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Animation rurale in Chad: Its contribution to living standards and literacy of the villagers
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Animation rurale in Chad: Its contribution to living standards and literacy of the villagers
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A NIM ATIO N RURALE IN CHAD ITS C O N TR IB U TIO N TO LIV IN G STANDARDS AND LITER A C Y OF THE VILLAGERS by N. Daniel G uelkodjingar A Dissertation Presented To The FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL U N IV E R S ITY OF SOUTHERN C A LIFO R N IA In Partial Fulfillm ent of the Requirements fo r the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Education) January 1982 UMI Number: DP24827 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Dissertation Publishing UMI DP24827 Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA TH E G RADUATE SC HO O L U N IV E R S IT Y PARK LOS AN G ELES. C A LI F O R N IA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by GiiELKQD JJ N G A R . D M I EL. _ _ _ N .................. under the direction of h.X$... Dissertation C om mittee, and approved by a ll its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in p artial fu lfillm en t of requirements of the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y Dean M o DISSERTATiqrN CO '^ L Chatrman \n T O ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many have contributed in one way. or another to render this dissertation a re a lity . I am indebted to my colleague Nangyad Ragas. For, while I was Principal of Lycee Technique Commercial in N'Djamena, it was he who encouraged me to come to the United States to fu rth e r my studies. The A frican-A m erican In stitu te and USAID provided financial and moral support both during my studies at USC, one of the fin est American U n iversities, and while I was doing the research in Southern Chad. I deeply appreciate the aid of these two sponsoring International Agencies. My appreciation goes to Miss Mary R. B aker, form er Missionary in Chad, fo r her fa ith fu l prayers and care. Thanks are due to my colleagues, Fernand Sanou and Thomas Khali, from whom I benefited through mutual critiq u es, suggestions and other assistance. D r. Vernon Broussard suggested the use of the Eric system to collect data, whereas D r. Nake Kamrany and M r. George Teguide provided the needed documents about development and education in rural areas. May all of them find here my appreciation. To D r. William Rideout, chairman of this thesis, who went through the original m anuscript with many helpful suggestions regarding content, style and organization. I express my appreciation and gratitu d e; however, I alone am ultim ately responsible fo r the ideas and opinions expressed in this study. iii Especially to Jeanne Hawkins, my devoted, American M other, who read, typed and retyped this paper and called to my attention areas of possible improvement. To my w ife, Eunice Mingueradji G. fo r her love, patience and understanding while she was dilig en tly waiting in Chad fo r my retu rn home, I express affection. To everyone whose books and articles I have read, to every man or woman with whom I have talked about education and rural development, to my inform ants; and ESPECIALLY TO GOD Who gave me the strength and intelligence To complete all the requirem ents toward the P h .D . degree, I express my profound g ra titu d e. • iv TABLE OF CONTENTS D E D IC A T IO N . . . . ACKNOW LEDG EM ENTS. TABLE OF C O N TEN TS. LIS T OF T A B L E S .. LIS T OF F IG U R E S .. . A FR IC AN MAPS .. IN TR O D U C TIO N .. CHAPTER I. NECESSITY FOR AN A LTE R N A T IV E EDUCATION . . A . O verview of the Problem : ................................... .. .. 5 B. Animation Ruale or Nonformal Education: ......................... 14 1) O verview : .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . . 14 2) A ltern ative Theories to Formal Education: .. 16 REVIEW OF THE L IT E R A T U R E ....................... 23 A . A frican Case S tud ies: 23 B. Chadian Case S tud ies: 34 1) D efinitions: ,. .......................................................... 34 2) B ackground: 38 3) Animation Rurale as an Integrated Renewal System : 68 v Page ii iii v viii ix x CHAPTER Page I I I . DESIGN ...................................................................................................... 74 A . Approach to Data Collection: 74 1) Evaluation Approaches 75 2) The PQLI Approach as an Evaluative Frame 76 3) The Research Sites: .................................... 79 4) Selection of the Sample Population: 82 5) Elaboration of Research Questionnaires: .. 84 B. Assumption: .................................... .................................... 89 C. Purpose: ........................................................................................... 89 D. Limitations: ................................................................................ 89 IV . PRESENT S IT U A T IO N OF A NIM ATIO N RURALE IN CHAD. 91 A. Role of Animation Rurale: ...................... .. 91 B. The Pilot Schools: ................................. . ........................ 93 1) Goals and Objectives of Pilot Schools: 93 2) Role of the National D irector of Elementary Education ..................................................................... 94 3) Role of the Sous-Prefect: 95 4) Role of the Students-P arents A ssociation(SPA ): 97 5) Role of the International Agencies: 100 C. School Efficiency: ........................ .................................... 103 1) Academic Components: ...................... ........................ 104 2) O ut-of-School Components: ...................... .. 111 3) School In c o m e :..................................................................... 119 y i CHAPTER Page D. The Shutdown of Schools in Chad and the Reverse Rural Exodus: .. ............................................... 122 E. In teg rative A ctivities in the Village: ......................... 125 1) Village Population: .. ............................................... 126 2) Innovative A ctivities: 128 3) Revenues and R ecurrent Charges: ......................... 132 V . FIND INGS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND C O N C L U S IO N S .... 139 A. Findings: Respondents' A n s w e r s ........................ 139 B. Recommendations: .......................................................... 155 1) Suggestions to the Anim ateur Rural: 155 2) Considerations on In teg rative Learning: .. 159 3) Animation Rurale and the S truggle against P o v e rty : ..................................................................... 172 CONCLUS I O N : ..................................................................... ......................... 176 B IB L IO G R A P H Y :................................................................................................... 184 A P P E N D IC E S :..................................................................... 190 A. Tables: ................................. ......................................................... 190 B. Questionnaires: .......................................................... 194 C. F i g u r e s : ........................................................................................... 209 D. List of A bbreviations .......................................................... 214 v i i LIST OF TABLES Page 1) Selected Pilot School S ites................................... .. . . 80 2) Selection of the R e s p o n d e n ts .................................... .. 82 3) C hecklist of the Elements of Basic N eeds.. . . . . 86 4) Financial C ontributions of the Bebedjia SPA M em bers.. 99 5) Assistance to Five Research Pilot Schools as of 1977.. 102 6) Class Size and E fficiency, 1977................................................ 104 7) Success in Admissions Examinations: Balimba 1976-77.. 108 8) Pilot School of M bikou, Schedule, 1980 109 9) Balimba Pilot School: Student Preferences for Out-of-School A ctivities, 1980............................................. 114 10) Balimba Pilot School: Allocation of Time According to Grade and In terest C en ter, 1977 117 11) O rigin of School Income, 1976-77............................................ 120 12) Canton of M bikou, 1980: Estimates of A ctive Population and its Civic Taxes Paid......................................................... 126 13) Canton of Mbikou: Estimates of Means of Production, 1981.................................................................................................... 129 14) Canton of Mbikou: Crude Estimates of Nine Farmers' Incomes, 1980............................................................................... 133 15) Display of P rodu ctivity C o s ts .. .. .. .. ,, 135 16) S ub -P refectu re of Bekedjia: Estimates of Civic Taxes collected in 1980.. 137 vi ii LIST OF FIGURES Page 1) Evolution of the Dropout Pyram id, 1976-77....................... 105 2) D istribution of Practical A ctivities According to Grade Level and Students' In te re s t.. ................................. .. 118 3) The A uthor's Pedagogical View on Animation R urale. . . 162 4) Operation Sahel V e rt . . .. ............................................... 209 5) Massa T rib e Silo....................... 210 6) Wadian Woman Preparing Cords fo r her C arpet. . 211 7) C ra ft Products, N'Djamena. 1976.......................................... 212 8) INSE S tru c tu re . . .................................... ........................ 213 ix AFRIQUE CARTE POLITIQUE S A H A R A L I B V E R .A .U . N I 6 E R sE nE & a l y COTE F^^_PES SOMALIS GAMS IS GlJINfeE'' if G UiNEE * S O U D A N \SO M ALIE V A N G 5', 1 N IG E R IA SlEKRA E T H IO P IE LEONE ^ \O T W O IA l*t * gy jREPOBL.CENTRAFRICAlNf, a \ ^ ; ' K E N Y A A 4 R < H > A M D A oUroundi GL'INEETESP^ - h ; ZT~— 1 — » 7 GABON % ^ , CONGO E X -B ELG E \T H N G mNYIKA c s = ‘r f j V ' —' w .ri" < & I R H O O tS ^ 'ft 1 A N G O LA V*’ O f *• ^\R«ODfeRIE • ^ J m 1 . 2 F \ D U S U D } r s / o A F B I C A IN ^ y_J _ j T SUD-OUEST u . ION SWAZI', Ut 10 LAND- BfcS.UTO •JAND suo - a f r i c a ITn e IK P LA NT AT I ON DBS ECGI£S PiLOTSS DU TCHAD LIBYE Borkou - Bnnedi - Tibeati N IC ER . PAYA B i l t i n e . nLTIHE s a n & m V . y Ou- d d a l Bath a A 3 E C H E / J S O U D A N •■A d re . A T I 'jnc -'•^’ Chari-2 a ;-ui rnlA '^r^. • f1 a 3 3 3 i.= r u e t v K tC K R T . f Y ? ' D J A tC ?A '' i J ( F a r e h a ) C A IiE flO B tf r l a y o - K e b i j l Gudra ‘ .Ouelenden/r/ ( 3 0 U G *0 R " 7 — ' \ M oye n-Ch"ari .S A R iJ r- *bai •Xojone Qc^ ^ 9 T jsdou^ ~ T ~ Ubikou > E -O ^o n e 'V-Gore ' _______ \ - TteTfcoicoun_ _ \, / e* »r;i.>iuE'Wnr»AFRiCAiN' . piOWGO . A ii-T J .IiA .IT Li.'jbi’ s D - Lirita (la prefecture Gudra: drefeature V ATI:Chef lieu da Prefectur avec B e ole ?ilote .L\3:Chef lieu de Trefecturfc 3ans Ecole Tilote Gore:Viile 3econdaire o u village avec Ecole _____________ XI IN TR O D U C TIO N Animation ru ra le , or activating rural life, is a nonformal type of education which has been aimed essentially at the development of cash crops, but not at the w ell-being of the villag ers. Under the persis te n t pressures of political and social demands fo r se lf-ru le and self-help program s, it evolved from the previous oppressive system toward a reform of elem entary education in rural areas. In Chad, since 1926, In stitu t de Recherche cotonniere et T e x tile - du Tchad (IR C T ) (T h e T e x tile and Cotton Research In s titu te ), rooted in the countryside, has been developing cotton w ithout developing the grow ers. T h ere is an exasperating economic and intellectual gap between the cotton growers and the bureaucrats. Worse s till, the combination of increasing population and decreasing food resources, the lack of basic functional literacy and health care in the villages, the existence of negative adm inistrative rules and regulations, along with a hopeless economic system based on cotton, have drawn the villagers to the edge of mass starvation and unbearable, abject p o verty. The tru th is th a t villagers are vegetating. They cannot even afford to sleep on a mattress made of cotton, because the price of cotton goods made from the raw cotton they produce is beyond th e ir purchas ing power. Meanwhile, the elite, endowed with all the privileges and advan tages of s e lf-ru le , are increasing th e ir living standards to levels com 1 parable to those of the developed nations. This lack of concern on the p art of T h ird World intelligentsia could lead to a social revolution more violent and te rrib le than has yet been experienced in sub-Saharan A frica . This rebellion could e ru p t at any tim e, and when it does, a chaotic anarchy will ensue which will be v e ry d iffic u lt to deal w ith. P overty, disease, and ignorance are the three major fuels th a t nourish fru s tratio n and discontent in th e rural areas; it is no w onder, when villagers th in k th a t they only have duties and obligations, but no privileges at all. The villag ers1 realization of th e ir continuing exploita- tio n --th e ir developing social aw areness--is due to the effects of mass media, internal and international m igrations, the political and religious riv a lrie s --a ll of which have continued unabated since .independence and could trig g e r a perm anent state of rebellion. In order to deal with this explosive situation, created by a back ward and inadequate rural policy, leaders in the poor nations need to be aware of new trends in rural aspirations and needs and prepared to respond to them in deeds rath er than words. The situation is dang er ous and requires a policy th a t can give opportunities and freedom fo r villagers to organize, to learn from th e ir experience, to experim ent with new techniques and activities, a real "self-help" policy consistent with pragmatism and the use of good common sense fo r su rv iv a l. A prereq uisite fo r encouragement and hope would be a drastic change in the goals and objectives of the adm inistrative and socio-economic poli cies and programs which would constitute a fram ework fo r social tra n s formation . In keeping with this line of th o u g h t, the investigator's in ten t is 2 to id en tify the basis fo r an experience-based cu rricula derived from d ire c t contact with the economic, occupational, civic, and cultural realities of life in the countryside. Suggestions will be concerned with how to combine the use of school facilities (b u ild in g s, m aterials, tools, and plants) and village resources (s k ills , labor fo rce, money, and tim e) in ways th a t help more villagers improve th e qu ality of life in the here and now and in the foreseeable fu tu re . This interwoven curriculum could provide a wide v a riety of formal and informal learning experiences and services fo r children, youth , and adults all living in the same village. A closer w orking relationship should be fostered with p rivate and public institutions and en terp rises, or cultural and development agencies, so th a t these entities could enrich in structio n. To achieve th at objective it is essential to provide opportunities fo r constant interaction between in-school and out-of-school experiences congruent with the p resen t-d ay needs and aspirations of the rural population. O verall, a u n ity of action is needed at the school and public adm inistration levels on the one hand, and the S tudent-P arents Association (S P A ) and the national or international development agen cies, on the o tth er hand,. This could improve school programs and practices and village life in general. It must be recognized however, th at the implementation of such an integrated animation ru rale e ffo rt could be hindered in various ways, but most especially by (1 ) the unreadiness of the bureaucratic establishm ent, which could preven t c rea tiv ity and impose upon the people fru s tra tin g , ultra-co n servative policies and program s, and (2 ) by the lack of specialized, practical, scientific, and technologically 3 trained teachers so th at the present cadre of teachers would challenge any reform of the existing highly selective and abstract educational system in operation. For a clear analysis of the complete components and problems of animation ru ra le , the study is divided into fiv e chapters. C hapter I presents an overview of the problem and discusses the need for* an altern ative education for the survival of poor nations. The second chapter deals with the review of lite ra tu re , the purpose of which is to provide a deep and broad understanding of the animation phenomenon. Th e methodology of data collection will be treated in C hapter II I . C hapter IV will attem pt to assess the schools' practices in terms of th e ir previous activities, before the civil w ar, and how well these activities were integrated into village life. Finally, Chapter V will present some findings and recommendations fo r fu rth e r action and research. To begin w ith , it is essential to be aware of the magnitude of p o verty throughout the w orld, so th a t realistic solutions to this problem can be generated which will meet the expectations of the villag ers. I believe the results of this study should fir s t of all be of in terest to the peasants and villagers them selves. I believe the study should also prove valuable to educational planners, politicians and practitioners concerned with rural development. Finally, students and researchers will find in this study useful information concerning animation rurale in Francophone A frica . CHAPTER I N ECESSITY FOR AN A LTE R N A T IV E EDUCATION "P overty is Slavery" (C h arlo tte & Wolf Leslau, 1962, p .56) A . OVERVIEW OF THE PROBLEM: On a worldwide scale, illiterate and h a lf-lite ra te poor have been dram atically victim ized by m alnutrition, h u nger, and starvation , all of which result from the inequitable use and distrib utio n of resources. The rich and educated become rich er; the poor and ignorant become poorer. For leaders of the T h ird W orld, education (possessing or not possessing it) seems to be at the root of this in eq uality. T h erefo re , education becomes the tool fo r a smoother transition from the tra d itio n al substandard way of living to a b ette r life. C onsequently, there has been increasing in terest in n o n -trad itio n - al approaches to learnin g, since the non-traditional approach is d iffe r ent from the highly selective formal system of education th a t has been in practice in so many poor countries. A non-traditional method would be based on a needs assessment approach ra th e r than on merely a cq u ir ing knowledge fo r knowledge's sake. More attention would be given to particip ato ry pedagogy in which there is learning by doing. The acquisition of skills can then be used immediately fo r personal and community benefit rath er than fo r adherence to an academic curriculum 5 that is derived by rote memorization- Following this line of th in k in g , both international agencies and national governments are aware of the necessity to coordinate and integrate education with other crucial and economic development activities, since education alone is insu fficient to improve life if it is not functional. Year a fte r y e ar, resources grow scarce while populations are booming. There is a g reat need fo r an adequate educational process th a t could save hum anity from much suffering and mass starvation. The anthropologist M. Collin T u rn b u ll (1972), has described a case of A frican tribes (Wandorobo, Tenso, and Ik ) living in the mountains between Kenya and Uganda. These were powerful tribes whose lives depended on gathering food (roots and b e rrie s ), collecting honey or term ites, and h u n tin g . Since the food gathered by the women was e v ery b it as im portant in the d iet as the meat obtained from hunting by the men, there was equality of importance between men and women. T h e ir concept of fam ily was broad because th e ir survival was a m atter of being collectively to g eth er. Community of residence counted most in everyday life . IVIost men were trained as blacksmiths while the women were trained in the home a rts . But in less than two generations, this group has deteriorated from a trib e of prosperous and daring hunters to scattered bands of hostile people whose only goal in life is individual s u rv iv a l. Walled in th e ir compounds, living in fear of th e ir neighbor, th ey have created a society th at frig h te n in g ly m irrors the cold and lonely selfishness of some highly sophisticated modern cities. The needs of the moment are the only needs th a t dominate the mind. 6 Consequently, the fam ily ceases to exist as a resu lt of the d eg ra dation of th e ir natural environm ent from which they have taken th e ir daily food, sh elte r, clothing, and medicinal products. The negative impact of overgrazing of livestock and overpopulation are reinforced by d ro u g h t, bad h arvest, and increases in living costs both in the cities and in the rural areas. None of these tribes has been retrained to adjust to modern life. The Wandorobo, Tenso, and Ik trib es seemed to have reached th e ir limits of adap tab ility. My purpose in pointing out this m isery is to demonstrate th a t the Wandorobo condition is not unlike th at shared by many poor countries of the w o rld, including Chad. Something must be done and th ere is the hope of renewal in h eren t in improving the living standards of the economically poor. A number of experts - - economists, educators, politicians, and development planners are looking forw ard to reg en erat ing hope and imagination in the rural areas by studying and try in g out new strategies and alternatives to pu rely trad itio nal education. Experts consider n u tritio n ,h e a lth , shelter, and education fo r a decent living to be basic and universal human needs. Robert S. McNamara (1975) observed th a t education in the devel oping countries has known g reat expansion fo r 25 years; bu t its expansion has been ill-o rie n te d . Millions of educated people, he said, are unemployed while there are millions of tasks th a t nobody can do because th ey lack the appropriate education, tra in in g , and skills. McNamara has predicted th a t if the trends of population grow th and illiteracy remain the same, the number of illitera te people will reach 865 million in 1985. 7 This phenomenon would worsen the living standards in developing nations and limit th e ir development capability. In McNamara's view , only mass oriented functional education would encourage participation in development and would, in the short ru n , democratize the education al process. Debating the necessity of nonformal education, Stephen P. H eyn er- man (1 9 79 ), argued th a t in a country like India where the literacy rate is th ree in te n , it is often assumed th a t, economically, th ere is a s u r plus of education. T h e re fo re , additional investm ent in Indian educa tion would be uneconomic. Functional education th en , is not u n iversal, fo r countries d iffe r in c u ltu re , environm ent, and needs. Aldun Noor (1 9 79 ), has studied basic education as an integrated system oriented toward human needs. He argues th a t the human needs approach is a redefinition of develop ment which selectively attacks most common forms of po verty and other crucial human lim itations. A fte r determ ining the ta rg e t groups, general ly fam ilies, of a literacy program , the educational process could then be integrated with d iffe re n t modes of learning and be introduced w ithin comprehensive development plans. The choice of a single langu age fo r instruction in a m ultilingual society could facilitate the readiness of the program implementation. Furtherm ore, Noor noted th a t oral communication and the involvem ent of higher and lower learning in s titu tions in rural education are among other key factors to success and should be emphasized. Relying on empirical data, Coombs, Ul Haq, and Uma Lele (1 9 7 5 ), observed th a t when a literacy campaign is directed toward specific 8 vocational or professional tra in in g , it maximizes self-confidence and Spontaneous enterprises among the learn ers. This view point is crucial in the economic litera tu re of development where a number of economists have found a strong, positive correlation between the development of human capital (sem i-skilled and skilled w o rkers) and the development of physical capital (land and natural resources). E arlier, Harbison and Meyers (1 9 64 ), observed th a t the building of a modern nation depends upon the development of skilled labor and the organization of human activities, since th e re is a strong relationship between the literacy rate and the level of a country's development. Along with natural resources, foreign a id , and international tra d e , the manpower profile (which is the required number of trained people fo r develop m ent) is the most essential facto r th a t can determine either economic grow th or recession of a co u n try. Gerald M. Meier (1 9 7 6 ), stated th a t investm ent in human capital is considered a non-m aterial investm ent which indicates th a t output has increased at a higher rate than can be explained by an increase in inputs alone of labor and physical capital. This "resid u al," Meier said, which is the difference between the rate of increase in physical capital labor and in o u tp u t, is due to tangible human qualities im prove ment. These la tte r, in re tu rn , depend on how the formal educational system operates within a given society. Todaro (1 9 7 7 ), observed th a t this principal institutional mechanism fo r developing human skills and knowledge is often maladjusted to social needs at the prim ary level. Many poor countries cannot afford to reach the goal of universal p r i mary education, which would accelerate the economic growth and social 9 w elfare in the shortest possible tim e, because of financial lim itations. How ever, Todaro has found a strong relationship between education and other development indicators such as grow th in GNP, inequality in income d is trib u tio n , internal or external m igration, fe r tility , etc. Todaro recommended th a t the educational system be focused on q u ality and p ra ctic ality of learning ra th e r than on q u an tity measured by enrollments which were followed by tremendous drop-outs and "cost in e ffic ie n c y .1 1 T h ere is now general agreem ent among economists th a t the higher the educational level of an individual in a developing co u n try, the b etter and higher his level of participation in the political and non-po litical decisions th a t affect his life. This is a fine theoretical concept. How ever, it would be more helpful to developing nations if economists would be more practitioners than th eo rists. Shoemacher (1 9 68 ), advo cated the view point th a t personal experience in the field is fa r more valuable than a clinical development of the fundamental models. For example, S tanbu ry and Child (1 9 74 ), found th a t investm ent in p reven tive medicine would give the maximum cost-benefit advantage if th ere were an involvem ent in health care education - - n u tritio n , v a rie ty in food supp ly, w ater supp ly, hygiene, and health care d elivery systems - - ra th e r than an in tro d u cto ry speech on Biology. D r. Nake Kamrany (1 9 7 9 ), warned th a t the agro-ecological system depends on how people use th e ir natural environm ent. O bserve how people make use of th e ir land, fauna,, and flora and you will come up with a p re tty good answer to what th e ir fu tu re will be like. Ecological reconstruc tion is a vital public concern and demands th a t people be given more 10 responsibility if they are to be made aware of the environm ent in which th ey live. T h u s, an insistance on cheaper and newer technolo gies to create an enabling environm ent, and careful management of the milieu by the people themselves would provide a much b etter chance of s u rv iv a l. S tric tly speaking, absolute poverty is due not to shortfalls of m aterials or technological resources; rath er it is due to shortcom ings of social imagination and political management. The World Bank and a number of economists almost conclusively agree th a t th ere is a universal link between education and economic development. Reform of the educational system based on the green revolution and social reconstruction of the e n tire society is widely accepted as fundamental to any strategy fo r meaningful economic devel opment. The World Bank sees interm ediate technology in ag ricu ltu re and functional education as solid bases fo r hopeful and viable educa tio n , indicating dynamic interactions between new in puts, methods, and the receiving environm ent. Both viewpoints ( i . e . , th a t of the World Bank and of the econo m ists) are giving more attention not only to in-school activities, but also to out-of-school activities and applied practica th a t can sustain in terest in the learning process fo r the m ajority. B u t, what then do key educational philosophers th in k about informal ways of learning? As fa r as the formal educational system is concerned, many educa to rs , like some economists, are dissatisfied with the classical form s, methods, content, and procedures fo r train in g youth . New problems arise and new needs and aspirations contribute to grow ing demands fo r educational changes. Y et the formal elitist system of education basical ly adheres to the status quo. One of the formal system's v iru le n t critics is Philip Coombs (1978). According to Coombs, the educational system suffers from a "crisis of maladjustment on a worldwide basis." Coombs observed a fa ilu re of educational systems to transform themselves rapidly enough to match the needs of th e ir sw iftly changing environm ents. Uma Lele (1 9 7 5 ), was searching fo r more effective ways to coun te r both food shortages and the m aldistribution of income in A frica through nonformal education. She thought th a t the prim ary objective in income distrib utio n must be higher p ro d u ctivity and living standards in rural areas. But higher p ro d u ctiv ity and more equitable d is trib u tion of income depend on th e implementation and evaluation of practical policies and actions th a t people must fit. M. Ul Haq (1 9 7 6 ), believed th a t development planners should not w o rry about the increase of GNP. R ather, they ought to d ire ct th e ir attack on mass p o verty . Lifting this po verty curtain is probably the most form idable challenge facing contem porary educators. H ere, John Dewey's advice (1963) would be h elp fu l. For Dewey, neither the old nor the new education is adequate. Each is miseducative because neith er applies the principles of a carefu lly developed philosophy of experience which is learning by doing. This view point is v e ry similar to the Montessori approach to progressive education, which is based on the child's d ig n ity , tru s t, and patience. It seeks to help the child develop his potential fo r being in touch with himself and his e n v iro n ment. For Paulo Freire (1 9 7 3 ), ev ery human being from the Wandorobo 12 trib e in A frica to the Pariah in In d ia ), no m atter how "ignorant" or submerged in the "cu lture of silence" (a lie n a te d ), is capable of c ritic a l ly examining his world in a dialogical encounter with others. Provided with proper tools fo r such encounters, he can g radually perceive his personal and social re ality and deal c ritica lly with it. For example, when an illiterate peasant participates in this sort of educational experience, he comes to a new awareness of self and a new sense of d ig n ity , said F reire. He is s tirred up by new hope. A form er p articip an t is quoted as saying, "I now realize I am a man, an educated man. Before th is , words meant nothing to me; now they speak to me and I can make them speak." (Paulo Freire 1973, p .3 ). The illite rate becomes literate and learns to transform his world radically. Ivan IIlich (1 9 7 2 ), blames the traditional educational systems of being g u ilty of ritualization and anti-m ass education. I Ilich wants a "deschooling of society" fo r more relevan t, ap p ro p riate, and needs oriented education because it's based on experience, apprenticeship, and peer learning. This new curriculum would eliminate the dropout ra te , fo r the world and local environm ents themselves would become the school system fo r a convivial society. Illich's ideas, though sub ject to controversy in developed countries where education is the highest sophisticated social in stitu tio n , are accepted by many educators in the T h ird World. 13 B. A N IM A TIO N RURALE OR NONFORMAL E D U C A T IO N : In this chapter we intend to examine animation ru rale in terms of nonformal education which encompasses a g reat many program s. The C enter fo r International Education at the U n iversity of Massa chusetts has done an analysis of the predom inant themes in nonformal education. We will select models from its "Glossary of Educational Methods" (1 9 7 2 ), which is especially p ertin en t to and inform ative fo r A frican educators. 1 ). O v erview : In general, most educators see school today as an industrial p ro cess including in puts, processing and outcomes. On the in put side th e re are m aterials, en erg y, money, information and people. The religious, political, social, and economic systems form the processing p a rt which tries to transform the raw students into m anufactured products, i . e . , educated men. The outputs are expressed in terms of individual and societal achievem ent, b ette r life, and fu lfillm en t. The difference between the intended outcome and what the learner is in re a lity , represents an educational problem. Aldin and Decharin (1 9 6 4 ), consider nonformal education in terms of learning environm ent composed of human, manmade, and natural .elements. - Human environm ent includes the population of a geographic area, th e ir social s tru c tu re , and organization as well as the in te r actions existing among individuals. - The manmade factors include bu ild ings, tools, m aterials, a r ti facts, and a g ric u ltu re , i . e . , what is needed to develop. 14 - The nature aspect covers land, w a ter, clim ate, roads, m ining, and gathering of wild crops. All to g e th er, they Constitute a vast field fo r human s u rv iv a l. For Darwin and Spencer (1 8 8 0 ), nature is merciless against those who are less fitte d , less able to adapt to the existing conditions of life. For them , life can no longer be treated as something th a t has been given to us once and fo r all by our ancestors. We have to deal with it consciously, to devise its social organization, alter its tools, form ulate its methods, educate and control it. In countless ways we can pu t purpose and in ten t where custom has abolished it. We can break up routines, make decisions, choose our ends, and select the means. Evolution is an in teg rative process; so is social life. A p re mium must be placed upon s k ill, intelligence, s elf-co n tro l, and power to adjust through technological innovation, fo r the g rea t increases in population have limited subsistence resources. From this in sig h t, Spencer coined the expression "S urvival of the fitte s t," of the stro ng est and the most vio len t, and elimination of the w eakest, the poorest, and the u n fitted to make room fo r the b e tte r. For Dewey (1 9 0 0 ), effective intelligence is an instrum ent to modi fy the w orld. Knowledge is p art of n atu re. Its end is not mere adjustm ent to life but the manipulation of the environm ent to provide consumatory satisfaction. For Dewey, d ire ct participation in events is necessary to genuine understanding. Learning by doing then is param ount. Maslow (1 9 4 0 ), said th a t the best way to understand human beha vior is not from the observer's view point; but from individual behavior. 15 Maslow also believed th a t man's basic motivational tendency is toward self-actu alization . He (1 9 7 0 ), pointed out th a t man's basic goals center around what he lacks or needs, such as food, safety, and human so lid arity. These basic goals are prereq uisite to self-actu aliza tio n . A person must satisfy his basic needs before he can fu rth e r the development of his individual potential. C hildren who come to school w ithout breakfast or in su fficien t sleep, or with personal fam ily p ro blems, anxieties, or fe a rs , are not interested in becoming s e lf-actu al ized individuals using learning as a means to develop th e ir potentiali ties . 2 ). A ltern ative Theories to Formal Education: T h ere is no attem pt to o rd er altern ative strategies to formal education, other than a crude classification based on th e ir central foci of concern. Some are broad, others are simple techniques which could be applied today in many traditional schooling systems. The following altern ative theories to formal education represent only a partial compi lation of c u rre n t activities in the field of nonformal education. a ) . Individuation Strategies of Education: This is based on the fact th a t learning can take place even in the teacher's absence. One does not need to have certified teachers or be in a traditional classroom in order to learn. The fir s t altern ative in this case is peer m atching. In this case, matching of peers who want to learn and those who want to teach on the basis of mutual in terest will lead to learning opportunities. 16 The second strateg y is m odularization. In this case, all education al experiences need not be sequential, nor fitte d into one common tim e-space because each person has his own style of learning. It is b e tte r to define what is to be learned and only then ask how much time will be required to achieve th a t learn in g . Modularization de-em - phasizes schooling but the cost of materials limits its broad extension. b ). Education and W ork: The assumption behind education and w ork is th a t by train in g w orkers with lite ra ry and mathematical courses th e ir p ro d u c tivity will be increased. How ever, genuine train in g should go beyond the mere increase in p ro d u c tiv ity . A pprenticeship style program s, fo r example, fo r young people entering the labor force must include the development of seven potentials of a person. ( i ) . The Physical: . This is the person’s overall awareness of self as a physical being, with knowledge of his body, its systems, functions and in terco n nections fo r the maintenance of optimal health, and physiological e ffi ciency. ( ii ) . The Emotional: . If a person knows his emotional potential, he can deepen the meaning of his life and being. ( ii i) . The Social: . The social dimension would tell him th a t individual fu lfill ment passes through social fu lfillm en t and cooperation with others. 17 ( iv ) . The In te lle c t: . His intelligence motivates him to in teg rate the elements of his environm ent in terms of inform ation, storage, processing, logic, and imagination in decision-m aking. ( v ) . The M oral: . The development of aesthetic potential gives him the oppor tu n ity to appreciate and love the natural and manmade environm ent where he is living and w o rkin g. ( v i) . The S p iritu a l: . The spiritu al dimension gives man faith and hope, altruism and renewal of self as an holistic complete person in the continuous process of becoming b e tte r. ( v ii) . The S ecurity M a tte r: . M ilitary education beyond its basic task of teaching men how to kill other men, could be involved in teaching technical skills, lite ra c y , a g ric u ltu re , building roads, and schools. National or civic service is another element of education and w o rk. It requires activities in projects established by the central governm ent at a modest or subsistence salary fo r youth . D ropouts, u n iv e rs ity students, newly recruited high level cadres are included in this socialization process which generally benefits the c o u n try. A g re a ter feeling of d irect involvem ent in the development struggles of the nation is one general aim. Diminishing e litis t or regionalist fe e l ings is often another. The programs of civic service may involve literacy campaigns, ag ricu ltu ral developm ents, teaching or other a c tiv i tie s . 18 c ). Community-Based L earn in g : Community-based learning seeks to increase the participation of the general community in the formal educational process. It is a system based on the belief in individual creative potential (teach er and le a rn e r). The curriculum is centered on practical experiences which tend to encourage self-m otivation rath er than on autho ritarian abstract teaching or on the creation of a privileged elite class. Involvem ent of parents and children in planning and responsibility fo r the educational process is re q u ire d . School makes use of the larg er community as an educational resource. Community based learning has many names. In Harlem and Bos ton (1 9 6 8 ), it's called "stre et academies," "bush academies," in A frica (1 9 7 0 ), and Escuela al Campo (School to the co u n trysid e) in Cuba (1 9 7 0 ), Kibbutzim in Israel, Ujaama (fam ilyhood) in Tanzania, Ecole de Monsieur Godard or Ba la-bas (go aw ay) school in the S u b -P refectu re of Bebedjia in Chad (1 9 6 4 ). In the last case, the program was success fu lly introduced by M r. Godard, a French Rural anim ateur (ru ra l development in s tru c to r). B ut as his recruited teachers were u n c e rti fied and were paid as much as official teachers, a conflict broke out between these two categories of teachers. The officially certified teachers complained and asked the Governm ent to readjust th e ir salary according to th e ir degree of education and certificatio n . M r. Godard was q u ietly asked to leave the coun try and his entire project was term inated. Even today no one likes to ta lk about I'ecole de Monsieur Godard because the peasants appreciated its activities while the g o vern ment term inated it. 19 d ) . Technology Centered Education: Technology need not be complicated and expensive nor need it d istu rb other school activities eith er in or outside of school. Its major goal is to o ffe r learning opportunities w ithout classrooms, certified teach ers, or daily schedules. Its a ltern ative learning materials include film , slides, film strip s , mobile centers, village technology centers, radio, studio, television, and video-taping - - all of which enrich and enhance the trad itio n al school environm ent. e ) . A ttitu d e M odification: In this model, strong emphasis is placed upon the deliberate intention to change the attitudes and values of participants in an educational experience. Desired outcomes intended are: m oderni zation, national socialization or self-developm ent in o rd er to control one's environm ent and to increase self-aw areness of one's capabilities, self-im age, and feelings of control over one's own d estiny. Leadership train in g is p art of attitu d e train in g (o rie n te d ). The leader may be trained to recognize his limits and his strengths and be psychologically secure enough to accept criticism and the ho stility of others out of respect fo r democratic prin ciples. A ttitu d e change oriented also refers to vern acular instructions (phonetically translated local languages), development of consciousness and litera c y , guerilla or ethnic th e a te r, animation ru ra le , and teaching of survival skills. 20 SUMMARY Thus fa r , we have defined nonformal education and have selected the words animation ru rale to describe the educational situation in tropical Francophone A fric a . H istorically, the ideological and theoretical back ground of animation ru rale demonstrates th a t nonformal education is an old phenomenon under d iffe re n t appellations in d iffe re n t epochs. Period ically, it has surfaced at various times and places, dem onstrating again th a t formal schooling appears to be an inadequate, in effective, and often an in efficien t method of tra in in g . Animation ru ra le , in th e o ry , is nonformal education, a movement toward g reater community service ra th e r than a new educational th e o ry . O verall, we would say th a t community based learning is d efin itely more appropriate to the A frican situation than any other model. In th is case, animation ru rale is a tool, not a goal per se, to educate and raise the standard of livin g . To quote Edgar Faure (1972, p .69): 1 1 Education suffers basically frbm the gap between its content and the living experiences of its pupils, between the systems of values and what it preaches and the goals set up by society, between its ancient curriculum and the m odernity of science. Link education with life , associate it with concrete goals, establish a close relationship between society and economy, in ven t or rediscover an education system th a t fits its surroundings - - surely this is where the solution must be sought . " It is apparent th a t the classical education system, .. based on abstract knowledge fo r knowledge's sake has few er and few er defenders. But curiou sly, educational practices in the field are g u ilty of the same th in g : ritual teaching w ithin a fixed fram ew ork in which the in s tru c to r is in charge and the powerless learner is limited to insipid recall of 21 rules and prin ciples. New tren d s in many less developed countries, how ever, have boldly opted fo r more innovative systems. A re A frica n ' educators following the same paradigm which is learning by doing or how d iffe re n t are th e ir practices regarding a ltern ative approaches to formal education? This is what the author will examine and discuss in C hapter II of this paper. 22 CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE "Not to know is bad; not wish to know is worse" (C . and W. Leslaw 1962; p ;4 6 ) A . A FR IC A N CASE S T U D IE S : The Addis Ababa Conference (1961) was an o p portunity fo r A fr i can leaders of nations recently independent from colonial powers to emphasize the importance of education in th e development process. U niversal education by 1980 was one of the common goals established to transform A frica from overwhelm ingly illite ra te to literacy . Basic education fo r all was a keystone and an objective which had to be achieved before rapid economic development was possible, the p a rtic i pants believed. As A frican governm ents have been thou ght to be the only mechanism fo r changing A frican society, the conference urged member states to do everyth in g under th e ir power to c a rry out the decisions of the assembly. For example, participants advocated th a t the governm ent should control educational policies, create higher education, foster industrial and vocational education, sustain teacher tra in in g and promote adult education. Participants also identified as some of the components of the new cu rricu la: development of religious and moral ch aracter, education fo r g irls , emphasis on medicine and ag ricu ltu ral train in g and the use of A frican languages in literacy and mass education. These were considered essential elements of a consistent educational system. 23 H ow ever, nearly all the A frican member states lacked the necessary financial resources, will and adm inistrative capability to implement the recommendations. Too much responsibility was placed on the g o vern ment while the population remained in a "wait and see" position. As a re s u lt, the literacy rate in A frica has changed little since the 1960's although the planned ta rg e t year fo r achieving the objective, 1980, has already passed. How ever, higher education has made some progress. Most A frican countries have th e ir own national u n iv e rs ity . But the dilemma is still how can mass education be achieved p rio r to social and economic grow th as recommended at the A ddis-A baba conference. A few studies th at have been done in Francophone A frica do indicate th a t nonformal mass education can be accomplished w ithin the scope of animation ru ra le . Leading researchers in this field include: Father L eb ret, the agronomist Rene Dumont, and Jean Belleoncle, a planner in the French M in istry of Cooperation. In Cameroon, animation ru ra le and rural ag ricu ltu ral development projects are interchangeable designations fo r integrated projects. The P rio rity Action Zones P ro jects(Z A P IS ) are implemented in the South C entral province while the Societe de Developpement du Nkam (SO D EN - KAM) functions in the Littoral province. Both projects are seeking to brin g together all crucial factors necessary to rural development. B ut Uma Lele (1 9 7 5 ), noted some defects. T h ere were poor rela tions with the indigenous population. The recruitm ent perform ance of facilitators has been w eak, and th ere has been a lack of technical support fo r people involved in the program . T rain in g of personnel 24 and pilot farm ers as facilitators did not have a high p rio rity . T h u s , Uma Lele predicted th a t m arketing problems may emerge as more and more cash crops are produced. In Francophone West A fric a , the Senegalese case as an example in the Sahel-Sudan Region, is sig n ifican t. Between 1960 and 1970, the animation program ’s development in Senegal was depicted as targeted toward consciousness-raising/ institution b u ild in g , and local life im provem ent projects. Animation rurale has been operating on a national scale which offers a chance to study the relationships between national level development policy and local rural development implementation projects. Problems th a t arise from simultaneously centralized and d ecen traliz ed orientations can be isolated and solved eclectically according to the means available. Social un rest broke out in some areas of the coun try as a resu lt of consciousness raising and animation ru rale lost favo r with national leaders. How ever, since 1971, th ere has been a re b irth of animation rurale in the S ecretariat of Promotion Humaine which has emphasized civic and moral train in g fo r the urban dw ellers, while encouraging ru ral in te r -v il- lage projects. Journees de developpement were held periodically to inform a wide range of people about the process of development and about th e ir own country's major development problems, plans, and program s. These journees (w orkshops) were organized mainly as a series of lectures ra th e r than as activities in which learners participated in on-going development program s. Mady Ben Cisse (1 9 7 1 ), gave a v e ry positive impulse to the program . 25 But the Marabouts (Islam ic p rie s ts ), fearing competition from anim ateurs, tightened the moral constraints on th e ir follow ers. The Marabouts discouraged them from following the advice of anim ateurs, usually' young and with little influence upon the ru ral people. This is not the case in all of Senegal because in some areas Marabouts were supportive of the animation ru ra le program , w henever th e ir au th o rity and interests were not in jeop ardy. A d d itio n ally, the constant d e te rio r ation of the trad itio n al fam ily s tru ctu re has made promotion humaine (a struggle fo r human rights and d ig n ity by decreasing the illite ra cy rate and the human m isery level) v e ry relevan t in rural areas. T h u s, Belleoncle (1 9 6 9 ), said, "The g reat task of promotion humaine appears linked to the development of literacy s k ills .1 1 In N ig er, Abdou Moumouni (1 9 64 ), saw animation ru ra le or nonfor mal education h o listically. His heuristic model drew upon the w ork of John Honigmann (1 9 5 9 ), which noted th a t any given social situation is affected by th re e overlapping cultural components: ideology (v alu es, beliefs, knowledge by which man liv e s ), technology (activities and material objects by which man manipulates his material w o rld ), and social ogranization (a ctivitie s and stru ctu res used by man to in teract w ith other m en). Behavior th en , is a resu lt of the interacting impact of these th ree components. Marie Moulton (1 9 7 7 ), said th a t animation ru rale in N iger was im portant in several respects. To begin w ith , the Nigerien g o vern ment decentralized its adm inistrative and technical services shortly a fte r independence. As a resu lt of th a t decentralization, local in ci dents, problems and issues of rural development efforts have been well 26 documented from a v a rie ty of viewpoints ( i . e . , from local authorities and elite's v ie w s ). What was also advantageous about the N iger case was the fact th a t this coun try did not form ulate policy goals or s tra te gy based eith er on A frican socialism or any other ideology. The animation program became closely aligned with the cooperative move ment and was stro ngly affected by education which was oriented toward ru ral developm ent. As in Senegal, th ere is a Bureau C entral d'Anim ation (B C A , 1963): The C entral Bureau of Animation which managed animation rurale at the national level. In some cases, Moulton noted, the repressive role of trad itio nal chiefs in some areas of the countryside created fear among the peasants who saw themselves as second class citizens. To correct this defect in the peasants' self image, train in g sessions have been inaugurated in the villages to promote peasants' participation in public a ffa irs . Between 1968 and 1974, the adult literacy campaign of the coopera tiv e movement was launched in M aradi, Tahoua, and Niamey. People were tau g h t to read and to w rite so th a t they could perform specific functions in th e ir social and economic milieu. By the end of 1973, the functional literacy campaign had reached 3,511 peasants. S tartin g w ith the pilot schools projects in six villages 4 in 1969, the campaign had covered 54 villages by 1973. Belleoncle and Eaton (1 9 7 3 ), judged the campaign a success insofar as many coopera tiv e leaders were able to take more responsibility fo r the management of the cooperative as a resu lt of this basic education. In 1974, there was a m ilitary coup d 'e ta t. The new regime accus 27 ed President Diori Ahmani's governm ent of corruption and inefficiency in handling the national economy. Well documented data cited the chief reason fo r the coup as the unwillingness of the governm ent to support ru ral development which was given p rio rity second to th a t of building Niam ey, the C ap ital, and to the emphasis put on production fo r exports to foreign m arkets instead of im proving the rural economy. Major fin ding s also dem onstrated th a t the success of the animation ru ra le program , in Senegal as well as in N ig er, depended heavily on the charisma and dynamism of the leader directing the program . In M ali, Senegal, Upper V olta, N ig e r, and other Francophone Sahelian co un tries, including C had, the general tren d in educational reform has been toward functional and vocational education. The educational reform conferences held in A ddis-A baba (1961) and in Yaounde (Cameroon 1966) have been significant milestones in the evolu tion of the educational systems in Francophone A fric a . The p a rtic i pants in the Yaounde conference were try in g to close the increasing educational gap existing between formal schooling fo r youth and adult education. Rene Maheu, D irector General of UNESCO, who attended the conference said th a t good national planning to fig h t illite ra c y required the integration of both youth education and adult litera c y . A nother key speaker, D r. Kizerbo of Upper V olta, elaborated on what many people re fe r to as "in teg ratin g the child in his national e n v iro n m en t.1 1 For D r. Kizerbo (1966; p p .21, 26): "in teg ratin g the A frican child into his environm ent means the development of educative activities to prepare children so th a t th ey may later on play effective roles in the economic development of th e ir c o u n try ." 28 He recommended th a t adaptation and reform of th e present school curricula were two vital instrum ents to c a rry out the integration of these two components into one system. Francis J. Lethem (1 9 7 9 ), is amazed by what has happened over the last decade in A frican educational systems. He observed th a t Upper Volta has fo r the past ten years operated a low-cost netw ork of rural education centers (C E R s) th a t provide rural youth with a blend of practical train in g in a g ric u ltu re , h an d icrafts, and elements of lite ra cy and num eracy. Each C enter enrolls 30-40 young people fo r th ree years of w o rk, s tu d y , and tra in in g . Teachers have been recruited on a contractual basis, which has kept costs low. However, the best results have been obtained from teachers w ith a background in a g ric u l tu re supplemented by pedagogy. The resu lt of this success can be seen in the degree of in itiative and en trep ren eu rial s p irit shown by form er train ees. Several of these form er trainees are creating on th e ir own p re -c o operative groups which associate traditional human economic re la tio n ships with elements of m odernity learned a t the cen ter. For instance, th ey m ight buy a pair of oxen to plow th e ir own fields and ren t them afterw ard to other peasants in the villag e. But in accordance with tra d itio n , th ey leave to the village elders decisions about the use of the profits made by the cooperatives. Lethem concluded th a t villagers are pleased with this new typ e of education which keeps young people in the v illag e, instead of encourag ing them to m igrate eith er in tern a lly or abroad. For Lethem, the experience with rural education in Upper Volta 29 leads to the following generalizations. F irs t, the admission age fo r young participants must be at least 15 if rural education is not to be perceived as a poor substitute fo r th e prim ary school. Second, the program must be tau g h t in a language understood by the students. T h ird , the programs must be coordinated with the w ork of other rural development services (m in istry of a g ric u ltu re , health, and social a f fa irs ) and p referab ly be under a decentralized adm inistrative au th o r ity . And fin a lly , once participants leave the school environm ent, th e y must be able to find productive activities where th e ir skills can be used. Lethem (1 9 7 9 ), also takes a look at the Senegalese model called Enseignement Moyen Pratique (EM P) which has sought to in teg rate prim ary school leavers with the village envirom ent. EMP, th e n , is defined as an educational center to serve the community's needs as perceived by its members. These la tte r provide both the capital and operating costs of the school. EMP is of special in terest in one res pect. It rediscovers several of A frica's most im portant educational trad itio n s in which education is seen as a community resp onsib ility. Education teaches the child proper behavior toward both his elders and peers. Learning is then integrated with the child's w ork experience. The boy with his fa th e r in farm ing and c rafts ; the g irl with her m other in domestic a rts . For extensive services, EMP would solicit the skills of the community's best farm ers and craftsm en. This would avoid the creation of a generation gap. It was also apparent in Lethem's s tu d y , and noticed by most A frican elite, th a t cultural trad itio n s and values are being lost as 30 young people leave the villages. Sizing up this problem , EMP has incorporated among its sta ff the tu to rs ( selibe) who are trad itio n a lly responsible fo r transm itting the community's cultural values. Such innovation has also been observed in some schools of Southern N igeria. To be successful, this mixed education has to be associated with a w ork environm ent, so the centers must fir s t be created in areas or regions where developmental activities are occurring and employment is being generated. A nother aspect of A frican education th a t has been rediscovered is the fact th a t education is provided on an equal basis to all children of a community in the same age g ro u p . The trad itio nal A frican education emphasized principles of solidarity and mutual assistance. Promotion to the next group age was compulsory and autom atic. T h ere w ere, th e re fo re , no failu res and no dropouts. Everyone successfully completed the initiation process where teaching methods included the systematic use of games including rid d les, legends, and acting; in terms of m odernity, youth also had to dem onstrate th ey had the knowledge and s kills, much of it p ractical, in o rd er to assume adult roles in th e ir communities. All of these components obviously related to the local cu ltu re and tra d itio n . The educational television programs in N iger fo r instance, also make use of traditional A frican teaching methods and reach children of a given age in the villages where the few experim ental schools are located. M auritania's experim ent with Koranic schools and Mali's functional literacy programs are in teresting models fo r other nations with large 31 Muslim populations to consider. M auritania's experim ent is derived from an unpublished paper w ritten by M r. John Wilson (1 9 7 0 ), a World Bank S taff member. Wilson used Koranic schools as an integral and improved p a rt of a national program . This would spread literacy and numeracy to all children in the prim ary age grou p. As regards adult education, although illite ra cy does not equate w ith incompetence even in the A frican coun tryside, some cooperative activities may enforce adult participation and in terest in literacy program s. Mali's successful functional literacy program is worth mentioning because its purpose is to provide w orkers living in the g ro u n d -n u t producing areas with the basic skills and knowledge required to im prove th e ir w ork habits and techniques. But fir s t, it was necessary to give them the essential skills of read ing, w ritin g and counting in th e ir own language, to a level where th ey could incorporate in th e ir daily lives the skills used to calculate fam ily taxes and costs, record production factors and sales of products, and estimate earnings and expenditu res. In o rd er to maintain a high level of motivation th ro u g h out the program and ensure its economic efficien cy , it was recommend ed th a t the content be d ire c tly related to the activities of production in terms of themes (values of fung icid es, when to use them , estimation of the q u an tity of fe rtiliz e r, and so on) and tim ing. For exam ple, the topic of land clearing to perm it the use of ani mal traction is treated ju st before the farm er must employ animal tra c tion in his w o rk. T h e a b ility to read and to count opens up new possibilities fo r community development activities as well as fo r political p articip atio n . (H ere Paulo Freire's approach may f it th e A frica n , even 32 though this position is not accepted as valuable in many developed c o u n tries ). The presence of literate peasants in the village has led, fo r example in Mali, to the spontaneous creation of mutual self-help associations. In his book: Innovation in Education in â– W e s t-A frica , Le them (1 9 7 9 ), assumed th a t the cost per literate person in M ali, using functional literacy techniques, would be approxim ately $38.00, compar ed with a cost of $150.00 per pupil completing 4th grade prim ary education. Indeed, A frica through nonformal education, is stru ggling fo r s u rv iv a l, especially in the Sahelian Region which includes Chad and all of the countries identified earlier in this chapter as sites of the case studies review ed. In its intention as in its practices French A frica is getting away from the traditional G reco-Latin patterns of education. T h e re fo re , the researcher's prim ary concern has been to define animation ru rale broadly in A frican context and to prepare a fram ew ork from w ithin which the animation ru rale policy in Chad can be examined. 33 B. CHA D IA N CASE STU D IES: 1 ). D efin itio n s: a ) . Peasant: In the Chadian Case Studies the word peasant refers to a subsis tence farm er using trad itio nal means of production ( i.e . hoes, handax- es and no a rtific ia l fe rtiliz e r ). He realizes low p ro d u c tivity and an expectedly small income. W hereas, the word "farm er1 1 stands fo r a v illa g e r th a t is moving away from the ancestral way of producing and livin g . b ). Animation ru ra le : As an altern ative strateg y to formal education, judged in effective and in e ffic ie n t, animation ru ra le is a combination of inform al, form al, and functional education focused on meaningful and crucial needs of the ru ral areas. Seen in its historical and cultu ral perspective, animation ru rale was conceived in Chad as being a powerful integrated development program fo r survival and m odernization. Th e major agents re fe rre d to in this study are the pilot schools which are intended to be community learning centers. In a w ord, animation ru rale is the "villagization" of school. In th e o ry , how ever, the concept of ru ral and human development is basic to animation ru ra le . It involves a v e ry considerable e ffo rt to extend development to low income and powerless subsistence farm ing 34 populations who by th e ir production in some degree provide food fo r the international m arket. Animation ru rale varies considerably in objectives and policy. In one respect, it may attach emphasis to th e p ro d u ctivity of exp o rt cash crops or c ra fts . In another respect, animation ru rale may address a single developmental constraint such as lite ra c y , lack of ag ricu ltu ral research or lack of a netw ork of public service th a t prevents rural development from getting under way or making satisfactory progress. Sometimes, the animation ru rale program simply encourages the local population to in itiate a specific development program aimed at encouraging continuous and dynamic self-h elp activities. It would be helpful here to c la rify what is meant by a literate person. For the purpose of this s tu d y , a literate person is someone who can effectively read and w rite in French or in one of the Ghadian languages. This broad definition has the advantage of maximizing the literacy rate in the areas th a t have formed the sites of our research. How ever, in a m ultilingual society like C had's, educators must still be concerned about which language can be used in any literacy program e ffo rts . Concerning the living standards in C had, the researcher has selected specific c rite ria which will indicate w hether life in rural areas has improved or worsened over tim e. As indicated e a rlie r, e x p e rts , development planners, and educators are in general agreem ent as to w hat constitutes basic needs in ru ral areas. The variables in this study are based upon the following ques tions: Has th ere been improvement in n u tritio n in term s of d iv e rs ific a 35 tion of crop production, pure d rin kin g w ater, sanitary waste disposal practices? How freq u e n t are m arkets held in the village and what is the distance between the village and the nearest medical center? What does education mean fo r the local community? Can th ey read, w rite , and do arithm etic? To what e xten t can and do th ey use these skills in daily life? Is th e re any ap p ro p riate village interm ediate technology vital to practical works and a g ric u ltu ral development th a t needs to be expanded or created? How do villagers communicate th e ir wants and needs to local and regional adm inistrations? Do villagers participate in development planning and implementation and if so how? How do th ey make use of th e ir spare time? All of these elements are crucial to a needs assessment of any village in Southern Chad. T h ey provide the kinds of data th a t should be considered by development planners if maximum results are to be achieved in promoting education and self-relian ce. From th e national governm ent's p erspective, economic development sees animation ru rale in terms of raw m aterials (cotton or A rabic gum) the production of which is controlled by bureaucratic planning and operations. Y ear a fte r y e a r, the governm ent, w hether regional or local, cares more about the production of cotton and its taxes and less about the w elfare of people who produce this cash crop and who pay the various taxes. U n fo rtu n a te ly , many peasants in Southern Chad have come t o see animation ru ra le , not as a m ultifaceted program , but as synonymous with compulsory cotton production plus taxatio n . The Fonds de Dlveloppem ent et d'Anim ation Rurale (F D A R ) (D e velopm ent Fund For Rural Anim ation) and O ffice National de Develop- 36 pement Rural (O N D R ) (N ational O ffice fo r Rural Developm ent) are two national ru ral development agencies w hereby the m inistry of a g ricu ltu re and livestock implemented governm ent economic policy in the c o u n try side. C ertain ly some of th e ir effo rts have been welcomed such as the attem pt of O N D R , fo r instance, to introduce animal traction and fe r tili zers in ru ral areas. U n fo rtu n a te ly , how ever, the governm ent has too often lacked financial resources to c a rry out a substantial w elfare policy and the peasants become fru s tra te d as a resu lt of having expec ted too much from the official leaders. In response to these shortcom ings, national leaders believe th ey can get away with dem agoguery and boring speeches to the masses ra th e r than orienting th e ir economic policy toward realistic concrete problems. This raises the question - - Is animation ru rale worth continuing and expanding? O r is it simply a tool which the governm ent uses to con the masses and add to th e ir disappointm ent and fru stratio n ? T h ere is hope, how ever, on the horizon from international p e r spective. Since the catastrophic d ro u g h t in 1973 (w hich severely re duced livestock and ag ricu ltu ral production by 50%), many international agencies such as FAC, U S A ID , UND P, UNJCEF, SW ISSAID, and UNESCO have helped Chad promote a more intensive animation ru rale policy based on local needs. Pilot schools and th e ir workshops (forum s of theoretical and practical a c tiv itie s ) have been created in various local areas. By the end of 1971 UNDP, UNESCO, and UNICEF had assisted Chad in the education reform by train in g and recycling 3,000 teachers of prim ary education. A d d itio n ally, 2,000 books in French, 710 in A rab ic, a 37 xerox machine, and a set of general instructional media were provid ed . How ever, due to governm ent unreadiness (cen tralized and b u reau c ra tic ) th ere have been many b a rrie rs and . problems th a t have p re vented this comprehensive and integrated concept of animation ru rale from moving fo rw a rd . In F e b ru a ry , 1979, civil w ar broke out in the capital. People fled fo r th e ir lives and took refuge in th e ir ethnic regions or abroad. All economic and social activities stopped and almost all foreign technicians and volunteers left the co u n try. Foreign financial assistance v irtu a lly dried up. Southern C had, how ever, has been rela tiv e ly undisturbed by the fig h tin g d u rin g this period of governm ental p aralysis. An analysis of previous project activities in this region m ight serve as an extrem ely useful basis fo r planning revised programs in the fu tu re when peace re tu rn s . 2 ). B ackgrou nd: a ). The Economic C ontext of Animation R u ra le : G eographically and economically, Chad has th ree d istin ct p arts . The N orthern desert zone (373,000 square miles) has 81,000 inhabitants. The major natural resources supporting the population are date trees at oases, goats and camels. The C entral p a rt of Chad (344,000 square miles) has 1,850,000 inhabitants who raise livestock, m illet, sorghum , arabic gum and pea nuts. The Southern area (81 ,000 square miles) has 1,750,000 in habitants. 38 How ever, due to the civil w ar, its population has swelled to nearly 2 ,0 0 0 ,0 00 . Fishing, h u n tin g , the raising of rum inants and p o u ltry , and the cultivation of m illet, sorghum , rice and cotton are the major sources of food and income. Tw ice as large as the state of T exa s, Chad has nearly 4,000,000 inhabitants with a 1.7% b irth ra te . Two out of its th ree regions are p a rt of North C entral A fric a , while the remaining th ird is located in the West A frican zone. P otentially, Chad is rich in mining and petroleum . In 1970, oil was discovered both in the Southern and C entral regions of Chad. The N orthern p a rt bordered by Libya, is rich in tu n g s te n , g ra p h ite, tin , copper, and uranium , according to French surveys (L e Monde and Figaro, June 19-25, 1978). In 1974, a m ultinational mission estimated the annual GNP at 200 million dollars and the per capita income at 68 dollars. From an annual budget of 90 million dollars, 50 million were used to pay 13,000 civil servants. Foreign aid fo r the operating budget represented 70% of the total finances req u ire d . The number of qualified people recruited in the Public Services was estimated at 150 per y e ar. b ) . C u ltu ra l, Religious and Educational C ontext O f Animation R u rale: This study will examine th re e forms of cu ltu re in A frica th a t have g reat impact on Chadian Life: tra d itio n a l, Islamic, and C h ris tian . These th ree cultures constitute a realistic fram ew ork w ithin which we can examine and gain a deeper and more pervasive knowledge of anima tion ru rale which has since become the backbone of an effective econom 39 ic policy in Francophone A fric a . H ere, the Chadian case is used to dem onstrate how the concept of animation ru ra le has evolved. Ethnic and religious ties are still powerful in C had, th ey stro ngly influence a ttitu d e s , m entality, customs, values, and life styles of various social groups. ( i ) . Trad itio n al c u ltu re : While once p revalen t in C had, today traditional cultu re is rap id ly disappearing due to agressive and relentless technological changes. Those who cling to this cu ltu re have not tr u ly been e ith e r C hristians or Moslems despite the ra p id ity of changes, in Chad. T raditional notions such as attitudes tow ard nature and supernatural forces, spiritu al beings, and m ythical powers (m agic, w itc h c ra ft, and rainm aking are being abandoned, m odified, or colored by the changing situation. B ut it would be w rong, John S. Mbiti (1 9 7 0 ), stated , to imagine th a t everyth in g trad itio nal in A frica has disappeared w ithout any traces to be found in eith er th e rural or the urban areas. Conflicts with trad itio nal moral values are generally on the surface, affecting the material side of life. T h e y are only beginning to reach the deeper levels of th in k in g p a tte rn s , language content, mental images, emotions, beliefs, and responses made under pressu re. It is M biti's belief th a t though the educated A fricans do not take p a rt in all of the religious and philosophical practices and ideas de scribed h ere, the m ajority of the A frican population with little or no formal education still hold on to th e ir trad itio n al corpus of beliefs and p ractices. B asically, trad itio n al education has been fu n ctio n al, community 40 o rien ted , and interw oven into everyd ay life , according to the seasons. The stress is on conform ity and respect to the elders. It should be pointed out th a t Cameron and Dodd (1 9 7 8 ), in th e ir book, Society, School, and Progress in T a n za n ia, recognize th a t western education does not replace traditional education. According to the autho rs, parents still e x e rt more influence on th e ir children than the subjects the children stu d y in school. In the village of Mbikou (C h a d ), the followers of the ancestral c u ltu re d iffe r from other religious adherents in a v a rie ty of ways. G enerally speaking, th e y hold high respect fo r trad itio n al chiefs and have a tendency to be shy and aloof from the educated people. T h ey are attached to land and th e ir v illag e , devoted to trad itio nal c ra fts , to fis h in g , hunting and farm ing. The villagers of Mbikou (adepts of trad itio n al c u ltu re ) are eager to entertain the v illag e, to control the rite de passage (which is the capstone of trad itio n al A frican ed ucation ), and to vow complete loyalty to ancestors. The women in this community are excellent brew ers of kido (local b e e r) which is the v e ry popular d rin k fo r socialization among villag ers. Kido is used to induce w orkers to one's side in farm ing. It is the p re fe rre d d u rin g at ceremonies and other social g a th e r ings. Women, both from rural and urban areas, obtain th e ir subsis- tance income by brew ing kido. H ow ever, representatives of the tr a d i tional society are poorer than others in the village population today. Few of them are educated, and rare are those who take p a rt in the new cu rren ts of m odernization (c h a n g e ). 41 ( ii ) . Islamic c u ltu re : Like C h ris tia n ity , Islam in A fric a , and especially in Chad to d ay, can be described as "indigenous," "tra d itio n a l," and " A fric a n ." Within a cen tu ry a fte r the death of the Prophet Mohammad in 632 A .D ., Islam had swept across the whole of N orthern A frica and en gulfed the Horn of A frica stretching southwards along the East coast. W herever it encountered C h ris tia n ity , th e re was a prolonged battle before it moved from East to the West throug h A rab tra d e rs . As of now, A frica is predom inantly Moslem in the areas north of the tenth p arallel. The total number of Moslems in A frica is estimated at be tween seventy and one hundred m illion, compared to an estimated fig u re of between fifty and seventy million C hristians (John Mbiti 1970). Fort Lamy (p re s en tly N'Djam ena) and Abeche were tra n s it roads to Mecca fo r foreign pilgrim s passing through Chad. On th e ir sojourn in C had, some established themselves as chiefs in various localities when the fir s t contem porary recorded d ro u g h t (1912-1914) h it the c o u n try . The population of Fort Lamy dropped from 28,000 to 6,000. S tarvation claimed 50% of the population of Wadai. The number of trad e rs Fezzani dropped was from 250 lives to 70, according to John Works (19 76). B ut many pilgrim s Who had sojourned in Chad were successful in business and had s u rv iv e d . Sanusi, B abalay, H aruna, and Umar, immigrants of Hausa eth n icity coming from N iger and N ig eria, became Sultans of various regions in C had, living in Zariba or Zango (S ultan 's C astle) in which life and education were organized and b u ilt around 42 Mallams (relig io u s g u id e s ). Skilled craftsm en from West A frica were invited to w ork fo r the Sultans. As powerful as th ey w ere, Hausa em igration and Islamic expansion have gone h a n d -in -h a n d . How ever, Hausa, or missionaries of Islam, were apolitical in th e ir attitudes and did not commit themselves in the deepest sense to the cause of the indigenous population. T h ey p re fe r red internal cohesion among themselves to external commitment in d e fending or mixing in any local in te re s t. Although th ey considered themselves as pilgrim s, th ey ended up as tra d e rs , b arterin g with beads, slaves, iv o ry , kola n u ts, and hides. For instance, B abalay, Sultan of C hari-B agu irm i asked fo r craftsm en from his peer at Kano and in re tu rn he gave slaves, iv o ry , ostriches, and feathers from his Z a rib a . Even though th e French colonialists had g reat control over a g ric u l tu ra l production, th ey had g reat d iffic u lty in introducing th e ir mone ta ry system . In 1933, fo r example, a French official complained th a t the coun try had never lived in such plen ty b u t th ere was no money anyw here. Hausa communities were seen by French colonialists as a civilizin g force by giving the "prim itives" a taste fo r certain products. Peddlers in the d ry season, and farm ers in the rainy season, Hausa maintained a monoply of small businesses. How ever, th ey were also artisan s, butchers (ja ja r i) , tan n ers, leather w o rkers, ta ilo rs , mechan ics, c h au ffeu rs, bicycle re n te rs , praise sing ers, b arb ers, and fis h e r men. T h ey brou ght a g ricu ltu ral innovations by introducing manioc, sweet potatoes and sugar cane into Chad. T h ey knew the local popula tio n, its customs and needs and had b u ilt up some stereotypes. For 43 exam ple, th ey considered A rabic tradesm en as th ieves, Barma tribesm en as eaters of forbidden meat, Kanembus as a d u lte re rs , and Wadaiians as d ru n k a rd s . Chadian Islamic education drew its inspiration from those various and p a rtic u la r customs imported from N igeria and Sudan with a growing a ffin ity fo r Eastern civilization (A ra b ic ). As it has been implemented in C had, the Koranic school has had two goals. T h ere is a focus on basic reading in A rabic on the one hand; and emphasis on the study \ of theology, A rabic gram m ar, computation skills, religious law, rhetoric (lu g g a ) and trad itio n s about the prophet (H a d is i) on the other hand. Koranic education is life-long education. It may take seven to ten years fo r a young Moslem to memorize the whole Koran. The Mallam sees himself as a perpetual learn er. As a student, he has tra v e lle d , especially to Mecca, and has met a v a rie ty of people. A Mallam may serve in many roles - - counselor or fo rtu n e te lle r, charm m aker, w o n d er-w o rker, in te rp re te r of dreams, caster o f horoscopes, adviser on tra v e l. Mallams and Herbalists (non-Moslem physicians) participate in common functions in leading p rayers and invocations, and in the preparation of charms or c u rative d rin k s . H erbalists are among the Black Fakys - - th e insurers of m aterial life. The Black Fakys are m ighty magicians who provide amulets fo r various reasons: supernatural insurance, amulets against th e ft or calamity fo r a tra v e le r. In re tu rn , th ey accept alms in money or in. kind. Memorization is highly im portant in Islamic education. The highly educated Mallam (K a rn in ) fo r exam ple, memorizes the en tire Koran and other religious works held in g re a t esteem. D uring the early French 44 colonial period, western education lagged behind schooling in A rab ic, which had gained in prestige as well as in prevalence, in 1933, fo r exam ple, th ere were only seven Western elem entary schools in the colony, staffed by a total of eight teachers. The largest school in Fort Lamy had 135 students most of whom were eith e r sons of sh arp shooters or children of chiefs. The Koranic schools had 1,000 students in Fort Lamy alone, where mosques have continued to serve as daily forums of opinions and news affecting the Moslem community. In e ffe c t, Chadian Moslems saw French penetration th reaten in g to destroy th e ir cultural and religious life. C onsequently th ey have not allowed th e ir children to attend Western public schools. (M i). C hristian c u ltu re : C h ris tia n ity from Western Europe and North America came to A frica not simply im porting the Gospel of Jesus C h ris t; but as a complex phenomenon made up of Western c u ltu re , politics, science, technology, medical schools, and new methods of conquering n atu re. T h e re fo re , it is incum bent to draw a distinction between the Gospel (S p iritu a l) and C h ris tia n ity (C ontem poral), which in this case, cannot be considered synonymous. The Gospel, by its v e ry n a tu re , is re v o lu tio n a ry ; but C h ris tia n ity in its modern re tu rn to A frica is mostly a means of W esternization. In the village of M bikou, fo r exam ple, where the researcher grew u p , th ere were major tendencies of C h ris ti a n ity : Protestantism and Catholicism . Protestantism and Catholicism (abou t 70% of the village population) have profoundly influenced social in teractions, and have deeply affected ev ery aspect of village life as 45 w ell. F irs t, let us examine the Catholics. - - Catholics: The Catholics in Mbikou appear to be under loose leadership. T h e ir basic education is the catechism which does not go beyond the th ird grade of elem entary school. This education is in the Ngambay language. Members of this community generally are illite ra te but take pride and express devotion in building graves and in praying fo r th e ir dead. The Catholic religion in Mbikou tolerates moderate consumption of alcohol and smoking; b u t it rebukes any excesses. Catholics of Mbikou participate little in a common economic program ; they pride themselves on in d iv id u a lity ra th e r than collective participation in social w elfare ac tivities. Among the Catholics, religious loyalty is limited to spiritu al rite s , such as the Sacraments at Easter tim e. Nontheless, the Catholics of Mbikou love social gatherings du ring which th e villagers gather to d rin k kido and dance eagerly at each sunset. This social gathering is v e ry a ttra c tiv e to the Protestants also. — Protestants: The Protestant group tends to have strong and stern local leadership. The Pastor does not have a good grasp of French bu t he does have effective education in his native language. He is an accul- tu ra ted person who sees himself as an adjunct of w hite m issionaries. He is v e ry much aware of his C hristian responsibility toward the C hurch and tow ard the en tire villag e. Cleanliness, decency, and discipline are some of the rigid characteristics of the Protestants in M bikou. Consumption of any alcohol and smoking is lite ra lly fo rb id d en , 46 as well as dancing or listening to modern or fo lk songs. Protestants in Mbikou cooperate in producing cash crops and food fo r the C h u rch . This wealth is used to take care of stra n g e rs , p il grim s, and other guests at annual conferences. In g en eral, Protes tants in Mbikou are a clustered community living in the same area, near or around th e ir church. T h ey love to sing and to preach the Gospel. T h ere is complete agreem ent between Moslem and Protestant against the consumption of alcohol. G enerally speaking, C hristians in Chad are re lativ e ly "d e trib a l- ized" and open to other religious groups and social influences. For instance, th ey share the same basic needs with other people regarding contemporal life, th ey tend to emulate successful persons. M oreover, th e y t r y to excell in housing s ty le , small business and clothing in the ru ral area. U ltim ately, drunkeness is seen by most C hristians in the countryside as an obvious sign of weakness and immature s e lf-c o n tro l. To d ay, on the tra in in g side, th ere is progress. T h ere are more than th ree young pastors who have completed th e ir Bachelor's degree in Theology, of whom one is prep arin g his P h .D . in the USA; and fo u r priests with Bachelor's degrees. More and more each y e a r, num bers of young Chadians are embracing theological studies as a resu lt of C hristian revival and grow ing unemployment of youth in the public s e c to r. In conclusion, Chadians in the ru ra l areas with little or no formal education (especially in Southern C had) are more affected by in d ig en ous organization and religious cu ltu re than by animation ru rale rooted in Western and m aterialistic philosophy. 47 Given the stren g th of the local religious s tru c tu re s , animation r u rale projects dealing with basic literacy would g re a tly enhance th e ir chances of success if a fte r carefu lly planning and w ith the agreem ent of religious leaders these programs were integrated into existing v il lage a c tivities . U n fo rtu n a te ly , Chadians are d ivid ed . T h ey have to be unified if th ey desire to s u rvive as a modern nation. F o r .. . "A ny co u n try th a t divides itself into groups th a t fig h t each other will not last v e ry long. And any town or fam ily th a t divides itself into groups th a t fig h t each other will fall a p a rt." [B ible (G N FM M ): Matthew 12:25] 48 c ) * Animation R urale (1940ls-19501 s) and Colonial Welfare Policies A fte r world War II, the corporative animation ru rale was intended to increase cotton production in an extensive area. It was made up of two organizations: (1 ) a highly centralized adm inistration operating at the regional level which dealt essentially with educated people in French, and (2 ) the local system of so-called Sambulma (F ren ch d e riv a tiv e from 1 1 Rassemblement" , a general meeting or assem bling) which was placed under the supervision of Chiefs of C anton, eadh of whose power m ight extend up to fifty miles in radius. Sambulma process and the colonial w elfare program under the French adm inistration set the fir s t basis fo r modern animation ru rale in Southern Chad. ( i ) . The Sambulma Process: This refers to the implementation process used by the C hief of Canton who rules over many villages. This la tte r had a council made up of his adju nct, one or two Mai lams and a qu arterm aster se r geant to plan and c a rry out laws, ru les, and economic activities in ru ral areas. G enerally speaking, planning covered farm ing activities (cash crops and food p ro d u c tio n ), the building and maintenance of rudim entary in ter-reg io n al b rid g es, in te r-v illa g e roads, and develop ment of human resources. The C hief of Canton discussed general goals with the planning council and his adjunct in tu rn planned the specific objectives of the ta s k. The council sent out two or th ree guards and a "boy-cotton" (a g ric u ltu ra l in s tru c to r) in each village with precise in stru ctio n s. The guards and "boy-cotton" explained and discussed the instructions with the C hief of the villag e. The chief of the village informed the chief of the land, the chiefs of the qu arters 49 ("P a ja ") and the drum m er ("P a ja -M b e rr" ) about the intention of the C hief of C anton. A t sunset, when all the villagers had retu rn ed home a fte r farm in g , the drum mer delivered the o rd e r. In block a fte r block of houses, he h it the drum every two or th ree m inutes, asking fo r complete silence. Then he u ttered the o rd er: "Tom orrow at dawn, e v ery valid a d u lt, man and woman, will be present at Sambulma with th e ir hoes and. th e ir axes. T h ere will be no absenteeism and no other a c tiv ity . Did you hear me?" A t Sambulma valid villagers were counted by groups of fifty and assigned to fiv e hectares of cotton each day under the supervision of "b o y-co tto n ", a g u a rd , and the chief of th e ir q u a rte r fo r the week. If the task was not finished w ithin a week, hoes and axes were taken away from the v illa g e rs . If the job had been completed satisfacto rily, then the tools were kept by the villag ers. V illagers today retain some positive aspects of Sambulma. T h ey have been w orking in a free cooperative system fo r h u n tin g , fis h in g , and reciprocal assistance on farms - - practices which f it well w ithin the tra d itio n . Th e creation of indigenous social w elfare programs indicates a gradual evolution in the custodial animation ru ra le . ( i i ) . Indigenous Social Welfare Program s: A fte r world War I I , social and economic conditions throug hou t the world had been altered by shifting alliances and new governm ents. In A fric a , people experienced the effects of World War II . Some A frican elites began to be more conscious of colonialism and national s o vereig n ty. T h ey th o u g h t in terms of increasing independence fo r the 50 colonized te rrito rie s . In France, with the advent of the Fourth Repub lic under Guy Mol let's Socialist G overnm ent, the loi cadre (1956) was put into e ffe c t, giving more power to A frican leaders w ithin th e ir own te rrito rie s . The French "Empire" became the "Union" and the status of natives in French te rrito rie s was changed from "subjects" to "c iti- zen s." Fonds d 1 Investissem ent, de Peveloppem ent Economique et Social (F ID E S ) (A special investm ent Fund fo r Social and Economic Develop m ent) fo r the te rrito rie s was created to promote the living standard (a c tiv itie s sig n ifican t fo r farm ers) in the French Union. - - F irs t F ive -Y e a r Plan (1948-1953) The enforcem ent of Sambulma was to increase cotton produc tiv ity . A t each A dm inistrative Post (P A ), a Cotton and T e x tile Research In stitu te (IR C T ) branch was created to improve the q u an tity and q u ality of cotton through applied research and seeds im provem ent. New seeds were given to peasants and sowing in rows was ta u g h t to them . An inducem ent of one dollar and fifty cents per hectare was given to the peasants fo r early seeding according to the new in s tru c tions . Also, the Societe' Indigene de Prevoyance Sociale (S IP ) (th e In d i genous and Social Society fo r H arvest In su rance) was created in each region of the A dm inistrative Post. The objective of the Society was to buy and store g ra in , then to resell it to peasants in time of dro u g h t or bad h arv es t. A t the end of th e h arvest season in Jan u ary, the C hief of PA, along with two or th ree g u ard s, travelled around to villages and bought 40 pounds of cereals from each fam ily. The p ro ceeds from this sale constituted "salt money" fo r the fam ily. The sale 51 was not m andatory. - - Second F iv e -Y e a r Plan (1953-1958) The main objective of the second plan was to establish p re -c o operative organizations th a t would lead to economic autonomy of ru ral producers. The acronym SIP was changed into SAP (A frica n Social Society of H arvest In su ra n c e ), then into SMP (M utual Society of H a r vest In su ra n c e ). In e ffe c t, plus ^a change, plus c'est la meme chose (T h e more it changes, the more likely it is th e same th in g .) The objective and a c tiv ity were the same: b u y in g , s to rin g , and reselling cereals. The peasants never understood why the society which was th eirs did not resell grain to them when th ey were su fferin g from starvation in June throug h A ugust. The reason was th a t silos were not sterilized and the cereals had become spoiled in less than six months p rio r to the official resale period (June and A u g u s t). Hospitals, prisons, and public schools made a deal to obtain the product cheaper. Some v illa gers called this rotten g ra in , the "millet of sick people". - - T h ird and Last Colonial Plan (1958-1963) This was defined as the expansion of economic planning because it Coincided with the independence period , the era of economic autonomy. The goal was to change and improve trad itio nal life patterns in rural areas by ra p id ly im proving technical skills of peasants and making extensive use of human resources. The role of education in these tasks was stro n g ly emphasized by the p lan ners, whereas any focus on school reform was absent. A fte r achieving independence, Chadian civil servants took over 52 the management of the indigenous societies, though th ey were not prepared fo r this kind of ta s k . C o rru p tio n , em bezzlement, and lack of technical advice underm ined the societies which rap id ly went b a n k ru p t. Since colonization th e re has not been any democratic planning based on the assessment of local needs emphasizing food diversification both q u an tita tiv ely and q u a lita tiv e ly . Planning has always been the a ffa ir of bureaucrats assessing ru ra l needs from th e ir offices. Year a fte r year peasants have been oppressed through a v a rie ty of projects, v e ry often tedious and ambiguous, but always inadequate to ru ral needs. The real d iffic u lty in achieving an enthusiastic and popular animation ru rale is th at the decision-m aking process is conducted at an aristo cratic if not despotic level. The emphasis has always been on cash crop p ro d u c tiv ity at th e expense of the villag ers' w elfare. Uncon sciously, the central adm inistration, along with French interests have pushed the rural dw ellers into m alnutrition and s tarv atio n . To be successful, animation ru rale should s ta rt its program from the needs and desires of the peasants. d ) . Animation Rurale in National Plans: Since independence on A ugust 11, 1960, the Chadian elite have experienced th re e national plans, although much more in th eo ry than in practice: the one year plan, the fiv e year plan, and the ten year p la n . ( i ) . F irs t National Plan (1964-1965) This was conceived by the "Conseil S up erieu r du P lan." The plan was called: Programme Interim aire de Development Economique 53 et Social. The major concern was to id e n tify the basic sectors of p ro duction in Chad: a g ric u ltu re , h e rd in g , fis h in g , fo re s t, and in d u stries. Animation ru rale was in teg rated in a general developm ent policy designed to play a sign ificant role in m odernizing rural areas by raising the living standards and consciousness of the peasants. The fir s t en terp rise undertaken by animation ru rale in Chad was an attem pt to create village communities based on the example of the kibbutzim villag es. The project was a fa ilu re because of the g reat resistance Of the peasants who did not like to be p a rt of the so-called "a rtificial v illa g e s." Following this unsuccessful attem pt, other beneficial activities gained some atten tio n . T h ere was . m arginal inducement to promote p ro d u c tiv ity and diversification of food production. Teaching of new a g ric u ltu ra l techniques ( i . e . , protection of soil, battle against locusts and granivorous b ird s ) constituted the major policy of animation ru rale followed by education and housing improvements in ru ral areas. The cadre of animation ru rale is made up of ag ricu ltu ral extension agents, local adm inistrators, the M in istry of A g ric u ltu re and livestock plus agents from any international in stitution interested in rural d evel opment such as Compagnie Francaise des Fibres Textiles (C F D T ) which later became Coton Chad and Bureau pour le Developpement de la Production A g ric u ltu re (B D P A ), a French rural development in stitu tio n . Through IR C T in Tikem and B ebedjia, local adm inistrators monitored the animation program m e. Ranch centers controlled animal q u ality by taking p re ven tive measures against some epidemic diseases. U nder the supervision of BDPA a g rid cu ltu ral m odernization centers 54 were created in various villages. In those villages a new w ell, an experim ental farm , a silo, train ed oxen, new seeds, lig h t tools, and store-houses were b u ilt. O nly "pilot" peasants, known fo r th e ir open ness and courage were selected to w ork on those experim ental farm s. A fte r the h a rv es t, the pilot peasants would send a p a rt of th e ir p ro duce to support the cooperative school where th ey were tra in e d . In Bokoro th e re was development and m odernization of peanut production. W illingly, the local population participated in this project in large num bers. New m aterials to produce, store and m arket peanuts were sold to them . B ut the cost of m aterials and its maintenance put a limit on the enthusiasm of the ru ral p rod ucers. Th is indicated th a t some crucial problems needed to be solved before animation ru rale could realize a substantial expansion. For exam ple, concerning the method of financing national projects, the central problem has been th e ir autonomous su rvival a fte r manage ment was handed down to the local population. In th e total cost of the fir s t plan ($ 6 0 0 ,0 0 0 ), the Chad Governm ent was able to contrib ute only 23%. This demonstrates the dominant role played by BDPA in the program . Less in itia tiv e was taken by ru ral peasants regard ing what to produce and fo r what p rice. The c u t-o ff of the ea rly inducement to p ro d u c tiv ity (fir s t sowing bonus) was a disheartening loss fo r the peasan try. In B A -llli (a center fo r a g ricu ltu ral tra in in g ), the reform of a g ri cultu ral education in o rd er to include animation ru rale did not get o ff the grou nd. Technical personnel fo r teaching and w orking in the field were badly needed; and since th ey could not be found anyw here in 55 C had, it was decided to send fifteen students to Western Europe to study a g ric u ltu re . ( i i ) . Second Plan (1965-1970) The Second F ive-Y ear Plan focused on a regional development of Wadai. Reported by Poumaillou (1 9 7 5 ), a French economist in the M in is try of C ooperation, this plan was based on a stu d y done e arlie r by the Bureau de Developpement et de Production A gricole (B D P A ) (O ffice fo r A g ric u ltu ra l Production and D evelopm ent). A d m itted ly, Wadai had been a neglected region fo r a long tim e. Its population represented 15% of the total population in the c o u n try , bu t had been declining year by y e a r. Its subsistence economy had been based on 690,000 cattle; 365,00 sheep and goats; 73,000 camels belonging half to nomads and half to sedentary farm ers. Furtherm ore, Wadai had always been rich in arts and crafts b u t did not have any in d u s try . The living standard of its population has been low since independence. Abeche, its capital, is isolated from other cities du ring the ra in y seasons when roads are m uddy and inaccessible. Schooling has made rapid progress in Abeche, b u t Western formal education could not overcome the resistance and in differen ce of parents from ru ral areas. Abeche is more attracted tow ard Khartoum (S u d an ) than to N'Djam ena. T h ere is a trem endous em igration of males tow ard the Middle East and the Sudan. The re su lt is th a t on the average th ere are only 200 males fo r ev ery 250 females living in the villages. Since the o u tb reak of the Moubis1 rebellion in protest against heavy taxation in 1965, the Wadai region has been unsafe fo r civil s e r va n ts , the representatives of the C entral G overnm ent, which appears to care more about taxes than about Wadai's in h ab itan ts. This explo sive situation has made animation ru rale of critical im portance in the area in view of the governm ent's e ffo rt to t r y to win back the good will of the population. A Regional Development Committee, and a Sub-committee on tra d e , business, and livestock has been created. U nder th e supervision of the National O ffice fo r Rural Development (O N D R ), animation ru rale was intended to reach ten percent of the Wadai's in habitants; it was assummed th a t the ten p ercen t, in tu r n , would become a powerful force to promote and extend the animation r u rale policy. " It is v ita l," said Poumaillou, "to encourage formal schooling in Abeche where the Koranic schools are predom inant." "Isolationism , conservatism , and m is tru s t," continued Poumaillou, "have reinforced the low living standard of Wadians who are already below the baseline of absolute p o verty (Poumaillou 1 9 6 5 )." The village units of animation ru rale in the Wadai region w ere: CFPP: C entres de Formation e t.d e Perfectionm ent Professionnel (V o ca tional C e n te rs ), SO NACO T: Societe Nationale de Commercialisation (N a tional T ra d e S o c ie ty ), ONDR and Agents d'encadrem ent (fa c ilita to rs ). Vocational C enters focused on h an d icraft and leather w o rk. B ut th e ir goal was narrow ly d efin ed , insofar as th ey could not teach other kinds of basic skills such as c a rp e n try and n u rs ery care. This lim ita tion was due to the lack of qualified facilitato rs who could establish a broad basis fo r animation ru rale and reorganize the local m arket places. The Societe Nationale de Commercialisation (S O N A C O T ) was design ed to collect, sto re, and sell locally produced products such as A rabic 57 gum, peanuts, lea th er, and cereals. ONDR and SONACOT harmonized th e ir policies in term s of controlling these products throug h storage, m arketin g , a g ric u ltu ral loans, and tran s p o rta tio n . Both societies had autonomous budgets and management s tru c tu re s . A gain, poor manage m ent, corruption and the extension of the rebellion to many ru ral areas stopped the SONACOT activities as a ru rale co rp o ratio n . In summ ary, the second plan was a regional needs-oriented p ro gram which employed animation ru rale to quicken economic and social developm ent of Wadai so th a t rebellious activities in the area would come to an end. For the governm ent of President Francois Tom bal- baye, the development of Wadai would have been more assured if its elite had been trained to take over the management Of the local b ra n ches of the National Societies. O v e ra ll, the key problems of Wadai, which were w ater su p p ly, tran sp o rtatio n fac ilitie s, reorganization of small business, and education, have remained the same, if not w orse, today. ( i i i ) . T h ird Plan (19.71-1980) The T h ird Plan followed a sector by sector evaluation of the national resources. It was prepared by a m ultidisciplinary team of technocrats and experts from both the Chadian adm inistration and the international development agencies. Food and cotton production were and are essential to rapid economic development in C had. Although cotton production has averaged 100,000 tons per y e a r, the th ird plan projected an increase to an average of 250,000 tons per year by 1980. Forecasting and Planning Programming Budgeting System (P P B S ) methods were used to m onitor the plan. Some pilot projects were 58 designed to sustain the animation ru rale policy. For exam ple, the Development Society of the Chad Lake area in Bol (S O D E LA C ) was successful in the production of food - - potatoes, vegetables, and wheat — fo r the fir s t tim e. The p ro d u c tiv ity of cotton in this area was higher than the p ro d u c tiv ity in any other area. The average income of the villagers w orking in the project was $400 a y e a r. Bol was considered a gold mine fo r all the p articipan ts in the project. The soil was rich and th ere was no need to use fe rtiliz e r to increase p ro d u c tiv ity . A nother prosperous ru ral program was the S arteg ui-D eressia project in the Lai area which focused on rice production. B ut it was noticed th a t salaried men w orking in the project were more inclined to alcohol consumption than usual. Alcoholism is a serious d e te rre n t to rural developm ent. Nonetheless, the Bol and Lai projects have made a g re a ter impact upon the ru ral population than the "Mandoul O peration" in Koumra in 1964. The la tte r was introduced as an ag ric u ltu ral irrig atio n scheme designed to promote among young farm ers the utilization of new farm ing techniques and ranching . B ut the operation went b an kru p t because of political and communications problem s. P art of the problem was due to the opposition of the technocrats to local needs. The propaganda p a rt of these th re e projects was assigned to the general media: radio, film s, and press. Meanwhile, the Funds of Development and Animation Rurale (F D A R ) fu lfille d the technical p a rt by providing equipm ent and assistance. Fu rtherm ore, FDAR bought, stored and m arketed the cereals a fte r the disappearance of SONACOT 59 in 1971. Rice production increased at 3.7% per year while cotton was up 7.2%, b u t a kilogram of rice cost 50 cents whereas th e same q u ality of cotton was purchased at 18 cents. What, th e n , is more a ttra c tiv e fo r ru ra l dw ellers to produce --r ic e or cotton; considering the selling price? O f course, more rice would be produced than cotton, if the central governm ent left th e freedom of choice to th e farm ers. The th ird plan defined a good "anim ateur ru ra l1 1 as someone who had a general educational and experiential background and effective polyvalent technical skills in craftm anship and a g ric u ltu re . Th e anima te u r ru ral should also have, along with an a ttra c tiv e p erso n ality, the a b ility to transform local schools into community learning cen ters, and should be able to in teg rate th e school with village life , and the child w ith his m ilieu. Th e ordinance of May 17, 1966, institutionalized the ruralizatio n of prim ary schools. Emphasis was placed on oral education and commun ication skills through the global method of teaching which tau g h t children to fir s t of all speak French before reading and w ritin g it. T h e revival of the French language and the teaching of logic became an essential element of the new curriculu m . A t the same time school a ctivities were to be reorganized according the patterns of village life. Holidays were designated d u rin g summer so th a t children could help th e ir parents with the farm in g . Fifth and sixth grades of elem entary schools (C M ^-C M 2 ) were renamed classes term inates a orientation p ra ti q u e , a kind of vocational or p irim ary community school. T h e objective was to enroll dropouts and old pupils in vocational program s. The youth were train ed according to principles of self-relian ce in o rd er to 60 become more productive agents in th e ir v illag e. On the M edical/H ealth side, the Chad Red Cross is the only organization to devote itself to supporting the ru ral health program . But lack of technical personnel is a common problem fo r ru ral projects in C had. In addition , th e re is simply not enough m aterial and medicine to extend this social service and program nationw ide. The out break of civil w ar between d iffe re n t p o litico -m ilitary factions in F e b ru a ry , 1979, b ro u g h t to an end all development projects in C had. In prin ciple the te n -y e a r th ird plan proposed minimun population grow th and maximum national income. In its elaboration, the th ird national plan was a b u lk y docum ent, tedious to read, redund an t and complex in content. V e ry few people actually understood it. H ow ever, it was approved by the Council of M inisters as a reference document. In conclusion, animation ru rale as it was applied to national p lan nings was conceived and implemented on a top-dow n decision-m aking process. T h ere was little interaction between the villagers in rural areas and th e decision-m akers in the urban areas, u n fo rtu n a tely , in p a rt because planning is considered by many Chadians as an abstract exercise accomplished in an office under a p u rrin g electric fa n . e) Animation R urale T h ro ugh National Ideologies (1 9 7 3 -1 9 7 9 ): T h ere have been two ideologies in Chad which were trie d sim ultan eously to activate the ru ra l areas; the late President N garta Tom balba- ye's "Yondo1 1 policy and General Malloum's liberalism . 61 ( i) Yondo (1 9 7 3 -7 5 ): The word Yondo refers to one typ e of A frican education e x isting in the sub-Saharan regions before the coming of the Europeans. It varies from the simple in structio n given by a fa th e r to his son, to complex educational s tru c tu re and process. The S ara-M ajingain ethnic group in M oyen-C hari has been practicing yondo in ru ral areas since independence. Yondo is a rite de passage fo r young men while Ndo- bayan refers to the rite de passage fo r young women. Among the Ngambay trib e in the Logone region, th e re were fo u r stages each fu lfille d ad u lt had to undergo: Umaan fo r teenagers, Lao (vocational education) fo r young people between fifte e n and eighteen years old, Bell fo r the adults (20-50 y e a rs ), and Gaji (beyond 50) fo r the elders. The word Mag is sim ilar to N d o -b a yan , a rite de passage fo r women. The Ngambay trib e has rejected the m ystic side of Lao since the advent of independence and the influence of C h ris tia n ity and schools. B ut th ey still keep the practical aspects regard ing moral values and folk songs fo r entertainm ent purposes. In g en eral, the word Yondo is related to A frican a u th e n tic ity , self-esteem , and s e lf-res p e c t. P resi dent N garta Tom balbaye mixed politics with Yondo. For him Yondo was the moral ground w ork fo r any social change in C had, w hether urban or ru ra l. By in stitu tio n alizin g Yondo President Tombalbaye intended to empower the ru ral areas by giving leadership back to the eld ers. This was, by th e same to ken , an attem pt to subjugate the new W esternized elite to th e effective control of the ancestors by empowering the elders. Elders were to be seen as the only rep resen ta tives and guardians of the national cu ltu re with President Tombalbaye 62 as preem inent among them — a p recurso r of the Ayotolla Khomeni. The National Movement fo r Social and C u ltu ral Revolution (M N R C S ) was created. This la tte r was the instrum ent which placed "Yondo in the hands of P resident Tom balbaye to m anipulate as he pleased. The trad itio n al C hief tan system was b rou ght back fo rc e fu lly . The re-establishm ent of a rtific ia l Superior Chiefs was a step tow ard the appointm ent of G overnors. "The M N R C S," said President Tom balbaye, "does not need yo u r opinion to rule this co u n try . It will bring you wealth if you w ork with it, or it will w ork against you if you choose to be an ou tsid er. B ut be informed th a t whosoever does not go to "Yondo" will not get any job in my regim e." (C an ard Dechaine, November 1973. N'Djam ena) President Tombalbaye was aware of the political s trife and the s ta rv a tion in the ru ral areas due to inflation and the d ro u g h t of 1973. In 1970 the French Governm ent had cut o ff the needed subsidies which had been issued since 1960 to pay the civil servan ts. D esperately, the President then had attem pted to link animation ru rale to the mystic "Yondo" so th a t he could overcome the explosive social turm oil in the c o u n try . Each civil servan t in the urban area should re tu rn to his native village to go throug h th e rite de passage so th a t he would accept Tombalbaye's leadership in spite of worsening socio-economic conditions. To enforce his ru ra le animation policy, President Tombalbaye projected 750,000 tons of cotton as a y e a rly ta rg e t whereas the te n - year plan had forecasted only 250,000 tons by 1980. A w eek-end of "ru ralizatio n " service was proclaim ed. On th a t d a y , civil s ervan ts, 63 religious grou ps, army and A frican tradesm en left th e ir offices and shops to w ork on a common farm . Th is program pleased many people, both in the cities and in the ru ral areas. Participation in this op era tion was v e ry popular and it spread qu ickly to other regions. The animation ru rale was e ffec tive . Trees were planted and cities and villages were cleaned every w eek-en d . People generally fe lt good about each w eek-end of ru ra liz a tio n . To sum u p , President Tombalbaye was seeking complete loyalty to his regim e, self-esteem fo r his fellow citizens and the instillation of new awareness in the minds of the Chadians of the subtle subversive activities of the neo-colonialist system. As a re s u lt, many names of places and persons were changed. For exam ple, Fort Lamy became N'Djamena; F o rt-A rch am bault became S arh; Francois Tom balbaye became N garta Tom balbaye; Jacob became Jacobeye, etc. N evertheless, the c ru e lty of "Yondo" against those who opposed it brou ght up the old ethnic q u arre ls , especially since it was being forced upon people who came from trib es which had never used i t . . . i t was fe lt th a t President Tombalbaye was attem pting to impose his tribalism on others through forcing them to adopt "Y ondo". T h ere was fru s tra tio n and s u fferin g all over the c o u n try , and the Republic of Chad was d e fin ite ly trib a lize d and began to crum ble. The lack of free expression and the m isinterpretation of national aspirations and needs contributed to the ensuing national disaster. Since th a t tim e, everyone has grown more skeptical and cynical. M istru st and silence permeate the land. Yondo was never fu lly accept ed as a reasonable policy of animation ru ra le , although th ere had been 64 some progressive aspects in it in term s of ag ricu ltu ra l developm ent. F in a llly , the arm y o verth rew th e regime of President Tom balbaye, and General Felix Malloum Ngakoutou B ey-nd i became P resident. ( ii) Liberalism (1 9 7 5 -7 8 ): O riented liberalism in th eo ry was an excuse fo r General Malloum to again draw Chad closer to capitalism . In re a lity , it was sim ilar to Yondo minus the mystic side. Health and ru ral programs were taken into consideration. General Malloum believed th a t each local population should take care of its school, medical ce n te r, roads, and environm ent; the solution to the complex problems of Chad depend ed fir s t of all on the disposition and w illingness of all citizens to do som ething. In regards to schooling, General Malloum looked to the National In s titu te of Educational Sciences (IN S E ) to reform the content and method of formal schooling. For him, being train ed was being capable of doing something useful fo r oneself and fo r one’s c o u n try . To reach this goal, school should be in teg rated into the real life of the communi ty and be p a rt of lifelong education. It was im perative to utilize local resources and the existing social and professional stru ctu res to educate the population w h erever th ey w ere. B u t, sadly, n eith er the Yondo of Tom balbaye, not the oriented liberalism of General Malloum resulted in prim ary and secondary educa tion reforms to achieve the practical expectations of the ru ral areas. D IS C U S S IO N : Animation ru ra le , with its zigzagging and confusing patterns sometimes appears to be a fa ilu re in Chad fo r a number of reasons. It needs to be redesigned. T h ro u g h o u t its h is to ry , th ere 65 has been only one major achievem ent: the im provem ent in cotton production as a means of increasing th e living standard in ru ral areas. B ut peasants cannot set the price fo r th e ir cash crop; n eith er can th e y do anythin g about the steadily increasing price of m anufactur ed goods. Th e attem pt to increase GNP and to decrease the population b irth ra te suggested by the regional plan was repugn an t advice - - a peasant w ith one child suffers as much as his colleague with te n . F u rth erm o re, as it has tu rn ed o u t, developm ent planning in ru ral areas has m erely been a theoretical and academic exercise to please th e elite of the capital. Too o ften , th e th e o ry p o rtrays only what should be, ra th e r than w hat the specific needs of the villag ers a re , and ignores th e real basis upon which a viable ru ral developm ent plan must be b u ilt. T h e question is, w hat would the peasants like to see as a resu lt of an animation ru ra le program implemented in th e ir village? This case study of Southern Chad addresses th a t question. On F eb ru ary 12, 1979, the rebellion overtook N'Djamena and the capital has been in shambles since th e n . General Malloum fled the Capital and w ent to N ig e ria , refusing to become involved in th e civil w ar. In some respects, how ever, th e Presidents - - N garta Tombalbaye and Felix Malloum have shared th e same view points in term s of school reform and animation ru ra le , if you p u t aside the mystical p a rt of "Y o n d o ." Following them , the w arfare in Chad has bro u g h t with it a de fa c to decentralization . It would be in terestin g to study animation ru ra le in those areas not touched by civil w a r, now th a t th e re is no strong 66 central governm ent in Chad. How have the people organized them selv es to survive? The answer to th is will be found in our su rvey in C hapters IV and V . 67 3 ). Animation R urale as a Renewal In teg rated System : In 1971, Philip Coombs was stru ck by the difference between rich and poor nations, between urban and ru ral developm ent. He tho u g h t th a t formal schooling had been in effe c tiv e , in e ffic ie n t, and blind to the needs of the local population. Coombs then suggested nonformal education to narrow the gap existing between the poor and the rich of the w orld. For Coombs, nonformal education is fir s t of all practical tra in in g . It may be called: basic education, fam ily education, or community education based on problem -solving methods. Coombs, th u s , proposed a v a rie ty of d e vel opmental research activities affecting the rural areas. In line with Coombs' s tu d y , several development agencies have been attem pting to contrib ute to the knowledge and un derstanding of employing education al and economic approaches to promote development in ru ral areas. a ) . M IT C o n trib u tio n : In June, 1973, a m ultidisciplinary team of analysts under the direction of Massachusetts In stitu te of Technology (M IT ) developed a fram ew ork to evaluate an altern a tive developm ent strateg y fo r the Sahel zone (S enegal, M auritania, M ali, Gambia, Cape V erd e, U pper V olta, N ig er, and C h a d ). This en terp rise followed the disastrous d ro u g h t of 1973-74 th a t had destroyed about 50% of the livestock and reduced grain production exen tsively in the area. The master plan in cluded: ag ric u ltu ra l developm ent, h ealth, n u tritio n , dem ography, in du strial and urban developm ent, socio-political fa cto rs, technology and education, institutional developm ent, tra n s p o rta tio n , w ater resources, 68 en e rg y , and mineral resources- This project has been undertaken w ithin the context of lo ng-range assistance fo r a self-su stain in g develop ment program . As a com prehensive s tu d y , it was related more to nonformal education than to any d efin ite economic model. The study found th a t: ( i ) . Local social stru ctu res in the Sahel are largely controlled from the vertical level and have little autono mous decision-m aking power. ( ii ) . The relationship between urban and ru ral centers works to the disadvantage of the ru ral areas and to the advantage of the urban areas. Educational services are more available in the cities than in the ru ral areas. ( i i i) . A ny educational s tra te g y or plan which does not take adequate account of the cultu ral p attern s of the local groups and differences among them will fail to capitalize on existing cultural resources and will run the ris k of meeting serious opposition. ( iv ) . Creation of indigenous in stitution s fo r education, scien tific, and technological developm ent is a high p rio rity objective in the Sahel region where both formal and nonformal education programs are needed. ( v ) . Educational in stitutions are the presen t time tend to be "elite-p ro d u cin g " mechanisms. B ut the c u rre n t experim ents on nonformal education are encouraging. In fa c t, these fin ding s needed to be retested on the anvil of hard 69 A frican realities by A fricans them selves. How ever, as a com prehensive and in teg rated system , the M IT ap proach of animation ru rale is v e ry in tere s tin g . b ). USAID C o n trib u tio n : The self-sustained USAID Project No. 677-0005 regard ing compre hensive human resources development in Chad focused more incisively on the ru ralizatio n of prim ary school p u rsu an t to two Chadian decrees: No. 021/P R /E N C of May 17, 1966, and No. 3 4 5 /P R /C S M /M E N C J S /D E /- INSE of December 26, 1975. These documents insist on: ( i ) . The application of new cu rricu la developed and prepared by the National In s titu te of Education Sci ences (IN S E ). ( i i ) . Th e integration of school in its milieu through the use of the existing groups (S P A ). ( iii) . The introduction of practical w o rk, p a rtic u la rly in the field of a g ric u ltu re in o rd er to make the school a community production cen ter. In its orientation and pro ced u re, the USAID Project (1 9 7 5 -8 0 ), made every e ffo rt to determ ine what approaches were vital to rural developm ent and relevan t to capture the im agination, p articip atio n , and commitment of the v illa g e rs , and to in sp ire hope and vision. For U S A ID , one should know and solve the p rereq u isite m aterialistic needs of each social group before th in k in g in term s of global economic induce m ents. To be p ractical, the USAID Project attem pted to strengthen 70 INSE and to assist it in c a rry in g out the national educational reform program s, so th a t the formal and nonformal education programs could be coordinated in an effective way and feasible fo r ru ral gro w th . S p ecifically, the U SAID Project had intended to tra in educational p lan ners, evaluators, adult educators fo r women, and ad u lt educators fo r farm ers. If the civil w ar had not broken o u t, the USAID Project would have b u ilt tw en ty-seven workshop centers, each consisting of a fu rn ish ed w orkshop, a classroom, and a secured storage space. Fu rth erm o re, th ere would have been a local train in g program fo r local teachers in polyvalent practical tasks. Peace Corps Volunteers would have worked with the workshop centers as resource personnel. A basic set of tools would have been provided to each of the tw en ty-o n e unequipped workshop centers to serve specific regional needs and to support the development of women's h an d icraft activities. Th e project agreem ent between the Chad Governm ent and USAID fu rth e r specified the In s titu t National des Sciences de I1 Education's (IN S E ) responsibilities fo r the project im plem entation. It was also noted th a t th e re would be coordination w ith other concerned international organizations: U N ESC O /U N D P, World B ank, SW ISSAID, and UNICEF - - all interested in INSE and in the schools' role regarding ru ral develop ment. c ) . INSE C o n trib u tio n : INSE was designed to create a productive educational system adjusted to Chadian realities. The rationale behind its th in k in g was th a t if teachers were well tra in e d , th e y would be able to help in teg rate 71 the Chadian child into his environm ent so th a t he could participate actively in village life. T h u s , INSE looked forw ard to strong ru ral cooperation in the implementation of its program . Th e Departm ent of Lifelong Education and Practical Work in th e INSE s tru c tu re was more specialized in animation ru rale - - in connection with other m inistries and technical services (a g ric u ltu re , health , tra d e ). In A beche, bilingual education (F ra n c o -A ra b e ) was planned; bu t students, mostly Moslems, had little in tere s t in learning French. Th is situation required a follow -up needs assessment evaluation. By the end of 1976, 42 pilot schools had been created. Five satellite trad itio nal schools were also involved in the planning (G eo graphically speaking, th e re are 5 satellite trad itio n al schools around one pilot school). The INSE in N'Djamena before the civil war managed all the operations of recycling and train in g of teachers through radio services and correspondance courses. The In s titu t Regional des Sciences de I'Education (IR S E ) was a regional branch of INSE and may play an im portant role in d iffe re n t areas of the co u n try now th a t the capital is immersed in w a rfa re . How ever, the mixed IN S E /U S A ID mission reported before the civil war th a t the number of individuals reached by out-of-school activities was still v e ry low. SUMMARY The researcher has been discussing the evolution of animation r u rale since 1900 in many form s, using this word to cover all rural 72 intervention s or development effo rts in C had. As a resu lt of this analysis, coordination and adequate in teg ratio n of ru ral developm ent activities are key factors to the success of animation ru ra le . A p ru dent educator should id e n tify those trad itio n s in every day life th a t are sensible and useful to life im provem ent; bu t should eliminate those which are un realistic and a hindrance to the progress of the village community. In this case, school practices should affect the community and th e community activities should influence the school policy so th a t tru e a u th en ticity and scientific technology can operate to g eth er. 73 CHAPTER III D E S I G N "Before shooting, one must aim" "Do not say the fir s t th in g th a t comes to your mind" (C h a rlo tte & Wolf Leslau 1962; p p .46, 34) It should be pointed out th a t this study was conducted in Southern C had, an area th a t had not been seriously disrup ted by the C ivil w ar. Th e length of th e study - - six years - - covered the period from the introduction of the pilot schools in Chad in 1975 until the year 1981. Once in the fie ld , essential questions were raised: Which villages were a good sample of pilot school sites? What were the po st-civil war goals and objectives of the pilot schools? Were pilot schools perceived as change agents in th e villages? What effect did the pilot schools have upon the ru ral areas? What do the villag ers want? Have parents approved of what is going on in the pilot schools? To sum u p , what is an app ro p riate method to assess the effects of animation ru ra le ? What should be done to improve school q u ality in the village? Had a lte rn a tiv e non-school animation ru rale programs survived or evolved with the collapse of the central governm ent? A . APPROACH TO D A TA C O LLECTIO N The researcher's role as an external evaluator of w hat was happen ing in the pilot school program was a d iffic u lt one fo r several reasons. 74 First, he was not directly part of those who were experiencing hard ships following the civil war. Second, his professional biases in the field of education might have created misconceptions as to what was really occurring in Chad. Doctors Michael Scriven, Robert Stake, and Daniel Stufflebeam, (1976), key leaders in the evaluation field, have warned the external evaluator that he may possess credibility and objectivity among the local people but at the same time lack that essential personal experience th a t would give him specific knowledge and insight into the program and its background. It may happen that the external evaluator may not have the cooperation of the local people. Furtherm ore, he may be involved only occasionally and may lack a systematic follow-up. Aware of these pitfalls, the researcher's major task in the field was to reselect pilot school sites and to identify their goals and objec tives, and to compare them with the previous living standard variables that had been selected. The basic e ffo rt, then was to know and to understand the school, its physical and human environments. The confidence in the findings and recommendations of a complex study based on one instrument might well be questioned. Thus re search supported by more than one approach appeared preferable and evaluation approaches appeared especially promising for this study. 1 ). Educational Evaluation Approaches: First, the goal-attainment model could indicate to what degree an instructional program's goals were achieved. This would serve well in a case where the intention was to evaluate the known pilot school goals against what was actually accomplished. Second, judgmental models 75 could be used to analyze both intrinsic criteria (specifically quality or components of a pilot school) and external criteria (if the interest is in process rather than in products). However, it should be noted, in the case of pilot schools, process as well as products seem to have the same degree of importance. The decision facilitation model, referred to as CIPP (C ontext, Input, Process, and Products) could also be employed while working in different environments with different people. Additionally, Scriven (1976), said that the modus operandi (mo) method would be useful to educators in some situations where they are unable to use experimental or quasi-experimental approaches because some problems could not be determined by one single course but rather had to be analyzed on the basis of several factors. Basically, the goal attainment and the judgmental approaches were utilized because both of these methods could be used to assess the merits and outcomes of an already completed program, though pilot schools were disrupted by the fallout from the civil war. There is also a positive correlation between the discrepancy method and summative evaluation in the sense that the discrepancy approach involves a comparison between standards and performance. 2 ). The Physical Quality of Life Index (P Q L I) Approach: The Physical Quality of Life Index (P Q L I) is a composite indicator that measures socioeconomic performance. It includes: life expectancy, infant m ortality, and the literacy rate. More emphasis is placed on the social well-being of the people, rather than on a monetary indicator, 76 such as the per capita GNP. D r. Morris David Morris (1977), brought these social indicators of life improvement to the attention of develop ers, planners, and policy-makers gathered at an Overseas Development Council (O D C ) annual assessment. Following this meeting, the United Nations, the World Bank, the Club of Rome, and the United States Congress expressed their concern for alternative development strategies that placed as much emphasis on equity as on growth. Such strategies have been receiving increasing attention from scholars since the end of World War II; for that reason they concluded th at, "Though GNP is an appropriate measure of output, it is not a very satisfactory measure of social welfare." (Morris David Morris 1979). Early on, some economists and planners thought that the system of national accounts, which deals with resource mobilization and alloca tion problems in time of crises, might be a convenient tool with which to work on poverty; but this system, too, proved best suited for short-run problems. D r. S. Kuznets (1953), imagined that the mone ta ry exchange rate or the purchasing power parity method among countries was a good predictor of village living standards. But life in rural areas does not proceed from the amount of money one has to live on; rath er, the countryside lives in an economic autarchy: farmers produce for their own consumption--money interferes little with their traditional way of life. Nordhaus and Tobin (1973), also attempted to complete the GNP composite by including the estimated value of household activities in their computation; they called it "Measure for Economic Welfare (MEW )." This indicator also did not hold up for long. Since then, hundreds of 77 theories and approaches have emerged and resurfaced in the field: "rural developm ent,1 1 animation ru ra le , "nonformal education," "popular participation," "labor intensive technology" - - all of which emphasize "self-help programs" to meet the needs of "the poorest." D r. Morris David Morris admitted that these theories and approaches should be seen as good in their own rig h t, though they tend to speak the same language. He noted that new strategies in the field must incorporate a strong preoccupation with a greater reliance on local institutions and indigenous conceptual systems in order to enhance integrated develop ment tasks. Adm ittedly, D r. Morris acknowledged that one should not assume that there is only one pattern of development. Therefore, he strongly advocated the development of other criteria such as the PQLI, which measure the quality of life and social welfare, rather than a single predictor, such as the GNP. For Morris, if the PQLI index is zero, this indicates that life expectancy is 30 years, infant mortality is 220 per thousand, and the literacy rate is near zero. On the contrary, if, for instance, the PQLI reaches 100, that means people live longer (72 years life expectancy), infant mortality is lower (8 per 1000), and the literacy rate approaches 100%. The Chadian case will be examined in Chapter IV of this paper. 78 3 ). The Research Sites : The survey covered five pilot schools (Balimba, Deli, Lai, Mbikou and Tikem ) in Southern Chad during the school year 1980-81 Annees blanches (the "White year" in which there was no school a c tiv ity ). These sample schools (see table 1) were chosen so as to provide the maximum amount of information about the state of the reform project in Chad. But prior to initiation of the research, firs t contact with the fieldwork in February, 1981, had helped the researcher to ascertain the impact of the civil war on each of them. In Lai for instance, the Director of the pilot school had left for his own village and most of the teachers in that site had done the same thing. In Tikem , due to the clash in Ere (M ayo-Kebbi) between forces of Hissene Habre and those of Colonel Kamougue, the school and many public buildings in the region were destroyed. In Deli, the school was shut down following a prolonged teachers' strike (see chapter J V ) , protesting the delay in the payment of their monthly twenty dollar subsidy. All public and most private schools were shutdown. A fter this shutdown, the stu dents moved from one region to another to d istu rb , vandalize and threaten other schools and th eir colleagues who were in school. 79 TABLE 1 First Selected Pilot School Sites: Situation June/ 1978 YEAR TO TA L TO TA L PLACES ESTABLISHED TEACHERS STUDENTS 1) BALIMBA (M oyen-C hari) 1973 9 348 2) DELI (Logone-Occidental) 1974 8 370 3) LAI (Tand jile) 1974 7 401 4) MBIKOU ( Logone-Oriental) 1975 10 653 5) TIK E M (M ayo-Kebbi) 1975 9 641 TO TA L 43 2,449 ^Source: Collaboration entre les escoles pilotes et les secteurs professionnels autres que 1 1 Enseignement (Collaboration between Pilot Schools and Professional Sectors other than Teaching). by Al Nebe; Brazzaville, 1979 (Unpublished document) In fact, the entire school system was disrupted; but the education al authorities in Moundou and Sarh were tryin g to bring schools back into function for the up-coming school year: 1981-82. Confronted with this reality, the researcher decided to work with the village authorities particularly in the villages of Bebalem, Mbikou, Miandoum, Miladi and Tilo ( i . e . , in the Logone area). The village of Balimba (M oyen-C hari) was deleted after the second visit because of the transportation problems - - many control points on the road causing tremendous delay - - so that the researcher could intensify his visits to the selected new sites. The five villages had been sites of pilot schools. Each had at least 5,000 inhabitants, a workshop center, a teacher of practical w ork, and a pilot school with its outreach program. Each was also located in an area where a special effort had been launched to increase agriculture production ( e . g . , rice or cotton) or local handicraft activity has been made. In addition, the village was the site of a pilot school with a students-Parents Association (SPA ) and a sufficient number of pupils ( i . e . , 700). 81 4 ). Selection of the Sample Population: O verall, the survey covered a total population of about 25,000 rural people. However, the data was derived from a sample of N=65 leaders. Respondents selected were all male, 25 years old and over. They were selected on the basis of their being leaders and opinion-makers, and because of th eir manifest interest in school activities in five d iffe r ent villages. A breakdown of the respondents by professions is listed below. TABLE 2 SELECTION OF THE RESPONDENTS Profession _________________________ Number__________ % of total Chief of Canton 3 4.6 Teacher 3 4.6 Agricultural Popularizer (anim ateur) 4 4.6 Cantonal Secretary 2 3.0 Religious (C hristian) Leader 4 6 .0 Chief of Village 5 8 .0 Chief of land 4 6 .0 Nurse 2 3.0 Shopkeeper 2 3.0 Village Judge 3 4.6 T ailor 2 3.0 Carpenter 1 1 .6 Mason 1 1 .6 Smith 1 1.6 Farmer 28 43.0 TO TA L 65 100.0 82 The occupations are representative of the socioeconomic activities in the villages of Bebalem, IVIbikou, Miandoum, Miladi, and Tilo, which have a gross population of approximately 5,000 inhabitants each. All of them constitute this newly selected sample of pilot school sites and share a common concern: the need for water. Data were revalidated several times as visits to the field were increased. All the respondents speak Ngambay, their mother tongue ( i . e . , S ara), but some can speak as many as four other African languages, namely: Hausa, Fulbe (N igeria, Cameroon), Sango (R C A ), and Arabic. Eighty questionnaires (see Appendix A ) were sent out to determine the respondent's needs and wants, of which 65 were returned, which constitutes a ve ry good rate (81%) of participation. The results of the questionnaire are discussed in the findings of Chapter V. 83 5 ). Elaboration of Research Questionnaires: On the basis of a checklist of the elements of basic needs (see table 3 ), three questionnaires were prepared (see Appendices A, and B2 ) to address three different categories of people, namely: the students, the teachers and the villagers (peasants and farm ers); so as to determine from d ifferen t viewpoints the impact of animation rurale and in particular, its educational outcomes. However, since no teach ers were on d u ty, as mentioned earlier, it was necessary to modify and adjust slightly the previous design in order to be able to collect dependable data. Questions were: a ). What do villagers want in general? b ). To what extent does the local environment still provide learning opportunities which reinforce survival skills? Is the ruralization of schools in Southern Chad a failure or success in terms of self-sustaining activities? c ). What are the improvements in health and nutrition? d ). Was there a general increase in the literacy rate as a result of pilot school educational efforts? e ). What serves as a channel of communication between school and the village? Is there any consensus on how or where to find local financial resources to sustain a 84 village education program? f ) . What kind of transportation facilities do villagers need? How many bicycles and radio sets do the sample popula tion have? What is the state and nature of village- urban roads? g ) Was there any change in intermediate technology in terms of how people light their houses at night, con struct them, make flo u r, and preserve their food sup plies? h ). How frequently are meetings held in a village? What is discussed during the meetings? To what degree do villagers participate? How do the villagers express their opinions and needs to school and local authorities? i). What does a villager do in his spare time? What are the kinds of cultural and sport activities that exist in the village? Is there a village hall or any socializing center where villagers can gather or enjoy themselves after work? 85 TABLE 3 CHECKLIST OF THE ELEMENTS OF BASIC NEEDS: VARIABLES S IT U A TIO N IN NUMBERS # Before the A fter the Civil War Civil War (1975-78) (1979-81) 1) Learning Environment: Soccer field Basketball field Manual workshop Village hall 2 ) Nutrition and Health: New crops or plants Well - water tanks Sanitation Market (place and frequency) Distance to the nearest medical center 3) Education: Literacy rate of sample villagers Mobile bookstore Library Newsletter 4) Transportation / Communication: Radiosets Bicycles Oxcarts 5) T echnology: Number of Mills in the village Amount of required time of fetching 5 lite rs of water from well Paraffin lamps Animal traction Improved silo Time required for grinding cereal into flour (family of 7 persons) regular meal Sewing machines Housing style (corrugated roof) 86 CHECKLIST (C ont'd) 6) Meetings: For male For female Mixed Average attendance at meetings Agenda 7) Entertainm ents: New games ( e . g . , soccer, volleyball) Old games ( e .g . , y e re , K ourr) It was mandatory that all the respondents be selected on the basis of their previous involvement in, or knowledge of, the pilot school of their area in order to maximize the validity of the answers. Therefore, the researcher and his informants addressed only those respondents who were interested in pilot school activities and who were willing to cooperate. The questionnaires intended to assess the villag ers' living standards and literacy were administrated orally by trained informants in the mother tongue of the respondent or in French, according to the respondent's choice. Preliminary contacts and visits helped to explore aspects of prob lems not amenable to quantitative analysis. Closed-ended question naires to explore a wide variety of topics such as in-school/out-of- school activities, success or failure of the program and general needs and aspirations of the villagers were used. The firs t visit to the school sites--each of the five in the outreach program --helped familiarize the researcher with the school environment. During these visits, it was possible to identify documents, textbooks, and other sources of information available that told much about the 87 school's goals and objectives and its environment. Items initially selected for analysis ( i . e . , goals of pilot schools) were then checked to see if they were appropriate in the field and were revised as necess a ry . On the second visit, areas not adequately covered by the survey were explored using a checklist. Key persons in the village were in formally interviewed. During this period five informants were trained. During the third visit, the survey questionnaires in either French or Ngambay were administered and they required one hour to ninety minutes for each respondent to complete. On the fourth visit, the informants aided the researcher in collect ing all the questionnaires previously given to the local authorities. The researcher then held followup interviews with key leaders. The purpose of these interviews was to discuss the villagers' feelings and impressions concerning the questionnaire and its author. These discus sions assist in the final interpretation of the survey. The fifth and final visit was to extend thanks to those at each site for their cooperation and to request th eir assistance in completing the collection of data. 88 Assumptions: (1 ) Although many projects including educational projects, have taken place in Chad during the 1970's, there has been little evaluation of their outcomes. The researcher's assumption was that villagers were in worse condition today than they were before the civil war. Nevertheless it should be emphasized that they want to accomplish things by and for themselves, providing they have the equipment and the basic technological skills required. (2 ) Villagers are interested in improving their lives rather than in developing the country. Area included in the study although selection options were limited, was basically representative of Southern Chad. (3 ) Villagers who partici pated in the study provided accurate information. Purpose: The purpose of this study was to discover whether the existence of a pilot school in the village had contributed to the social welfare of the villagers. Should we, as change agents, give up on this effort or tr y harder in our attempt to promote a new dimension of animation ru - rale? Are pilot schools answering the needs of their students in terms of school practices and life in general? Is there a better way to reform schools at the primary level? Limitations. Some of the following fa cto rs --d iffic u lt and even impossible to control--placed severe restrictions on the study. i). The civil war had been almost stopped a year earlier 89 but its effects continue to disorganize administrative and economic activity in the whole of Chad. Books and other documents and instruc tional materials pertaining to pilot schools and animation rurale activi ties have been destroyed, stolen, or vandalized. ii). Actual political and administrative factions in Southern Chad hindered the self-sustaining activities of the village. iii). Another pitfall to be aware of is memory erro r and the difficulty in attributing the school's success or failure to one specific element. iv ). The researcher's own personal emotional involvement in try in g to discover a consistent basis for a rural development policy, in some respects, limited his objectivity. 90 CHAPTER IV THE PRESENT S ITU A TIO N OF ANIM ATION RURALE IN CHAP "Fine words do not produce food" (Charlotte & Wolf Leslau 1962; p . 45) Under this rubric, the managerial infrastructure of animation- rurale will be examined with reference to its specific aspects, not only in terms of pilot school goals and effectiveness but also in terms of integrative activities which can transform whole villages into one educa tional unit. Following this line of thought, one question needed to be asked: Are pilot schools tru ly different from general education, or are they merely a new slogan designed to confuse rural people in their expectations of a better life, of an alternative to the highly selective academic education? Is this a program interesting enough to attract renewed support from the international agencies, such as SWISSAID or USAID? What role should they play in the animation rurale? A. ROLE OF ANIM ATION RURALE Historically, animation ru ra le , as well as the GNP, was geared not to promoting social welfare in the countryside, but to the exclusive growth of cotton for international markets. Subsidies for sowing cotton and political speeches emphasizing the need to grow more and better cotton - - all inducements which accentuated the fact that cotton received more attention than those who grew it. The exaggerated 91 preoccupation with that cash crop obviously discouraged the peasants, who wished that more attention were paid to their vital needs: promo tion of cereals, hygiene, housing, adult functional literacy, crafts, home economics, iron and wood work, and so on. The use of animal traction for ploughing and of fertilizers to increase productivity did, however, produce some beneficial changes in the villages. With animal traction, one person is able to plough and prepare a hectare of land for sowing in one day. In the past, this amount of work represented the activity of th irty people using traditional hoes on the same wide expanse of land. This technology, that is, animal traction, has enabled peasants to be more independent from each other and to move toward a farm er status. Animal traction is now a time-saving tool in rural areas. This crude technology allows people to spend less time on agricultural activities. The resultant spare time could be used for literacy purposes or for learning other useful skills. The adoption of animal traction for ploughing was unequivocally the result of ONDR loans, which helped peasants to buy oxcarts and other agricultural materials and to avoid being victimized by dishonest usurers. Fertilizers too, which initially had been bought for cotton production, were quietly diverted toward rice and millet production, and a sterile chemical product was used to keep food grains from spoiling. In many areas peasants were stubbornly developing intensive and varied agriculture despite and often against the wishes of the ONDR and the "rural anim ateurs. 1 1 As has been observed, in terms of health care and literacy in Chad, animation rurale has not been used to support any welfare 92 programs in general; but it could contribute indirectly to the increase of life expectancy, inasmuch as peasants can find ways to improve their diet and reduce somewhat the pain they had endured under the traditional sambulma process. By introducing animal traction and new agricultural materials into the villages, the ONDR animation rurale has revolutionized the lives of the peasants. This is really an exciting innovation on the behalf of both the farmers and the ONDR. But effective animation rurale is not a single minded policy focussed on cotton production. It should be a multifaced development including a welfare program for the benefit of the rural poor. To the extent that ONDR and FDAR have failed to provide for the welfare of participants, they have also failed in their missions. Therefore, pilot schools were created to do what ONDR and FDAR were not able to accomplish, that is, to integrate the child in his social and natural environments and to contribute to the living standards of the villagers in general. B. MANAGERIAL INFRASTRUCTURE OF PILOT SCHOOLS The Managerial in frastructure is how animation rurale implements and evaluates its programs. This infrastructure is composed of a set of elements and policies the aim of which is to provide effective anima tion ru ra le . The infrastructure is determined by the goals and objec tives of the schools and the national (already mentioned in A above) and the international agencies plus the role of the National Director of Elementary Education, and the local authorities. 1 ). Goals and Objectives: The firs t field visit to the research sites provided an oppor 93 tu n ity to become familiar with the goals and objectives of pilot schools as they were outlined in various documents, among them the Presiden tial Decree of December 26, 1975. This basic paper assigned the following tasks to pilot schools: - to experiment with new programs and methods in basic teaching; - to encourage the integration of the school and of the Chad ian child in their environment by producing both cash and food crops, increasing the literacy rate in the village, and improving health care programs; - to apply the knowledge gained in the school situation to some ongoing development projects; - to insure a lifelong education. Behind these tasks was the notion that if local authorities knew, understood, and became interested in the above program, then the local school could make a considerable impact upon the villagers. 2 ). The Role of the National Director of Elementary Education To implement the tasks outlined above, the pilot schools have been structured and supervised as follows. At the head of the nation al structure is the Director of Elementary Education, whose role can be divided into several functions: - to promote and arouse enthusiam for teacher training; - to encourage the schools' openness to their environments by means of meetings with the Students-Parents Association (S P A ), taking part in the ongoing development tasks, e tc .; - to follow up with trained teachers and insure that the newly 94 designed programs are implemented in school; - lastly, to manage the elementary school system in close cooperation with the National Institute of Education Sciences (IN S E ), with a view to ultimately bringing about new and relevant curricula in schools. Each local pilot school has the following staff: one director in charge of the overall education program in the village; one teacher in charge of practical education (animation ru ra le) and literacy; and at least six teachers in charge of general education. All of the teachers in pilot schools have been selected accord ing to the following criteria: quantity and quality of their work; teaching and communication skills; dependability; capacity for team work; and adaptability to changing situations. The selection of school teachers and school sites was a matter for serious examination. The national director must have ascer tained that the site of the pilot school - - usually a Canton - - had a total population of at least 5,000, and was located centrally enough for demonstration purposes, that is, accessible to the surrounding villages and other satellite schools. 3 ), Role of the U nder-Prefect One of the most powerful local leaders in the countryside is the U nder-P refect, whose actions and decisions have been affecting villagers since Independence Day. The nature of his relationship with the villages might best be understood through official correspondence. Between 1979 and 1980, the Under-Prefect addressed to the Canton of 95 Mbikou fifty communications for the following purposes: CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING NUMBER Taxes and recovering of debts 15 Visits and meetings with Chief of Canton 12 Judiciary convocations 12 SPA 4 Other 7 SOURCE: Administrative communications, Secretariat of the Canton of Mbikou, 1981 (with permission). Correspondence regarding taxes, visits, and judicial discussions consti tute an important part of the Under-Prefect's activities. The content of the other official correspondence is related to certain restrictions, for example: no large tran sfer of food crops from the countryside to the cities, and a limitation of minimum price ($20/100K g .) for food grains (control of foodstuffs and prices). However, the U nder-Prefect's unannounced visits and lack of any definite agenda disrupted village activities (brought fear of severe control) and eroded the Chief of Canton's authority. In addition, villagers were displeased with too much emphasis placed on taxes and too little on their welfare. But higher payments of taxes which lead to no obvious results could discourage and provoke a reaction against paying any taxes including levies even for social welfare projects. In the author's view, the Under-Prefect's role as police officer triggers fe ar, distrust and contempt among villagers and should be abondoned or minimized. The U nder-P refect, on the contrary, 96 must act as an honest broker, an intermediary interpreting the ideas and aspirations of local civil servants, experts and villagers. He must tr y to improve the relationship between government officials and the villagers on the one hand, and among villages on the other hand. But greed and lack of community development skills brought severe limita tions to the economic development role of most U nder-Prefects. Villag ers have little confidence in them when their visits through th eir areas become a series of quick sallies from the office ostensibly in order to inquire about the state of peace and order in the village; but in fact provide opportunities to ask for sheep, goats and chickens without giving a cent of payment to the owner. Most of them have abused the use of their power and if villagers ever protest, they are mercilessly repressed. Under-Prefects should encourage local initiatives or initiate local projects if they can. They should help to prepare the Cantonal budget for welfare work that could be incorporated in the regional budget. 4 ). The Role of the Association des Parents d'Eleves: [The Students-Parents Association (S P A )] The Students-Parents Association (SPA ) is an organization of villagers and local leaders within a Sous- Prefecture. This organization has a branch in each Canton (the smallest governmental administrative u n it) under the leadership of the Cheif of Canton. The SPA at the Sou s - P ref ectu re level, in agreement with the general school policy, supports local schools by contributing to sensitizing of the schools1 social environment to curriculum change and to the construction of school and medical care buildings. The money needed to implement the 97 above program comes from SPA members. In fact, in 1980 the SPA of Bebedjia had put forth a project to build a community high school. Each member was required to pay according to his socioeconomic status (see Table 4 ), 1 1 If these contributions are obtained,1 1 said its presi dent, "the amount will be sufficient to build and to equip a community high school from the 7th to the 10th grade." (Amos Madjipeur 1980; p. 4) The role of the SPA cell in each Canton, as has been stated, is to assist teachers with their immediate needs; for example, school maintenance, materials, and support of school discipline. 98 TABLE 4 Financial contribution of the Bebedjia SPA members - 1980 Class Per Capita GNP In U .S . $ Amount each, in U .S . $ Contributions Per Year Peasants 113 2.00 once a year Middle 3,000 6.00 once a trim ester (e v ery 3 months) Tradesmen and Upper 6,000 12.00 once a trim ester Others 4.00 once a trim ester SOURCE: "Proces Verbal de TAssemblee Generale (Unpublished document, Secretariat Canton of Mbikou, 1981) These rates, determined by a vote of the participants at a general meeting, were based on the estimated GNP and the income levels of these three occupational categories. 99 5 ). Role of International Agencies in the Animation R urale: Animation rurale in general, and the pilot school program in particular, were not development policies that trickled down to the villagers spontaneously without the support and actions of international development agencies. These policies were planned, organized and implemented in close cooperation with international agencies such as UNICEF, SWISSAID, USAID, and others. Mr. Ndilbe Jemina, an outstanding pilot school teacher in Balimba (S a rh ), pointed out some criteria which induced the creation of a pilot school in the village. He said that there was a high level of cooperation between the school and the villagers on the one hand, and between the school and the interna tional development agencies on the other. Mr. Ndilbe added that the host village should achieve a performance goal in some special economic activity. The existence of a self-help sp irit and the material support of the agencies, and the presence of a strong democratic leadership in the village, were conducive to the integration of the school into its social and economic environment. Such considerations were part of school reform in Switzerland. Therefore, that country had taken a great interest in the ongoing school reform in Chad. Through SWISS A ID , UNICEF provided school equipment and agricultural tools and materials. However, SWISSAID did not tie itself down to long-term technical assistance in Chad. It was anticipated that by the end of 1979, the contract with Chad regarding pilot schools would be term inat ed. By that time, USAID would be ready to step in to consolidate and amplify previous activities, and to extend basic training to rural women--the most neglected segment of Chadian society. But things 100 did not turn out that way. Civil war broke out in 1979, rumbling to the very doors of N'Djamena, the capital. The war has effectively stopped most economic sctivities, including the rural development projects. Booming demands for education today in the T h ird World, including Chad, have created a ve ry fru stratin g situation. There are not enough facilities to respond to all of these demands, because an increasing enrollment is inversely correlated with declining resources. The S tu dents-Parents Association (S P A ), along with international agencies, attempted to improve existing classrooms if new ones could not be built. Table 5, following, shows the results of this joint action. 101 TABLE 5 Assistance to five research pilot schools as of 1977 Schools Office Class- Work rooms shop Wells Builders Balima 1 - - SPA and SWISSAID Deli (data not avai able) I- — — — Lai 1 4 + 12* 1 1 SWISSAID Mbikou 1 6* 1 SPA and SWISSAID Tikem 1 2* - SPA and SWISSAID TO TA L 4 4 + 20* 1 2 ^Improved SOURCE: Rapport d'activites scolaires by Djibrine Isseine, Rochat Jean-Claude, George Teguide (N'Djamena, 1977), p. 11 102 As of 1977, SPA and SWISSAID had built four offices, four class rooms, and two wells for the pilot schools in Southern Chad. They have since improved tw enty other classrooms. This cooperation for school improvement between SPA and SWISSAID is the firs t of its kind. Villagers and pupils expect to gain more experience especially since the Central Government as a result of political instability is unable to do anything for them. If all of the above elements of the managerial in frastructure (namely, school policy and administrative controls) were integrated and oriented toward village life, then animation rurale could consistently improve rural standards of living. C. SCHOOL EFFICIENCY As p art of the reform effo rt, pilot schools seek to promote efficien cy by emphasizing both the academic and the practical orientation including out of classroom activities. The success or efficiency of the program is measured by taking into account the number of students who pass (w ithout repeating) to upper grades, the number of dropouts per level, and the number of students who succeed in examinations. The more the waste, the less efficient is a school. Table 6 illustrates this point for the year 1977. It can be seen that in that year, the schools in Deli and Mbikou had many dropouts, while those in Lai and Tikem had relatively few dropouts. The student-teacher ratio in a self-contained classroom was supposed to be fifty to one. Except for Balimba and Deli, the other schools had a higher ratio. 103 1 ). Academic Components: a ) . Class Size and Efficiency: Class size is an indicator which shows how crowded are schools in Chad. It demonstrates the need for additional teachers and thus for teacher training. This situation will be worse once the schools are put back into operation because of the increase in enrollments. TABLE 6 Class Size and Efficiency/ 1977 S c h o o ls i C O C O •H o m o p <D C O -9 £ s o P o is u < u N ca p < D a o • H H < D S & V & U vo m i • H CM C O S u l l CO C O 4 J P O £ k O u Q P I P O j CL. i o u 1 a i m < u I o -p i to Tikem 8 538 67 275 49 9 Balimba 8 385 48 159 45 12 Deli 7 293 42 157 77 26 Lai 6 370 62 181 22 6 Mbikou 8 538 67 349 81 15 TO TA L 37 2,124 57 1,121 274 13 SOURCE: Rapport d'Activites des Ecoles Pilotes by Djibrine Isseine, Rochart Jean-Claride, George Teguide (N'Djamena, 1977, p .8) 104 105 Traditional Schools 18.5 12.4 14.9 36.1 Grade: CM2 (6) CM1 (5) CE2 (4) CE1 (3) CP2 (2) CP1 (1) Pilot Schools: 16.3 21.4 11.1 13.7 27.7 1976-1977 1976-1977 Fig. 1 Evolution of the dropout pyramid, 1976-1977, compared in both traditional and pilot schools SOURCE: Rapport d'Activites des Ecoles Pilotes by George Teguide et al.; (N'Djamena, 1977 p .9) Figure 1 shows that there are fewer dropouts at the CE£ (fourth grade) and CM^ (fifth grade) levels than in any other grades, because at the CE^ and CM^ levels most students hope to get their C ertificat d 1 Etudes Primaires Elementaires Tchadien (C EPET) - - a diploma that is awarded at the end of elementary education (CIV^), after a less competitive examination - - before leaving school. A t the bottom of the pyramid it can be seen that pupils had a hard time dealing with abstract information requiring memorization of thousands of things in a language which is not their mother tongue (F re n c h ). For these children (six to ten years o ld ), classrooms are boring places to be, and they give up on school, tryin g to escape adult constraints, the discipline imposed on them, and even the spankings they endure every day. At the top of the pyramid, there were bound to be more dropouts in pilot schools than in general education. Pupils in pilot schools quickly disliked the manual work which they thought were the burdens of their parents. These pupils thought that their reason for being in school was to become a government minister some day, not to live as adults in the conditions of their peasant parents. Therefore, they dropped out in large numbers to avoid manual work. However, when the two rates in traditional school (11.8%) and in pilot school (15.7%) in 1976 are compared, there is a net improvement at the pilot school level (George Teguide et al, 1977). This decrease in the drop out rate can be attributed to the efforts of teachers to persuade their pupils of the necessity of the new program, whose goal was not to work against the pupils' interests but to give them more chances for 106 survival in their fu tu re lives. b ) . Success in Exams: Table 7 below shows a high rate of success in the CEPET examination and a low rate in the sixth grade admission examination. At the CM2 level, most pupils were 17 to 20 years of age and could not request to take part in the sixth grade examination required for children under thirteen years of age in order to get into high school. The school law had not allowed older adolescents to enter high school because of the shortage of classroom space. Instead, school authorities gave young children the chance to tr y their turn for admission to sixth grade once for all. This highly competitive entrance examination for students tryin g to enter secondary schools could not favor female pupils, who had much less time for studying and more time for home economic activities than th eir male peers. The screening nature of this exam cut off most pupils who had the ability and the will to fu rth e r their studies, but were unable to do so because of the age limitation criterium (only 13 year olds are allowed to take part in the high school entrance examination). Consequently, the rate in the CEPET examination has remained sufficiently high so as to alleviate too much frustration coming from students who cannot take the entrance examination. The content of high school entrance examination is not elaborated from what or how the student has learned during the school year, but from what he is capable of demonstrating as performance in that examination test. In fact, the examination tested the student's IQ rather than the product of what he had learned with his teacher in the classroom. 107 TABLE 7 Success in Admission Examinations: Balimba, 1976-1977 Examination Candidates Presented Candidates Passed Success Rate Fern. Male Total Fern. Male Total CEPET 8 35 43 7 29 36 84% 6th Grade 4 46 50 0 7 7 14% SOURCE: Administrative Documents [Balimba (S a rh ), 1976-1977]. 108 c ). Curriculum "Reform1 j Table 8 below, shows the "new" curriculum profile as it was implemented in the fifth and sixth elementary grades (CM1 - CM2) of the pilot school in Mbikou; personal observations are added in the right hand column • - TABLE 8 Pilot School of Mbikou, Schedule 1980 Subject Hours per Week Emphasis Observations French 8 Readings, grammar Pupils do have books Mathematics 5 Lessons, application Not enough books for students History 1 African Kingdoms No books for students Geography 1 C had, neighboring African countries No books for students Natural Sciences 1 A bstract knowledge No books for students Civics ) \ ) A griculture ) ) Livestock ) 3 Manual work on weekends No books for students (no classroom activity) Music and Recitation 1 Songs, recitals No special book no musical instruments TO TA L 20 hours SOURCE: School Archives 1980 [Mbikou (D o b a )]. 109 DISC USSIO N : This curriculum was a tru e copy of the French elementary program, though it had a Chadian aura. Great emphasis was placed on French and on mathematics. The so-called new cu rricu lum is supposed to enhance speech skills and develop mental knowledge, and put less emphasis on pragmatism. It inhibited the ability to develop vocational skills to solve specific immediate problems of practi cal living. Consequently, Chad was producing a large group of literate people each year, but only a few scientists and not enough business- oriented people or better farm ers. Obviously, subject matter learned in the classrooms had little impact on life-out-of-school. School and village were two distinct worlds, each claiming its pre-eminence over pupils in a v e ry competitive way that is, villagers want their children to learn farming under their control; whereas teachers want these children at school. This situation requires some changes. Some recommendations are that French hours be reduced to 5; mathematics should include basic bookkeeping principles and be allocated 6 hours weekly. History programs must not be concerned with a lost past, but should focus on basic contemporary political conflicts and on village organization; they should require that it be taught 2 hours weekly. Natural sciences must be focussed on agriculture, livestock, environ mental and social studies. These programs should be allocated 5 hours per week. Theater should replace recitation and, along with music, should be taught for 2 hours on weekends in the village hall, rather than in the classroom. Hence, within the same timespan pupils would be able to learn many useful subjects that they could not before with the former curriculum . 110 2 ). Out-of-Classroom Components: Integrative activities took place not only in school and village- oriented activities, but also encompassed out-of-classroom practices. More than ever before, rural schools in Africa today offer a basic--or potential-- program which supports an integrated approach to rural life. In Chad, for instance, an attempt has been made to design schools which participate in village life, act upon their social milieu, and experiment with new programs in and out of the classroom. These new programs - - or integrative activities - - have required pedagogic means aimed at reforming teaching content and methods, while pilot schools are at the same time also tryin g to draw villagers together around out-of-school experimental activities. These integrative activi ties have engaged in the following efforts: Practical activities were practiced 3 hours a week, exclusively on weekends. During the school year, it was compulsory that pilot schools work out th eir programs with a view to linking classroom learning and outdoor life. Such a program was difficult to implement when both students and teachers were not prepared. However, some schools, including Balimba's pilot school, were successful in their attempt. They organized their programs so that students' interests matched village activities reflecting appropriate age group linkages and consider ation for seasons. It took a long time and much patience and persever- ence on the part of the teachers before agreement could be reached to work in gardens, sometimes against the pupils' will. These activities were exhausting for pupils and strenuous for teachers, who complained that too much was required of them given the meager means provided 111 to fulfill these duties. As an example of these practical programs, the 1980 sequential schedule at Balima is presented below in Table 8. Since this program is tedious and demanding of both youngsters and their teachers, it could discourage them or could create more resistance and frustration unless earnings were higher and appropriate materials, tools, and policies were provided to support their efforts. To determine the effect of the various Components of the reform program it would be highly desirable that these activities be evaluated annually, then those that yield the highest incomes might be selected for special emphasis. Im plicitly, this would require a complex analysis of costs, beyond the scope of the present study. Studying integrative activities according to school grades and students' interest is one way to learn about the out-of-school activities. For instance, to show the importance of the four selected activities, A gricultu re, Livestock, C ra ft, and Technology, basic data was collected from Teguide's paper into the following Tables: 9, 10, and Figure 2. The figure is slightly modified from the original. Generally, pupils of all levels spent more time in agriculture and technology. The boost of agriculture and technology activities might have resulted from the teachers' planning, or it might be an indication that students had shown special interest in the above two fields. Students in the firs t and second grades (C P ) preferred to work in the fields and gardens, while their older siblings in the fifth and sixth grades (C M ) put more emphasis on masonry, carp en try, and ironwork because proportions and kinds of realized activities were not imposed 112 upon the students. O ther activities, such as livestock breeding and crafts, did not get much attention at the school at Balimba (S a rh ). 113 TABLE 9 Balimba: Pilot School. Sample of Preferencial Activities First Trimester 1980 Activity September-October November December Gardening Clearing land, collect manure for crops. Raising plants in nursery. Plough, first sowing. Ploughing. Sowing. Experiment with new crops Transplanting vegetables. New nursery Fields Weeding. Harvest (peanuts, maize). Harvest (cotton, cereals). Harvest. Sorting cotton. Livestock Cleaning hen roost. Repair enclosures. Vaccination of poultry. Preparing food. Put brooding hen on nest Crafts Maintenance activity Cleaning enclosures and hen roosts. Pottery work Plaiting. Modeling. Gather straw. Make bricks. Collect wild fruit Technology Masonry, fix wells. Carpentry, how to use tools Carpentry. Home Economics Gardening. Gardening, sewing. Gardening, sewing. Teacher's tasks Planning activities. Health care. Make curriculum materials. Contact ON DR Organize and supervise sales. Holiday Activities: Responsibility of: £ Maintenance: Garden, chicken house, brooding hen. - Selected pupils. - p * Supervision: - Selected teachers TABLE 9 (cont'd) Second Trimester Activity January February March Gardening Transplanting vegetables. Garden maintenance. Tutoring. Vegetable sale. Watering. Tree nursery. Vegetable sale. Maintain garden. Fields Livestock Build shelter, for chicks Preparing food Preparing food troughs & nesting places. Crafts Make bricks and oven. Plaiting. Basket work. Basket work. Plaiting. Spinning and weaving Fishing. Shoemaking. Technology Carpentry. Masonry. Masonry and roofing. Home Economics. Maintenance work. Embroidery. Harvesting. Cooking and Hygene. Cooking and hygiene. Teacher's Tasks Planning Buying equipment and Planning. Building. Making pedagogic materials. Report c n Holiday Activities: Maintenance work Supervision materials. Scraping wells. Responsibility of: - Selected pupils. - Selected teachers. on gardening. TABLE 9 (cont'd) .Third Trimester Activity April May June Gardening Maintenance. Sorting seeds. Clearing up. Tree nursery. Build closets. Collect manure crops Scattering fertilizers. Clearing land First ploughing Ploughing.. Sewing. Weeding. Planting young trees. Fields Livestock Incubation. Poultry vaccination. Poultry diffusion. Prepare food for two months. C rafts Weaving Make agricultural materials. Paper work Weaving Sale organization of materials made Technology Ironwork. I ron-work. Making tools. Tool maintenance. Home Economics. Child welfare. Housing. Laundry Teacher's Tasks Choice of school fields. Contact ONDR. Team organization. Report on activities. Accounting. Holiday Activities: Field maintenance Cooperation with ONDR and FDAR. Responsibility of: - Volunteer pupils per class of selected teachers. under the supervision SOURCE: School Archives (Balimba, 1980). Balimba Pilot * TABLE 10 School: Allocation of Time According to Grade and Interest Center, 1977 Grade A ctivity Hours per Year CM Agriculture 39 Livestock 5 C rafts 13 Technology 63 Total 120 CE A griculture 41 Livestock 15 C rafts 21 T echnology 43 Total 120 CP A griculture 60 Livestock 12 Crafts 15 T echnology 33 Total 120 SOURCE: School A rchives, Balimba, 1977 117 Fig.2: Distribution of Practical Activties According to grade level and students' interest (Proportions of realized activities were not mandatory). CE CP CM # * 4 • • • AGRICULTURE Source: Rapport d'Activites des Ecoles Pilotes by G. Teguide et al. NDjamena, 1977/ p.9 CRAFTS LIVESTOCK TECHNOLOGY o o 3. School Income. School income was made up of the earnings from the above activities. This income provides information on which activity was generating more income and was of most help to the school in paying its debts (see Table 11). Gardening contributed half of the total amount of income, where as, surprisingly, there was nothing in the small business Category. It would be interesting to investigate why some activities yielded more income than others, and why small business was so neglected. Other sources of income resulted from miscellaneous activities, such as sales of firewood and bricks, salary earned by working for farm ers, money from renting oxcarts to carry goods for farm ers. The pilot schools were definitely contributing to improve village living standards, certainly more than traditional general education. In the pilot school workshops, it was also possible for villagers to repair agricultural materials, and farmers were taught new technical skills, teachers explained and commented on political communications and tech nical instructions to the villagers, and informed them of things that might be of concern or interest to them. To the degree that pragmatism and contribution to life are its essence, is the pilot school different from general education? The an swer to this question depends on the nature of pilot school activities. In terms of in-classroom learning, pilot schools were not significantly d ifferent from traditional schools which were distinguished by their rigid relationship between teacher and students. But when o u t-o f- school practica are considered, pilot schools were seen to be more 119 TABLE 11 Origin of School Income 1976-1977 in USA ($1.00 = 250FCFA) (At Sample Pilot Schools) School Cotton Gardens Poultry Crafts Small Other Business Total Balimba - 18.60 - - - - 18.60 Deli 4.40 - - - - - 4.40 Lai - 268.68 4.68 158.04 - - 431.40 Mbikou 4.68 - - - - 18.00 22.68 Tikem 123.20 44.90 - 18.26 - - 186.36 TOTAL 132.28 332.18 4.68 176.30 0 18.00 663.44 Rate of Return (%) 20.0 50.0 0.7 27.0 0 2.3 100.0 SOURCE: George Teguide et al., Rapport sur les Activities Scolaires (Balimba, 1977, p.18). K > O innovative with relevant instruction in gardening, health care, and literacy. In terms of curriculum , both types of schools prepared students for certification and sixth-grade competition. These schools, in fact, were production oriented. Agricultural development, iron and woodwork, modeling, craftsy small business, and other services made up the content of their pactical program, which provided a marginal financial income. Most villages were pleased with the policy as it was implemented, but were strongly dissatisfied with the insufficient mater ials available, the tremendous number of dropouts, and the low success rate in the sixth-grade examination. They persevered, regardless, to support the teachers in their functions. Absenteeism, vandalism, and lack of discipline were reduced to a minimum. In cooperation with the school, villagers sank wells, built schoolrooms, paid their contributions to school projects, taught oral history, legends, proverbs, and riddles to instruct youngsters about village customs, mannerisms, and practical know-how. Mutually, village and school turned to each other in case of need, or they joined together to play games on weekends. On the pedagogical side, pilot schools had tried to diffuse new techniques and teaching strategies in the satellite academic schools. Pilot schools, to attain their goals, used debates, conferences, semin ars, and standard lessons as challenging and convincing strategies for innovation and change, both in general education contexts and their immediate social milieux. In their teaching, pilot schools placed the notion of human development before economic "take off"; this was the group's dynamic tactic and the pedagogical method to bring about change. Such a perspective was amazing, but the civil war soon dis 121 rupted the country and put the fu tu re of many Chadians in jeopardy. D. THE SHUTDOWN OF SCHOOLS IN CHAD AND THE REVERSE RURAL EXODUS Why were schools closed down, and why was there a reverse rural exodus? The purpose of visiting Southern Chad was to check on the status of the pilot schools mentioned earlier, and to get a clear idea of how animation rurale was doing since the civil war had broken out. There was suffering, ruins, misery, and desolation all around, but much more so in the cities than in rural areas. Houses, shops, school buildings, hopsitals, and the major parts of the agricultural stations were either destroyed or vandalized. The creeping epidemics of small pox and measles, endemic yellow fe ver, malaria, intestinal worms, amoeba, tetanus~-all have been killing hundreds and thousands of Chadians in the southern part of the country since the civil w ar, in numbers more drastic than ever before in recorded Chadian history. D r. Jonas Kemia, in charge of Services des Grandes Endemies in Moundou, said: "Among children, death due to smallpox and measles alone is causing alarming concern. Seven out of ten children die of smallpox or measles. We have no vaccine to immunize the children; who still manage to stay alive, despite our efforts to call international attention to this national calamity. We wonder if there is a country in the world which is bothered about the Chadian's plig h t." (Official Declaration on Radio-Moundou, May, 1981) 122 Some private schools which received their financial support from abroad were functioning for a while; but all public schools have been closed down since December 1980 in this grim, confused and chaotic, de facto separated, Chad, where grants and scholarships were rare. Instead, strikes, civil disobedience and insecurity were part of every- day life. Some school buildings which had not been destroyed were filth y and the playgrounds were bare. Inside, blackboards had been rendered unusuable, school materials and fu rn itu re had been either sold or destroyed by soldiers, and the teachers were at the threshold of starvation. To gain a deeper understanding of the social plight in Chad, the researcher attended a teachers' meeting held in February, 1981, in Moundou. Most of the participants and their leaders were bewildered and fru strated . They urged members of the "Permanent Committee" (a political organization for the survival of Southern Chad) to put the schools back in operation and civil servants back to w ork, by giving the latter six months' late subsidies (maintenance advance) and commit ting themselves to a regular salary payment. But nothing had been done to alleviate the suffering of the helpless civil servants. Conse quently, most of them returned to the rural areas. They simply could not afford to live in African cities which had been artificially sustained by international corporations and aid and by processing agricultural produce from farms to national and international markets - - markets which have ceased to exist given the breakdown in the administrative communication and transportation. In rural areas these city dwellers organized in order to survive. 123 They diversified agricultural production, engaged in small businesses, tutored some students p rivately, and participated in village sports and games. Most villages have become active production centers of food grains (as opposed to cash crops), while cities remain insecure places to be. S urprisingly, the civil war not only destroyed; but somehow it also put manual labor back into a place of honor. Individual self-help plays a vital role. In the light of these observations one could ven tu re to say that some teachers and some low-income civil servants would not go back to their former jobs, once normalization takes place. A pparently, villages and cities will cooperate more than ever before, once the effects of the civil war fade. Who can say that there is "only" a rural exodus pattern! 124 E. INTEGRATIVE A C T IV IT IE S IN THE VILLAGE. Integrative activities are tasks that link school and village and make them one educational unit. Village and school improve their relationships and th eir cooperation. Adults learn abstract tasks from children, and children, in their apprenticeship under the supervision of th eir parents, associate academic learning with practical experience. These activities are day to day practices that could integrate the child into his social and economic milieu as D r. Joseph Kizerbo observed and as many African case studies reported earlier in this paper. At the beginning, villagers were slow to initiate these activities; but later, villagers were joined in their efforts by the pilot school pupils. Together, they built schools and teachers' houses, they planted trees, sunk wells, promoted new businesses and encouraged the diversification of agricultural production ( e .g . , M bikou). The presence of teachers and their families in the village and the students' effort to initiate gardening and the selling of products, rendering services and their labor force to the farm ers, had brought a new climate of mutual depen dence and understanding in villages like Mbikou. However, for the schools to increase their contribution to the village they should be will ing to learn about the villagers in terms of their growth and potentiali ties: natural resources, skills, needs, and income. 125 1) Village Population: There is a need to know the human environment so that one can be aware of the strata of the village population on which to count in the fu tu re . This data would provide information about the number of people within the active population and th eir approximate yearly civic tax payment. Below is reported the National Rural Development Office (O N D R ) Census of September, 1980, for the Canton of Mbikou (Table 12). The purpose for reporting th is, among others, is to iden tify potential sources of income that might be solicited to induce village activities. TABLE 12 Canton of Mbikou, 1980: Estimates of Active Population and Its Civic Taxes Paid In CFA (1,000 per Head per Y ear) Village Taxable Nontaxable 18-65 Minors 10-17 Old People 70+ . . . TO TA L Male Fern. Male Fern. Male Fern. 1. Bekor-Mann 117 147 186 171 5 6 632 2. Bekor-Raga 69 101 131 105 3 2 411 3. Doheri 33 32 45 47 2 8 167 4. Kobo-Bebala 60 67 86 77 4 15 309 5. Kome* 114 157 280 242 11 17 821 6 . Madana 22 33 61 42 2 2 162 7. MBagti 20 28 41 37 1 2 129 8 . Mbikou 295 421 689 537 34 62 2,038 9. Mekapti 88 124 171 157 9 8 557 CANTON: 818 1,110 1,690 1,415 71 122 5,226 *Kome: one of the nine villages in the Canton of Mbikou SOURCE: ONDR Register Book; Mbikou, 1980 126 The active (taxable) population (1,928 persons) represents 37% of the total population (taxable and nontaxable). If the number of child ren below ten years of age were included in the total population fig u re, the proportion in the active population would be approximately 20%. In terms of the national tre a s u ry , each active peasant pays $4 a year in civic taxes. This would provide from $8,000 to $10,000 in annual tax income for the Canton of Mbikou. It will be seen in point ( 3 ) , below, how part of this income could be diverted to local animation programs. U nfortunately, however, villagers do not know how civic taxes collected in their area have been used. Some of them asked teachers to tell them where their yearly tax payments went? And they were told th at this money was used to pay civil servants, soldiers and their chiefs of Canton who received $40 each per trim ester. The tax money also helped the government to build and maintain public buildings, roads and schools, etc. But these explanations did not convince most of the villagers, especially since 1979, during which period social services and public administration had been disorganized by the civil war. Civil servants and soldiers have been complaining constantly about not having been paid for two years while civic taxes have been regularly paid by the taxable village taxable population. 127 2 ). Innovative A ctivities: Innovative activities were made possible only when new means of production such as the use of animal traction for ploughing, of fertilizers to increase prod uctivity, and of oxcarts to haul goods and to carry sick people to hospitals, had been introduced into the village. Since then villagers worked fast and well. They also en gaged in spare time hobbies and innovative activities. The natural and business climate in the village began to improve, a ) . Village means of Production: Our task here consists of identifying means of production so that the village output may be measured against them. The following data have been provided by the ONDR Agricultural Census in 1981 (see Table 13). According to this table the total number of oxen and ploughs is greater than that of oxcarts and ridg ing -p lou gh. This situation indicates a profile of need, not that all the needs of the villagers have been met completely in that area. Farmers today are used to animal traction for ploughing, and to oxcarts for carrying their goods. There is a vital need for each farmer to have two pair of oxen, one plough, and one oxcart; but the income earned from cash crops is insufficient to buy all of this needed equipment. For instance, the cost of one ox is $100, a plough costs $50, and an oxcart $200; 20 kilograms of artificial fe rtilize r costs $40, which is v e ry expensive when compared to the national per capita income, estimated at $113. Farmers simply cannot afford to procure all they need in support of their agricultural goals. If it is taken into account that the active population is 1,928 and imagines that each of 128 the 818 taxable males has a pair of oxen, then the total number of oxen in the village would be 1/636. This provides an indication of maximum need for oxen. This quantity of livestock could help to produce more, but by the same token could, in the short run, damage the ecosystem. Therefore, it is vital to balance the inputs (in this case, oxen) in the village so as to keep an equilibrium between ecolo g y /n a tu re and human needs and to keep these inputs in balance with each other - - it would make little sense to have the maximum number of oxen with the required ploughs, oxcarts, etc. TABLE 13 Canton of Mbikou: Estimates of Means of Production On the Basis of ONDR Sale Book, 1981 Village Oxen Plough Oxcart Ridging- Plough 1. Bekor-Mann 84 41 3 2. Bekor-Raga 46 27 4 2 3. Kobo-Bebala 26 10 1 - 4. Kome (Village) 134 69 32 - 5. Mandana 12 9 3 - 6 . Mbikou (Village) 188 107 36 - 7. Mekapti 90 42 13 - 8 . Coheri D a t a no t a v a i I a b I e 9. Mbagti D a t a no t a v a i I a b I e TO TA L 580 305 92 2 129 b ) . Village Natural Environment And Business M ilieu: The natural environment (planted trees) and business climate in the village of Mbikou are two components of the village realizations encouraged by the local pilot school in planting trees and selling garden crops. Planted trees and sunken wells improved the natural environment. Also, market days (Fridays and Sundays) have made the business atmosphere more joyful. ( i ) . NUMBER AND TYPE OF PLANTED TREES (1, 029) Fruit Trees (718) Ornamental Trees (311) Banana) ,. 48 Accacia 147 Papaya) " 9 neous 21 Blazing 3 G rapefruit 8 1 1 Di 1 1 i1 1 121 Guava 36 Eucalyptus 14 Jujube 3 Liana flower 12 Lemon Mango 10 592 Tevetia 14 The harvested fru it brought some improvement in the diet and n u tri tion of the village, while the ornamental trees protected against heat. Papaya latex can be mixed with honey and used to kill intestinal worms such as ascaris and taenia. Ligneous, derived from sorghum straws and papaya trees, can be combined with thorns and blackberry bush to make traditional salt ( i . e . , ashes plus water, distillation and evapor ation) which is not as strong as imported salt. 130 ( ii) . SUNKEN WELLS (27) (Listed according to water production results) Abundant water 10 Medium water 2 Little water 3 D ry 12 (iii). NEW BUSINESSMEN (37) Bricklayers 6 Butchers 4 Carpenters 3 Shoemakers 8 Shopkeepers 3 Smiths (modern) 3 T ailors 10 In the village of Mbikou (1981), these new workers are helping to bridge the gap between the traditional and the modern ways of livin g . 131 3 ). Revenues and Recurrent Costs: a). Determination of Farmers' Net Income: To get a clear idea of what the villagers' net income really is, a sample of nine farmers was taken in the Canton of Mbikou, on the basis of the interview with the chiefs of large villages: Mbikou, Kome, Bekor-Mann, Mekapti and Bekor-Raga. The question asked was: Could you give me — 5 names of farmers who earned $1,000, 5 names of those who earned $500, and 5 names of those who earned less than $40 from the sale of cotton in 1980? Then the researcher selected at random three names in each range of income and conducted an interview with these persons in order to collect fu rth e r data. The result is presented in Table 14. In this table selected farmers were classified into three groups, high, medium and low, according to th eir income. Based on an examination of the differences between their incomes, an arithmetic mean was derived which was compared with the national per capita income. The firs t observation: The sample is average per capita income ($401) which is higher than the national GNP ($113), but no one within the three groups had a net income sufficient for making a decent living, because all had large families of from eight to fifteen people. For them, money is precious and used only to buy limited commodities and services in the cities, and to pay their civic taxes. It cannot be used to buy everyday food. The second observation concerns a case-by-case analysis. A ppar- 132 TABLE 14 Canton of Mbikou: Crude Estimates of Nine Farmers' Net Incomes, 1980 (in U.S. Dollars)* Farmers Gross Income Production Costs Debts Taxes Total Costs Net Income High: 1. Dj ekoundabian 1,100.02 114.00 130.40 20.00 264.40 836.62 2. MBaindo 780.40 95.00 58.00 16.00 169.00 611.40 3. Neradoum 500.54 38.00 46.52 16.00 100.52 400.02 Medium: 4. Doumram 440.00 57.00 100.00 16.00 183.00 257.00 5. Djekoure 379.82 38.00 80.00 16.00 134.00 245.82 6. Soumay 301.40 38.00 69.60 8.00 115.60 186.40 Low: 7. Lapeur 42.20 19.00 12.00 8.00 39.00 3.20 8. Nodjibarem 34.00 19.00 10.00 8.00 37.00 3.00 9. Bemadj i 30.00 - 26.00 4.00 30.00 0.00 Total 3,609.00 418.00 542.42 112.00 1,072.52 2,540.46 (GI) (PC) (D) (T) (TC) (NI) *0n the basis of personal interviews: U.S. $1.00 = 250 FCFA. National GNP, early 1970’s: $113.00. Sample Income 1980: $401.00. CO C O ently, Farmer #3 reduced his production costs to a minimum, which means either he told the tru th , in which case he did not use all the chemical fertilizers sold by ONDR to increase p ro d u ctiv ity , or he lied, in which case we should consider the amount of $38.to be an approxi mate cost. Very, often, farmers have a tendency to inflate their production costs, in particular th eir debts, to show that they are not earning much. Farmer #8 had a negative net income. T h at is to say, in order to get a few Western goods and to pay his taxes, he had to borrow money beyond his living means. Farmer #9 had nothing at all; th at is to say, he worked exclusively to pay his ONDR debts and the government civic taxes. This last case is typical of many farmers in rural areas, especially when there is drought, w ar, or a bad harvest. The importance of debts, as shown in Table 15, indicates that in order to grow cotton (the major cash crop in the c o u n try ), farmers have to hire people to help them. Usually, they borrow the money for wages from shopkeepers, civil servants, butchers and tailors, or ped dlers, all of whom are their "natural bankers." Some of these "ban kers," especially the shopkeepers and peddlers, loan at usurious rates. This situation places a heavy burden on most farmers and in creases their p o verty, making th eir escape from misery more difficult. 134 TABLE 15 Display of Productivity Costs (D erived from the table 14, Canton Mbikou 1980. It shows the importance of major costs.) Productivity Costs Amount Rate (%) Production (P C ) 418 39 Debts (D ) 543 51 Taxes ( T ) 112 10 TO TA L 1,073 100 *N I : Net income G l: Gross income PC: Production cost D: Debts T : Taxes Nl . = Gl - (PC + D + T ) * . The large p art of debits in the productivity costs have the implementation of a saving policy difficult. As a result farmers apparently are living beyond their means (Small income). 135 b ). Suggestion for Financial Self-Help Resources: Where can farmers find resources for local programs? Resources for self-help programs must come from the farmers' small incomes, and from the civic taxes they pay annually to the government. This assumption is true and realistic today. A t the beginning of the 1960s the T h ird World appeared to be entering an era of booming international aid for development, in the 1980s, however, Africans appear to be nearing the end of the period of international generosity which is coinciding with a crucial time in Africa's history. T herefore, each African country--including C h ad -- has to make a real sacrifice if it wishes to achieve successful rural development. The meager financial resources which can be counted upon come essentially from the taxable rural population. No local program is viable without the suggested contribution of part (10%) of the revenue from taxes which should be returned to each Canton for vital projects of the animation ru ra le . Table 16 indicates the contribution from national civic taxes of the six Cantons in the sub-Prefeeture of Bebedjia. It should be observed that no part of the total collected taxes has been returned to any Canton for its local project. The ten percent to be allocated to the villages animation rurale programs is only the author's suggestion. 136 TABLE 16 Sub-Prefecture of Bebedjia: Estimates Of Civic Taxes Collected in 1980 ($4 per taxable person) Civic Tax Suggested Taxable Collected Deduction Canton Population in U .S . $ 10% 1 . Bebedjia 2,993 11,972 1,197.20 2 . Beboni 3,318 13,272 1,327.20 3. Bero 930 3,612 361.20 4. Kome* 3,143 12,572 1,257.20 5. Miandoum 2,164 8,656 865.60 6 . Mbikou 2,623 10,492 1,049.20 TO TA L 15,144 60,576 6,057.60 SOURCE: Cantonal Census for Civic Tax Purpose (Bebedjia, 1980). *T h e re are two komes: the village and the Canton. Here Kome is one of the six Cantons of the Sub-Prefecture of Bebedjia. 137 On the basis of this suggestion, at least $6,000 could be diverted annually to local self-help programs. This "seed money," although a small amount, could energize the rural social and economic development. It would attract many dropouts back to the village because there they would find jobs as secretaries, accountants, clerks animateurs ru ra u x , etc. Villagers could become more self-sufficient. But as things stand, this suggestion might not please the leaders in high positions, because it could prevent them from accumulating the entire financial resources of the country for themselves. Meanwhile, I.C a rl Jackson's warning is tru e today: "Private capital for development is now much less easy to obtain. Wars and the preparation for wars have consumed much of the once available c a p ita l... Capital is most scarce at just the time when it is most n e e d e d ... The achievement of independence creates an uncertainty which discourages the investor (I.C a r l Jackson, 1956; p . 2 )." 138 CHAPTER V FIND IN G S, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS The major focus of the present study has been on life in the villages, because in Africa they are the backbone of the cities and n tions, be they the villages of the Wandorobo tribe in Kenya, who are in gradual extinction due to lack of adjustment to modern life, or villages in Chad, with only a single cash Crop (cotton). Villages supply the raw materials for international trad e, and food for internal consump tion. When they "catch cold," the continent "coughs." The previous chapters have offered an analysis, in various ways, of the villages' tremendous potential for self-support, even in times of crisis. Local financial self-help resources were identified, and school contributions to local life were described. It was also shown how various economic and educational activities in rural areas could be integrated to promote the villagers' fulfillm ent. Ultimately, how does animation rurale affect the village living standard? To adress this question, one needs to be aware of certain units of measurement, such as GNP or PQLI evocated in the design, in order to identify the role that animation rurale is playing. A ). F IN D IN G S : In the design of this study, many questions were raised 139 about the villagers, their wants and supportive environm ent, their vital needs, and how they manage to survive or initiate change, even in times of crisis. A checklist was used to iden tify, upon observation, what constituted the major needs in the village. This checklist helped to develop two types of research questions: partly open-ended ques tions, and partly closed-ended questions. These eight questions can now be addressed on the basis of the survey results (see Appendices A and B ). 1 ). What do villagers want in general? In using the open-ended questions, about 60% of the in te r viewed sample said that before the civil war they relied on the Central Government for everything; but now their eyes were opened. The government could not perform miracles to improve th e ir way of living. They wished to take control of their own lives in order to deal properly with future upsets and upheavals. T h eir eyes were opened because most government civil servants today have fled from the cities and are seeking to survive in the countryside, on the land of their ancestors. Nevertheless, 30% of the sample still believe that the government is able to do something for them, and about 10% are in different or do not know what to say. A pparently, the majority of the peasants are saying, "Look, you literate people! Take us as mature persons, take us seriously. We can take care of you, but you cannot do anything for us inasmuch as you are not able to provide us with modern means or tools to better our lives." Generally speaking, the major concerns of the villagers re volve around the immediate vital necessities of life. As in the case of 140 the Wandorobo tribe which was discussed in Chapter I, villagers in Chad want a supportive environment from which to get most of their staple goods. They want a health care program for mothers and child ren, they need safe drinking w ater, and desire functional literacy to communicate with modern society. C learly, the survey has shown a need for a village technology and scientific know-how to enable people to work more efficiently and less laboriously. For example, villagers use neither gas nor electric ovens for cooking, but use three stones and some wood. Some villages (17% of the sample) use a bush torch to light th eir houses at night. A mortar and pestle for grinding flour is used by 97% of the respondents1 wives. This crude technology takes a great deal of time and energy from these women that otherwise, if given the means, could be used to acquire functional literacy or to learn other new skills. A traditional hoe is still used by 45% of the respondents to till the soil. This ancient technique is wasteful of time and energy in comparison to the highly mechanized and sophisticated American agricultural technology, in which only 3% of the population who farm are able to feed over 200 million people. In the countryside, having an oxcart is a virtual necessity due to the lack of tru ck s, bulldozers, tractors, and harvesters, yet 68% of our sample did not have one. Almost 50% did not even have a bicycle or a radio. F u rth e r more, 50% would like to read and write in French but do not have an opportunity to learn the language which is the symbol of civilization, the key to the understanding of the outside world and the new Western technology. It is possible that the villagers; vital needs determine th eir wants; in other words, needs are prerequisite to wants. 141 2 ). To what extent does the local environment still provide learning opportunities which reinforce survival skills? According to the poll, 100% of the sample responded that their wives exclusively used three stones and firewood for cooking. Other sources of energy, such as gas and electricity, are unknown in the villages. This level of technology has a great negative impact on the natural environment. There is a shortage of wood, which is required for building. And the desertification process is making its way down ward to the densely populated savanna; 82% of the respondents blame cotton growing as the major cause of that desertification process. The open-ended questions helped to dig deeper into what villagers felt were the causes of desertification. Among other reasons, villagers noted in their responses to the questionnaire that the in fertility of the soil had Jed to more extensive agriculture, which in turn was having an increasing adverse impact on the natural environment. Additional causes included: the cutting down of trees for marketing purposes, for firin g bricks, and for firewood; the use of animal traction for plowing; the growing number of potential farm ers; hunting by bushfire techni ques; all of these factors have greatly denuded the natural rural environment. As things stand now, these traditional practices, rein forced by the urban demand for coal and firewood for w orking, are depleting the rainfall levels each year, thus accelerating and extending the water shortage in the Sahel region and decreasing the soil's fe rtility . The villagers were also asked to name some form erly common wild animals, plants, vegetables, crops, and roots that are not seen or 142 found in their environment today. Concerning carnivores, the majority of the respondents replied th at almost all of them had disappeared. In the bush one can no longer see lions, panthers, leopards, hyenas, jackals, or wild dogs. As for other once common animals, hinds, buffalos, elephants, okapi, horses, antelopes, gazelles, and wild boars were exterminated following the civil w ar, either for money or for food. The amphibians, such as cayman and hippotamuses, are rare. As for fish, the Logone River is ve ry poor. No longer present in that river today are hydrocyon fo rs k a li, tilapia galilea, bar bus occidentalis, campybomoryrus tamandua, malapterums electricus, and in the mother tongue, yoa, woin, dell-banana, and kem -ndoy. Among the birds, eagles, cranes, and pelicans also seem to have disappeared. Building materials such as bamboo, ro n ier, n d ira , sam, sabana, nam, moukass, and kabra cannot be found either. In the Meridional Zone, where this study took place, the condition of the fauna is grim. When villagers were asked, "What should be done to improve the situation?" they replied th at, in the firs t place, the gov ernment did not protect the fauna and did not exercise due control over the natural environment, and therefore must be held accountable for their disappearance. It is imperative, they said, th at toxic pro ducts used in agriculture, and weapons such as automatic machine guns, rifles, and hand grenades, not be employed to destroy animals and fish. Fishermen, they continued, should not use nylon nets that catch both small and large fish. According to the respondents, instead of killing animals, birds, and fish indiscriminately, people should learn to feed those creatures. They must stop bushfires and begin to plant 143 trees and re-fo rest the environment before it is too late to undertake any action. Some religious leaders said: "Nothing can be done about it, only God's will may improve that situation." Th us, the local environment is supplying less and less food while the demand for food grows each year. Survival chances may be increased provided new sources of energy are made available for cook ing, new materials for building, and scientific agriculture is introduced along with efforts to plant trees, so that the impending desertification is limited, stopped, and reversed if possible. Villagers were also asked to name trees or crops that they had not seen before independence day. Lemon, guava, grape, and orange trees have been planted since then, but not to the same degree as mango trees, which are well adapted and found today in every southern village. In some villages, rice, wheat, and potatoes are grown. In addition, some pilot schools sell eggs, tomatoes, lettuce, radishes, and carrots at the village market. These fru its , cereals, and vegetables, along with organic foods, are improving the village diet. 144 3 ). What are the improvements in health and nutrition? According to the survey, two villages have a firs t-aid kit and three have a medical center. The most important medical centers are in Bebalem and in Koumra; both centers belong to religious (P rotest ant) organizations. They are well equipped with materials and quali fied personnel and have been operating properly. Public medical centers, on the other hand, can barely deal with even the less serious emergency cases. When serious cases have occurred, surrounding villagers have taken their patients either to Bebalem or to Koumra, traveling 100 to 200 kilometers on foot or by car. Out of 7 respondents in Bebalem, 6 have a sanitation facility; while in Miladi only 2 out of 16 have one. It appears th a t some medical centers (e .g . in Bebalem) have the potential to promote village hygiene in their own local milieu, whereas others (e .g . Miladi) do not seem to have any impact at all on their immediate environment. As for a village's firs t-a id kit, villagers got together and designated one of the young men, usually an unemployed nurse, to be the village health agent. With the levies villagers had mustered, the health agent went to the nearest medical center and bought medicines. Each patient had to pay for the care he or she received. This small sum of money was then used as a revolving fund for purchase of addi tional medicines. In terms of health care and hygiene, animation rurale projects have done little. Village hygiene, which was part of the pilot school program, was not implemented because of a time factor. The new 145 pilot school were so busy with their academic curricula that they could not attend to village health. The slight improvement in rural health today is due essentially to the efforts of private medical centers, such as those in Balimba, Bebalem, Bebedjia, Donia, and Koumra. Concerning drinking w ater, the four villages (Bebalem, Mbi- kou, Miandoum, Miladi, and Tilo) have one walled-up well each, but there is no mechanical aid to fetch water from these wells while most are 30 to 50-meters deep, the one in Miladi, for instance, is 100 meters deep. It takes one hour to fetch 10 liters of water from this well. Villagers there eventually gave up, and the well has been shut down. But the lack of walled-up wells creates more health problems in the villages. Traditional wells, with their poor w ater, are breeding grounds for amoeba, hookworms, and other germs that have been debilitating and killing many villagers. There is little hope to correct this situation in the foreseeable fu tu re if villagers do not get help directly from international donors. The need for walled-up wells is as follows (1 well for 1,000 inhabitants): Bebalem - 10; Mbikou - 5; Miandoum - 6; and Tilo - 5. To solve the water problem in Miladi, villagers must agree for a tran sfer to the nearest water point, or to another area where they might be able to sink wells which are shallower than one they have at present. 146 4 ). Is there any general increase in the literacy rate as a result of pilot school educational efforts? Pilot schools in Chad were planned with the intent of changing both educational curricula and the environment. Each school was provided with seven or more teachers in charge of classrooms. In addition, there was one teacher in charge of practical activities, and one in charge of adult literacy. Hence, in 1977 many schools were operating quite smoothly, although the practical teachers usually had ) neither the appropriate workshop nor the required tools and materials. The survey has shown that 66% of the villagers responding claimed to be literate. They said that they could read and write in their mother tongue; (this situation gave them opportunity to make rapid progress in learning French;) 34% of the respondents admitted that they were non-I iterate. Among the literates, 37% could read and write French. This rate was substantially higher than the national literacy rate (25%) among their children. None of the students had taken part in the literacy effo rt. Most of those assisting with literacy train in g , said the villagers, were either missionaries (49%), who have been concerned with literacy in the local language (Ngam bay) or teachers ' (35%) who had been doing it in French, or peers* action (16%). S tu dents in school had n o t. participated. There is an increasing demand for literacy in French (48%). There is insufficient data from which to infer whether pilot schools would have made a substantial contribution to the village literacy rate if the civil war had not stopped their activities, or whether there would have been no change at all. in the 147 village literacy efforts as a result of pilot schools being present-. r 5 ). What kind of transportation and communication facilities do villagers need? How many bicycles and radio sets does the sample* population have? What is the condition of the village-urban roads? In a poor country like Chad, where about 70% of the population walks, there is no need for expensive and luxurious transportation facilities. Useful transportation facilities should match the conditions and living standards of the villagers. Instead of individual cars, it is bicycles, oxcarts, tru cks, and buses which must do the job of freeing villagers from the burden of walking and carrying things on their heads or in their hands. According to the survey, 51% Of the leaders interviewed said that they have a bicycle, and 52% of the sample claimed to have a radio set. It should be noted that these two itiems, along with animal traction for plowing, oxcarts, and lamps, are crucial factors in assessing the improvement of life in the village. With regard to the condition of village-urban roads, there was nothing but sand, dust, mud, and deep holes on many roads, particularly during the rainy seasons. For national and international communication, villagers surveyed wished that the sections Bebalem-Bebedjia and Bebalem-Lai were bridged, and that Bebalem-Moundou was asphalted, as well as Sarh (C h ad )-F ig u il (Cam eroon), Doba (C had)-B an gui (R C A ). This only gives an overview of actual village needs and wants with respect to transportation and communication facilities. 148 6 ). Is there any change in intermediate technology in terms of how people build th eir houses, light them at night? How they make flour and keep food supplies from spoiling? Since the introduction of animal traction in agriculture, most villagers think that they are experiencing some helpful technical chang es. ONDR is praised for the innovation, because the use of that techni que has revolutionized the countryside. It helps to grow cotton faster and in a less arduous way. The use of oxcarts, also diminishes the burdens of rural women enormously. For these reasons, farmers praise ONDR over FDAR and PCV, although they feel strongly that ONDR is cheating them on the sale of th eir products. Farmers who favor FDAR said that this national organization sells foodgrain at a lower price in times of need. Those who think the PCV is helpful to them said that the presence of Peace Corps Volunteers in their village had stopped the local authorities from harrassing them, and their presence also initiated a new type of work relationship based on mutual respect which they think is far superior to the former autocratic and bureaucratic patterns of leadership. In fact, there is a great improvement in agricultural practices since farmers have been using animal traction for plowing, oxcarts to carry goods, and fertilizers to increase prod uctivity. Nevertheless, in the areas of better housing, making flo u r, preserving food, and finding clean fuel there is still much room for improvement. 149 7 ). What serves as a channel of communication between the school and the village? How do the villagers express th e ir opinions and needs to the school and local authorities? How freq uently are meetings held in the villages? What is discussed during the meet ings? To what degree do the villagers participate? Is there any consensus on how or where to find local financial resources to sustain a village education program? All of these questions involve a decision-making process. They are related to the way villagers go about making decisions, from in d iv iduals chatting together to a village consensus. The researcher will attempt to give a global response since, according to the kind of problems which come up in the village, it was observed that three d ifferen t communication structures were used. i) . Judiciary in fra s tru c tu re . The judiciary in frastructure is made up (going up in the h iera r chy) of the family counsel (firs t step), the village counsel (second s te p ),.a n d the "U n d er-P refect1 1 (th ird step). Village palavers, q u a r rels, or criminal acts must be settled amicably within the family circle. If there is no agreement at this level, then the parties at variance will seek the advice of the Chief of Canton, assisted by the village judges and councilmen. The next step would be to take the matter before the U nder-P refect, who will "split the difference." In fact, most affairs are settled at the family or village level, except in the case of m u rd er. ii). Social and economic inf re s tru c tu re . 150 The social and economic in frastructure also plays an effective role. Projects related to village well-being generally spring from common needs, such as needs for health care, drinking w ater, education, village security .sand protection, and so on. While visiting each other, villagers chat about their concerns, deliberate in an informal way, and ask local teachers, the nurse, or the animateur rural for advice. Through these informal channels the matter becomes known to the Chief of Canton, who is secretly informed by his agents. Villagers then selected one or two of the "wise men" to see either the Chief of Canton or the Sous-Prefect with regard to their needs. This procedu re, initiated by the villagers themselves, is frowned upon by most Chiefs of Canton and Sous-Prefects as being the beginning of a rebel lious attempt against local authorities. Consequently, most village enterprises do not get off the ground. This negative spirit on the part of local authorities to local initiative is v e ry frustratin g when it p re vents village creativity and dynamism. iii). Students-Parents Association (SPA G ro u p ). The formal channel for initiating social activities is the village Students-Parents Association (SPA cell), of which the Chief of Canton is the honorary president. But SPA can be controlled and manipulated by those who are proficient in French, because most agenda items are presented and discussed in French. This has weakened the bargaining power of the farm ers. If the problems concerning villagers were discussed in a language they all understood the SPA would be a much more important forum in which all could participate. In the absence of any impending th re a t, villagers seem more 151 relaxed and loosely tied together, and apparently less motivated to undertake any successful project. But when local authorities take the firs t steps to set forth goals and objectives related to the common good, when ways and means for realizing this common good are ex plained and discussed in a sincere democratic sp irit, villagers reach a consensus with their leaders and participate in building schools, roads, village halls, etc. This is the secret of the village decision-making procedures and implementation processes. 8 ). What does a villager do in his spare time? What are the games and sports he practices? Is there a village hall or any social center where villagers can gather Or play after w ork? The results of the survey show that if a villager has spare time, he is firs t of all most likely to visit a frien d ; if he is literate, reading his Bible, newspapers, or novels is in second place; having a d rin k , kido or smoking stands in th ird place; and in the fourth place, going to church. These findings confirm the earlier assumption that traditional social practices have a greater impact on village life than formal modern institutions, excluding C hristianity and Islam. For instance, modern sports and games such as soccer, volleyball, bowling, and cards are considered by the elders as childish. T hey feel that an adult who has self-respect cannot participate in such activities. Traditional entertainm ent, such as dancing, and other ancestral games, such as kanga, ko u r, y e re , njaou, e tc ., are not popular in the village. Almost all of these, except y e re , are being 152 replaced by modern sports and games, which usually take place at the school playground, market place, or at a teacher's home. The partici pants in modern sports are young, and are literate in French. There was no village hall or other so-called social center in any of the villages selected for this study. Summary In terms of social in fras tru c tu re, villagers basically live within the traditional fram ework, close to the way in which th eir an cestors lived a hundred years ago. They rely on the natural environ ment for most of their material needs, yet this needed environment is being destroyed by over-exploitation; extensive agriculture due to increasing population, cattle grazing, marketing of firewood, etc. Human energy is still the prevailing method for carrying burdens, for ploughing, and for going about doing various .tasks. An informal word-of-mouth system of communication remains a vital channel for diffusing news for miles around. This is not to say, however, that villagers are unaffected by new currents of modernization. The use of paraffin lamps instead of bush torches at night, the presence of bicycles, animal traction, radio sets, and a school in the village all have marked the beginning of an important transition period that should be sustained and reinforced by a large campaign for functional literacy and a health care program, and by an innovative intermediate technology. This transition period could be accelerated if local authorities became committed to rural welfare, developed an effec tive dialogue between themselves and the villagers, and showed an 153 enterprising spirit when dealing with local needs. The villagers who said: "Life in the village is v ery good or good" (49%) were usually those who had a couple of animals for tra c tion, a lamp, a bicycle, an oxcart, and a radio. Most of them (35-50 years old) are at the preliteracy stage, th at is, they could read and write in their mother tongue, and had no special knowledge of the French language. Conversely, the villagers who said "Life in the village is not good," or "very painful" (17%) were those who had been educated in French. Generally speaking, they were young (25-30 years old) and did not have the commodities of modern life they desired. In this group of those who find village life difficult are also the villag ers in Miladi, whose women have to walk 15 miles to fetch water. Discouraged by village hardships, misunderstood by their relatives, harassed by local authorities, and having small families (2 to 3 c h ild ren ), they are more likely to leave the village than are other segments of their surrounding community. It is clear that before villagers willingly stay in the countryside, their minimum vital needs must be met. 154 B. RECOMMENDATIONS: 1 ). Suggestions for Animateur R u ral: The animateur rural is a facilitator of community development. The meaning of this word can be extended to people (e xp erts , research ers, planners and developers) who are interested in rural education and development. They should be aware of some essential procedures and tactics, of the validity of relevant research tools so that they can maximize the dependability of the collected data they analize and in ter p ret. One of the limitations of animation rurale in Chad, for instance, arises from its methodological approach. When socioeconomic activities were planned at the capital, there was no prelim inary inquiry or assessment of needs of relating to the popular concerns in the rural areas. No local institution, such as the Chieftaincy, was consulted for advice or for fu rth e r cooperation in implementing the incoming project. No matter what the real needs of the countryside might be, bureaucrats proceeded with the project in the field, assuming that participation would be popular and enthusiastic inasmuch as the goals and objectives were in the interest of the rural areas. Predictably, they generated no popular support in the targ et areas ( e . g . , The Mandoul project in C h ad ), because there were insufficient local inputs to the program. Another limitation was that too much emphasis was placed on a single factor, such as social and economic development in Chad based on cotton growing. But, according to the law of supply and demand for cotton in the international m arket, often the higher the production, 155 the lower the earnings. The price of cotton in Chad had been consis tently low (1'0<t/.kg) for many years, and fell far behind the peasants' purchasing power. Although the price in 1981 was at 20<):/kg, cotton growers, despite th eir willingness to take part in modern life, were excluded from the international monetary system on the grounds that even at the 1981 price their raw materials did not provide enough money to live o n . O verall, the soil in Chad is infertile and there is a scarcity of financial resources necessary to start rural development activities. This situation is v ery serious, the more so because we are at the end of the period which in retrospect appears to have provided a generous level of international multilateral cooperation. The national use of certain backward policies, such as the inoperative authenticity yondo policy, has placed severe constraints on any enthusiastic animation rurale in Chad, unless new programs with new sources of income are discovered. a ) . Life as seen through the villagers' eyes Any planners who wish to change the village milieu must be able to identify the village resources, the nature of social in terrela tions between villagers, and the program package for change. And their efforts to implement the program package, the planners should know personally the local authorities with whom they would be working. If there are many active groups in the village, this probably means that villagers are able to organize themselves in meeting their needs. These groups could constitute precious assets for the rural planner in the implementation of a program and in the promotion of social improve- 156 merits. For instance, diarrhea, bilharziasis, amoebic cysts, and hook worms are due mainly to the consumption of contaminated w ater, but villagers do not know this. They are ignorant of filters (and even if they knew about them, they could not afford them ), and do not know they should boil the water before drinking it. In this case, planners might initiate change, firs t with the youth and with others-who realize the importance of clean drinking water. Planners, developers, and animateurs ruraux sometimes are also ignorant of village reality. They need to be trained by the villagers before th ey, in tu rn , are able to train the villagers. T h at is what we mean by "See life through the villagers' eyes." For one knows the village milieu only when one lives it. b ) . Addressing the Villagers i). Questionnai re s . Questionnaires are good for statistical purposes, but insuffici ent for knowing about village life. This method of investigation does not inspire confidence in villages which usually fear administrative and political retaliations for having agreed to respond to questions concern ing their social life. Wherever this fear is present, most respondents lie. Therefore, the researcher should insure that a proper and honest dialogue be established between himself and the respondents before starting his work. He should select a few questions which do not have too much political flavor. Obviously, it takes time and energy to "animate" a village, and the researcher must learn to be calm and patient with the participants, for whom quick, short answers do not come easily. 157 ii). O bservation. To win confidence in the village, an animateur rural or a researcher should live close to the villagers and should be able to speak their language. He will visit them at home, at the market place, around wells, in the church, and at the various gathering places, and especially will go to the fields with them. If he commits himself to listening more and talking as little as possible, he will get a deeper understanding of village life. In the long ru n , he will become one of them, accepted into the life of the community. iii). Small T a lk . The animateur rural must always give villagers the opportuni ty to talk. His role will be to bring up basic problems so as to engage villagers in talking more and feeling free in doing so at all times. (iv ) Meeting. If the animateur rural uses meetings just as small talk, he will achieve better results and more reliable data. It is important, however, that discipline be kept and that villagers listen to one another in a meeting. The animateur will politely insure that no one gets off the topic under discussion. He will be able to give a summary of what has been said. A fter the meeting, the animateur will visit key persons individually to gather more specific data. ( v ) S u rv e y . In the cases where the animateur rural deals with literate people, he will let a group of them do the survey, and give the results to all of the villagers. This is the survey-participation method used after many years of experimentation in Central Africa 158 (e .g . "Agriprom o," Mars 1981, A bidjan). c ) . P itfall. One major pitfall in the animation technique is to allow oneself to become an agent for a limited segment of the population. In fact, the presence of an animateur rural in the village constitutes a source of pride for the villagers. Each one of them will tr y to monopo lize the animateur rural for his own benefit. Th erefore, to be effective animateur must remain free from belonging to any segment of the villagers, so th at he can be available for them all. 2) Considerations on Integrative Learning and the Author's Pedagog ical View on Animation R urale: The major recommendation in this thesis is to broaden the basis of the animation rurale policy by emphasizing the adjustment of the school system, administrative rules, and development policies, so that maximum outcome in learning and life improvement in rural areas is obtained. This is an integrative view of animation ru ra le , because it is being suggested that villages should be considered as educational units. The word 'in teg rative1 refers to an educational process which builds up a comprehensive curriculum and installs in the school in the village m ultidisciplinary teaching that empowers the villagers and helps them to solve specific problems of daily life, a ) . Need for a Comprehensive Curriculum American high schools are renowned throughout the world for the comprehensive curriculum program, which joins theory and practice. 159 Most countries in the developing world today wish to adopt such a curriculum in their schools, but lack the technical equipment required to implement such a program. Nevertheless, in our attempt to integrate school and the village into one educational e n tity, we can take advan tage of principles and methods that guided the promoters of this global curriculum . To succeed, one has to measure the extent of poverty in a village and school, and establish a curriculum framework which includes recu rrent problems, such as causes of social turm oil, institu tions functions, diseases and hygiene, and concepts of practical a rts, all of which should be explained to the villagers. Priorities can then be set to direct curriculum and life changes toward possible realizations, in insuring th a t necessary financial self-help resources are sufficient to reach some positive goasl. Also, a social in frastru c tu re of village participation in school life should be built. Every skill and resource in the village should be assessed and used economically for the benefit of all the villagers. Knowing that their talents are recognized and appreciated will reinforce the participants' self-confi dence and enthusiasm. t - 160 b ) . Multidisciplinary Teaching and The Author's Pedagogical Viewpoint On Animation R urale: "When spider webs unite, they Can tie up a lion." (C.E.W. Lesiau, 1962:23) The square frame in Figure 3, refers to the quantity of general education (the 3 R's) seen as a prerequisite to vocational education. The circles represent technical and Scientific specialized teaching. The educational unit is the whole village, including the local school. (i). General Education Teaching. General education, including literacy, is concerned with the opportunity to give someone the necessary ability to process incoming data, and to enable him or her to develop scientific curiosity. We teach by creating an environment for learners. Bruce Joyce (1980) said that competent teaching stems from the capacity to reach out to different persons or groups and to create a rich and multidimensional environ ment for them. Teaching, then, is a process by which teacher and students create a shared environment (e.g., a village), such as sets of values and beliefs (agreement about what is important for the com m unity), which in tu rn color their view of reality. The teaching model we use will depend on the kind of reality with which we are confront ed, because models themselves are based on practice, empirical w ork, hunches, and on speculation about the meaning of theories and research done by others. To be effective, however, teaching needs to follow some previously tried patterns. Bruce Joyce and Marsha Weil (1980) 161 Literacy and General Education Teaching Hractical Arts and Technology Teaching Unit b m p s ,sp^ 2 S S 5 a S S S S 5 S ? S ? .5 ;S ' thcare and Science Teaching Fig. 3. The author's pedagogical view on Animation Rurale, developed from the Venn diagram. The Figure shows that a multidisciplinary teaching will have a great impact on the village as the educational unit. 162 have identified four essential patterns that represent a distinct orienta tion toward people and how they learn (based on Paulo F re ire 's). In the process of teaching, teachers should keep in mind the following: - Information processing model. The information processing model predicates the ability of people to master information and to make good use of it. It refers to the ways in which people handle stimuli from the environment, organize data, sense problems, and generate concepts and solutions to problems. This model emphasizes productive th in kin g , reinforcing intellectual ability or social relationships, and the development of an integrated personality. - Personal model. The focus of the personal model is on helping individuals con struct and organize their unique reality so that they can develop a productive relationship with their environment and view themselves as capable persons. V - Social interaction model. In the social interaction model, the relationship of individuals to society or to other persons is emphasized. People are encouraged to engage in democratic processes and to work productively in the society. Also, the model is focused on the development of mind and the learn ing of academic subjects. - Behavioral model. Last but not least is the behavioral model, in which the common th ru s t is an emphasis on changing not the psychological or subjective, but the v ery visible, observable behavior of the learner. 163 Among these alternatives, teachers of general knowledge will select one approach that can help them deal adequately with the reality at hand. O verall, however, the conditions for success lie in a combina tion of various factors: personality, aptitude, interpersonal skills, previous achievements, workshops, etc. ( ii) . A dult literacy teach er. Literacy is part of the villages' basic problems in the Th ird World. No country or village could be effectively developed if there were an insufficient number of useful, well-trained people. But illite r acy should not be equated with low living standards. The importance of literacy today lies in the fact that the world, with its rapid means of transportation and communication facilities, is becoming a global village. New techniques and the increase in volume of international business, and the use of money on a worldwide scale, create new social systems and m ultidisciplinary relationships, favoring chiefly those who are educated rather than those who are not. Health care programs, mass education, and standard teaching reach everyone through newspapers and general communication media. Faced with this complex world full of rapid changes, an illiterate person is poorly equipped to deal with today's reality. President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania sensed this and has made a drastic decision in the area of basic literacy. A popular newspaper in Swahili, Education Has No End, has been created, and more than $4 million have been expended on a literacy campaign, so that the literacy rate may be increased and there is a manifold increase in the number of newspaper readers. A newspa per, written in the local language, is a precious tool for animation ru - 164 ra le. Finding an appropriate national language for literacy is really a difficult problem in many African countries, where hundreds of local dialects are spoken. But once literate, farmers could have their own self-managed sale system for their cash crop. This will gradually solve the problem of the lack of confidence between sellers and buyers of agricultural products. (iii) A griculture and Agri-Business Teaching. The agriculture and agro-business teacher must be someone with a solid background in agricultural practices and in basic accounting. He should be much more of a practitioner than a theoretician. The need for such a skill in Chad's schools today lies in the dichotomy which exists between the peasants' desire to stay on their land and the aspiration of th eir offspring to move toward a better life in the cities. This is not to say that all sons of peasants should be tracked for agriculture, and those of urban dwellers and of the elite for posi tions of supervision over manual w orkers. The concern here revolves around the need to relate the educational enterprise meaningfully to life, so that theory and practice are joined. Life in Africa can be productive if technical leadership is encouraged at an early age by means of adequate teaching, with a view to changing the highly ab stract and selective French educational system practiced in many African countries. Technical leadership in teaching takes many forms and requires various skills. An agro-technician working in rural areas, for instance, would be able to develop an understanding of rural heritage and its influence on proverbs, riddles, and oral teaching. He would be able to develop an understanding of interrelationships be 165 tween agriculture and other professional sectors. He would emphasize an appreciation of agriculture for vocational and leisure interests, and promote the village environmental quality by reinforcing efforts to stop rapid desertification. Many American practitioners in the agricultural field have viewed the above characteristics as vital for anyone engaging in the teaching of agriculture. For them, a good rural teacher of agriculture should have a number of qualitites and skills, such as fa ith , tact, patience, good nature, sense of humor, vision of the work to be done, courage, determination to complete jobs, infectious enthusiasm, and optimism in spite of discouragement. Most of these traits characterized the early American pioneers, and can be adapted to African circumstances. For the A frican, however, a good agro-business teacher should love rural life and have an attitude of friendliness toward students and toward all the villagers. He should cooperate with international and national development institutions such as FAD, UNICEF and ONDR, FDAR, etc. This cooperation will encompass health care teachers, religious leaders, and administrative authorities regarding the implementation of a rural program. Success or failure of the program will depend on the ability of these various groups to work as one team toward the village common good. ( iv ) . Health Care and Science Teaching. The health care and science teacher will help children get a deeper understanding of health and its role in life. "Health," said Samuel Bender (1975), "is the most precious g ift." The fulfillm ent of aspirations lies in good health. This is an approach to survival and 166 longevity. It is a prerequisite to well-being and happiness. Famine, poverty, and ignorance are enemies of health. The teacher will help the school and the villagers to fig h t those calamities, using both traditional pharmacopoeia and modern medicine, as well as new capabili ties, in order to achieve control over communicable diseases, spread by contaminated food and water and by overcrow ding. Since diseases always accompany d irt and pollution, health care indeed could be restored only by bringing back to the people pure w ater, pure food, clean housing, and pleasant surroundings. In this respect, health, in fact, becomes symbolic of sanitation and the quality of living, of freedom from rampant diseases. Within the framework of animation r u - rale and general education, the health care and science teacher should be responsible for the villagers' health. Unlike the general education teacher, the health care and science teacher will be assigned to specific tasks. He will focus his attention on personal problems such as nutrition and personal cleanliness, and will consider health care as daily hygiene. He should be aware that the attention he gives to health care will be reflected in the quality and quantity of health he has. His understanding of health should evolve from the village sociocultural climate, from the experiences of suffering from diseases, and from experiencing good and positive feelings about health and life in general. The village and school health program will include three major content areas: - Village Health Service. The teacher will be responsible for the detection and referral of 167 pupils and villagers with health problems. He can provide emergency care and take steps to prevent and control communicable diseases. - School Health Instructio n. Health instruction can be integrated, th at is, interwoven, with other subjects such as agriculture and agro-business teaching. The teacher will emphasize the development of sound health knowledge, practices and attitudes. Instruction should be carefully planned, systematically organized, and sequential in nature to match other village activities, such as clearing the fields, sowing, ploughing, weeding, harvesting, and the consumption and sale of agricultural products. - Village Health Environment. The village health environment will be improved by a drastic change in water consumption, housing style, sanitation facilities and in the natural environment. The teacher should tr y to transform the village climate into an enjoyable and livable place to be. Ultimately, health instruction - - like other activities -*â– is con cerned with everyday living as it affects the individual, his family, and his community. It deals with specific facts and problems, and not with generalities. The teacher will provide objective information that will improve mental attitudes toward rural life and subsequently will reinforce PQLI components in particular. ( v ) . Practical A rts and Technology Teaching. The practical arts and technology teacher is one who will be concerned with basic training in the village in blacksm ithery, masonry, 168 and carp en try. He will help villagers and the school to obtain an appropriate understanding of the rudiments of the world of work. He will attempt to respond to the technological needs of the village, in housing, repair of fu rn itu re and oxcarts, and the making of sickles, hoes, and other agricultural tools. The teaching procedure will involve basic understanding of the job and the importance of its functions, and the knowledge of tools and how to use them safely and efficiently. This will encompass four logical steps: preparation for the job, its presentation or demonstration of the procedure and different steps involved, application and testing job results. - Preparation ♦ The teacher of practical work must be thoroughly familiar with all phases of any job he decides to demonstrate in fro n t of the rural population. He will have on hand the essential tools, equipment, supplies and facilities all maintained in good condition. - Presentation. The teacher of practical arts and technology will demonstrate step by step with learners each job to be studied and performed. He will encourage discussion and will proceed with the job at a rate that will assure that all students fu lly u n der stand each step presented. Calling upon them to repeat the demonstra tion will help keep the group alert. T h en , the teacher will clear up any doubtful points and misunderstandings. - Application. Following the demonstration, each student will perform the task with the tools best suited for it. The teacher is to observe the work being done and will counsel and encourage students to perform much 169 better each time. Specific shop periods will be used for discussion of topics connected with each job demonstrated. This will help to get an appropriate understanding of the importance and role of the tools, their use, and how they affect the materials in bringing the expected results. The teacher also will identify factors that can destroy or make the tool dull and inefficient. - Testing. Testing follows the application step. It is well to have a sample set of criteria for each job presented with which to evaluate the validi ty and reliability of the accomplished task. O verall, the teacher's skills in planning, organizing, and maintain ing the school shop with appropriate tools will have great impact upon the students. (v i) . The Education U n it. B riefly stated, the entire village is considered as one educational unit. The unit will undergo the effects of m ultidisciplinary teaching. This complex teaching and interaction will broaden general knowledge and will increase the vocabularies of the learners. Practical experience on which to build solid, useful skills and knowledge will be acquired. The educational unit is indeed an influencial sphere in which dropout students and adult villagers will be exposed to various opportunities that will create life fulfillm ent for those who do not have the opportuni ty for general education. It is an arena of peace and understanding where all pitch in with their talents and all gain spiritual and material advantages. Ultimately, the educational unit represents a sound ground for peacemakers and researchers in the area of rural develop- 170 m enl strategies and alternatives.-------------------- In partial conclusion, the implementation of such a complex model of animation rurale will require a healthier and stronger cooperation and collaboration among d ifferen t ministries (Education, A g ricultu re, Public Health, and Public W orks). The model implies a total re s tru c tu r ing of the existing school programs as a prerequisite to eventual change; a total rejection of the self-contained classroom, where one teacher is left alone to teach a prescribed curriculum to an impressive number of children (60 to 100) or adults in a given grade for nine months. This traditional teaching method stunts the mind and creates waste. Factors with which to evaluate students are ve ry abstract and highly subjective. For the most p a rt, the yardstick for placement in a grade is either chronological age or physical m aturity. This model joins practical and abstract knowledge in enriching the learner in the training arena. It will emphasize both classroom and outdoor activities. This will increase the chances for innovations and mental grow th, because an involvement of people with different educational horizons in the planning activities and the sharing of experiences will give rise to many unexpected discoveries. These practices will also eliminate the barrier to learning caused by a fear of failure. Thus, the reform of the educational system is much more a complex practical concern than a philosophical endeavor. If the reform is implemented as it once was planned, schools will be built and learning facilities will be provided jointly by the central government, international organizations and local self-help to include: Plants, equipment, materials, libraries, laborator ies, and specifically trained technical and scientific teachers. 171 There are two major limitations, however, to the implementation of the model. First of all, the administration invariably hinders the possibility and capacity for tryin g new experiments unless the bureau cratic superstructure is changed to adapt to new situations. The second hindrance is that many people in their specialized functions do not see the connection between their activities and other sectors. They are unlikely to cooperate in a program that is not initiated by th eir own department. Therefore, it is the duty of the developer to explain, to show connections and common interests, and to demonstrate the ability to get people with limited vision to work together in a project of general value. This requires great skill for global change, both structurally and mentally. 3 ). Animation Rurale and the Struggle Against P o ve rty: The battle for the poor is to a substantial degree in A frica, the battle of integrated animation rurale in progress - - A veritable Armageddon. On the one hand, it is a hopeless struggle for survival in the T h ird World when looking at the complexities and difficulties of development problems. On the other hand, the battle for the poor can be a winning battle, when we look at the immense possibilities present in technology and science for solving the problem of abject poverty on the face of the earth. It is our hope that God has given man enough intelligence and knowledge to love and serve mankind, to free him from oppression, disease, abject po verty, and ignorance. Th at could be a burden, but this concern for others is the only way for man to be happy and to be content with his life. 172 a ) . Pessimistic View There is a deep conviction today that the problems in Africa cry out more loudly than at any previous time. The sociopolitical and economic situation is worsening. A fter two decades of independence, basic problems such as drinking w ater, food, health care, shelter, and functional literacy are not solved. Something must be wrong. Thou sands of plans and projects with graduated ranks of statistics initiated by brilliant experts have failed. This experience has to be one of the hardest lessons of our time. Since independence, there are no hopeful economic changes in most African countries. On the contrary, the situation is worsening and appears hopeless. It invites planners and developers alike to ponder that economic growth cannot be equated with human develop ment, nor is the exercise of political self-rule equated with social wel fare. In A frica, we have reached a crucial stage in our transition, from the glamorous "cha-cha-cha" of international aid to the hardship of the present and the challenge of the fu tu re , enclosed by the interna tional system with a degree of overall control. A series of crises arise: stru ctu ral, institutional, socioeconomic, and politico-military with no solution in view. Villagers are living according to the patterns of th eir ancestors' settlement and trad itio n, inhabiting small huts and lighting them at night with bush torches, drinking poor water and going to bed hu n g ry. Community facilities and services, such as literacy centers, clinics, mechanically improved wells, mills for g rin d ing flo u r, and new sources of fuel for cooking, are nonexistent in most parts of the African countryside. Without a doubt, this low 173 technological level and poor command over the environment constitute a major weakness in A frica, so much so that an increase in the supply of raw materials alone does not help much, but has , instead, a tendency to lower the living standards of the villagers, b ). Optimistic V iew . To find positive factors th at can balance the above negative evidence, one needs to look at the situation as it really is, and to discover why it is as it is, and then to build on th a t, to consider how it may be changed, and who — if anyone - - is try in g to change it. If working within the present institutions, with a view to transform ing them into helpful tools of development and welfare, does not work or creates more strife and fru s tratio n , then one has to give up and tr y other mechanisms and systems for coping with the existing realities. When facing them, the way Africans act, ta lk , and think about them selves and about their lives may be perceived as desperate or full of self-doubts; yet they do not give up on life. In spite of discourage ments, they have a mental attitude that is stubbornly one of confidence, even optimism. This attitude is not a dream or silly fu tility but a deep concern for "value wellness," the outcome of a sense of emancipa tion, of winning slowly but surely, through the fog and mystification of the colonial period. One tru th that should be remembered is that Africans are poor and cannot imitate rich people who are anxious when solutions to th eir problems do not come quickly. Africans know also that their transition has not been from the gleaming light of European tutelage into the darkness of their own designs, but from situations of systematic in ferio rity, of denied responsibility, of implied or even 174 experienced contempt, into situations in which Africans are recovering self-respect and the righ t to answer for themselves. Socioeconomic and politico-military unrest that Africans have been experiencing for two decades have been amazingly exciting. They have proved to be one of the world's most dynamic ongoing processes with virtu ally limitless consequences. Is this transitional period, brutal yet full of lessons, telling us that Africans are coming to the end of human com passion, cooperation, and mutual understanding? The battle to escape from abject poverty or the battle for the poor is indeed an unending struggle between forces of evil and forces of good. It has to be long, arduous, and painful. No one in this area speaks of success. Yet to look at things as they really are is to be optimistic. Those who have this view will look for signs of change, for underlying currents which lead away from an acceptance of things as they are. On the positive side, there is hope because Africa has faith in its fu tu re , and is exposed to the four winds of world exp eri ence of thoughts and actions. There will be no turning back, no giving up on life, although Africans are surely going to witness many more upsets and upheavals in the years ahead. 175 CONCLUSION The overview of the animation rurale problems put us in touch with the spectrum, urgency and necessity of basic education in the T h ird World, taking as a cogent example the abject poverty of the Wandorobo Tribe in East A frica. Educators, planners and developers are concerned with how basic education could be tailored and adapted to the specific needs of every poor nation so th at each could be able to solve such critical problems as that of basic food supply fo r the country. Basic education is seen as a tool for assisting governments to achieve their goals - - especially those most critical for the bulk of their population. For African Nations, true education should emerge from needs as defined by the people themselves, wherever they live. Therefore among the alternative approaches to formal education, commu nity based learning strategy seems to fit African conditions, mentality and culture, though communication problems, lack of school facilities, financial resources and qualified teachers put severe limitations on the full implementation of the model. As a result of those shortages, African people and their leaders are at variance. One coup d'etat follows another without any improvement in the living standards of the majority of the people. Social turmoil and unrest have brought with them terrib le suffering and political instability all over the continent. As for Chad, there was continuity in the colonial development programs which put more emphasis on the production of cotton rather than on the interest and needs of those who grew it. What the author is attempting to communicate is that basic local needs of the rural 176 people should be met in terms of self-sufficiency in food production, safe drinking w ater, and supply of goods for the internal market before thinking of international markets. For rural development, well-being and ultimately stability in the countryside can be profoundly influenced by an appropriate animation rurale policy. And in the foregoing analysis, the researcher has tried to determine if animation rurale (a term used to cover a variety of development projects and activities that have taken place in the rural areas in Chad) were an integral part of an holistic educational program focused on human development as it was originally conceptualized to be, or merely a promotional technique, the fundamental purpose of which was to increase the production of a single cash crop. Cotton production has been the only crop the productivity of which had been strongly encouraged since 1926 in the villages of Southern Chad. During the intervening period, some changes have taken place in the countryside. Villagers in Chad demonstrate the obvious evidence of Western influence through the clothing they now wear, the styles they tr y to imitate and their interest in learning French. Most of th eir own languages have been expanded and enrich ed by foreign words borrowed principally, from French and Arabic. Bush torches also are being replaced by parafin lamps or flashlights to light houses at night. Bicycles, radio sets and the use of Western medicine when available, have become part of daily routine in most villages today. Furtherm ore, villagers have developed a high degree of consciousness and self-awareness concerning th e ir needs and their rights. The slight improvement in village life which has been exp eri 177 enced is due not to any one program in particular, but rather to the general influence of cross-cultural interaction, borrowing from other people or nations by direct contact, or through the general impact of the media. Even so, these apparent changes with respect to some of the components of villagers' living standards should not be exaggerated. Basically, villagers are living in as crucial a time of their social evolu tion as they have ever experienced, in a difficult and complex world in which they are not well prepared to live, to confront, to apprehend and understand its rapid technological, scientific and cultural changes. The pervasive enforcement of cotton production by administrative rules and regulations without taking into consideration the needs of the rural people has worsened the human development of the villagers. Most of the farmers' time is spent on cotton production, most of their income goes to the payment of loans and taxes. Nowhere in the coun tryside is there a viable cooperative under the control of the farmers themselves, or a reorganization of social institutions that could acceler ate the participation of villagers in the development process. A series of lacks - - environmental protection, technically and scientifically trained teachers, and functional education in the villages - - puts the hope of successful development in jeopardy. The villagers' fu tu re is at stake. A fter 55 years of their producing cotton, they realize that the popular belief: "Develop cotton and become rich" is a mere falla cy. Nothing has changed substantially in the way they are living on the land of th eir ancestors. In some cases ( e .g . , Batha and Waddai regions) animation rurale was designed to put down persistent rebel 178 lions in the areas; but surprisingly a national rebellion broke out and spread throughout the country because of the administration's clumsi ness in dealing with rural people on matters of taxes and local needs. Thus fa r, animation ru ra le , as it was practiced in Chad before the civil w ar, failed in terms of improving rural social welfare although it introduced some agricultural techniques (artificial fertilizers and the use of animal traction) into the villages. Also, the time span of pilot school activities (less than three years) did not permit the researcher to draw conclusions about th e ir tangible contributions to the villagers' living standards, especially as the program was severely disrupted by the effects of the civil w ar. Fundamental education and health care programs in most villages, if they exist at all, remain at the embryonic stage. However, following the collapse of the central administration, villagers, surprisingly, became more active and self-reliant. C ertain ly, there was an initial period of anarchy when government properties, including schools, dispensaries and hospitals, were looted and damaged. However, it gradually was realized that the central government had indeed disappeared, that its return was unpredictable, and that what existed was the residue of the national patrimony and that that was all the people of Southern Chad would have to work with in th eir attempts to cope with living in a completely new social, political, and economic environment for the foreseeable fu tu re . Therefore, and perhaps for the firs t time since the establishment of colonial rule, local leaders - - especially those whose traditional functions had never fu lly ceased, albeit they had often been severely curtailed or emasculated - - slowly began to reassert control, restore order and supervise the struggle 179 for survival. A much lesser role has also been played by the detach ed regional officials of the former government who coalesced and at the Sous-Prefect level, tended to serve the villagers as a court of last ♦ resort, but not from a position which could any longer impose itself punitively through force (o r the th reat thereof) or persuasively through the dispensation of rewards (or the promise th ereo f). In a situation where survival depended almost totally on success in farm ing, the people had to become preoccupied with agriculture and there was a mass migration back to the villages and an ennoblement of the previously abused farm ers. The African traditions of sharing and cooperation permitted those who had abandoned the villages previously to return and participate in the local lives and to survive. This reassertion of egalitarianism, it is suggested, helps to explain the phenomenon of those teachers and students whose schools had closed demanding that those few privately supported schools which had man aged to remain open be closed as well. It was unfair that such a tin y proportion of teachers and students should manage to continue in the face of such massive general shutdown. They (adm inistration) would have to reopen all or there would be none - - and there have been none. Such actions on the part of teachers and students supporting the closure of schools is perhaps better understood when it is kept in mind that education in Chad has been an almost exclusively unique means for achieving upward mobility - - degrees were, therefore, a commodity to be exchanged for a better lifestyle. Since it was so substantially a commodity, and since the people were sharing other 180 commodities in order to survive, if education were not more generally available, why should only a few be able to continue? The schools were not contributing to survival needs, their graduates had not and would not, given the historical modus operandi of education, make any return contribution to the villagers and improvements in their lifestyle. Education was a way of obtaining elite status which was for the benefit of the individual - - not Of the broader population. The pilot schools, as other government schools, had also closed down - - if the experiment had had more of a chance to prove itself before the governmental collapse, there might have been more of an effort on the part of villagers themselves to tr y by their own means to keep them open. Even so, the SPA groups are continuing to function, school property is being protected and there is certainly interest at the pilot school sites surveyed in re-establishing the programs as soon as it again becomes feasible to do so. The atmosphere is right for the fu tu re and it appears that with the continuation of this effort at animation rurale Chad may finally see the instrument of intervention in rural development, in this case, the school, a fu lly integrated and participating element of the local village. The result on education of this imposed decentralization may in fact lead to the real "nationaliza tion" of the Chadean educational system - - "nationalization" in terms of its finally belonging to and being an integral part of the entire popula tion and their lives by serving their basic needs and realistic aspira tions. The problem at hand today in Chad, is twofold. One aspect concerns the vital necessity of finding local resources for local develop- 181 ment programs. In this case, the researcher has suggested that 10% of the taxes collected be returned to each Canton to support specific economic and social projects of the villagers. Another aspect is the crucial need to reform the entire educational system (b y beginning at the elementary level and moving upward in the system) in Chad. To begin w ith, the researcher has suggested that the village be adopted as the educational unit where learning might take place for the bene fit, not only of the youth in school, but also of the entire village. For this purpose, it should be acknowledged that some goals reflecting d ifferent educational approaches such as those defined by American educators and other experts might be kept in mind. In the curriculum arena, it is increasingly emphasized today that educational reform should take into consideration: basic training (3 R 's), vocational train in g , career counselling, parents' education, opportunities for appropriate post-prim ary education, and the creation of job opportun ities for people. In addition Anne Campbell and David Alton (1973), wrote that good schools and training depend essentially on strong leadership, stimulating school climate, emphasis on the development of basic skills, the teacher's expectation for achievement and the measure ment tools for assessing school curriculum and students' performance and achievement. The author was aware of those items. Therefore, he put special emphasis on multidisciplinary teaching in the village; this, with a view to assisting the villagers to adopt a self-help policy as time goes by. 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Health Education in the Elementary School, (Toronto: W.B. Saunders, 1969). Pilgrims in a Stranger: Hausa Community in Chad, (N .Y.: Columbia U niversity Press, 1975). 189 QUESTIONNAIRE: Village Authorities' Answers: A Questions Bebalem MBikou Miandoum Miladi Tilo Total Rate % 1. What kind of fuel do women use to cook? a. Three stones and firewood 7 11 16 16 15 65 100 b. Charcoal c. Gas 2 . Can they easily find firewood for cooking? a. Yes 3 6 16 4 29 45 b. No 4 5 , 12 15 36 55 3. Can men easily find natural materials for building? a. Yes 3 11 2 16 25 b. No 7 8 5 14 • 15 49 75 4. If not, specify the major causes of this lack. a. Bushfire 3 1 8 12 18 b. Herding (cattle) T c. Cotton production 4 10 8 16 15 53 82 5. Does your village have: a. Medical center 7 16 15 b. Village first aid kit 11 16 c. Nothing 6 . Do you have a sanitation facility? a. Yes 6 5 6 2 11 30 46 b. No 1 6 10 14 4 35 54 7. How often is a market held in your village? a. Every day 2 1 3 5 b. Twice a week 5 10 16 16 15 62 95 c. Once a week t£ > O QUEST10NNA1 RE (Cont'd) Village Authorities' Answers Questions Bebalem MBikou Miandoum Miladi Tilo Total • Ra|e 8. How many African languages can you speak? a. 12 3 8 8 13 12 44 68 b. 3-5 4 3 8 3 3 21 32 c. 5+ 9. Can What is your level of education? a. Literate 7 5 15 9 7 43 66 b. Can read and' write in mother tongue 7 5 15 8 8 43 66s ‘ c. Can read and write in French 2 9 7 6 24 37:c d. Can only speak French 2 2 4 6 e. Illiterate 10. Would you ever wish to be literate? a. In mother tongue (yes) 2 1 6 7 16 25 b. In French (yes) 2 11 1 7 9 31 48 11. Who taught you to read for the first time? a. Missionary 2 4 10 1 4 21 49 b. Peer 3 1 1 2 7 16 c. Student d. Teacher 2 4 7 2 15 35 e. 1 have tried by. myself 12. Are you using animal traction to plow? a . Yes 5 6 8 5 12 36 55 b. No 2 5 8 11 3 29 45 13. Do you have an oxcart? a. Yes 5 1 6 4 5 21 32 b. No 2 10 10 12 10 44 68 * p re I iterate i_ a * * literate M QUESTIONNAIRE (Cont'd) Village Authorities1 Answers Questions Bebalem MBikou Miandoum Miladi Tilo Total Ra£e 'o 14. How do you light your house at night? a. Bush torch 1 1 7 2 11 17 b. Wood fuel c. Paraffin lamp 7 10 15 9 13 54 83 15. How does your wife make flour? a. Mill 1 1 1.5 b. Millstone 1 1 1.5 c. Mortar and pestle 7 11 15 16 14 63 97 16. How long can you preserve your crops in the silo without their spoiling? a. Less than six months 3 5 1 9 14 b. Beyond six months 2 1 2 5 8 c. One year and beyond 5 7 9 16 14 51 78 17. Do you have a bicycle? a. Yes 5 6 4 5 13 33 51 b. No 2 5 12 11 2 32 49 18. Do you have a radio set? a. Yes 7 4 8 3 12 34 52 b. No 7 8 13 3 31 48 H -* U D k: 193 QUESTIONNAI RE (Cont'd) Village Authorities' Answers Questions Bebalem MBikou Miandoum Miladi Tilo Total Rate % 19. Among the following: ON DR, FDAR, PCVs ,* which one do you know the best? a. ( ) PCVs . 7 7 11 b. ( ) EDAR 10 10 15 c. ( ) ONDR 7 11 9 6 15 48 74 20, Which one is very helpful to the village? a . PCVs 4 4 6 b. FDAR 10 10 15 c. ONDR 7 11 12 6 15 51 79 21. What do you do in your spare time a. Visit friends 7 10 4 10 12 43 66 b. Go to church 6 7 7 7 8 35 54 c. Have a drink or smoke 4 2 8 35 54 d. Listen to the radio 7 3 5 1 10 26 40 e. Read 6 5 15 3 8 37 57 f. Play 1 15 4 4 24 37 22. How do you like life in the village? a. Very good 3 4 1 14 22 34 b. Good 3 1 3 2 1 10 15 c. Moderately good 1 3 9 9 22 34 d. Not good 2 1 4 7 11 e. Very painful 1 2 1 4 6 23. Do you every think of leaving it? a. Yes 2 3 7 12 18 b. No 7 9 13 9 15 53 82 B Region: Village: Grade: A ) GENERAL Q U ESTIO N S: 1) HOW MUCH DO YOU LIKE THINGS T H A T YOU ARE LEARN ING IN SCHOOL? a) very much _____ c) Only some of them b) not too much_____________ d ) I do not like them 2 ) WHAT WOULD YOU SAY IS THE BIGGEST PROBLEM YOUR VILLAGE FACES TODAY? a) Health care ____ c) Too many changes ____ b) Water supply _____ d ) Food supply e) Write your won answers: 3) HOW MANY HOURS DO YOU SPEND ON PRACTICAL OR MANUAL A C T IV IT IE S ? 194 QUESTIONNAIRES ADDRESSED TO S T U D E N T S : _______________________________ S /P :______ _________ _________ . School Director: ___ . _________________________ . Date:__ _______________ I need to understand what this school is doing for you and what you are doing to ijelp the school and your parents in this community. Please, put the following sign: ( ) at the provided place before the answer you have chosen. There is no wrong answer. Please, answer all the questions. I promise that the confidentiality of your answers will be respected. Thank you for your help. a) 0-5 hours a week b) 5-15 hours a week c) 15-20 hours a week d) 20+ hours a week 4) WHO SUPERVISES THE PRACTICAL OR MANUAL WORK? a) Peers d ) Teachers & Director b) Teachers e) Non-teachers c) Director 5) DO YOUR PARENTS APPROVE OR SUPPORT THESE PRACTICAL A C T IV IT IE S ? a) Yes ____ c) Sometimes b) No _ _ _ d ) I do not know 6) IN WHICH AREA DO NON-TEACHERS PA R TIC IPA TE IN SCHOOL A C T IV IT IE S ? a) Telling stories d) In C arpentry b ) Teach you how to e) In Crafts dance and play f ) In Mechanics c) Help you in g) In Masonry "Jardin Scolaire" 7) NAME MAJOR PRACTICAL OR MANUAL A C T IV IT IE S T H A T YOU DO IN YOUR SCHOOL TO DAY: 8) DO YOU TH IN K YOUR SCHOOL IS BETTER THAN OTHERS? a) Yes b) No 9) HOW OFTEN DO YOU HAVE V IS IT S : a) FROM PO LITICA L OFFICIALS? 1) Once a month d ) Once a year 2) Once a trim ester e) Never 3) Once a semester 195 b) FROM THE PRIMARY TEACHING SUPERVISOR? 1) Once a month 4) Once a year 2) Once a trim ester 5) Never 3) Once s semester 10) IS YOUR FATHER LITERATE? a) Yes ( I f yes, answer below). ____ b) No In which language? ___________________ _________________ 11) IS YOUR MOTHER LITERATE? a) Yes ( I f yes, answer below) ____ b) No In which language? __________ _________________ For how many years? ___________________ _ 12) DO YOU TH IN K TH IN G S HAVE CHANGED SINCE THE IN TRO DUCTIO N OF PILOT SCHOOLS TO THE VILLAGE? ____ a) Yes b) No 13) IF YES, ARE THESE CHANGES: a) V ery good ____ d ) I do not know b) Good e) V ery bad c) Moderately good f ) Indicate (below) what changes have occured. 196 ( BREAK: 10 MINUTES BEFORE BEGINNING ) B) IN CLASS-ROOM 14) DOES THE ROOF OF YOUR CLASS-ROOM LEAK? a) Yes b) No 15) WHAT DO YOU LEARN ABOUT YOUR HOME AND VILLAGE? a) We discuss th eir activities in the class-room b) Sometimes an older person is invited in the class room to telJ some stories: 16) HOW ARE LESSONS. TA U G H T IN THE CLASS-ROOM? a) For natural sciences we form small team of study and research. 1) Yes _____ 2 ) No b ) Our teacher uses books only to teach us. 1) Yes ____ 2) No c) Our teacher shows pictures and photos when he teaches a lesson. 1) Yes __2) No d ) Our teacher uses different colors when he draws or writes on the blackboard. 1) Yes 2) No e) Our teacher brings maps, animals, plants in the class room when he teaches. 1) Yes 2 ) No C ) O U T-O F-SCH O O L WORK 17) DOES YOUR SCHOOL HAVE A SCHOOL GARDEN? a) Yes b) No 18) IF YES, IN EITHER CASE, WHAT DO YOU GROW IN IT? a) Cotton d ) Fruit trees b) Rice e) Name other crops: c) Vegetables f) What do you do with crops after harvest? 197 19) DOES YOUR SCHOOL RAISE CHICKENS? a) Yes b) No WHAT HAPPENS TO THE CHICKENS AND THE EGGS? 20) WHAT M ATERIAL DOES YOUR SCHOOL HAVE AVAILABLE FOR YOU TO WORK WITH? a) Soil d) Crafts b) Wood - e) Laying bricks or c) 1 ron stones f) What else? g ) Do you pay for it? a) Yes b) No 21) ARE YOU ENCOURAGED TO TEACH OTHERS IN YOUR VILLAGE: a) TO READ? 1) Yes 2) No b) TO WRITE? 1) Yes 2) No 22) DOES YOUR SCHOOL HAVE A SOCCER TEAM? 1) Yes 2) No DO ADULTS AND CHILDREN PLAY TOGETHER? .1) Yes 2) No D) BACKGROUND C H A R A C TER ISTIC S 23) NOW TELL ME SOMETHING ABOUT YOURSELF. WHAT IS: a) Your age? ________________ Your place of birth? b) Your sex: 1) Male 2) Female c) Your father's profession?________________ _________________ d ) Your mother's profession?______________ __________________ e) How many wives does your father have? _____________ T9 8 f ) You have how many sisters: g ) How many are in school? h) What is your religion? _____ , brothers: A G A IN /T H A N K YOU VERY MUCH! B2 QUESTIONNAIRES ADDRESSED TO DIRECTO RS AND TEACHERS Region: ____________________ Date: Village: __________________________ Director: Teacher's degree: ______ ____________________________ ____________________ Class grade: Enrolled students: ____________ I need to understand what you think about the impact of this school upon your students and the surrounding village community. There is no wrong answer. Please, answer all the following questions. I guarantee the confidentiality of your answers. Please use this sign: ( ) to check your preferred answer. THANK YOU FOR YOUR HELP! A ) GENERAL Q U ESTIO N S: 1) Can you specify some of the new activities different from the classical curriculum that teachers, adm inistrators, and practical work-teachers are supposed to accomplish in the case of pilot.school programs? 2) To what extent are you, personally, satisfied with your teaching? a) 90-99% d) 30-60% b) 80-90% e) Less than 30% c) 60-80% f ) zero% 199 g) I do not know 3) What would you say is the biggest problem that this school faces since the civil war? Please, prioritize your answers from 1 (the biggest th re a t) to 10 (the least th re a t). (_ _ ) Lack of teachers (_ _ ) Lack of materials and equipment (_ _ ) Lack of cooperative spirit (_ _ ) Lack of supervision and the reevaluation of teaching function 200 (__) Students are not interested in the new programs (__) Parents are not interested in the new programs (__) Name some of your own: 4) Are villagers interested in their school's new program? a) Yes b) No c) Why? Please, specify your view. 5) What could be done now to improve the image of this school? Please specify: 6) How many students from this school succeed in the 6th grade 7) entrance examination per year? a) None d) 5-15 b) 0-2 e) 15-30 c) 2-5 f) 30 + How many year? of them succeed in the CEPE examination a) 5-15 d) 35-55 b) 15-25 e) 55 + c) 25-35 B ) IN CLASS-ROOM: 8) How many hours a week do you devote to the following subjects in your classes? a) French c) Natural sciences b) Mathematics d) Practical works e) Development of local instructional materials 2 01 9) Name some instructional materials that you are using to sup port your teaching, additionally to the use of a book. Subjects: Materials used: C ) OUT-OF-CLASSROOM A C T IV IT IE S : 10) Is there cooperation between the school and the village in identifying and tryin g to solve some problems relevant to the needs of the community? a) Through discussions organized in school Yes No b) Through the Chief of Canton „ Yes No c) Through the Sous-Prefect _ _ _ Yes No d) Through a special committee composed of the members and villagers Yes No e) Village and school don't become involved in each other's problems Yes No 11) What is the approach now after the civil war? school 12) What do you do when one of your students is sick at school? I : _____ a) Do not know what to do _____ b) Send him home c) Send him to the nearest medical center d ) Give him firs aid care 202 13) Is water supply a problem in this village? a) Yes b) No 14) What are new crops, plants, vegetables, or animals in tro duced in the village? Indicate who was responsible for its introduction. a) Rice c r Cotton c) Vegetables d) Fruit trees e) Trees for the protection of the environment: f) Others - Specify. . . 15) How does your school solve the problem of sanitation a) Teachers have theirs (hole in the ground) now? at home. b) Students have theirs at school. c) Everybody goes outside of the school, in the bush 16) Please, name some crops and other products (c ra fts ) the school at the market place. AG RICULTURAL CROPS: sold by a) b) c) d) CRAFT PRODUCTS: a) b) c) d) 203 OTHERS: a) ______________________ ___ b) . ________ c) ; ____________ _ d) _______ _________________ 17) What are the hew skills taught by parctical works teachers to villagers since the creation of pilot school for both men and women? a) Literacy b) Basic skills in crafts and maintenance of agricultural tools c) Not any 18) How many villagers are taught by this school to read and to write per year? a) None d ) 30-50 b) 5-10 e) 50+ _ _ _ c) 15-30 f ) Teachers are very busy and cannot include adult literacy programs in their activities: 19) If you are implementing a literacy program, please indicate in which language? a) French _____ b) Local language* *Specify _____________________ ___________________________ ______ 20) Please, indicate your sources of information in the region where this school is situated since the civil war. 21) a) Regional journal: in French in local language b) International journal: c) International radio: d ) Regional radio: e) Gossip: f) School news letter: g) I do not know: What type of radio program do you find most interesting? Prioritize from 1 (the most interesting) to 10 (the least in te re s tin g ). a) Music d) News b) Religions e) Health c) Educational f ) Sports SPECIFY OTHERS: 205 g) h) 0 j) 22) How much does the school radio program help you in your profession. a) V ery helpful d ) Boring b) Helpful _ _ e) Useless c) Moderately helpful f) I do not know 23) How do you spend your spare time? What are some of the following activities are you involved in? a) Visiting Friends b) Listening to the Radio; c) Drinking or Smoking to Relax d) Reading Books or Journals: ___ e) Training Villagers in Basic Skills ____ f) Teaching Villagers to be Literate g ) Others â– ________ ______ 24) What would you say is the biggest problem that our country as a nation faces today? Please, prioritize from 1 (the biggest) to 10 (the least). Recolonization by a powerful country National unity Tribalism Health Food supply Educational crisis SPECIFY OTHERS: (_> _ ( _ > • ( _ ) ; . ___ (_ ) ___________________________________________________ Tell us why the problem you have identified as number one is the most threatening. 206 25) What would you say is the biggest problem that this village as a local community faces today? Please, prioritize your answer from 1 to 10. LACK OF: . a) Cooperative spirit b) Job opportunity c) Good education d) Safe drinking water e) Food f) Health care State your personal choice: Specify - - g) _________ h) ___ ______________________________ i) ________________________________ j) 26) What should be done to solve some of these crucial problems? 27) Some people said, before the civil war especially among the peasants, that directors and teachers were part of the privilidged class. What do you think about this opinion today? a) I strongly disagree b) I disagree _ _ _ c) 1 agree d) I strongly agree e) State your viewpoint after the civil war. 207 27) Now tell me something about yourself: WHAT IS YOUR a) Age ___________ Place of b irth __________________ _ b) Sex: Male __________ Female__________ c) Religion _________________________________________ d) Highest level of education: 1) CEPE _ _ _ 2) BEPC 3) BACCALAUREATE 4) BACHELOR OTHERS - - SPECIFY 5) ____________________________________ . 6 ) _ e) The grade that you are teaching: CP1 _ CEn _______ CP2 _______ CE2_________ CMn _______ CM2_________ PRACTICAL WORK: _______ f ) Administrative position? ___________________________________ g ) How many wives do you have? __________________________ h) How many children do you have? _____________________ i) How many of them are in school? __________ _____________ THANK YOU VERY M U CH ! NB. The result of this survey will be available at your Regional INSE. 208 Cl &#***/* » â– ' â– * “ £* -. « j " • • > KjiaS*' & * * Fig. 4: Operation sahel vert: Struggle against-desertification. Peace Corps Volunteers and students in N’Djamena, in a joint action; they were planting trees in Douguia. SOURCE: Service de Presse et de documentation: N’Djamena, 1976. t^o o VO Fig.:5 Hass a Tribe Silo (Mayo-Kebbi C3 i y /Fig.:6 Wadaian Woman preparing Cords for weaving her carpet. Abeche, 1970. Source: Service de Presse et de Documentation. N'Djamena, 197 6 211 c 4 Fig.:7 Craft products, N’Djamena, 1976. Source: Service de Presse et de Documentation N'Damena, 197 6 212 LO CJ nl § V o £ to o o t o •rH Ph o vbK 213 LIST OF A B B R EVIA TIO N S: BDPA: Bureau de Developpement et de Production Agricole CE^ : Cours Elementaire Premiere Annee CE2 : Cours Elementaire Deuxieme Annee CEPET: C ertificat d'Etudes Primaires Elementaires Tchadien CFPP: Centres de Formation et de Perfectionnement Professionnel C M : Cours Moyen Premiere Annee CM2 : . Cours Moyen Deuxieme Annee cpr Cours Preparatoire Premiere Annee CP • 2‘ . Cours Preparatoire Deuxieme Annee CER: Centres d 1 Education Rurale EMP: Enseignement Moyen Pratique FAC: Fonds d'Aide et de Cooperation FD A R : Fonds de Developpement et d'Animation Rurale GNP: Gross National Product INSE: Institut National des Sciences de I1 Education IR C T: Institut de Recherche Contonniere et Textile du Tchad IRSE: Institut Regional des Sciences de I1 Education MEW: Measurement for Economic Welfare M IT: Massachusetts Institute of Technology MNRCS: Mouvement National pour la Revolution Culturelle et Sociale ONDR: Office Natural de Developpement Rural PC V : Peace Corps Volunteers P Q L I: Physical Quality of Life Index 214 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS (Continued) RCA: SODELAC: SODENKAM SONACOT: SWISS A ID.: UNDP: UNESCO: USAID: ZAP IS: Republique C entrAfricaine Societe de Developpement du Lac Tchad Societe de Developpement du Nkam Societe Nationale de Commercalisation Tchadienne Switzerland Agency for International Development United Nations Development Program United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization United States Agency for International Development Zones d'Actions Prioritaires 215
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Creator
Guelkodjingar, N. Daniel (author)
Core Title
Animation rurale in Chad: Its contribution to living standards and literacy of the villagers
Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Degree Program
Education
Publisher
University of Southern California
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University of Southern California. Libraries
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education, sociology of,OAI-PMH Harvest,Sub Saharan Africa Studies
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English
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Guelkodjingar, N. Daniel
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education, sociology of
Sub Saharan Africa Studies