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Exploring the relationship between academic achievement and classroom behavior of Asian American elementary school students

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Exploring the relationship between academic achievement and classroom behavior of Asian American elementary school students

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Content Running head: ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 1

Exploring the Relationship Between Academic Achievement
and Classroom Behavior of Asian American Elementary School Students

by

Tracy A. Gyurina

_____________________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2016

Copyright 2016 Tracy A. Gyurina
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to take the opportunity to thank many individuals who have supported me
through the entirety of the dissertation process. First and foremost, I would like to thank my
dissertation chair, Dr. Ruth Chung, for your continued encouragement and supportive feedback.
Your guidance kept me on track and allowed me to persevere and accomplish this monumental
task despite the many obstacles that stood in my way. You helped me see the light at the end of
the tunnel and you never once gave up on me. I would also like to thank the members of my
dissertation committee, Dr. Kathy Stowe and Dr. Maryann Wu, for your continued support and
encouragement. Your feedback was critical in making my dissertation polished and complete.
Also, many thanks to Dr. Yuying Tsong for your statistical support throughout my dissertation.
Your feedback was invaluable and you helped me truly understand the results of my study. I
would have been lost without the clarity you brought to my research.
I would also like to take the time to thank my family and friends who provided
unconditional love and support these past five years as I have chased my dream of earning my
doctorate. While I should have been done sooner, God had other plans for me and I leaned not
on my own understanding, but had faith in letting His plan lead the way. Words don’t even
come close to expressing the gratitude I have towards my family and friends who helped me
through those dark days where my medical prognosis was uncertain and my future unknown. I
couldn’t have made it this far without them. Special thanks to my number one cheerleader, my
mother, Nancy Muther, for never giving up on me and for instilling in me a desire to be the best
version of myself possible. You never once doubted me and you have been there with me every
step of the way. You have made so many sacrifices in an effort to help me make my dreams a
reality and I am forever indebted to you. I would also like to thank my sister, Heather Barclay,
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 3
for her constant encouragement and understanding during the pursuit of my degree. You always
called and checked in on me and you motivated me to keep going. You never once made me feel
guilty for missing out on family engagements because of my studies. Thank you for bringing
your beautiful daughters, Kathleen and Karly, into this world so that I could be distracted by
their perfection when I needed it most.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements 2
List of Figures 6
List of Tables 7
Abstract 8
Chapter I: Introduction 9
Background of the Study 13
Theoretical Framework 16
Importance of the Study 18
Purpose of the Study 19
Organization of the Study 19

Chapter II: Review of Literature 21
Asian American Immigration Patterns 21
Role of Education in Asian American Society 23
Parenting Style 24
Parenting Style and Classroom Behavior 26
Summary of Parenting Style 27
Home Environment 28
Home Environment and Classroom Behavior 29
Summary of Home Environment 31
Acculturation 31
Acculturation and Classroom Behavior 33
Summary of Acculturation 34
Classroom Behavior and Academic Achievement 34
Parenting Style and Academic Achievement 36
Home Environment and Academic Achievement 37
Acculturation and Academic Achievement 37
Summary and Synthesis 38
Purpose of the Study 39
Research Questions and Hypotheses 40

Chapter III: Methodology 41
Participants 41
Instruments 44
Parenting Style 44
Home Environment 45
Acculturation 46
Classroom Behavior 47
Academic Achievement 47
Procedure 48
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 5
Data Analysis 49

Chapter IV: Results 50
Preliminary Analyses 50
Correlations 50
Analyses of Research Questions 52
Research Question 1: Does parenting style, home environment, and parental
level of acculturation predict classroom behavior in Asian American
elementary school students? 52
Research Question 2: Does classroom behavior predict academic
achievement? 52
English Language Arts 53
Mathematics 53
Writing 54

Chapter V: Discussion 55
Discussion of Findings 55
Relationship Between Parenting Style, Home Environment, and Parental
Level of Acculturation, and Classroom Behavior 55
Relationship Between Classroom Behavior and Academic Achievement 57
Additional Findings 59
Implications for Practice 60
Limitations of Study 63
Future Research 64
Conclusion 66

References 67

Appendix A: Information Sheet for Non-Medical Research (Parents and Teachers) 77
Appendix B: Demographic and Background Information for Parent Participants 81
Appendix C: Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire 83
Appendix D: Home and Family Questionnaire 84
Appendix E: Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale 88
Appendix F: Demographic and Background Information for Teacher Participants 90
Appendix G: Teacher’s Report Form for Ages 6 to 18 with Academic Achievement 91

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 6
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Social Ecology 17
Figure 2: Possible Factors Influencing Asian American Students 18
Figure 3: Pathway of Variables Possibly Influencing Classroom Behavior and Academic
Achievement 36

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 7
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Frequency of Discipline Log Entries for Asian American Students by School Year 12
Table 2: Frequency Distribution of Parent Participants 42
Table 3: Frequency Distribution of Teacher Participants 43
Table 4: Means, Standard Deviations, and Pearson Product Correlations for Measured
Variables 51

Table 5: Summary of Regression Analysis for Academic Achievement – English Language
Arts 53

Table 6: Summary of Regression Analysis for Academic Achievement – Mathematics 54
Table 7: Summary of Regression Analysis for Academic Achievement – Writing 54

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 8
Abstract
This exploratory study applies the theory of social ecology to understand the factors that help
explain academic achievement of Asian American elementary school students. The specific
purpose of this study was to determine if parenting style, home environment, and parental level
of acculturation were predictive of classroom behavior in Asian American elementary school
students. Also, this study sought to determine if classroom behavior was predictive of academic
achievement. Participants included 43 Asian American parents with one or more children in
Kindergarten through fifth grade at a public school in Southern California. Parent participants
completed an online survey consisting of demographic and background information, the
Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire, the Home and Family Questionnaire, and the
Asian American Multicultural Acculturation Scale. Additional participants at the same school
site included fifteen Kindergarten through fifth grade teachers who also completed an online
survey consisting of demographic and background information, as well as the Teacher’s Report
Form for Ages 6 to 18, which also included academic achievement data. While parenting style
was removed from the regression analysis due to lack of variability, results of this study suggest
that environmental variables such as home environment and parental level of acculturation do
not have a significant predictive relationship to classroom behavior for this particular population.
Additional findings suggest that classroom behavior is predictive of academic achievement.
Results of this study re-emphasize the importance of including classroom behavior as a variable
when exploring the academic achievement of Asian American elementary school students. This
study also begins to bridge the gap in the paucity of research discrediting the model minority
image, and contributes to a new line of work examining particular problematic classroom
behaviors and their impact on academic achievement in specific content areas.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 9
CHAPTER I
Introduction
Academic achievement is inevitably one of the primary goals for students, parents, and
teachers within the context of a formal education. Academic achievement can be defined as the
extent to which an individual attains educational goals and succeeds in mastering educational
content salient to his or her grade level in content areas such as English language arts,
mathematics, and writing. As with other forms of achievement, the success of attaining one’s
goals leads to satisfaction and confidence, and such confidence in turn leads to more academic
success (Stankov, Lee, Luo, & Hogan, 2012). Research attests that academic achievement is not
only a key determinant of future educational success but future occupational success as well
(Flashman, 2012; Masten et al., 2005; van Dierendonck & van der Gaast, 2013). Individuals that
are more knowledgeable tend to have more academic competencies and can think critically and
creatively in varying social settings (Masten et al., 2005). Academic achievement also provides
individuals with opportunities to seek employment in competitive fields where their knowledge
is compensated with higher wages (van Dierendonck & van der Gaast, 2013). It can be implied
that the goal of education then, is to prepare students to be successful, competent and capable,
contributing members of society in a global economy.
However, the reality is that academic achievement is a complex variable in which several
factors have been found to play mediating roles. A plethora of research suggests that variables
such as gender, socio-economic status, ethnicity, school attendance, parenting style, and teacher-
child relationships can all influence academic achievement, with both positive and negative
connotations. Further complicating the complexity of academic achievement is research that
suggests that problematic classroom behavior can influence academic achievement as well.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 10
Borg (2015) found that classroom behavior classified as disruptive was associated with
lower scholastic competence, while Morgan, Farkas, and Wu (2009) found low reading skills to
be associated with a higher frequency of externalizing behaviors and a higher likelihood of
engaging in problematic behaviors in the future. Externalizing behaviors are directed towards
lashing out at others and include aggression, defiance, violence, and other rule-breaking
behaviors, while internalizing behaviors are negative, problematic, and direct towards oneself
such as anxiety, depression, and being withdrawn (Achenbach, 1991).
Rudasill, Gallagher, and White (2010) found that children demonstrating difficulties
regulating attention and activity levels were more likely to exhibit behavior problems. In
addition, McIntosh, Reinke, Kelm, and Sadler (2013) found that students with lower academic
achievement displayed heightened behavior problems and failure to adapt to the behavioral and
academic demands of school led to later problems in life. Similarly, Hinshaw (1992) found that
behavior problems in children were associated with higher risk of academic failure and low
academic achievement was related to delinquent behaviors.
Research on the underachievement and problematic classroom behavior of specific
student groups such as Asian Americans is limited though, and understandably so given the
overemphasis on Asian Americans as the model minority (Tran & Birman, 2010). According to
Tran and Birman (2010), Asian Americans have been noted as examples of high achievers in the
face of adversity. Their work ethic, parenting practices, and striving for success are believed to
be the basis of their academic achievements (Choi, 2007). Authoritarian parenting style in
particular, which is among Asian Americans, is generally credited for the low rates of deviance
and achievement (Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992). However, this model minority image
is misleading and inaccurate as it does not account for the social and psychological needs of
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 11
Asian Americans as individuals nor does it account for diversity among and within specific
ethnic groups (Lee & Ying, 2000; Whaley & Noel, 2013). In contrast to the stereotypic model
minority image, increasingly Asian American students are displaying behavioral issues in class
and are underperforming in American schools (Lee, 2006; Ngo & Lee, 2007). This is in stark
contrast to the popular belief that all Asian Americans succeed in educational settings.
Furthermore, there is evidence of significant variations in the academic achievement of Asian
Americans based on social class, language, parental involvement, and ethnicity (Lee, 2006).
Despite these documented challenges, though, Asian Americans continue to be viewed as
academically successful and free from problematic behaviors (Ngo & Lee, 2007). Tran and
Birman (2010) analyzed studies of Asian American academic performance to question the model
minority concept. The analysis of over 45 articles suggests that research does the opposite of
questioning the model minority concept and instead, continues to perpetuate the stereotype.
Ignoring the complexity and diversity of this population may lead educators to deepen the burden
of living up to the model minority (Lee, 2006).
At one particular school in Southern California serving a high population of Asian
American elementary school students, data provides additional support to deconstruct the model
minority theory. Anecdotal evidence shows that students are displaying heightened problem
behaviors in the classroom as well as lower levels of academic achievement. Asian American
students are struggling to keep up with the academic rigor of content standards and a growing
number of them are attending interventions in an attempt to achieve proficiency of grade level
standards. In addition, many of these Asian American students are coming to elementary school
with a lack of motivation, a sense of entitlement, and defiant as well as disrespectful attitudes.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 12
Over the course of eight school years, the number of discipline log entries for Asian
American students at this school has increased from 11 to 370. With the exception of one school
year, the number of problem behaviors reported has increased every year for this particular
population of students. The number of discipline log entries by school year is summarized in
Table 1 below.
Table 1
Frequency of Discipline Log Entries for Asian America Students by School Year

N
____________________________________________________________________
School year
2005-2006 11
2006-2007 44
2007-2008 97
2008-2009 194
2009-2010 224
2010-2011 298
2011-2012 244
2012-2013 370

In addition, achievement scores at this particular school have also started to decline. In
third and fifth grade, students saw a decrease in academic achievement in English language arts
from the 2010-2011 school year to the 2011-2012 school year. Third graders dropped eight
percentage points in proficiency, with fifth graders dropping one percent. Additionally, second
graders dropped six percentage points in English language arts proficiency from 2010-2011 to
2012-2013. While math scores are remaining consistent, writing achievement is on the decline
as well. Over the course of three years, grade 2 average writing scores have declined from 3.1 to
2.9, grade 3 scores have declined from 3.2 to 3.0, and grade 5 scores have declined from 3.2 to
2.8. With 79.5 percent of the student population Asian American in 2010-2011, 81.4 percent of
the student population Asian American in 2011-2012, and 81.1 percent of the student population
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 13
Asian American in 2012-2013, it can be presumed that Asian American students accounted for
some of the decline in academic achievement scores.
Such emerging trends that are in stark contrast to the model minority image are the
impetus for this study, with the purpose of obtaining a better understanding of patterns of
academic achievement and classroom behavior in Asian American elementary school students.
While there is considerable evidence supporting the notion that classroom behavior is related to
academic achievement (Hinshaw, 1992; Rudasill et al., 2010; McIntosh et al., 2013; Borg, 2015),
there is little research on specific internalizing and externalizing problematic behaviors and their
direct influence on the academic achievement of Asian American elementary school students.
Furthermore, research that ties together classroom behavior and various familial factors such as
parenting style, home environment, and acculturation in conjunction with one another, is
extremely limited as well. Are parenting style, home environment, and acculturation related to
classroom behavior? Do these familial and cultural factors influencing classroom behavior in
turn influence academic achievement? Is classroom behavior related to academic achievement
for this particular population of Asian American elementary school students? These questions
were addressed in this exploratory study in an effort to better understand this particular
phenomenon. With high concentrations of Asian American families in various Southern
California communities, it is important for educators to understand this emerging trend and the
challenges that it presents in order to provide a better education for this particular population of
students.
Background of the Study
Examining the relationship between parenting and familial factors to classroom behavior
as well as the influence of classroom behavior on academic achievement of Asian American
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 14
elementary school students is not just a way of explaining positive behavior and achievement,
but negative behavior and underachievement as well. Research attests that variables such as
parenting style, home environment, and acculturation can all influence classroom behavior. Four
dimensions of parenting identified by Baumrind (1971) include disciplinary strategies, warmth
and nurturance, communication styles, and expectations of maturity and control. Based on these
four dimensions, three different parenting styles were suggested, with the later addition of a
fourth. Baumrind’s (1971) typology of parental authority assesses levels of parental warmth and
control during parent-child interactions and the continuum of parenting styles now includes
authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and uninvolved or rejecting-neglecting parents.
Research results indicate that authoritative parenting yields the most well-adjusted and best-
behaved children due to the balance of warmth and control, which seems to be lacking in this
particular population of Asian Americans.
Research suggests that most of what influences a child occurs in the home environment,
where parenting style is enforced most. The proximal processes and experiences that occur in a
child’s home environment have been found to directly influence children’s developmental
outcomes (Pierce, Alfonso, & Garrison, 1998). Maturity facilitation, parent-child emotional
environment, and the child’s use of stimulating materials are all factors that play a role in
establishing an effective home environment. A parent’s encouragement and enhancement of the
child’s development refers to maturity facilitation, the parent-child emotional relationship refers
to the degree of parental warmth and responsiveness, and the child’s use of stimulating materials
distinguishes between the presence of materials versus the process of engaging with and using
them. Behavior patterns that are established in the home setting set the stage for those behaviors
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 15
that occur outside of the home, which is a possible explanation for the problematic behaviors
being displayed by these Asian American students (Forehand, Long, Brody, & Fauber, 1986).
Both parenting style and the structure within the home environment of this population of
Asian American families may be influenced by acculturation though. Acculturation is
commonly referred to as an individual’s overall adaptation to the dominant culture at both an
individual and group level (Lee, Sobal, & Frongillo, 2003). Such adaptation includes cultural,
psychological, social, economic, and political aspects of accepting the new culture and retaining
the old. For most immigrants, the acculturation process can be hard, stressful, and complex
(Farver & Lee-Shin, 2000).
In addition to parenting and familial factors, it is also necessary to focus on the influence
of classroom behavior on academic achievement in an effort to better understand the reoccurring
pattern of Asian American students’ lower levels of academic achievement and heightened
occurrences of problematic classroom behavior. Blatchford, Bassett, and Brown (2011) found
moderate degrees of association between classroom behavior and academic achievement.
Positive behaviors such as engagement, listening to the teacher, and teacher-pupil interaction
were related to positive academic performance regardless of prior attainment levels. Conversely,
negative behaviors such as being off task, inattention, and actively talking about unrelated topics
were related negatively to achievement. While researching the range of positive and negative
classroom behaviors displayed by both females and males, Borg (2015) found that negative
behavior, regardless of gender, caused disruption in the classroom. Such disruption in the
classroom was counterproductive to learning and as a result scores in scholastic competence
decreased for both males and females.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 16
Theoretical Framework
Social ecology provides a framework for viewing issues involving individuals and
families (Berry, 1995). Bronfenbrenner (1977) described the ecological environment as a nested
arrangement of structures, each contained within the next. The impact of the environment on
developmental outcomes of individuals can be investigated within a series of increasingly more
complex paradigms (Bronfenbrenner, 1986). Bronfenbrenner’s model of social ecology focuses
on the developing person, the environment, and the evolving interaction between the two (Berry,
1995).
Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) theory of social ecology emphasizes the microsystem as the
central focus of influence in a child’s life. It is the complex set of relations between the
individual and their immediate environment, such as the home, school, and/or workplace. The
mesosystem is comprised of the interrelations among major settings containing the developing
person as well as connections between contexts at particular points in time. Links between social
settings in which the individual is not an active participant are involved in the exosystem. The
overarching system of influence is the macrosystem, which includes ethnic and cultural
influences. Lastly, the chronosystem examines changes over time and transitions within both the
individual and the environment. Later work by Bronfenbrenner (1986) expanded to a more
family focus, specifically looking at external influences that affect the ability of families to
promote and foster the healthy development of their children. Figure 1 provides a representation
of Bronfenbrenner’s theory of social ecology:

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 17
Figure 1
Social Ecology

Research provides evidence that developmental outcomes are related to the environment
that children grow up in as well as the interactions that they have with others. Social ecology
focuses on such dynamic and evolving interactions between the developing person and the
environment (Berry, 1995). By looking at all of the layers and factors that influence child
outcomes, we can begin to understand the lower levels of academic achievement and the
problematic classroom behaviors being displayed by Asian American students in local
elementary schools.
Transitions such as relocation to the United States and/or getting used to the absence of a
father due to a demanding career are both factors that can affect the chronosystem. Cultural
identity, heritage, values, and acculturation of Asian American families can affect the
macrosystem. Stressors of acculturation can change patterns of interactions with children, which
can lead to changes in parenting styles and structure in the home environment within the
exosystem. Parenting style and parent-child interactions can then influence children’s
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 18
relationships in other contexts within the mesosystem. A compilation of all these overarching
variables can then affect the microsystem, which encompasses the child’s behavior and
interactions with their immediate environment. Figure 2 provides a representation of factors
possibly influencing Asian American student outcomes within the theory of social ecology:
Figure 2
Possible Factors Influencing Asian American Students

Importance of the Study
The influx of Asian American families in the United States is not a recent trend.
However, the emerging trend of transient migration, combined with lower levels of academic
achievement alongside problematic behaviors amongst Asian American children in school
settings is. As noted previously, there is a new trend of Asian American migration, where
families are settling in Southern California around high quality schools known for their
demanding and rigorous educational practices, but doing so in a way where they go back and
forth to their native country rather than the traditional immigrant pattern of putting down
permanent roots. Although the particular challenges that arise out of this context is the primary
impetus for this study, the goal of this study is to examine more broadly the relationship between
Microsystem
child’s behavior
and interactions
with their
immediate
environment
Mesosystem
parenting style and
parent-child interactions
influence children’s
relationships in other
contexts
Exosystem
changing patterns
of interactions lead
to changes in
parenting styles,
and structure in the
home environment
Macrosystem
cultural identity,
heritage,
values, and
acculturation
Chronosystem
Transitions
(e.g. relocation)
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 19
parenting and home factors along with children’s behavioral issues on academic achievement of
Asian American elementary school students.
As mentioned previously, academic achievement not only has important implications for
future academic success, but it influences college and career readiness as well. The main goal of
K-12 education is to prepare students to be successful in both the college and business world, by
teaching them the skills necessary for critical thinking, problem solving, and analyzing in a
variety of settings. With achievement at the center of education, it is imperative that any
variables interfering with academic achievement be understood and dealt with accordingly. If in
fact classroom behavior is influencing the academic achievement of Asian American elementary
students, it is just as important to understand the variables possibly influencing problematic
classroom behaviors amongst this same population of students so that interventions can be put in
place to correct such behaviors and in turn, increase academic achievement.
Purpose of the study. The primary purpose of this exploratory study was to better
understand patterns of academic achievement and classroom behavior among Asian American
children in elementary school and the factors that may help explain these patterns, such as
parenting style, home environment, and acculturation. The secondary purpose was to then
examine the relationship of classroom behavior to academic achievement. The specific research
questions are: 1) Does parenting style, home environment, and parental level of acculturation
predict classroom behavior in Asian American elementary school students? 2) Does classroom
behavior predict academic achievement in Asian American elementary school students?
Organization of the study. The structure of this exploratory study is detailed in the
remaining chapters. Chapter 2 provides an in depth review of the literature that was salient to
this particular study. Methodology is discussed in chapter 3 through a comprehensive
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 20
description of how this study was conducted. In chapter 4, the results of the study are reported.
In conclusion, chapter 5 summarizes the findings of this study and discusses limitations,
implications for practice, and recommendations for future research.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 21
CHAPTER II
Review of the Literature
Asian American elementary school students, whether newly arrived, transient, or native,
are displaying heightened problem behaviors in the classroom as well as lower levels of
academic achievement (Im, 2008). It is unknown what variables are contributing to this
particular phenomenon. In an effort to determine if a problem does in fact exist, this exploratory
study compared the relationship of parenting style, home environment, and acculturation of
Asian American students to classroom behavior and then classroom behavior to academic
achievement. This chapter begins with an overview of Asian American immigration patterns and
educational practices to provide background information applicable to the cultural factors of the
population, followed by a review of the concept of parenting style, home environment, and
acculturation and a description of how each variable may be related to classroom behavior. The
possible relationship between classroom behavior and academic achievement is also discussed.
The chapter continues with a summary and synthesis, as well as the specific research questions
and hypotheses addressed in this study.
Asian American Immigration Patterns
The term Asian American was coined in the late 1960s to unify people having origins in
East and Southeast Asia as well as the Indian subcontinent (Bittle, 2013). The term originated in
an effort to unify different Asian ethnic groups. However, the reality is that each Asian
American group is distinctive, with unique culture, traditions, values, and immigration history to
the United States (United States Census Bureau, 2012). Currently, the six largest Asian
American groups immigrating to the United States are Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Vietnamese,
Korean, and Japanese and historically, all of their earliest immigrants were faced with racial
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 22
discrimination, resistance, and violence (United States Census Bureau, 2012; Bittle, 2013).
Restrictive legislation was enforced to prevent Asian immigration into the United States, but by
1965 discriminatory anti-Asian immigration policies were lifted and as a result, Asian Americans
are now the fastest growing population in America (Bittle, 2013).
Most Asian American immigrants came to the United States in two broad waves for
economic and/or educational advancement. The first significant wave of Chinese immigration,
mostly young male peasants, began during the California Gold Rush, while the first wave of
Filipino immigrants brought many young men seeking higher education and plantation work
(Wang, 2001; Melendy, 2001). Asian Indians that first arrived in America were mostly Sikhs
who came in search of economic opportunity, with the majority working in agriculture and
construction (Pavri, 2001). The majority of Vietnamese immigrants first entered the United
States as refugees, while the first Japanese immigrants came to America in large numbers as
contract workers in Hawaii and student laborers in California (Bankston, 2001; Easton &
Ellington, 2001). Due to the frequent strikes of Japanese laborers in Hawaii, Korean immigrants
first entered into the United States as plantation workers (Min, 2011).
The second wave of Asian American immigration began in 1965 as a result of the
Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which liberated immigrants from racial oppression,
and brought the most significant numbers of Asians to the United States. According to Zong and
Batalova (2016), the migration motivations of Asian immigrants have varied greatly over time
and the second wave of Asian American immigrants have sought everything from better
employment and family reunification to educational and investment opportunities, as well as
humanitarian protection. However, while the Asian American population continues to increase
in the United States, the rate of growth has slowed (Zong & Batalova, 2016). In addition,
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 23
patterns of immigration within this second wave are starting to become less traditional as there is
more dynamic movement back and forth between the Asian country of origin and the United
States, depending on political, economic, and educational conditions of the homeland.
Role of Education in Asian American Society
Asian American ethnic groups are distinctive and unique in their cultural values, beliefs,
and traditions. However, According to Poon (2013), Asian Americans are unified because they
have similar cultural backgrounds based on Confucian ideology and values of interdependence
and filial piety. Asian Americans generally place a strong priority on family cohesion and
appease the demands and expectations of elders due to an inherent need to respect the family’s
reputation. Generally speaking, Asian Americans view education as a strong predictor of future
success and thus, Asian American students aim to do well in school in an effort to increase their
chances of acquiring well-paying jobs which equates to a higher socioeconomic status for their
family as well.
In Chinese American culture, Confucian principles are the foundation of their belief
system, thus impacting their views of education (Huang & Gove, 2012). Chinese Americans
associate education with social class, occupation, moral character, and leadership. Education is a
means by which one contributes to society and reaches scholarly status and is central to most
Chinese American families. Similarly, Filipino Americans regard education as a pathway to
upward mobility and view college as means of obtaining a good job (Melendy, 2001). Filipino
American children that obtain superior grades increase family pride as well. Vietnamese
Americans also highly value education and according to Bankston (2001), the knowledge
acquired by Vietnamese American children is a direct reflection on the family as a whole.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 24
Asian Indian Americans view education as extremely important, too, and excelling in
school is a means of success for them (Pavri, 2001). In India, only those that could pay for
education were able to attend school, thus many Asian Indians came to America for educational
purposes. Similarly, in Korea, education was mainly for the elite and was used as a social
marker of class and status in society (Rho, n.d.). According to Lee (2010), Koreans place a high
importance on education and learning the English language. Recently, due to the highly
competitive nature of education in Korea, a majority of Korean immigrants are coming to the
United States strictly for educational purposes as competition to attend decent universities
continues to increase in Korea (Terrazas & Batog, 2010). For Japanese Americans, social status
is also determined by education, making education highly valued as well (Easton & Ellington,
2001). Since the Japanese culture is a credential society, educational attainment is one of the
most important criteria to consider when measuring success.
Such cultural factors and views of education are likely to contribute to Asian American
parenting styles, structure in the home environment, and acculturation levels.
Parenting Style
Disciplinary strategies, warmth and nurturance, communication styles, and expectations
of maturity and control are four dimensions of parenting identified by Baumrind (1971). Based
on these four dimensions, three different parenting styles were suggested, with the later addition
of a fourth. Baumrind’s (1971) typology of parental authority assesses levels of parental warmth
and control during parent-child interactions and the continuum of parenting styles now includes
authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and uninvolved or rejecting-neglecting parents.
According to Baumrind (1971), authoritative parents establish rules and guidelines that
children are expected to follow. They are responsive to their children and are willing to listen to
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 25
questions. In addition, they are democratic in nature as they supervise and disseminate clear
standards for their children’s conduct and they are nurturing and forgiving, rather than punishing.
Assertive and supportive parents that are not intrusive, restrictive, or punitive are said to be
authoritative in parenting style.
Baumrind (1971) described authoritarian parents as those that establish strict rules that
children are expected to follow, with failure to follow such rules resulting in punishment.
Authoritarian parents typically fail to explain the reasoning behind the rules that they establish
and they have high demands of children, but are generally not responsive. These parents expect
their orders to be obeyed without explanation and they tend to be obedience and status oriented.
Permissive parents generally have very few demands to make of their children and they
are sometimes referred to as indulgent (Baumrind, 1971). Baumrind (1971) stated that this type
of parenting reflects relatively low expectations of maturity and self-control of children, which is
associated with rare discipline. They are more responsive than they are demanding and
oftentimes take on the status of a friend, rather than a parental figure. Permissive parents are
nontraditional and lenient in an effort to avoid confrontation and they do not require mature
behavior from their children (Buri, 1991).
Buri (1991) supported the addition of the uninvolved parenting style and argued that it
encompasses parents who reject and neglect their children to some degree. This type of
parenting is characterized by few demands and low responsiveness and communication. While
children’s basic needs are typically fulfilled, uninvolved parents are generally detached from the
child’s life and not concerned about them.
While a majority of studies suggest that authoritative parenting has the most desirable
results in relationship to child outcomes, these studies do not take into account cultural factors
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 26
(Thirumurthy, 2005). Due to the belief of most non-Western cultures in the imposition of
absolute standards on their children, some research has found that authoritarian parenting renders
the most desirable results for children in Asian cultures because obedience is valued and it is
expected that children respect authority (Thirumurthy, 2005). Kim and Gim-Chung (2003)
disagree, though, as their study rated authoritative parenting the highest, contradicting a majority
of the previous studies on parenting of Korean and Asian Americans.
Asian American values include family orientation, cooperation, interdependency,
authoritarian structure, and family loyalty (Vinden, 2001). This is in stark contrast to
mainstream American values of individual orientation, independence, democratic structure, and
autonomy (Vinden, 2001). Asian American culture is heavily influenced by Confucian
principles that place elders, family, and the community before the individual. Thus, they
struggle with the value that Americans place on individual freedom. In addition, Asian
American families have the added challenge of living in two cultures simultaneously. Not only
do they have to navigate both American ways of living along their culture of origin, but parents
must also discover how to raise their children in a manner that is socially acceptable by
mainstream America without losing their traditions in the process (Berry, 1997).
Parenting style and classroom behavior. Research suggests that parenting style is
related to children’s behavior, with different parenting styles associated with varying degrees of
children’s behavioral problems (Alizadeh, Talib, Abdullah, & Mansor, 2011). Baumrind (1971)
found that authoritative parenting styles tend to result in children who are happy and successful.
Authoritarian parenting styles generally lead to children who are obedient, but they rank lower in
happiness, social competence, and self-esteem. Permissive parenting often results in children
who rank lower in happiness and self-regulation. Uninvolved parenting styles rank lowest in all
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 27
life domains, with these children lacking self-control and having the lowest self-esteem. In
addition, both authoritarian and permissive parenting are negatively related to self-reliance (Kim
& Chung, 2003). According to Huang and Gove (2012), filial piety in Asian American families
dictates that children are respectful and obedient and that they comply with parental expectations
because rebellion will lead to harsh consequences, suggesting that a majority of Asian American
parents are authoritarian.
Traditionally, fathers in Asian American families are less involved and distant
breadwinners, while mothers are responsible for child rearing and the physical and emotional
contact with children (Easton & Ellington, 2001). For example, the father has a minimal role
during an Asian Indian child’s formative years, while the mother is the key figure in the child’s
development (Roopnarine, Krishnakumar, & Vadgama, 2013). However, Asian American
fathers’ roles are starting to become more involved and nurturing. In a study by Chae and Lee
(2011), Korean father’s parenting behavior played a mediating role in the relationship between
fathers’ childhood attachment representations and boys’ social competence. There were no
mediating roles for girls, but fathers had significantly higher scores for responsiveness and
intimacy with regards to parenting daughters when compared to sons. The study also found that
the development of social competence played a role in making young children good citizens. If
parents do not help children establish appropriate social skills in early childhood, children show
patterns of negative social competence and chronic adjustment and behavioral problems.
Summary of parenting style. Many researchers agree that how individuals socialize is
best understood within the dynamics and makeup of the family (Chae & Lee, 2011).
Furthermore, research supports the idea that children’s behavior and developmental outcomes are
related to the ecology of the family, more specifically, parenting styles and tendencies (Berry,
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 28
1995). The notion that socially responsible, self-regulated, and cooperative children are typically
developed in households with authoritative parenting styles is supported as well (Baumrind,
1971). For Asian American families, though, strict behavioral conformity is supported on a
family level by cultural expectations. However, if strict behavioral and academic expectations
are combined with warmth and encouragement, then perhaps what might hinder development in
other contexts will not be problematic for Asian Americans after all.
A positive relationship between the number of years in the United States and academic
competence as well as self-reliance is also supported by research (Kim & Gim-Chung, 2003).
Such findings are suggestive of an acculturation effect occurring over time. What is unknown
currently is if there is a relationship between parenting styles and acculturation, along with the
structure in the home environment, and its long term effects, if any, on children’s classroom
behavior and therefore academic achievement, which is what this exploratory study is aimed at
trying to decipher.
Home Environment
The family is the initial context in which children learn to interact and behave either
appropriately or inappropriately (Forehand et al., 1986). Much of a young child’s care and
socialization takes place in the family setting and research provides evidence that family
environment and resources are directly related to children’s emotional processes, relational
experiences, and overall life changes, especially for older children and adolescents (Wen, 2008).
Family structure also has an important connection to children’s well-being trajectories and the
parent-child relationship is an important aspect of family socialization processes (Wu, Hou, &
Schimmele, 2008; Wen, 2008). In addition, family structure is highly related to the ability of
both parents to supervise and monitor their children (Apel & Kaukinen, 2008).
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 29
Instability and change in the family structure is considered stressful (Cavanagh &
Huston, 2006). Vaden-Kiernan, Ialongo, Pearson, and Kellam (1995) estimated that
approximately half of American children will spend some of their lives in a single-parent family.
Single-mother families tend to face greater financial stress, which in turn leads to psychological
distress and disrupted parenting practices. Although many children are resilient and thrive
regardless of family structure, there is an association between family structure and experiences
that compromise children’s chances of overall well being (Wu et al., 2008).
Home environment and classroom behavior. Behavior patterns that are established in
the home setting set the stage for those behaviors that occur outside of the home (Forehand et al.,
1986). Results from several studies support the existence of a relationship between school
behavior and the home environment, with externalizing problem behaviors being predicted by
parent-child relationships in the home setting (Forehand et al., 1986). A variety of individual
and family factors explain the association between family structure and problem behaviors, and
the effects can be explained by characteristics that are shared by particular types of families
(Hoffmann, 2006). Family structures, child gender, family income, and teacher and parent
perceptions of behavior can all influence the developmental course of problem behaviors in
children (Vaden-Kiernan et al., 1995).
The make-up of the family is also related to children’s behavior. Social and behavioral
sciences have accumulated a solid foundation supporting the posed risks for the behavioral and
emotional development of children from divorced and single parenthood families (Cavanagh &
Huston, 2006). Children in single-mother families are at greater risk for antisocial behavior
(Vaden-Kiernan et al., 1995). This could be due in part to the likelihood that single mothers are
less able to provide an adequate amount of supervision and monitoring for their children (Vaden-
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 30
Kiernan et al., 1995). Adolescents and children from families with stepparents also have a
heightened risk of problem behaviors (Hoffmann, 2006). Limited parental contact along with a
lack of nurturing also contributes to children’s socialization into deviant norms of behavior (Wu
et al., 2008). Children in intact families with two biological parents commit the fewest kinds of
antisocial behaviors (Apel & Kaukinen, 2008).
While the home and school settings are differing contexts, the associations between
family structure and externalizing behaviors in children are supported by research (Vaden-
Kiernan et al., 1995). Living without the biological mother increases the risk of problem
behaviors more so than living without a biological father (Hoffmann, 2006). Boys from mother-
only families are more aggressive than their counterparts (Vaden-Kiernan et al., 1995).
Cavanagh and Huston (2006) found that family circumstances also moderate the association
between family instability and children’s problem behavior. Children in unstable families
generally have higher levels of problem behavior and such disruptive behaviors interfere with
children’s ability to form positive relationships with others.
Parental behavior and the family environment and structure are also factors central to the
development of problem behaviors in children (Apel & Kaukinen, 2008). High levels of parental
distress are linked to negative parenting behaviors, which are in turn associated with children’s
behavioral problems (Wen, 2008). Some of the strongest predictors of child delinquency are
poor monitoring and supervision as well as the use of harsh, physical punishment (Apel &
Kaukinen, 2008). Adolescent’s interactions with their fathers are also significantly related to
school behavior and research supports the importance of parent behavior in shaping the
behavioral outcomes of children (Forehand et al., 1986).
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 31
Summary of home environment. Increasing accounts of changes in family structure
and environment have complicated social and behavioral research on the developmental
significance of family structure on child outcomes (Cavanagh & Huston, 2006). Stress in the
family and home structure disrupts parenting, and is related to child outcomes (Vaden-Kiernan et
al., 1995). Although family structure does influence children’s developmental outcomes, Wu et
al. (2008) believe it is more a function of extrinsic factors rather than something intrinsic to
family structure. They feel that what matters most is not family structure per se, but rather the
day to day familial circumstances that children are exposed to and experience.
Regardless, there is a direct link between family structure history and problem behavior
at the start of formal schooling (Cavanagh & Huston, 2006). Research also provides evidence
that how successfully children transition into elementary school academically, behaviorally, and
emotionally is predictive of their futures (Cavanagh & Huston, 2006). In addition, it has been
found that disruptive behavior in the classroom interferes with children’s ability to learn
(Cavanagh & Huston, 2006). What remains unknown is the existence of a relationship between
parenting style, home environment, acculturation, and classroom behavior as well as classroom
behavior and academic achievement of Asian American students, which is what this exploratory
study intends to examine.
Acculturation
Acculturation refers to an individual’s overall adaptation to the dominant culture
at both an individual and a group level (Lee et al., 2003). Such adaptation includes cultural,
psychological, social, economic, and political aspects of accepting the new culture while at the
same time retaining the old (Lee et al., 2003). Acculturation is a bidimensional model that
assumes immigrants can have a positive relationship to the host culture while retaining their
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 32
cultural identity (Lee et al., 2003). It is also dynamic and likely to change over time as the
individual experiences and interacts with the dominant culture (Farver & Lee-Shin, 2000).
According to Kim and Wolpin (2008), there are four attitudes of acculturation.
Integration is believed to be the most successful adaptation and it refers to individuals who retain
their old culture while simultaneously accepting European American ways. The separation
attitude refers to the sole maintenance of the culture of origin and the assimilation attitude refers
to the complete acceptance of the new American culture. Lastly, marginalization refers to
individuals that accept neither the culture of origin nor the American culture.
Results from various studies reflect the complexity of the acculturation process and
highlight the differences in acculturation for various Asian American subgroups. Farver and
Lee-Shin (2000) found that Korean immigrants tend to manifest a stronger ethical attachment to
their culture of origin more so than any other Asian immigrants. Thus, many Korean immigrants
initially have problems upon arriving in America, as there are distinct differences between
traditional Korean culture and the contemporary American culture. Another study found that
although Vietnamese Americans are initially successful in adapting to the American culture, they
continue to face hardships such as maintaining Vietnamese traditions and distinctive cultural
characteristics (Bankston, 2001). In addition, it has been observed that Chinese Americans
segregate themselves from mainstream America because they believe in preserving their unique
cultural values and beliefs (Eng et al., 2008).
On the contrary, Asian Indian Americans have permeated many segments of American
society, while simultaneously retaining their Indian culture (Pavri, 2001). Easton and Ellington
(2001) found the ease with which Japanese Americans have been assimilated into the
predominant culture to be unusual. However, they argue that the coexistence of Japanese and
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 33
American culture is due in large part to the willingness of both cultures to accommodate one
another. Similarly, it has been found that Filipinos are highly assimilated to mainstream
American culture in comparison to other Asian American ethnic groups (Eng et al., 2008).
Acculturation and classroom behavior. Acculturation is stressful. Both parents and
children are trying to cope with and integrate two cultures that are often times in direct contrast
with one another. In a study by Xu and Krieg (2014), it was found that Asian American parents’
orientation to their culture of origin was positively related to their children’s regulated shyness,
which is characterized by nonassertive compliance in various settings. In other words, the higher
the parental orientation to the Asian culture of origin, the higher the level of regulated shyness
displayed by their children.
In reviewing several studies on Asian Americans and acculturation, Suinn (2010) found
that acculturation is a stressful process for families and that family conflict can lead to emotional
problems. In addition, it was found that low behavioral acculturation coupled with demanding
Asian values was predictive of adjustment issues as well as psychological distress for children,
adolescents, and parents. Studies also suggest that language facility influences children’s
behavior in terms of the formation of friendships and emotional well-being (Kurtz-Costes &
Pungello, 2000).
Farver and Lee-Shin (2000) found that children of integrated and assimilated Korean
American mothers were rated by their Korean preschool teachers as being more difficult with
peers and having a higher rate of negative social interactions. These preschool teachers were
comparing the self-assertive and individually oriented Korean American children with the way
they assumed Korean students should behave.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 34
Summary of acculturation. Many factors such as arrival age contribute to the
acculturation of an individual because they influence other attributes (Lee et al., 2003). Kurtz-
Costes and Pungello (2000) agree, but also found that aside from age at migration, language
facility, gender, attitudes, and personality are all child characteristics that influence acculturation
as well. Young children tend to adapt more easily and more completely to a new culture than do
older children and adults. In addition, gender related values and beliefs do not necessarily align
with American cultural beliefs. The traditional role of women in Asian cultures is one of
submissiveness. Women are typically expected to maintain harmony in the household, avoid
conflict, and sacrifice themselves for their family. These gender related values are in stark
contrast to mainstream America’s promotion of gender equality and empowerment of women.
Communication skills, flexibility, and the ability to establish and maintain relationships are skills
that also facilitate acculturation. Furthermore, orientation to knowledge, positive attitudes,
cultural empathy, patience, ability to deal with stress, and self-confidence enhance acculturation.
Acculturation style influences child behavior and academics (Farver & Lee-Shin, 2000).
However, research is very limited in providing strong evidence to support the specific variables
attributing to such relationships. What is not known at this point is how acculturation relates to
both parenting style and the structure of the home environment, which in turn influences
children’s classroom behavior and academic achievement. This exploratory study was conducted
in an effort to acknowledge the possibility of such relationships between the aforementioned
variables.
Classroom Behavior and Academic Achievement
Behavior can be defined as a person’s response to a stimulus (“Behavior”, 2015). Thus,
classroom behavior can be defined as a student’s response to stimuli that specifically occur in the
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 35
classroom. In other words, classroom behavior is how students are acting in response to what is
going on or present around them. While behaviors can be classified as positive or negative, and
many individuals associate poor classroom behavior with poor academic achievement, consistent
research is still limited on the specific types of behaviors directly impacting student achievement.
Negative classroom behavior is perceived as disruptive if it is counterproductive to
learning and behavior categorized as disruptive is associated with low scores in terms of
scholastic competence (Borg, 2015). Rudasill et al. (2010) studied school environments to
decipher between positive and negative student behaviors. They found that children prone to
regulating their attention were more easily engaged in classroom activities such as instruction,
assessments, and assignments. They also found that students demonstrating difficulties with
regulating attention and activity levels were more likely to exhibit behavior problems, thus
impeding productivity.
McIntosh et al. (2013) found that school entry is a pivotal time for elementary school
students as failure to adapt to the academic and behavioral demands of school can lead to
additional problems later in life. In addition, they agree with previous research findings that
suggest that students with lower academic achievement display heightened behavior problems,
which persist into adolescence. Similarly, Hinshaw (1992) found that early behavior problems in
children are associated with higher risk of academic failure and conversely that low academic
achievement is related to delinquent behaviors. In a study of internalizing and externalizing
behaviors displayed by kindergarten students, Morgan, Farkas, and Wu (2009) found that
students with low reading skills displayed externalizing problem behaviors more frequently. In
addition, those same students were significantly more likely to engage in problematic behaviors
as they progressed through elementary school.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 36
As mentioned previously, it is hypothesized that parenting style, home environment, and
acculturation are related to classroom behavior and that in turn classroom behavior is related to
academic achievement. If parenting style, home environment, and acculturation do impact
classroom behavior and classroom behavior does impact academic achievement, then parenting
style, home environment, and acculturation are also inadvertently related to academic
achievement. Following this pathway, which is represented in Figure 3, a brief summary of the
possible influences of parenting style, home environment, and acculturation on academic
achievement is provided.
Figure 3
Pathway of Variables Possibly Influencing Classroom Behavior and Academic Achievement

Parenting Style

Home Environment Classroom Behavior Academic Achievement

Acculturation

Parenting style and academic achievement. Several factors, such as parenting style,
have been found to influence children’s academic achievement. According to Areepattamannil
(2010), both parental practices and parenting style influence children’s school achievement.
Supportive parenting that is both encouraging and monitoring is positively associated with
achievement as well as parental expectations and beliefs. In addition, it was found that higher
social economic status is also associated with higher levels of school achievement. Baumrind’s
(1971) work found that authoritative parenting tends to result in children who are more capable
and successful, with children from authoritarian households proficient academically as well.
Additionally, students with permissive parents tend to perform poorly in school and uninvolved
parenting styles results in children being academically less competent than their peers. Kim and
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 37
Gim-Chung (2003) disagreed though, as their study only found authoritative parenting to be
predictive of academic competency.
Home environment and academic achievement. During the transition into elementary
school, children’s behavior begins to solidify simultaneously as academic expectations of them
are being established and the success and/or failure of this transition is predictive of later
academic achievement (Cavanagh & Huston, 2006). Negative parenting behaviors are
associated with children’s poor goal orientation, low levels of self-adequacy, and academic
competence (Wen, 2008). Adolescent’s interactions with their fathers are also significantly
related to academic performance (Forehand et al., 1986). Family instability and growing up in
nonconventional households tend to reduce children’s chances of having academic outcomes on
par with children from traditional nuclear families (Wu et al., 2008). In addition, ineffective
parenting and limited parental contact, especially the absence of fathers, is a disadvantage of
non-intact and single-parent families on children’s academic achievement (Wu et al., 2008).
Acculturation and academic achievement. Overall, it has been found that parents
whom have a high identification with their Asian culture have high aspirations and academic
standards and expectations for their children (Suinn, 2010). Such parental attitudes link
acculturation with academics and several studies support a strong influence of parental
acculturation on student outcomes. According to Kim and Wolpin (2008), Korean American
families maintain Korean cultural and linguistic characteristics, but with importance placed on
learning American values, customs, and most importantly English. Suinn (2010) found that high
academic motivation and achievement in Chinese Americans was associated with parental
identification to their culture of origin. Similarly, Galanti (2000) states that acculturating
Vietnamese American students are pushed by their parents to obtain the highest level in
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 38
education, providing them with opportunities not afforded to their parents’ generation. Huang
and Gove (2012) assert that academic achievement is embedded in Asian American expectations
of success and that children are obligated to perform well academically because it is their
responsibility to do so.
Summary and Synthesis
Bronfenbrenner’s theory of social ecology focuses on the developing person, the
environment, and the evolving interaction between the two and it provides a framework for
examining issues that involve individual and familial adjustment to change (Berry, 1995). The
microsystem is the complex set of relations between the developing person and the immediate
environment containing that person, such as the home and school (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). The
family system is viewed as the central focus of influence in a child’s life and several external
influences can affect the capacity of families to foster the healthy development of their children
(Bronfenbrenner, 1986).
The link between family and child development has been established, yet it is said to be
dependent upon specific outcomes, differing family types, and the various developmental stages
of children (Wen, 2008). However, there is strong evidence that supports the family as the
socio-cultural-economic arrangement that exerts the most significant influence on children’s
behavior and character development (Alizadeh et al., 2011). In addition, school achievement and
social functioning appear to be related to the parent-child relationship (Forehand et al., 1986).
When focusing specifically on Asian American children and their behavior and academic
achievement in the classroom, such variables appear to be dependent upon the experiences that
they are exposed to in the home environment. Additionally, the structure in the home
environment seems to be related to styles of parenting, which is influenced by acculturation.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 39
Parents that are integrated in terms of acculturation report more frustration with parenting and a
greater need for control over their children’s behavior (Farver & Lee-Shin, 2003). In addition,
they feel less confident in their ability to facilitate a teaching-learning atmosphere in the home
(Farver & Lee-Shin, 2003). Such split attention and energy between the new American host
culture and the retention of the Asian culture of origin contributes to parents’ decreased access to
learning American culture and English, which stimulates tension and stress (Farver & Lee-Shin,
2003). Tension and stress influence the attitudes and behaviors of parents, which in conjunction
with children’s living arrangements and schooling experiences, strongly impact children’s
behavior (Kurtz-Costes & Pungello, 2000). While parents and teachers may use different criteria
for assessing problematic behavior and parents experiencing stress may be more willing to
overlook or accept behaviors in their own child than a teacher in a classroom would, research
supports the link between classroom behavior and academic achievement as well (Vaden-
Kiernan, 1995).
The possibility of the existence of such relationships is why this exploratory study is
being conducted. It is important for communities that harbor Asian American families to be
knowledgeable of the variables influencing the behavior and academic achievement of the
children that they are servicing. If these particular research questions are not asked, then these
influential factors on overall child development will not be explored further in conjunction with
one another and implications of practice will not be developed either.
Purpose of the study. The purpose of this exploratory study was to examine the
relationship of parenting style, home environment, and acculturation to classroom behavior, and
then in turn the relationship between classroom behavior and academic achievement in Asian
American elementary school students. The impetus for this study came from an emerging trend
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 40
of recently arrived, transient, and native Asian American children who are perceived as having
heightened problem behaviors in the classroom and lower levels of academic achievement.
Thus, the intention of this study was to collect quantitative data to be later applied to similar
situations for further exploration and development of implications.
Research questions and hypotheses.
1) Research Question #1: Do parenting style, home environment, and parental level of
acculturation predict classroom behavior in Asian American elementary school students?
a. Hypothesis 1A: Parenting style predicts classroom behavior.
b. Hypothesis 1B: Home environment predicts classroom behavior.
c. Hypothesis 1C: Parental level of acculturation predicts classroom behavior.
2) Research Question #2: Does classroom behavior predict academic achievement in Asian
American elementary school students?
a. Hypothesis 2: Classroom behavior predicts academic achievement.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 41
CHAPTER III
Methodology
This study explored the relationship between parenting style, home environment, and
acculturation and their influences on classroom behavior and academic achievement in Asian
American elementary school students. These particular variables have not been studied in
accordance with one another, thus the purpose of collecting data was for preliminary analysis of
numerical data. The quantitative data focused on the occurrence of the phenomenon to
determine whether or not the perceived problem did in fact exist (Cohen, Cohen, West, & Aiken,
2003). The following chapter reviews the methods employed in conducting this quantitative
study. Information on the demographic characteristics of the participants is discussed along with
the instruments utilized to operationalize constructs in a structured manner. The chapter
concludes with the procedures used for data collection.
Participants
Asian American families were recruited from an elementary school in Southern
California during a one-month period in the spring trimester of 2013. A total of 82 parents
completed the parent survey in its entirety. Of the 82 returned surveys, the final sample only
included 43 participants, though. Thirty-nine participants were excluded from the final analysis
either because they did not indicate that they were of Asian decent and/or because there was no
match with the teacher completed survey.
Female respondents comprised 74.4% (n = 32) of the sample and male respondents
comprised 25.6% (n = 11) of the sample. Parents’ ethnicity, generational status, frequency with
which they visit their country of origin, education, social economic status, source of income,
frequency with which they or their spouse travel away from the home, and number of kids in
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 42
elementary school are presented in Table 1 below. According to the United States Census
Bureau (2012) the term generational status refers to the place of birth of an individual or an
individual’s parents. The first generation refers to those who are foreign born, the 1.5 generation
refers to those that arrived in the United States as children or adolescents, the second generation
refers to those with at least one foreign-born parent, and the third or higher generation includes
those with two native parents (United States Census Bureau, 2012).
Table 2
Frequency Distribution of Parent Participants

N Percentage

Sex
Male 11 25.6
Female 32 74.4

Ethnicity
Chinese 5 11.6
Filipino 4 9.3
Indian 2 4.7
Japanese 1 2.3
Korean 19 44.2
Vietnamese 1 2.3
Asian (did not specify) 11 25.6

Generational Status
1
st
generation 12 27.9
1.5 generation 22 51.2
2
nd
generation 4 9.3
3
rd
generation or more 5 11.6

Visits to Country of Origin
Never 14 32.6
Every Few Years 18 41.9
Yearly 3 7.0
Not Applicable 8 18.6

Education
Some College 7 16.3
Bachelor’s 18 41.9
Master’s 11 25.6
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 43
Doctorate 7 16.3

Family Income
$75K-$100K 5 11.6
$100K or more 38 88.4

Source of Income
Mother 4 9.3
Father 10 23.3
Both 29 67.4

Traveling Away from Home
Never 17 39.5
Yearly 12 27.9
A Few Times Per Year 11 25.6
Monthly 3 7.0

Number of Children in Grades K-5
One 18 41.9
Two 23 53.5
Three 2 4.7

Fifteen kindergarten through fifth grade teachers were also recruited from the same
school site. Participants in the teacher sample ranged in age from 26 years of age to 53 years of
age (M = 38.13 years, SD = 7.99), with female respondents comprising 100% (n = 15) of the
sample. Teachers’ ethnicity and years of teaching experience are presented in Table 2 below.
Table 3
Frequency Distribution of Teacher Participants

N Percentage

Sex
Female 15 100.0

Ethnicity
Asian 3 20.0
Caucasian 12 80.0

Years of Teaching Experience
1-5 Years 1 6.67
6-10 Years 5 33.33
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 44
11-15 Years 5 33.33
21-25 Years 2 13.33
26-30 Years 2 13.33

Instruments
Parents and teachers were provided an informed consent form prior to participating in
this study and were notified that all survey responses would remain confidential (Appendix A).
The survey for parents was divided into four sections: 1) Demographic and background
information (Appendix B); 2) Parenting style (Appendix C); 3) Home environment (Appendix
D); and 4) Acculturation (Appendix E). The survey for teachers was divided into two sections: 1)
Demographic and background information (Appendix F); and 2) Classroom behavior and
academic achievement (Appendix G). The instruments utilized to operationalize the above
constructs for this quantitative study are described in detail below.
Parenting style. Overall style of parenting was assessed using the Parenting Styles and
Dimensions Questionnaire (PSDQ) originally developed by Robinson, Mandleco, Olsen, and
Hart in 1995 (Appendix C). The instrument is based upon Baumrind’s (1971) typology of
parental authority, which assesses levels of parental warmth and control during parent-child
interactions. The continuum of parenting styles includes authoritative, authoritarian, and
permissive parental authority (Baumrind, 1971). Authoritative parents establish rules and
guidelines that children are expected to follow, but this is done in a democratic manner. Parents
are generally responsive, nurturing, and supportive of their children. Authoritarian parents
establish strict rules that children are expected to follow and they place high demands on them.
Children who do not obey are punished and parents are generally not responsive to them.
Permissive parents have very few demands and very low expectations of their children. Parents
that are permissive rarely discipline children, but they are generally nurturing towards them.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 45
The short form version of the PSDQ was used in this study as it has been found to be
psychometrically sound with an internal reliability ranging from .75 to .91 (Robinson et al.,
2001). The instrument was a self-reporting survey of parental reactions to child behavior and it
consisted of 32 items that were scored on a 5-point Likert-type scale of exhibition ranging from
“always exhibits” to “never exhibits”. The instrument was a questionnaire that was completed
by either the mother or the father. The PSDQ had an authoritative parenting subscale with 12
items, an authoritarian subscale with 15 items, and a permissive subscale with 5 items. The
composite parenting style subscale score with the highest overall mean indicated the parent’s
preferred parenting style (Robinson et al., 1995). For this study, internal reliability ranged from
.58 for authoritarian parenting to .85 for authoritative parenting. Low reliability statistics for the
PSDQ may be due to a lack of variance in parenting style and generational status.
Home environment. The Home and Family Questionnaire (HFQ) measured proximal
processes and experiences that occurred in children’s homes, which have been found to directly
influence children’s developmental outcomes (Pierce, Alfonso, & Garrison, 1998) (Appendix D).
It drew from Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) social ecology model that focuses on the developing
person, the environment, and the evolving interaction between the two. The HFQ was a self-
reporting measure that has been found to be psychometrically sound (Pierce et al., 1998).
Construct, criterion, predictive, and concurrent validity of the HFQ were all found to be
acceptable with an internal reliability ranging from .65 to .78.
The HFQ had 46 items with three subscales that measured child behaviors, rules, and
parent behaviors (Pierce et al., 1998). The three subscales included maturity facilitation, parent-
child emotional relationship, and child’s use of stimulating materials. Maturity facilitation refers
to a parent’s encouragement and enhancement of the child’s development, the parent-child
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 46
emotional relationship refers to the degree of parental warmth and responsiveness, and the
child’s use of stimulating materials distinguishes between the presence of materials versus the
process of engaging with and using them. Parents responded to the questionnaire using a 4-point
Likert-type scale of occurrence ranging from “never” to “a lot”. For this study, internal
reliability ranged from .37 for parent-child emotional relationship to .78 for maturity facilitation.
Low reliability statistics may be due to limitations associated with social desirability and
applicability of items to the Asian American population surveyed.
Acculturation. An individual’s overall adaptation to the dominant culture at both an
individual and group level is commonly referred to as acculturation (Lee et al., 2003). Such
adaptation includes cultural, psychological, social, economic, and political aspects of accepting
the new culture and retaining the old. The Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation
Scale (AAMAS) is an orthogonal measure of acculturation that was used in this study to assess
acculturation to the European American host culture and Asian culture of origin (Chung, Kim, &
Abreu, 2004) (Appendix E).
The AAMAS instrument consisted of 15 items that were scored on a 6-point Likert-type
scale of representation ranging from “not very well” to “very well” (Chung et al., 2004). There
were three cultural dimension scales of the AAMAS, which were culture of origin, Asian
Americans, and European Americans. The Asian American cultural dimension scale was not
measured for the purpose of this study because the Pan-ethnic Asian American culture was not of
interest at this time. Within each cultural dimension scale there were four subscales that assessed
specific domains of acculturation. These specific domains were language, food consumption,
cultural knowledge, and cultural identity. Internal consistency for the cultural dimension scales
of the AAMAS ranged from .76 to .91 and test-retest reliability ranged from .75 to .89.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 47
Reliability data for the acculturation domain subscales ranged from .65 to .89. For this study,
internal reliability ranged from .90 for Asian culture of origin to .91 for European American host
culture.
Classroom behavior. The purpose of the Teacher’s Report Form for Ages 6 to 18 (TRF)
was to obtain the teacher’s perception of the child’s academic performance, adaptive functioning,
and problem behaviors in a standardized format (Achenbach, 1991). Only a revised section on
academic achievement and the behavioral and emotional problem behaviors of the instrument
was used for measurement as the focus of this study was on the relationship between home
environment and classroom behavior and the relationship between classroom behavior and
academic achievement (Appendix G).
The TRF items that measured problem behaviors measured three broadband scales and
eight syndrome scales (Achenbach, 1991). Test-retest reliability for the TRF ranged from .91 to
.95 and content, criterion, and construct validity were all found to be psychometrically
acceptable with items discriminating at p < .01. The TRF had 112 items that measured
internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors, as well as total problems (Achenbach, 1991).
Aggression, attention problems, anxiety/depression, delinquency, social problems, withdrawal,
somatic problems, and thought problems were also measured. Teachers responded to the
questionnaire using a 3-point Likert-type scale of truth that ranged from “not true” to “very/often
true”. For this study, internal reliability ranged from .90 for internalizing problem behaviors to
.96 for externalizing problem behaviors.
Academic achievement. In this particular school district, academic achievement is
measured in English language arts, mathematics, and writing. Student academics were measured
on a 4-point scale that ranged from “below basic” to “advanced”. For the purpose of this study,
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 48
academic achievement was measured according to district grading policies and was included in
the TRF survey (Appendix G).
Procedure
Prior to data collection, the study was approved by the Institutional Review Board,
ensuring that the research and proposed data collection procedures complied with Federal
regulations for protecting the rights and welfare of human subjects. Both informed consent and
methods for establishing privacy and confidentiality were approved as well.
The investigator of this exploratory study enlisted the help of the school office to begin
communication with parents about this exploratory research study. Since 81.1% of the school
population was Asian American, a brief description of the survey and a notice of confidentiality
were sent to all families. The letter established anonymity by describing the cross referencing
that would occur by student identification number and it made it clear that only the primary
investigator for this study would have access to the data collected. Since the primary
investigator was an employee at the school, it was also important to include communication
reassuring parents that their participation or lack thereof would not reflect upon their child or
children. For those parents that chose to participate in the survey, they were provided an
informed consent form along with a link to the online survey. They were also given information
on the purpose of the study, the procedures for completion, and their rights as participants. The
average time to complete the survey was 20 minutes. As an incentive for completing the survey,
parents were given the opportunity to enter a raffle for gift cards to local stores and restaurants.
Teachers at this school site were also recruited for participation in this exploratory study.
The primary investigator spoke with the teachers at a staff development meeting and explained to
them the purpose of the study, the procedures for completion, and their rights as participants.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 49
They too were given consent forms and the link to the online survey. Their survey took an
average of 8 minutes to complete per student in their class. As an incentive for completing the
surveys, teachers were given the opportunity to attend a catered lunch and enter a raffle for gift
cards to Target and CM School Supply.
Data Analysis

For the data analysis of the first research question, parenting style, home environment,
and acculturation were used as the independent variables while classroom behavior was used as
the dependent variable. Parenting style, home environment, and acculturation were measured
using parents’ scores from the Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire (PSDQ), the
Home and Family Questionnaire (HFQ), and the Asian American Multidimensional
Acculturation Scale (AAMAS). Classroom behavior was measured using teachers’ scores from
the Teacher’s Report Form (TRF). Three multiple regressions were conducted, one for each
dimension of the dependent variable: internalizing problems, externalizing problems, and total
problems. For the second research question, classroom behavior was used as the independent
variable while the dependent variable of academic achievement was measured according to
district grading policies. Three multiple regressions were deemed appropriate for each academic
subject area: English language arts, mathematics, and writing.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 50
CHAPTER IV
Results
The following chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the results of the study,
including preliminary analyses and correlations and analyses of the research questions.
Preliminary Analyses
Correlations. Pearson product correlation analyses were conducted to examine the
relationships between parents’ years of residency in the United States along with academic
achievement, classroom behavior, home environment, enculturation, and acculturation. Results
are summarized in Table 2.
As one would expect, parental years of residency in the United States was significantly
correlated with higher levels of acculturation (r = .61, p < .001). Level of acculturation to the
European American culture was associated with maturity facilitation in the home environment (r
= .39, p = .010), and inversely related to the parent-child emotional relationship (r = .32, p =
.039). This suggests that parents who are more adapted to the dominant culture report more
maturity facilitation and less parent-child emotional relationships at home. It should also be
noted that the level of enculturation to the culture of origin was associated with the level of
acculturation to the European American culture (r = .48, p = .001). This suggests that parents
who reported that they are more adapted to the dominant culture also reported a higher degree of
enculturation to their culture of origin. The level of enculturation to the culture of origin was not
associated with any other measured variable.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 51

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 51
Table 4
Means, Standard Deviations, and Pearson Product Correlations for Measured Variables
Variables M SD 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
1. Years in the US 31.19 8.53 .09 -.13 .00 .01 .61*** .05 .04 -.02 -.11 .04 -.01
2. MF 3.40 .30 -- -.35* .48** .23 .39* -.12 .04 -.06 .11 .14 -.01
3. PCER 2.50 .26 -- -.35* -.07 -.32* .09 -.14 -.02 .16 .13 .22
4. CUSM 2.99 .26 -- .08 .20 .08 .14 .11 -.12 -.09 -.08
5. CO 4.71 .97 -- .48** -.13 -.04 .00 -.08 -.14 -.22
6. EA 4.98 .79 -- .01 .07 .04 -.08 -.00 -.07
7. INT 36.88 6.20 -- .62** .81** -.50** -.46** -.26
8. EXT 34.93 7.56 -- .91** -.43** -.43** -.37*
9. TOT 134.63 25.90 -- -.59** -.58** -.45**
10. ENG 3.56 .63 -- .79** .81**
11. MATH 3.58 .63 -- .78**
12. WRIT 3.44 .63 --

Note. All scores are scaled scores. 1. Years in the United States; HFQ (Home and Family Questionnaire): 2. MF = Maturity
Facilitation, 3. PCER = Parent Child Emotional Relationship, 4. CUSM = Child’s Use of Stimulating Materials; AAMAS (Asian
American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale): 5. CO = Culture of Origin, 6. EA = European American Culture; TRF (Teacher’s
Report Form): 7. INT = Internalizing Problem Behaviors, 8. EXT = Externalizing Problem Behaviors, 9. TOT = Total Problems;
Academic Achievement: 10. ENG = English Language Arts, 11. MATH = Mathematics, 12. WRIT = Writing
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 52
Analyses of Research Questions
Research question 1: Does parenting style, home environment, and parental level of
acculturation predict classroom behavior in Asian American elementary school students?
Preliminary descriptive analysis indicated that 100% of the sample population reported the same
parenting style (authoritative). Therefore, it is removed from the regression analysis for lack of
variance.
To determine to what extent home environment and acculturation predict classroom
behavior, three separate simultaneous multiple regressions were performed using the three home
environment subscales of maturity facilitation, parent-child emotional relationship, and child’s
use of stimulating materials, as well as the two acculturation subscales of culture of origin and
European American culture as predictors. The criterion variables used for the analyses were the
three classroom behavior domains of internalizing problem behaviors, externalizing problem
behaviors, and total problems. None of the multiple regressions yielded significant correlations,
suggesting that home environment and acculturation for this particular population of Asian
Americans were not significant predictors of problematic classroom behavior.
Research question 2: Does classroom behavior predict academic achievement in
Asian American elementary school students? To determine to what extent classroom behavior
predicts academic achievement, three separate simultaneous multiple regressions were performed
using the two classroom behavior domains of internalizing problem behaviors and externalizing
problem behaviors as the predictor variables. The criterion variables used for the analyses were
the three academic achievement domains of English language arts, mathematics, and writing.
The regression results for each domain are discussed separately below.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 53
English language arts. Results of the multiple regression analysis with English as the
criterion variable indicated that when considering internalizing and externalizing problems
together, internalizing problems were a significant predictor of students’ English language arts
performance (β = -.37, t = -2.15, p = .038). Additionally, both internalizing problem behaviors
and externalizing problem behaviors explained a significant 27.1% of the variances in English
language arts (F (2, 40) = 7.45, p = .002). These results indicated that when considering Asian
American students’ internalizing and externalizing problems together, the unique components of
students’ internalizing problems significantly contributed to their English language arts academic
performance. In other words, students with fewer internalizing problems had better English
language arts academic achievement, when considering both areas of problematic behavior.
Table 3 provides a summary of the regression analysis for English language arts academic
achievement.
Table 5
Summary of Regression Analysis for Academic Achievement – English Language Arts

Variables R
2
F B SE β p

Academic Achievement - English Language Arts .271 7.45 .002

TRF
Internalizing Problem Behaviors -.037 .017 -.370 .038
Externalizing Problem Behaviors -.017 .014 -.204 .243

Mathematics. Results of the multiple regression analyses indicated that internalizing
problem behaviors and externalizing problem behaviors combined explained a significant 24.5%
of the variance in Asian American students’ math performance (F (2, 40) = 6.51, p = .004).
However, the unique components of each problem were not significant predictors of academic
achievement in mathematics by themself. Results of this analysis suggest that students with
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 54
fewer combined internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors had better academic
achievement in mathematics. Table 4 provides a summary of the regression analysis for
mathematics academic achievement.
Table 6
Summary of Regression Analysis for Academic Achievement – Mathematics

Variables R
2
F B SE β p

Academic Achievement - Mathematics .245 6.51 .004

TRF
Internalizing Problem Behaviors -.032 .018 -.316 .079
Externalizing Problem Behaviors -.019 .014 -.233 .190

Writing. Results of the multiple regression analyses indicated that when considering
both internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors together, they were not significant
predictors of writing performance, nor did they significantly contribute to variances in this area.
Table 5 provides a summary of the regression analysis for writing academic achievement.
Table 7
Summary of Regression Analysis for Academic Achievement – Writing

Variables R
2
F B SE β p

Academic Achievement – Writing .138 3.20 .051

TRF
Internalizing Problem Behaviors -.005 .019 -.053 .779
Externalizing Problem Behaviors -.028 .016 -.336 .080

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 55
CHAPTER V
Discussion
The purpose of this exploratory study was to better understand patterns of classroom
behavior and academic achievement among Asian American elementary school students. More
specifically, this study sought to explore the relationship between parenting style, home
environment, and acculturation on the classroom behavior of newly arrived, transient, and native
Asian American elementary school students as well as the relationship between classroom
behavior and academic achievement of this same population. Results of this study suggest that
parenting style, home environment, and acculturation are not significant predictors of
problematic classroom behaviors for this particular population of Asian American elementary
school students. However, results of this study do suggest that classroom behavior may be an
important variable in understanding the influences on academic achievement for Asian American
elementary school students. The following chapter provides a summary and discussion of the
findings, as well as implications for practice. Limitations of this study and possible directions
for future research are also discussed.
Discussion of Findings
Relationship between parenting style, home environment, parental level of
acculturation, and classroom behavior. This study sought to explore if parenting style, home
environment, and acculturation predicted problematic classroom behavior in Asian American
elementary school students. It was hypothesized that all three variables of parenting style, home
environment, and acculturation would predict classroom behavior. The results of the study did
not support the hypotheses. In terms of parenting style, the findings were inconclusive since the
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 56
planned analysis could not be conducted due to the lack of variability in this independent
variable. All parents reported the same parenting style (authoritative).
As for the remaining variables of home environment and acculturation, they were not
predictive of problematic classroom behavior for this particular population of Asian American
elementary school students. Perhaps the homogeneity of the participants influenced the lack of
significant findings. Majority of the parent participants in this study were highly educated, with
high socioeconomic status. They were actively involved in their child’s life, including their
education, and they had high expectations of academic success. Jeynes (2005) attests that
parental aspirations, academic expectations, and parental involvement are strong predictors of
children’s academic achievement in all stages of education because clear guidelines are set and
appropriate behavior is demanded.
Additional results also suggest that the participants were bicultural, meaning that they
were retaining their Asian culture of origin while simultaneously assimilating and adapting to the
European American host culture. Bicultural adaptation aids in the resiliency of immigrants
because it allows individuals to adjust to social environments based on their ability to identify
with both cultures (Sirikantraporn, 2013). Furthermore, Fielding, McDonald, and Louis (2008)
have found that as individuals acculturate, they internalize behaviors that are established as
group norms and then begin to align their own values with such behavioral expectations. Thus, it
can be speculated that home environment and acculturation may not predict problematic
classroom behavior in this particular group of Asian American elementary school students
because regardless of what is happening in other social contexts, clear expectations of behavior
in regards to academic achievement are set and considered nonnegotiable.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 57
Relationship between classroom behavior and academic achievement. The results of
this study confirm the hypothesis that classroom behavior does in fact predict academic
achievement. For this particular population of Asian American elementary school students,
English language arts performances were inversely correlated with internalizing problem
behaviors, externalizing problem behaviors, and total problems. Math performances were also
inversely correlated with internalizing problem behaviors, externalizing problem behaviors, and
total problems. However, writing performances were only associated with externalizing problem
behaviors and total problems, but not internalizing problem behaviors. These results suggest that
students with fewer externalizing problem behaviors rate better in their English language arts,
mathematics, and writing performances, but students with fewer internalizing problem behaviors
only rate better in English language arts and mathematics, but not writing performances. These
findings continue to validate research by Hinshaw (1992), Rudasill et al. (2010), McIntosh et al.
(2013), and Borg (2015) that suggests that classroom behavior influences academic achievement.
Perhaps an explanation for this would be the bidirectional influences that internalizing
and externalizing behaviors have on one another and with academic achievement. As defined by
Achenbach (1991), internalizing behaviors are negative, problematic, and directed towards
oneself, while externalizing behaviors are the reverse and directed towards lashing out at others.
Anxiety, depression, being withdrawn, and somatic complaints are examples of internalizing
problem behaviors. Aggression, defiance, violence, and other rule-breaking behaviors are
examples of externalizing problems. According to van Lier et al. (2012), internalizing and
externalizing behaviors are interrelated and spread from one domain to the other. A lack of
competencies in one area will influence competencies in another. Similarly, Masten et al.
(2005), found internalizing and externalizing behaviors to have a bidirectional influence with
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 58
academic achievement. Symptoms and problematic behaviors interfered with learning and
adaptive functioning, while failures in learning and adaptive functioning contributed to
symptoms and problematic behaviors. Thus, it can be speculated that when students display
negative behaviors, whether they be internalizing or externalizing behaviors, academic
achievement is negatively impacted. Classroom instruction is interrupted and instructional
minutes are lost as the teacher attends to the behavioral issue at hand. Conversely, it can be
surmised that when students are paying attention, on task, and focused, instructional time is
optimized and learning is maximized.
Another plausible explanation of the impact that classroom behavior has on academic
achievement could be self-efficacy. Self-efficacy is an individual’s belief in his or her ability or
capacity to succeed at a given task or attain a specific goal (Bandura, 1986). A student’s belief
in his or her capacity to succeed, whether positive or negative, can then influence his or her
motivation to work towards completing the task. Bong (2004) found that motivational beliefs
were related to particular tasks, contexts, and behaviors. Furthermore, Sternberg (2011) found
that beliefs and behaviors were linked to self-fulfilling prophecies because prophecies influence
expectations and behaviors are informed by expectations. In other words, if a student has low
self-efficacy towards an academic subject area, his or her motivation to complete assignments
and tasks in that subject area will also be low. Such low motivation can then influence the
student’s expectations and behaviors, negatively impacting their achievement in that particular
subject area.
As mentioned previously, Bong (2004) found that motivational beliefs are
compartmentalized to specific academic tasks and contexts. This could provide a possible
explanation for the results of this study that suggest that internalizing problem behaviors do not
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 59
influence academic achievement in writing. Writing is typically viewed as an independent
activity. Students have the opportunity to reflect when writing and they can use their written
words as a means of expression. Perhaps, the very nature of most writing tasks would not be
influenced by internalizing problem behaviors such as withdrawal or depression because the task
may be seen as therapeutic. Regardless of the possible explanations though, the results of this
study reiterate the importance of including the variable of classroom behavior when studying the
academic achievement of Asian American elementary school students.
Additional findings. The results of this study also indicate that the academic
achievements of students in English language arts, mathematics, and writing are correlated with
one another. In regards to the parent participants, results indicate that years of residency in the
United States are associated with higher levels of acculturation. These results are consistent with
studies that indicate that the longer a person resides in the United States, the more likely they are
to adopt dominant cultural norms (Berry, 1997). Additionally, the parents’ level of acculturation
to the European American host culture is associated with maturity facilitation, the parent’s
encouragement and enhancement of the child’s development in the home environment. Level of
parental acculturation is inversely related to the parent-child emotional relationship, the degree
of parental warmth and responsiveness, within the home environment. In other words, parents
who are more adapted to the dominant culture report more maturity facilitation and less parent-
child emotional relationships at home. While the maturity facilitation results in conjunction with
levels of acculturation are consistent with Baumrind’s (1971) research on authoritative parenting,
the results on lessened parent-child emotional relationships are not.
It should also be noted that the level of enculturation to the culture of origin is associated
with the level of acculturation. This suggests that those parents who reported that they are more
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 60
adapted to the dominant culture also reported a higher degree of maintaining their culture of
origin. Such results are consistent with more recent research on biculturalism. Asian Americans
are more likely to learn and retain one’s Asian cultural norms while simultaneously adapting to
the United States dominant cultural norms (Zhang & Moradi, 2013).
Implications for Practice
The results of this study provide important implications for educators currently working
with Asian American elementary school students. The role of classroom behavior must continue
to be considered as an important variable when developing an understanding of the factors
involved in the academic achievement of Asian American students. While more and more recent
research is confirming the role that classroom behavior plays in academics, including this current
study, there is still a limited amount of research that looks at specific internalizing and
externalizing behaviors of Asian American students and direct correlations of problem behaviors
with academic achievement in specific curricular areas. Results of the regression analyses
revealed that internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors along with total problems were
predictive of academic achievement in English language arts and mathematics, but that
externalizing problems and total problems, not internalizing problem behaviors, were related to
academic achievement in writing. These findings continue to show the variations in the role that
classroom behavior plays in academic achievement for Asian American elementary school
students. More development is needed in this area.
The results of this study also indicate that classroom behavior is not related to parenting
style, home environment, or acculturation for this particular population of Asian American
students. These findings suggest that variables within the classroom setting are more important
than parenting factors for these particular students. Such results lend themselves to several
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 61
important practical implications for educators, suggesting the important role of education in
correcting problematic behaviors regardless of what is occurring in other social contexts.
Teachers should take into consideration the role that classroom behavior plays in
academic achievement and plan lessons accordingly to teach students appropriate expectations of
behavior in a school setting along with academic content. Intervention specialists and school
counselors should implement research-based interventions and supports for both academics and
behavior to address the needs of the whole child struggling to be successful in a school setting.
School administrators and district personnel should support the implementation of school-wide
and district-wide initiatives that meet both the academic and behavioral needs of the student
populations they serve, including but not limited to Asian American elementary school students.
One emerging trend to correct problematic classroom behaviors is the implementation of
Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (PBIS). PBIS is a proactive approach to
establishing the behavioral supports needed for all students in a school setting to achieve (Horner
& Sugai, 2000). It is a school-wide initiative that fosters optimal learning environments by
teaching students appropriate social behaviors and aims to make school environments safe,
positive, effective, and consistent (Horner & Sugai, 2000). PBIS is also systematic and multi-
tiered to offer strategic support for students displaying behavioral issues at the universal,
targeted, and intensive levels (Martens & Andreen, 2013).
In 2010, over 9,000 schools across the nation were implementing PBIS in an effort to
reduce disruptive behavior problems (Bradshaw, Mitchell, & Leaf, 2010). In a five year
longitudinal study of 37 elementary schools, Bradshaw et al. (2010) found that schools
implementing PBIS with high fidelity experienced significant reductions in suspensions and
office discipline referrals. In addition, Todd, Campbell, Meyer, and Horner (2008) found that
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 62
targeted interventions implemented within a PBIS framework were effective in decreasing the
frequency of problem behaviors displayed by students. The most successful schools
implementing PBIS rely on teachers explicitly teaching behavior expectations to students and
clear administrative direction and support (Horner & Sugai, 2000). Additionally, the school
counselor has been found to be an essential member of the PBIS implementation team (Martens
& Andreen, 2013). Such research provides evidence of the importance that all stakeholders have
in a school setting to improve the classroom behavior and academic achievement of the student
population that they serve.
It’s also important to note the need to intervene early in a child’s development, as data
from this study shows lower levels of academic achievement and problematic classroom
behavior being displayed by students as early as kindergarten. Stormshak, Bierman, McMahon,
and Lengua (2000) found that experiences in early childhood influence children’s behavior in
kindergarten as well as subsequent school years. Furthermore, Cavanagh and Huston (2006)
found that the ability for young students to successful transition into elementary school
academically, behaviorally, and emotionally is predictive of their future success. Similarly,
McIntosh et al. (2013) found that school entry is a pivotal time for young children as failure to
adapt to the academic and behavioral demands of school can lead to problems later in life. Also,
research suggests that kindergarten students with low reading skills display externalizing
problem behaviors more frequently and that they are more likely to engage in problematic
behaviors as they progressed through school (Morgan et al., 2009). Such research highlights the
importance of early behavioral intervention due to the impact of problematic behavior on the
future educational success of young students.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 63
Limitations of Study
Several limitations must be taken into consideration for this study, including
generalizability and reliability of instrumentation. First and foremost, this study was limited by
the type of families who chose to participate. Participation was voluntary and targeting parents
with children displaying heightened problem behaviors in the classroom was minimal. Majority
of the parent participants were highly educated, rarely traveled away from the home, and were
first or 1.5 generational statuses. Additionally, 100% of the parent population reported an
authoritative parenting style. The majority of parents also reported having an upper class
background, with intact families, and both parents contributing to the family’s source of income.
Since translated versions of the surveys were not available, language barriers could possibly
attribute to the homogeneity of the parent participants.
Limitations must also be noted in ethnic group differences. While each of the six largest
Asian American groups were represented in the sample population, there was a larger
representation of the Korean American ethnic group. Plus, the sample size that participated in
this study was small, and all participants were from the same high performing school. Caution
should be made when generalizing these findings to a larger population of Asian American
students that may come from different backgrounds.
Another limitation of this study was the low reliability of the instruments used to measure
parenting style and home environment. Low reliability statistics for the PSDQ may have been
due to a lack of variance in parenting style and generational status, while low reliability statistics
of the HFQ may have been due to limitations associated with social desirability and applicability
of items to the Asian American population surveyed. When using self-reporting surveys there is
a risk of social desirability bias where participants may answer questions based on what they
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 64
believe to be socially desirable rather than a transparent assessment of their true parenting style,
behaviors in the home, and/or level of acculturation.
Future Research
Although the results of this study indicate that parenting style, home environment, and
acculturation are not correlated with problematic classroom behaviors, the need to conduct
further research on these variables remains strong. While there is sufficient research on the
relationships between parenting style, home environment, and acculturation in isolation with
children’s behavior, there is still limited research that attempts to combine all three variables
specifically with classroom behavior in Asian American elementary school students.
Paschall, Gonzalez, Mortensen, Barnett, and Mastergeorge (2015) found that sensitive
and emotionally available parenting forms secure attachment styles and fosters a child’s overall
well being. In addition, they found that sensitive parenting was associated with lower levels of
children’s classroom aggression in comparison to children that were exposed to detached and
uninvolved parenting. Stormshak et al. (2000) also assert that parenting behaviors in early
childhood influence children’s aggressive and emotion regulation in Kindergarten as well as
subsequent school years.
Research also suggests that children’s social and academic behaviors in school are
influenced by experiences in social environments outside of school including the home
environment (Wegmann, Thompson, & Bowen, 2011). Similarly, Silver, Measelle, Armstrong,
and Essex (2005) found that children’s behavioral characteristics in school are complicated by
the multiple social contexts in which children inhabit, such as the home. Parent’s acculturation
has also been found to have significant impacts on a child’s development of behaviors such as
shyness, language use, and participation at school (Xu & Krieg, 2014).
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 65
Since research supports the relationship of parenting style, home environment, and
acculturation in isolation with classroom behavior, it would be valuable for parents and educators
alike to understand the relationship of all three variables in conjunction with one another to truly
understand their impact on classroom behavior and in turn, academic achievement. It may also
be of interest to study students’ perspectives of parenting style, home environment, and
acculturation because the student’s frame of reference may differ from that of their parents,
potentially yielding different results of the variable’s impact on classroom behavior and
academic achievement.
With an understanding that classroom behavior is correlated with academic achievement
for this particular population of Asian American elementary school students, future research may
also want to examine the unique components of each internalizing and externalizing problem
behavior in an effort to further understand the unique differences in their predictability of
academic performance in English language arts, mathematics, and writing. Moreover, it would
be valuable to determine the specific behaviors that are associated with each particular content
area so that educators can focus on effective interventions associated with particular academic
needs.
Lastly, due to limitations associated with this study, it would be valuable for future
research to be conducted with a broader population. With all participating parents reporting the
same parenting style and 79% of the population being first or 1.5 generational statuses, there was
a lack of variance in the data collected. In addition, since the sample size was small and all
participants were parents and teachers reporting on students from the same high performing
school, generalizations of results are extremely limited.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 66
Conclusion
Overall, this study strived to address the paucity in current literature by examining the
relationship of parenting style, home environment, and acculturation to classroom behavior and
then in turn the relationship between classroom behavior and academic achievement amongst
Asian American elementary school students. Unfortunately, limited significant correlations were
found during data analysis. Results of this study revealed that parenting style, home
environment, and acculturation were not significant predictors of classroom behavior in this
particular population of Asian American elementary school students. However, results did
indicate that classroom behavior was a significant predictor of academic achievement amongst
this same sample. More specifically, externalizing problem behaviors and total problems were
found to be important influences on academic achievement in English language arts,
mathematics, and writing. Furthermore, internalizing problem behaviors were found to be
important influences on academic achievement in English language arts and mathematics.
While some studies have examined the various familial, environmental, and cultural
influences on children’s behavior in isolation, this exploratory study opened the gateway for
future research to be conducted to examine these variables in conjunction with one another, with
a broader population of Asian American elementary school students, looking specifically at
behaviors displayed in the classroom. This study highlighted the positive and negative
influences of classroom behavior on academic achievement, as well as the underlying
importance of the role of education in intervening and correcting such behaviors amongst Asian
American elementary school students. Using the results of this study, researchers and educators
can continue to build a stronger understanding of the role that classroom behavior plays in the
academic achievement of Asian American elementary school students.
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 67
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ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 77
APPENDIX A

INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH FOR PARENT
PARTICIPANTS

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Tracy Gyurina, Doctoral
candidate from the University of Southern California under the supervision of Dr. Ruth Chung,
Ph.D. Your participation is voluntary. You should read the information below, and ask questions
about anything you do not understand before deciding whether or not to participate. Please take
as much time as you need to read the consent form. You can decline to participate at any time in
the process. Please keep this form for your records.

Completion and return of the questionnaire will constitute consent to participate in this
research project.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to better understand the relationship between home and school
factors related to classroom behavior and academic achievement. Information will be collected
via completion of an online survey.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to fill out an online survey about home
factors such as parenting style, home environment, and acculturation. A demographic
questionnaire will also be included.

Questions will ask about how parents react to child behaviors, experiences in the home
environment, and acculturation to the European American culture as well as the culture of origin.
Each item in the survey will be answered by filling in the appropriate bubble below their answer.
Completion of the survey will take approximately 30-45 minutes. The link to the surveys will be
given in a separate document

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks associated with completing this survey. You may feel
uncomfortable answering some of the questions, but your answers will remain confidential.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
You may not directly benefit from your participation in this study. It is hoped that there will be
an increased understanding of home and school factors that affect classroom behavior and
academic achievement.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will be entered into a raffle to receive a $50 gift card to Target, a $25 gift card to Islands, or
a $25 gift card to Barnes & Nobel. Names will be entered into the raffle at the end of the study,
winners will be notified via email.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 78

CONFIDENTIALITY
Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will be disclosed only with
your permission or as required by law.

The data will be stored on a password-protected computer and in a locked storage container.
Surveys will be coded by student id number with no other identifiable information. Surveys will
be maintained separate from email addresses. The data will be kept for three years after the
completion of the study, then shredded.

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

The study results will be shared with Robert C. Fisler staff about the factors influencing students'
classroom behavior and academic achievement. When the results of the research are published or
discussed in conferences, no identifiable information will be included.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you or your child are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent, at
any time and discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims,
rights or remedies because of your participation in this research study.

ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your alternative is to not participate in this study; your relationship with the school will not be
affected, whether or not you participate in this study.

INVESTIGATORS CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Tracy
Gyurina by phone at (714) 356-0676 or by email at gyurina@usc.edu or Dr. Ruth Chung, Faculty
Sponsor, University of Southern California, Rossier School of Education, by phone at (213) 740-
3528, or by email at rchung@usc.edu.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant you
may contact the IRB directly at the information provided below. If you have questions,
concerns, complaints about the research and are unable to contact the research team, or if you
want to talk to someone independent of the research team, please contact the University Park
IRB (UPIRB), Office of the Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Credit Union Building,
3720 South Flower Street, CUB # 301 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 79
INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH FOR TEACHER
PARTICIPANTS

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Tracy Gyurina, Doctoral
candidate from the University of Southern California under the supervision of Dr. Ruth Chung,
Ph.D. Your participation is voluntary. You should read the information below, and ask questions
about anything you do not understand before deciding whether or not to participate. Please take
as much time as you need to read the consent form. You can decline to participate at any time in
the process. Please keep this form for your records.

Completion and return of the questionnaire will constitute consent to participate in this
research project.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to better understand the relationship between home and school
factors related to classroom behavior and academic achievement. Information will be collected
via completion of an online survey.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to fill out an online survey about
school factors pertaining to classroom behavior and academic achievement. A demographic
questionnaire will also be included.

Questions will ask about academic performance and behavioral and emotional problems of each
of your students. Each item in the survey will be answered by filling in the appropriate bubble
below their answer. Completion of the survey will take approximately 5 minutes per student. The
link to the instruments will be given in a separate document.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks associated with completing this survey. Your answers will remain
confidential throughout the course of the study.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
You may not directly benefit from your participation in this study. It is hoped that this study will
be an increased understanding of home and school factors that affect classroom behavior and
academic achievement.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will be invited to attend a catered lunch as well as be entered into a raffle to receive a $50
gift card to Target or a $50 gift card to CM School Supply. Names will be entered into the raffle
at the end of the study. Raffle winners will be notified via email.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Any identifiable information obtained in connection with this study will be disclosed only with
your permission or as required by law.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 80
The data will be stored on a password-protected computer and in a locked storage container.
Surveys will be coded by student id number with no other identifiable information. Surveys will
be maintained separate from email addresses. The data will be kept for three years after the
completion of the study, then shredded.

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

The study results will be shared with all Robert C. Fisler staff about the factors influencing
students' classroom behavior and academic achievement. When the results of the research are
published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable information will be included.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent, at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.

ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your alternative is to not participate in this study. Whether or not you participate in this study
will not have any effect on your relationship with your employer or the University of Southern
California.

INVESTIGATORS CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Tracy
Gyurina by phone at (714) 356-0676 or by email at gyurina@usc.edu or Dr. Ruth Chung, Faculty
Sponsor, University of Southern California, Rossier School of Education, by phone at (213) 740-
3528, or by email at rchung@usc.edu.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant you
may contact the IRB directly at the information provided below. If you have questions,
concerns, complaints about the research and are unable to contact the research team, or if you
want to talk to someone independent of the research team, please contact the University Park
IRB (UPIRB), Office of the Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Credit Union Building,
3720 South Flower Street, CUB # 301 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 81
APPENDIX B
DEMOGRAPHIC AND BACKGROUND INFORMATION FOR PARENT
PARTICIPANTS

1. How many children do you have attending Fisler School that are in grades K-5?
___1 ___2 ___3 ___4

2. What grade(s) is/are your children in? Check all that apply.
___Kinder ___1
st
grade ___2
nd
grade ___3
rd
grade ___4
th
grade ___5
th
grade

3. Please list your child’s/children’s student ID number(s) in the box below. If you are
entering more than one number, please separate them with a comma. Make sure that you
are only inputting ID numbers for children that are in grades K-5.

4. Gender
___Male ___Female

5. Age _____

6. Ethnicity/Culture of Origin _______________________

7. What is the highest level of education you have completed?
___less than high school ___high school ___some college
___Associate’s degree ___Bachelor’s degree ___Master’s degree
___Doctoral degree

8. What is your annual household income?
___$25,000 or less ___$25,000-$50,000 ___$50,000-$75,000
___$75,000-$100,000 ___$100,000 or more

9. Who contributes to your annual household income?
___mother ___father ___both

10. Who currently resides in your home? Check all that apply.
___child/children ___mother ___father ___aunt(s) ___uncle(s)
___grandmother(s) ___grandfather(s) ___other: ___________________

11. How often do you or your spouse travel away from the home for an extended period if
time (business)?
___never ___yearly ___a few times a year ___monthly
___2-3 times per month ___weekly

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 82
12. Where were you born? __________________________________________

13. How many years have you lived in the United States of America? ________

14. What generation are you in terms of residing in the United States?
___1
st
generation ___1.5 generation ___2
nd
generation
___3
rd
or more generation ___not applicable

15. How often do you visit your country of origin?
___never ___every few years or so ___yearly ___multiple times per year
___monthly ___not applicable

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 83
APPENDIX C

PARENTING STYLES AND DIMENSIONS QUESTIONNAIRE
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 84
APPENDIX D

HOME AND FAMILY QUESTIONNAIRE

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 85

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 86

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 87

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 88
APPENDIX E

ASIAN AMERICAN MULTIDIMENSIONAL ACCULTURATION SCALE

Instructions: Use the scale below to answer the following questions. Please circle the number
that best represents your view on each item.
______________________________________________________________________________
Not very Somewhat Very well
_______________________________________________well___________________________

1. How well do you speak the language of –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. English?

2. How well do you understand the language
of –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. English?

3. How well do you read and write in the
language of –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. English?

4. How often do you listen to music or look at
movies and magazines from –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

5. How much do you like the food of –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

6. How often do you eat the food of –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

7. How knowledgeable are you about the
history of –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

8. How knowledgeable are you about the
culture and traditions of –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?
1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 89
9. How much do you practice the traditions
and keep the holidays of –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

10. How much do you identify with –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

11. How much do you feel you have in common
with people from –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

12. How much do you interact and associate with
people from –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

13. How much would you like to interact and
associate with people from –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

14. How proud are you to be a part of –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

15. How negative do you feel about people
from –
a. your own Asian culture of origin?
b. the White mainstream groups?

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 3 4 5 6

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 90
APPENDIX F

DEMOGRAPHIC AND BACKGROUND INFORMATION FOR TEACHER
PARTICIPANTS

1. Gender
___Male ___Female

2. Age _____

3. Ethnicity ______________________________

4. What grade are you currently teaching?
___Kinder ___1
st
grade ___2
nd
grade ___3
rd
grade ___4
th
grade ___5
th
grade

5. How many years have you been teaching? ______

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 91

0 1 2 24. Disturbs other pupils

0 1 2 25. Doesn’t get along with other pupils
0 1 2 26. Doesn’t seem to feel guilty after
misbehaving

0 1 2 27. Easily jealous
0 1 2 28. Breaks school rules

0 1 2 29. Fears certain animals, situations, or
places, other than school
0 1 2 30. Fears going to school

0 1 2 31. Fears he/she might think or do
something bad
0 1 2 32. Feels he/she has to be perfect

0 1 2 33. Feels or complains that no one
loves him/her
0 1 2 34. Feels others are out to get him/her

0 1 2 35. Feels worthless or inferior
0 1 2 36. Gets hurt a lot, accident-prone

0 1 2 37. Gets in many fights
0 1 2 38. Gets teased a lot

0 1 2 39. Hangs around with others who get
in trouble
0 1 2 40. Hears sound or voices that aren’t
there

0 1 2 41. Impulsive or acts without thinking
0 1 2 42. Would rather be alone than with
others

0 1 2 43. Lying or cheating
0 1 2 44. Bites fingernails

APPENDIX G

TEACHER’S REPORT FORM FOR AGES 6-18

Below is a list of items that describe pupils. For each item that describes the pupil now or within the past
2 months, please circle the 2 is the item is very true or often true of the pupil. Circle the 1 is the item is
somewhat or sometimes true of the pupil. If the item is not true of the pupil, circle the 0. Please answer
all items as well as you can, even if some do not seem to apply to this pupil.

0 = Not True (as far as you know) 1 = Somewhat or Sometimes True 2 = Very True or Often True
_____________________________________________________________________________________

0 1 2 1. Acts too young for his/her age
0 1 2 2. Hums or makes other odd noises in class

0 1 2 3. Argues a lot
0 1 2 4. Fails to finish things he/she starts

0 1 2 5.There is very little he/she enjoys
0 1 2 6. Defiant, talks back to staff

0 1 2 7. Bragging, boasting
0 1 2 8. Can’t concentrate, can’t pay attention
for long

0 1 2 9. Can’t get his/her mind off certain
thoughts; obsessions
0 1 2 10. Can’t sit still, restless, or hyperactive

0 1 2 11. Clings to adults or too dependent
0 1 2 12. Complains of loneliness

0 1 2 13. Confused or seems to be in a fog
0 1 2 14. Cries a lot

0 1 2 15. Fidgets
0 1 2 16. Cruelty, bullying, or meanness to others

0 1 2 17. Daydreams or gests lost in his/her
thoughts
0 1 2 18. Deliberately harms self or attempts
suicide

0 1 2 19. Demands a lot of attention
0 1 2 20. Destroys his/her own things

0 1 2 21. Destroys property belonging to others
0 1 2 22. Difficulty following directions

0 1 2 23. Disobedient at school
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 92
0 1 2 69. Secretive, keeps things to self
0 1 2 70. Sees things that aren’t there

0 1 2 71. Self-conscious or easily embarrassed
0 1 2 72. Messy work

0 1 2 73. Behaves irresponsibly
0 1 2 74. Showing off or clowning

0 1 2 75. Too shy or timid
0 1 2 76. Explosive or unpredictable behavior

0 1 2 77. Demands must be met immediately,
easily frustrated
0 1 2 78. Inattentive or easily distracted
0 1 2 79. Speech problem

0 1 2 80. Stares blankly
0 1 2 81. Feels hurt when criticized

0 1 2 82. Steals
0 1 2 83. Stores up too many things he/she
doesn’t need

0 1 2 84. Strange behavior
0 1 2 85. Strange ideas

0 1 2 86. Stubborn, sullen, or irritable
0 1 2 87. Sudden changes in mood or feelings

0 1 2 88. Sulks a lot
0 1 2 89. Suspicious

0 1 2 90. Swearing or obscene language
0 1 2 91. Talks about killing self

0 1 2 92. Underachieving, not working up to
potential
0 1 2 93. Talks too much

0 1 2 94. Teases a lot
0 1 2 95. Temper tantrums or hot temper

0 1 2 96. Seems preoccupied with sex
0 1 2 97. Threatens people

0 = Not True (as far as you know) 1 = Somewhat or Sometimes True 2 = Very True or Often True
_____________________________________________________________________________________

0 1 2 45. Nervous, highstrung, or tense
0 1 2 46. Nervous movements or twitching

0 1 2 47. Overconforms to rules
0 1 2 48. Not liked by other pupils

0 1 2 49. Has difficulty learning
0 1 2 50. Too fearful or anxious

0 1 2 51. Feels dizzy or lightheaded
0 1 2 52. Feels too guilty

0 1 2 53. Talks out of turn
0 1 2 54. Overtired without good reason

0 1 2 55. Overweight
56. Physical problems without known
medical cause:
0 1 2 a. Aches or pains (not stomach or headaches)
0 1 2 b. Headaches
0 1 2 c. Nausea, feels sick
0 1 2 d. Eye problems (not if corrected by glasses)
0 1 2 e. Rashes or other skin problems
0 1 2 f. Stomachaches
0 1 2 g. Vomiting, throwing up
0 1 2 h. Other

0 1 2 57. Physically attacks people
0 1 2 58. Picks nose, skin, or other parts of body

0 1 2 59. Sleeps in class
0 1 2 60. Apathetic or unmotivated

0 1 2 61. Poor school work
0 1 2 62. Poorly coordinated or clumsy

0 1 2 63. Prefers being with older children or
youths
0 1 2 64. Prefers being with younger children

0 1 2 65. Refuses to talk
0 1 2 66. Repeats certain acts over and over;
compulsions

0 1 2 67. Disrupts class discipline
0 1 2 68. Screams a lot

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR 93
0 1 2 106. Overly anxious to please
0 1 2 107. Dislikes school

0 1 2 108. Is afraid of making mistakes
0 1 2 109. Whining

0 1 2 110. Unclean personal appearance
0 1 2 111. Withdrawn, doesn’t get involved
with others

0 1 2 112. Worries

0 = Not True (as far as you know) 1 = Somewhat or Sometimes True 2 = Very True or Often True
_____________________________________________________________________________________

0 1 2 98. Tardy to school or class
0 1 2 99. Smokes, chews, or sniffs tobacco

0 1 2 100. Fails to carry out assigned tasks
0 1 2 101. Truancy or unexplained absence

0 1 2 102. Underactive, slow moving, or lacks
energy
0 1 2 103. Unhappy, sad, or depressed

0 1 2 104. Unusually loud
0 1 2 105. Uses drugs for nonmedical purposes
(don’t include tobacco)
_____________________________________________________________________________
Current academic performance: Check box that indicated pupil’s performance for each subject.
Below Basic Basic Proficient Advanced
1. English language arts
2. Mathematics
3. Writing

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Gyurina, Tracy A. (author)

Core Title Exploring the relationship between academic achievement and classroom behavior of Asian American elementary school students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 02/22/2016

Defense Date 01/19/2016

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Academic Achievement,acculturation,Asian American,classroom behavior,elementary,home environment,OAI-PMH Harvest,parenting style

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Chung, Ruth (committee chair), Stowe, Kathy (committee member), Wu, Maryann (committee member)

Creator Email gyurina@usc.edu,mstracyluvs2tch@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-210962

Unique identifier UC11278331

Identifier etd-GyurinaTra-4125.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-210962 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-GyurinaTra-4125.pdf

Dmrecord 210962

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Gyurina, Tracy A.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA