________
How long have you taught in the program?________________________
Job history
Position______________City__________Length of service__________
Position______________City__________Length of service__________
Position______________City__________Length of service__________
What is your self-described ethnicity? _________________________
What type(s) of credential(s) do you hold?
Credential __________________________ Issuance date____________
Credential __________________________ Issuance date____________
Credential __________________________ Issuance date____________
What course(s) do you currently teach?
Course name____________________
Course name____________________
Course name____________________
Course name____________________
Have you been enrolled in a college preparatory program in the past? Yes⁭ No⁭
If yes, please describe:
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________

128
Individual Student Protocol
Family
How do you feel about academic success?
What role has your family played in getting you ready for college?
How would you describe your parents or guardians feelings about you attending college?
What sacrifices have your parents or guardians made to prepare you for college?
In what ways does your cultural background help you reach your educational goals?
Do you feel your parents or guardians believe they have an impact on your education?
Please explain.
How would you describe your parent’s relationships with school officials (i.e., principals,
counselors, and teachers)?
How would you describe your relationship with school officials?
AVID Program
What do you think about the AVID program? Has it helped you? If so, how has it helped
you? Give specific examples or tell me a story as an example.
Tell me about your AVID teachers . . . what is their role? Are they helping you in school
and with college access? If so, what are they doing to help you?
What are some of the things you have learned as an AVID student that non-Students do
not know?
What are some of the things that you have participated in as an AVID student? Please
describe.
Overall, what do you feel you gained from your AVID experience? Please provide
examples.
How have AVID teachers and tutors provided you with assistance?
Can your parents offer you the same type of assistance that you get from AVID teachers
and tutors? If so, please give an example. If not how is the help different than the help
you get from your parents?
In what ways has the AVID program introduced you or informed you about college life?
In what ways have your AVID teachers helped you prepare you for college?
In what ways have your regular teachers helped you prepare you for college?

129
How often have you met with your AVID teacher individually? What was discussed?
Teachers
How would you describe your regular teachers’ expectations of your educational
performance?
How would you describe your AVID teacher’s expectations of your educational
performance?
How would describe the quality of your regular teachers? Please explain
How would describe the quality of your AVID teachers? Please explain
Apart from your teacher’s traditional role in the classroom, what other roles do you
believe your teacher plays in your life?
Curriculum
How would you describe the level of preparation you’ve had for college entrance and
completion?
Please describe the courses you have taken during high school to prepare you for college.
Please share examples of college preparatory classes you have taken to prepare you for
college.
How have your parents intervened to make certain you were taking courses that would
prepare you for college?

130
Focus Group Student Protocol
The AVID Program
How were you selected for this program?
How did you get introduced to this program?
When did you start this program?
In what ways does the AVID program emphasize (or use) culture in the program?
Does AVID use your own culture in the program? If so, how?
How does the AVID Program help you understand how to be successful in college?
Please describe how your parents are involved in the program.
How does this help you?
How does the program use role models to help you “learn the ropes”?
How does participation in this program help you prepare for college?
Do you believe the program has prepared you better academically or socially for college?
Why?
Given your experience with the program thus far, do you feel that your personal culture is
something to be overcome or is it a benefit that will help you reach your academic goals?
What would say about your overall experience with AVID?
What component of AVID has been most important for you as a student here?
In your opinion, do you think you performed to your as an AVID student?
What do you like/dislike about the program?
How has the program changed your views on education/college?
Where do you see yourself in 5 years? In 10 years?
What would say to your younger friends or siblings about the AVID program?

131
Focus Group Parent Protocol

What role have you played in getting your child ready for college?
How do you feel about your son/daughter attending college?
What kind of sacrifices have you made to prepare your son/daughter for college?
In what ways do you believe your son/daughter’s cultural background helps or hinders
them in reaching their educational goals?
How do you feel about being involved in child’s schooling?
Do you believe you have had a positive impact on your child’s education? Please explain.
How would you describe how welcome you feel at your child’s school?
How would you describe your relationship with school officials at your child’s school?
(i.e. principals, counselors, and teachers).
In relation to the AVID Program, how would describe your participation as a parent?
Do you believe the program has helped prepare your son/daughter for college? Please
explain.
In what ways has the AVID program changed your views about college?
What would you say to other parents/guardians about enrolling their sons/daughters in the
AVID Program?

132
Focus Group Teacher/Administrator/Coordinator Protocol

In what ways do you prepare students for college?
What kind of strategies do you provide students in order to be successful in college?
How would describe your relationship with students in the program?
Apart from your traditional role as teacher/administrator/coordinator, what other roles do
you play with students in this program? Please explain.
How would characterize your formal preparation as a teacher?
How would you describe the training you received in preparation for this program?
How would you describe your expectations for students enrolled in the program?
How would you describe the level of rigor of the curriculum and instruction delivered by
this program? Please provide examples.
How would you describe the level of preparation of students for college entrance?
How do you involve parents in this program?
In what ways does the culture of your students play a role in the development and
implementation of curriculum and instruction?
Given your experience with the program, do you feel that the student’s culture is
something to be overcome or is it seen as a benefit that is incorporated into the program
design? Please provide examples.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study examined Latino student perceptions of how the college preparatory or “pipeline” program of Advancement Via Individual Determination (AVID) contributed to their academic achievement. The AVID program serves students who are historically underrepresented in the university system through a rigorous core curriculum of honors and advanced placement courses in combination with strategies for writing, inquiry, collaboration and reading, as well as tutorial sessions. Utilizing cultural capital theory in tandem with work on social capital and academic capital, this study answered the following two research questions: what do students enrolled in an AVID program from two southern California high schools perceive as “working” to aid them in achieving academic success, and what factors identified by the student and teacher participants relate to elements predicted by cultural capital theory? ❧ Qualitative research methods were employed for this in-depth study of 11th and 12th grade students, teachers, parents, coordinators and administrators from two AVID programs. A total of 57 participants took part in this study. One high school was deemed a National Demonstration site by the AVID organization while the other high school was in the early stages of program implementation. ❧ The findings of this study indicated encouragement and support by parents is necessary for students’ academic success, as are caring and motivational AVID teachers. The students’ individual determination to obtain university admission was also critical. As the AVID curriculum maintains embedded elements of cultural capital theory, teachers, students, parents and the curriculum generated cultural capital for the students through program elements.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Espinosa, Shelley R. (author)

Core Title The impact of cultural capital on advancement via individual determination students from two southern California high schools

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 12/04/2012

Defense Date 10/22/2012

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag A.V.I.D.,academic capital,advancement via individual determination,AVID,California,college,college attendance,college going rates,cultural capital,culture,High School,High school students,Hispanic,Latino,Mexican-American,minority,OAI-PMH Harvest,pipeline programs,pre-college programs,social capital,Southern California

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Sundt, Melora A. (committee chair), Escalante, Michael F. (committee member), Lopez, Sonja (committee member), Robison, Mark Power (committee member)

Creator Email espinosa.shelley@gmail.com,shelley.espinosa@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-123737

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