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The role of ethnic culture in work-family balance among Armenian women in leadership positions in higher education

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The role of ethnic culture in work-family balance among Armenian women in leadership positions in higher education

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Content ii

THE ROLE OF ETHNIC CULTURE IN WORK-FAMILY BALANCE

AMONG ARMENIAN WOMEN

IN LEADERSHIP POSITIONS IN HIGHER EDUCATION

by

Hasmig Baran

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2012

Copyright 2012 Hasmig Baran

ii

DEDICATION
I dedicate this dissertation with deep filial gratitude to my parents, Bedros and
Aznive Kellikian, who had a tremendous influence on my becoming a life-long learner.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
A number of individuals contributed to the successful completion of my
dissertation in various capacities. First, I would like to express my gratitude to my
dissertation thematic group advisor and committee chair, Dr. Kathy Stowe, for her
systematic guidance and meticulous readings. My appreciation also extends to the other
dissertation committee members, Dr. Courtney Malloy and Dr. Larry Picus, for making
useful comments, thereby enhancing the quality of this work. I am indebted to the three
Armenian women in senior leadership positions in higher education in the United States
for sharing their experiences as professionals and homemakers, and without whom this
study would not have been possible. My special thanks also go to Dr. Vahram
Shemmassian, Director of Armenian Studies Program at the California State University,
Northridge, for his encouragement and mentorship. I am appreciative of my daughter,
Aleen, who understood the sacrifices that I had to make in order to realize my dreams.
Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge with special gratitude my husband,
Arsene, for his patience and unfailing support throughout my work as a doctoral student.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Dedication ii
Acknowledgments iii
List of Figures vi
Abstract vii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 1
Background of the Problem 2
Statement of the Problem 7
Purpose of the Study 9
Research Questions 9
Significance of the Study 10
Limitations of the Study 11
Delimitations of the Study 11
Assumptions 11
Definition of Terms 12
Organization of the Study 12

Chapter Two: Literature Review 14
Historical Context 16
Theoretical Framework 19
Social Role Theory 19
Work/Family Border Theory 20
Barriers to Career Advancement 22
Leadership 27
Work-Family Balance 33
Support 40
Strategies 46
Conclusion 47

Chapter Three: Methodology 49
Introduction 49
Research Design 50
Sample and Selection Criteria 51
Rationale for Choosing the Sample 51
Sampling Procedures 52
Participants 52
Theoretical Framework 54
Data Collection 55
Instrumentation 56
v

Data Analysis 58
Ethical Considerations 59
Conclusion 59

Chapter Four: Findings, Analysis, Discussion 60
Participant Overview 61
Research Questions 63
Findings, Analysis, Discussion 63
Research Question One: Challenges 63
Research Question Two: Support 71
Research Question Three: Strategies 78
Research Question Four: Ethnic Culture as Support 86
Chapter Summary 91

Chapter Five: Summary, Implications, Recommendations 92
Research Questions 93
Summary of Findings 94
Implications for Policy and Practice 96
Recommendations for Future Research 97

References 100

Appendices 108
Appendix A: Participant Recruitment Letter 108
Appendix B: Interview Protocol for Participant 109
Appendix C: Interview Protocol for Referral 111
Appendix D: Office Observation Checklist 112
Appendix E: Activity Log: Questions/Reflections 113

vi

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 3.1 Conceptual Framework 50
Figure 3.2 Cresswell’s Six Steps Data Analysis 53

vii

ABSTRACT
In contemporary society women leaders in education have struggled to balance
work and family. While some women have succeeded in finding that balance, many
others are still struggling.
The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine the experiences of three
Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education in the United
States with dual roles as professionals and homemakers. The study dwelt on four
research questions: 1) What challenges do Armenian women in senior-level leadership
positions in higher education face in balancing work and family life? 2) What support
systems do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education
perceive to be helpful in achieving work-family balance? 3) What strategies do
Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education employ to
balance work-family life? 4) What role does ethnic culture, as a support system play in
achieving work-family balance for Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions
in higher education?
The study revealed the following challenges that these women faced in
maintaining work- family balance: the demands and responsibilities of their dual roles as
professionals and homemakers; gender stereotypes; making choices in professional
compromises and personal sacrifices.
These challenges were met through family, professional, institutional, and
community support. Armenian ethnic culture, in particular, proved to be an important
viii

factor that lent support to the success of the three women under study in achieving work-
family balance.
The strategies that the three women adopted were likewise instrumental in finding
and maintaining work-family balance. Those strategies included applying democratic
and participatory leadership; communicating openly with family members; managing
time effectively; putting things into perspective; planning and sharing plans; making a
conscious effort to learn from others’ experiences; integrating roles.
Finally, this study underscored the implications for policy and practice in higher
education as it pertained to women in senior-level positions, and made several
recommendations for future research.

1

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY

In contemporary society women leaders in education have struggled to balance
work and family. During the past twenty-five years, shifting demographics, globalization,
affirmative action, and the increase in two-income families and single-parent families
have resulted in greater participation of women in the economic sphere (U.S. Department
of Labor, 1991). Women comprised 46.8 percent of the total labor force, 74 percent of
employed women worked on full-time jobs, while 26 percent worked on a part-time basis
(Labor Department of Labor Women’s Bureau, 2009). Integrating work and family life
and maintaining a sense of balance challenge many women professionals in senior level
leadership positions (Elliot, 2003).
The competing demands of family and work for the limited time available result
in work-family role strain. This role strain decreases the psychological wellbeing of
women leaders (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985). The concept of finding balance between
professional and family life is important for the health and satisfaction of women leaders
(Galinsky, Kim, & Bond 2001). Hence balancing work-family has become a serious
issue in women’s lives.
Historically, leadership has been a male-dominated domain, and therefore
research has focused mostly on men. Recently, however, since there has been a dramatic
shift in the role of women in the workplace and their accomplishments in leadership
positions, research on gender and leadership has increasingly occupied an important place
in the pertinent literature (Bolman & Deal, 2008). For example, studies on gender and
leadership styles (Gardiner & Tiggerman 1999; Rowe & Mason, 1986; Van Der Linden,
2

2004), and gender and leadership effectiveness (Cann & Siegfried, 1990; Shakeshaft et
al., 2007; Trinidad & Normore, 2005) have been conducted.
Background of the Problem
Although women have made great advances and continue to do so, they still
struggle to balance work and family, and are disproportionately represented in leadership
positions in higher education (Baumgartner & Shneider, 2010). This situation stems from
several factors including societal expectations (Eagly,1997; Eagly, Wood, & Diekman,
2000), gender stereotyping and discrimination (Eagly & Carli, 2007; Kiamba, 2008;
Klenke 1996), work-family balance (Drago & Colbeck, 2003), and lack of support-
network (Myers & Ginsberg, 1994).
In the 1960s watershed events came to have a significant bearing on women’s
rights in the workplace, their status in society at large, and their opportunities to assume
leadership roles. One of the main events was the passage of the Civil Rights Act, Title II,
that banned sex discrimination in the workplace leading to the establishment of the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), which was charged with the enforcing of
the Civil Rights Act, Title II. Another significant event was the start of the women’s
movement and the founding of the National Organization for Women (NOW) in 1966
(Klenke, 1996).
A half-century after the women’s movement began, and despite the growing trend
of women’s achievements in higher education, the progression of women into executive
positions continues to be slow. Among Fortune 500 companies only 16% of corporate
officers, 14% of board members, 5% of top earners, and 1% of CEOs are women (Welle,
3

2004). In education specifically, women have attained leadership positions, but still
remain underrepresented (Grogan, 1999; Hodgins, 2007; Trinidad & Normore, 2005). For
example, only 20% of college and university presidents are women (Eagly & Carli,
2007). Most women are in the middle management ranks ready for advancement to the
top-level positions. The question arises, why women are underrepresented in the top-
level leadership positions in higher education?
A number of challenges have been identified that women encounter on their path
to leadership. Traditionally researchers have explored the barriers that women in
educational administration had to overcome to achieve professional success. They have
addressed obstacles such as societal expectations (Eagly, 1997; Eagly, Wood & Diekman,
2000), gender stereotyping and discrimination (Eagly & Carli, 2007; Kiamba, 2008;
Klenke 1996), work-family balance (Drago & Colbeck, 2003), and lack of support-
network (Myers & Ginsberg, 1994). Despite these challenges many women have
managed to maintain their family life while advancing in their careers (Hewlett & Luce,
2006).
Similarly, studies on women in leadership suggest that, women find themselves in
conflict with the demand of their career as leaders in education, and societal expectations
as homemakers (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985; Ismail & Ibrahim, 2007; Perrewe &
Hochwater, 2001). Traditionally men have been viewed as financial providers, whereas
women have been perceived as homemakers and/or caretakers (Eagly, Wood, &
Diekman, 2000). Women shoulder most family responsibilities, notably taking care of
their children and seeing to their education, as well as looking after their husband and the
4

household. They end up leading double careers (Lachapelle, Williams, & Emond, 2004).
The roles and responsibilities that come with the position of leadership include planning,
organizing, and directing (Brown, 2000), and require tremendous professional and
personal commitment (Havice & Williams, 2005). In such a situation, women have to
figure out how to balance family responsibilities, and make choices about what to
sacrifice, in order to pursue leadership positions (Hoff & Mitchell, 2008).
Societal attitudes toward appropriate gender roles discourage women to seek
leadership positions. Traditional gender roles, such as taking care of children and family,
pose a major barrier to women’s advancement (Yedida & Bickel, 2001). The role of
women in the family and the familial demands, often preclude them from devoting
essential time and energy to achieve milestones that are central to promotion (Yedida &
Bickel, 2001). In addition, different socialization patterns for women and men indicate
that women are less likely to be encouraged to move up the career ladder to assume
leadership positions because femininity and leadership are not viewed to be compatible
(Yedida & Bickel, 2001).
Furthermore, women’s access to leadership positions has been hindered by gender
stereotyping. While the role of leadership applies to both sexes, gendered differentiation
of leadership has focused on qualities and styles of leadership between men and women.
Stereotypes of how women lead have made it difficult for women to access or even stay
in leadership positions (Kiamba, 2008). Sex-role stereotyping implies that women cannot
assume senior-level leadership positions because of their ineffective feminine leadership
style—democratic, participative, and collaborative—, whereas men have more
5

commanding and authoritarian style (Eagly & Carli, 2007) that is more compatible with
the masculine image of leadership. This gender stereotyping leads to prejudice against
female leaders (Eagly & Karau, 2002) and can significantly alter the perception and
evaluation of female leaders (Northouse, 2007). These conditions increase women’s
stress level and dissatisfaction, and make balancing work-family more difficult.
In spite of decades of organizational and legislative support for gender equality
there is still a glass ceiling women face in many aspects of leadership. The term “glass
ceiling” came into existence in the mid-1980s and refers to an invisible barrier based on
organizational bias that prevents qualified individuals from advancing upward in their
organization into management-level positions (U.S. Department of Labor, 1991).
Generally speaking, in the labor market women are placed in lower hierarchical positions
than men, and they earn only 80% of the average male hourly pay. This glass ceiling is
also evident in higher education leadership positions. Here, leadership is still viewed as a
masculine domain and institutional hiring and promotional procedures are discriminatory
regarding females, thereby hindering their ascendancy on the leadership ladder
(Sperandino, 2010).
Drago & Colbeck (2003) conducted a study on women in leadership which asserts
that the forces that affect women leaders as they attempt to balance work and family
include, on the one hand, the expectation that employees must treat their careers as their
first priority, with little time to devote to family. On the other hand, those forces also
include persisting societal perception that women should be the primary caregivers to
their children and families, and the institutional bias against women who have children.
6

In the final analysis, the ideal worker norm and the motherhood norm are viewed as
incompatible, especially in the context of sex discrimination, giving rise to bias against
caregivers (Perna, 2005).
For women leaders, the constant struggle to balance their work and family
responsibilities can be overwhelming causing dissatisfaction without a support system in
the professional, personal, and family domains. Literature indicates that the availability
of support network—professional and personal—and mentoring can influence upward
mobility (Myers & Ginsberg, 1994). Professional support provides assistance by sharing
information, advice, and career strategies with members of the network (Myers &
Ginsberg, 1994). Personal support can come from family, friends, and spouses, and may
include emotional support, child care assistance, or assistance with household
responsibilities (Myers & Ginsberg, 1994).
Minority ethnicity adds another layer of complexity to the gendered
understandings of leadership that women must negotiate to access to positions of power
(Fitzgerald, 2003; Hewlett, Luce, & West, 2005). Further, socio-cultural effects on
leadership suggest that men and women in educational leadership positions will be
influenced by both organizational and socio-cultural understandings that are different by
ethnicity and gender (Sperandino, 2010). Ethnic group culture within society at large
provides the context in which socialization of the individuals occurs where norms of
acceptable behavior, gender roles, and values for shared belief systems are developed
(Adams, 2009).
7

The above explanation applies to the Armenian ethnic community from which the
participants of this study are derived. Armenia is a patriarchal society in which males are
recognized as the heads of families. After the father, the firstborn son is responsible to
support the family (Kasbarian 1998). In the traditional Armenian society the patriarchal
stereotypes divide social life into two parts. Society assigns the public life to men and
the private sphere of family to women. In the women’s scale of values, family and
children should take priority. Hence, society expects from women to choose the family
over their career when confronted with a choice (Babayan, 2001). When Armenian
immigrants settled in the United States the role of each member was structured by the
Old Country models (Mirak, 1983). Despite this fact, some Armenian women have
succeeded in attaining senior-level leadership positions in higher education and achieving
work-family balance. This study will focus on three such successful Armenian women.
Statement of the Problem
As the number of women leaders in institutions of higher learning has begun to
grow, not only equity issues, but also work-family balance have become a concern
(Miller & Hollenshead, 2005). Societal expectations along with internal (lack of self-
confidence and assertiveness, and motivation) and external (glass ceiling, societal
attitudes, lack of support network) barriers make the task of balancing work-family life
more difficult. While some women have succeeded in finding that balance, many others
are still struggling. The problem therefore, is how to find that balance.
Women leaders in colleges and universities continue to face the dilemma of
balancing their personal and professional lives. As a result more women in mid-career
8

leave their job reducing the capacity of the pipeline for career advancement, thereby
creating a leadership gap. Moreover, many women postpone their marriage and having
children fearing that the family demands may slow down or even hinder their
advancement to leadership positions (Wolfinger, Mason & Goulden, 2008).
Most literature pertaining to women in higher education administration does not
address the experiences of women administrators with children and family (Bowles &
McGinn, 2005; Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985; Hewlett, 2007; Ismail & Ibrahim, 2007;
Perrewe & Hochwater, 2001). Similarly, the role of culture in relation to work-family
issues has not been explored. In general, studies claim that having a family with children
limits the professional success and advancement of women administrators. Only few
studies offer examples of successful women in educational leadership positions who have
children, and some of the strategies they employ to balance their multiple roles as
professionals, parents, wives, and caregivers. Given that there is an increase in the
number of women who are advancing to senior-level leadership positions in higher
education, integrating work-family life, and maintaining a sense of balance still remain a
challenge ( Cheng & Halpern, 2010; Havice & Williams, 2005). Further studies are
needed to hear from those women who have succeeded in balancing multiple roles to fill
the gap.
During the 19
th
-century Armenian Renaissance, a number of women journalists
and feminist writers, such as Marie Beylerian and Serpuhi Vahanian Dussap advanced
the notions women’s education, participation in social-public life, and engagement in
gainful occupations. At the same time, they reminded their readership that motherhood
9

was a sacred calling and that responsibilities at home should not be neglected. In other
words, a balance must be maintained between family and outside undertakings. These
ideas gained acceptance among Armenians in the 20
th
century, as families gradually
became supportive of their women seeking careers and aspiring for leadership positions
in various spheres including higher education (Rowe, 2003).
This study will highlight the experiences of three Armenian women in top-level
leadership positions in higher education in the United States, and how their ethnic culture
has played a pivotal supportive role in finding work-family balance.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this case study is to examine the experiences of women who have
advanced to senior-level leadership positions in higher education while having dual roles
as professionals and homemakers. More specifically, the study identifies the challenges
that Armenian women in higher education leadership positions face in balancing work
and family. Similarly, it identifies strategies and the support systems that contributed to
the success of these women leaders in maintaining a balance between their work and
family. Finally, it explores the role of ethnic culture as a support system in work-family
balance.
Research Questions
The study will address the following research questions:
1. What challenges do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher
education face in balancing work and family life?
2. What support systems do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in
10

higher education perceive to be helpful in achieving work-family balance?
3. What strategies do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher
education employ to balance work-family life?
4. What role does ethnic culture, as a support system, play in achieving work-family
balance for Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education?
Significance of the Study
The significance of this study is three-fold. First, it enriches the existing literature
base linking women leaders in higher education and their achievement of balance
between work and family. This linkage helps contribute to the ongoing search for “what
works.” As the number of women working in higher education administration increases,
understanding how they successfully manage work and family becomes a key factor in
their advancement, job satisfaction, and retention. Second, learning from women who
have assumed senior-level administrative positions while meeting the demands of their
families provide insight into how aspiring women leaders can achieve the same personal
and professional successes. Third, the study informs institutions of higher learning to
make changes in their policies to meet the needs of women in higher education leadership
positions. Such changes may involve, providing flexibility in working hours and
supporting the struggling women leaders to cope with the demands of their dual roles as
professionals and homemakers.
The key elements in “what works” for such women are derived from the study of
a specific ethnicity—the Armenians. By examining the fabric, experience, and inner-
11

workings of this particular group, it is possible to make recommendations for further
research about the role of ethnic culture in maintaining work-family balance.
Limitations of the Study
The most notable limitations in this study were:
 The findings were not generalized because of the small sampling of three women
only.
 Time was a limitation–the researcher was limited to a two-month span for data
collection.
 The candor of participants’ responses over which the researcher has no control.
Delimitations of the Study
The delimitations for this study were:
 The study was limited to a specific ethnic group—the Armenians.
 The participants were married and had children.
 Only women in higher education senior-level leadership positions were
interviewed.
 The participants had to be in leadership positions for a minimum of three years.
Assumptions
In this study, it was determined by the researcher that the participants were successful
in their senior-level leadership positions. For the purpose of this study, success is
measured by a woman having achieved and effectively maintaining a senior-level
educational leadership position in higher education, and being able to balance multiple
roles in work and family domains.
12

Definition of Terms
For the purpose of this study the following terms are defined as follows:
 balance: balance is meeting and fulfilling the demands within one’s own personal
and professional life in alignment with one’s needs, values, priorities, and the
demands placed on them.
 culture: culture is the learned beliefs, values, norms, symbols, and traditions that
are common to a group of people.
 glass ceiling: an unexplainable and artificial barrier that has halted the
advancement of many women and minorities through their administrative careers
despite their qualifications (Baumgartner & Schneider, 2010).
 internal barrier: personal barriers in which an individual needs to make changes.
 external barrier: an obstacle outside one’s control.
 mentors: mentors are influential people who significantly help others reach their
major life goals.
 support systems: “ a person or persons who have a strong interest in the success
of an individual and willingness to provide assistance to help ensure success”
(Myers & Ginsberg, 1994).
Organization of the Study
This study contains five chapters. Chapter One provides an overview of the
study, and includes the statement of the problem, the purpose, and the significance of the
study. Chapter Two reviews the salient research on challenges that women face in
senior- level educational leadership positions in higher education. In addition it examines
13

relevant literature on the strategies that women leaders employ to balance work and
family life, and the support systems that help them find work-family balance. Chapter
Three provides the research methodology adopted including the case study approach of
qualitative research. Chapter Four presents the results of the study. Chapter Five
presents the conclusions and the recommendations of the study.

14

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Despite the existence of efforts to combat gender inequity and efforts made by
universities to address gender inequality, women are still underrepresented in leadership
positions in higher education. Women continue to face challenges in integrating work
and family life and maintaining a sense of balance (Elliot, 2003). Contributing to these
challenges are: societal expectations (Eagly, 1997; Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000);
gender stereotyping and discrimination (Eagly & Carli, 2007; Kiamba, 2008; Klenke,
1996); work-family balance (Drago & Colbeck, 2003); and lack of support network
(Myers & Ginsberg, 1994). Some women have succeeded in overcoming the above
challenges, have advanced to senior-level leadership positions in higher education, and
have maintained work-family balance (Northouse, 2007). The particular focus in this
regard is on women of Armenian origin and their socialization pattern in relation to work-
family balance.
Literature points to the fact that women leaders in colleges and universities
continue to face the dilemma of balancing their personal and professional lives (Drago &
Colbeck, 2003). They respond to these work-family conflicts in a variety of ways
(Bowles & McGinn, 2005). Some women in mid-career leave their job reducing the
pipeline for career advancement. Others postpone marriage and having children fearing
that those changes may slow down or even hinder their advancement to leadership
positions (Wolfinger, Mason, & Goulden, 2008). This situation creates a gap in senior-
level leadership positions.
15

Several studies focus on the work-family conflicts and do not offer examples of
successful women administrators with family responsibilities (Glass & Estes, 1997;
Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985; Pererewe & Hochwater, 2001). Few of more recent studies
offer the enrichment version of work-family and include some strategies that successful
women in educational leadership positions employ to balance their multiple roles as
professionals, parents, wives, and caregivers (Cheung & Halpern, 2010; Marshall 2009).
This chapter will review the salient research on challenges that women in senior-
level educational leadership positions face and the professional and personal support that
helps them overcome those challenges for career advancement. In addition, it will
examine relevant literature on strategies that women in senior-level educational
leadership positions in higher education employ to balance work and family life.
Pertinent literature about Armenian women in such positions is lacking. Therefore, this
study will fill that gap, thereby adding a unique component to the literature.
This chapter is organized around themes that emerged from review of literature
pertaining to societal expectations, gender roles and stereotypes, gender and leadership
styles, support networks, and work-family balance. First, the historical context of
women in leadership positions will be presented. Second, the theoretical framework will
be introduced. Third, the internal and external barriers that women confront in their
advancement to senior-level educational leadership positions will be examined. Fourth,
women’s leadership style and the incongruence with male-dominated gendered
leadership style within the framework of Social Role Theory will be discussed. Fifth, the
factors that contribute to work-family conflict such as the heavy demands of women’s
16

dual role as professionals and caregivers will be explored through the lenses of
Work/Family Border Theory. Next, is the review of the support networks that help
Armenian women in their advancement to top-level leadership positions in higher
education and their work-family balance. Finally, the strategies Armenian women
employ to achieve balance between work and family will be examined.
Historical Context
Demands for teachers in the beginning of the 20
th
century drew women into the
labor pool. This, in turn, led women to have more opportunities to access leadership
roles in the American educational system (Astin & Leland, 1991). In the 1960s
watershed events came to have significant bearing on women’s rights in the workplace,
their status in society at large, and their opportunities to assume leadership roles (Klenke,
1996).
Women growing up in the 1940s and 1950s were socialized to believe that their
happiness lied in marrying a husband and having children. Women’s role was confined to
the domestic sphere mainly as caregiver in the household (Klenke, 1996). One of the
main watershed events was the passage of the Civil Rights Act, Title VII, that banned sex
discrimination in the workplace leading to the establishment of the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC), which was charged with the enforcing of the Civil
Rights Act, Title VII. Another related event was the start of the movement and the
founding of the National Organization for Women (NOW) in 1966 (Klenke, 1996). The
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare’s guidelines on affirmative action ordered
17

employers—colleges and universities—to establish affirmative action programs for
women and minority groups.
The publication of Betty Friedman’s (1975) feminist classic, the Feminine
Mystique, although controversial, empowered women to defy societal expectations. It
condoned and justified lifestyles different from those that focused only on marriage and
the family (Klenke, 1996). In 1972, another major piece of legislation followed: Title IX
of the Education Amendments which was designed to end gender discrimination in
institutions of higher education. The issuance of these legislative guidelines supported
women who already had assumed leadership roles throughout the 1960s and drew more
women into campus leadership roles to implement federal policies (Klenke, 1996).
For several centuries immigration has been the norm in the United States. Among
those immigrants are the Armenians. In the 19
th
and 20
th
centuries, Armenians came
from the Ottoman Empire, followed by survivors of the Armenian Genocide in 1915.
Waves of Armenian immigration to the United States followed from Europe, the Middle
East, and the Caucasus for various reasons. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the
establishment of the Republic of Armenia in 1991, there is an ongoing flow of
immigrants to the United States (Bakalian, 1993). The American Community Survey
(ACS) which has been providing data about population and housing, since 2001 is the
official source which addresses ancestry. According to the data drawn from ACS 2007,
45% of the 441,144 persons identifying themselves as “Armenian” were foreign-born
(Douglas & Bakalian, 2009).
18

The Armenians were subjected to the same discrimination as any other minority
group. For example, the Armenians in Fresno were prohibited from purchasing property
in the better neighborhoods. They were excluded from social clubs and professional
associations (Bakalian, 1993). The Armenians withstood discrimination through the
strong family bonds and made significant entry into the mainstream American society.
Many have gained fame and fortune acknowledging their Armenian roots and feeling
very proud of their ancestry (Bakalian, 1993).
The family unit, consisting of grandparents, parents, and children, is described as
close-knit (Nelson, 1954). The family name and its reputation in the ethnic community
are important values for Armenians (Nelson, 1954). The family is responsible for the
behavior of its members. The Armenian children are taught at an early stage not to
discredit the family, or cause disunity among its members by any behavior that would
bring shame to the family name (Bakalian, 1993).
Traditionally, Armenians have been known to be God-fearing, hard-working, and
law- abiding people (Kasbarian, 1998). They value the family, education, and most of
all, children. For centuries they have been persecuted and discriminated against, but their
tenacity and intense attachment to family, church, and culture have enabled them to
survive (Kasbarian, 1998). Ever since A.D. 301, when Armenia became the first nation
to adopt Christianity as its state religion, Armenians have looked to the Church to
preserve their national character and seek education and leadership (Kasbarian, 1998).
Today there are approximately one million Armenians in the United States, where the
majority makes up a very prosperous segment of society (Kasbarian, 1998). Against this
19

background, it will be shown how Armenian ethnic culture supports Armenian women in
senior-level educational leadership positions to achieve work-family balance.
Through the lenses of Social Role Theory and Work/Family Border Theory
literature is reviewed on challenges that women in leadership positions face, the support
systems, and the strategies they employ to balance work-family.
Theoretical Framework
The two theories that frame this literature review are the Social Role Theory and
the Work/Family Border theory.
Social role theory.
The Social Role Theory recognizes the historical division between women, who
often assumed responsibilities at home, and men, who often assumed responsibilities
outside the home (Eagly, 1987). These social behaviors based on sex differences caused
divergence in expectations of men and women (Eagly, 1987). These expectations are
transmitted to subsequent generations and influence the social behavior of each gender
(Eagly, 1987, 1997; Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000) and represent sexual stereotypes
(Williams & Best, 1982). Accordingly, stereotypes of social roles govern the behavior of
men and women. Some roles can increase the effect of gender stereotypes. For example,
motherhood magnifies the stereotypes of women; mothers therefore, tend to be perceived
as communal rather than agentic (Heilman & Okimoto, 2008).
To conform to these expectancies, for example, males develop traits that manifest
agency. Agency relates to traits of independence, assertiveness, and competence (Eagly
& Wood, 1991). In contrast, females develop traits that manifest communal or
20

expressive behavior such as the tendency to be friendly, unselfish, and expressive (Eagly
& Wood, 1991). In addition, the Social Role Theory implies that men who are regarded
as agentic, often occupy leadership roles, and it is assumed that leadership roles align
with male characteristics (Eagly, Karau, & Makhijani, 1995). Another implication of the
social role theory is that individuals who violate gender stereotypes are perceived
unfavorably (Heilman, Wallen, Fuchs, & Tamkins, 2004).
Traditional managerial roles are sex-typed as “masculine” meaning that
characteristics deemed necessary to be a successful manager are stereotypically
associated with men. In contrast, women acting outside of the feminine gender role have
been evaluated unfavorably (Camdon & Witt, 1983 as cited in Kawakami, White, &
Langer, 2000). Masculine stereotypes thus influence women’s choice of continuing their
profession, thereby reducing the pipeline to top-level leadership positions (Hoff &
Mitchell, 2008).
Work/family border theory.
The second theory that guides this literature review is the Work/Family Border
Theory. It is a theory about work/family balance that explains how individuals manage
and negotiate the work and family spheres and the borders between them to attain balance
(Clark, 2000). In the Work/Family Border Theory Clark (2000) argues that the primary
connection between work and family systems is not emotional, but human. People are
border crossers who make daily transitions between two worlds—the world of work and
the world of family. People shape these worlds, mold the borders between them, and
21

determine the border crosser’s relationship to that world and its members (Clark, 2000,
p.148).
Following the industrial revolution, work and family became separate domains
and developed contrasting cultures and purposes, because work and family
responsibilities were carried out at different times and places. The theory claims that
people are border-crossers who make daily transitions between two worlds—the world of
work and the world of family. The theory further suggests that people shape their
environment and, in turn, are shaped by them (Clark, 2000).
According to the Work/Family Border Theory, and for the purpose of this study,
it is assumed that women are the border crossers. They influence their work environment
and are influenced by it. That is, events at work affect the events at home and vice versa.
Though cultures at work and cultures at home frequently collide, individuals often
manage to integrate their two worlds, home and work, to some degree (Clark, 2000).
Some domain members who are especially influential in defining the domain and
border are referred to as border-keepers. For example, supervisors at work and spouses at
home are common border- keepers. Border-keepers and other domain members play an
important role in providing support to the border-crosser to manage the two domains
(Clark, 2000). Despite the support, there are external and internal barriers that hinder the
advancement of women to senior-level educational leadership positions and balancing
work and family.

22

Barriers to Career Advancement
There are external and internal barriers that prevent progression of women to
senior-level educational leadership positions in higher education. The external barriers
are obstacles outside of one’s control such as the glass ceiling, societal attitudes, lack of
support network and role models. Internal barriers include lack of assertiveness, self-
confidence, lack of motivation to hold positions of power and work the system. While
many of the legal barriers to women’s participation in the workforce and access to
leadership positions have been removed through legislation, changing demographics, and
women’s increased level of education and experience, women are still under-represented
in the top-level leadership positions and face many obstacles on their path to leadership
(Klenke, 1996). This section will address the external and internal barriers as challenges
to women’s progression in senior-level leadership positions and work-family balance.
One of the main external barriers is the glass ceiling. The term glass ceiling came
to existence in the mid-1980s. It refers to an unexplainable and artificial barrier that has
halted the advancement of many women and minorities through the administrative
careers despite their qualifications (Baumgartner & Schneider, 2010). One study
identifies barriers that women face in leadership positions as being the glass ceiling,
society’s attitude toward appropriate male and female roles, the lack of formal and
informal societal network, child care and home responsibilities, reluctance of women to
relocate, and lack of role models and mentors (Growe & Montgomery, 2000).
Although there is no consensus, evidence points to several contributing factors to
the glass ceiling: stereotypes associating leadership with maleness, and women walking a
23

tightrope of conflicting expectations, encountering discrimination, and paying a higher
price (Bolman & Deal, 2008).
Discussions about women’s under-representation in top-level leadership positions
generally revolve around three types of explanations. First, they deal with differences in
women and men’s investments in human capital (Eagly & Carli, 2003). These authors
argue that women have less human capital investment in education, training, and work
experience than men. This supposed lack of human capital, attributed to the shortage of
qualified women, is called a “pipeline problem” (Northouse, 2007, p. 270). As recently
as the middle of 20th century,

women with the same degrees and qualifications as men
could not access to leadership positions. In some cases, women could not even get the
same credentials as men because they did not have access to the same educational
opportunities (Eagly & Carli, 2007). Women do have somewhat less work experience
and employment continuity than men largely because of the disproportionate
responsibility that women assume for child rearing and domestic duties (Bowles &
McGinn, 2005). These domestic and child-rearing expectations impose an added burden
on women who attempt to climb the career ladder (Northouse, 2007).
Second, discussions deal with the essential differences between women and men
leadership styles. Another argument that attempts to explain the leadership gap claims
that women’s leadership style is just different than men’s and that it is incompatible with
effective leadership (Northouse, 2007). Third, the discussions focus on prejudice and
discrimination against female leaders (Northouse, 2007). According to the Role
Congruity Theory, the agentic qualities that were assumed essential in the leadership role
24

do not match with predominantly communal qualities that are stereotypically attributed to
women. This leads to prejudice against female leaders (Eagly & Karau, 2002).
Growe and Montgomery (2000) explain the under-representation of women in
educational leadership positions by three models. The individual perspective model
looks to personal traits, characteristics, or qualities. The belief associated with this model
is that women are not assertive enough to hold leadership positions, do not want power,
lack self-confidence, and are unwilling to play the game or work the system. The
discrimination model focuses on the educational system, and how organizational
structures and practices in education discriminate against women. Men seem to advance
to higher levels because they are favored in promotional practices. The social perspective
model emphasizes cultural and social norms that encourage discrimination.
Van Der Linden (2004) examined the professional development and career
advancement of community college administrators, with particular attention on gender
and the human capital investments. Having a mentoring relationship was considered a
form of human capital, as it has the potential to increase work related knowledge and
skills. The findings of the study of a random sample of 300 community college
administrators in Michigan revealed that, women community college administrators who
responded to the survey, were disproportionately represented in mid-level administrative
positions, rather than senior-level administrative positions. Sixty three percent of the
women held the titles of director and coordinator, while only 40% of men were directors
and coordinators. As for mentoring, 62% of women administrators had a mentoring
relationship as opposed to 55.9 % of men. In other words, although women had human
25

capital investments such as obtaining the educational credentials, participating in
professional development and cultivating mentoring relationships for career advancement
and leadership development, they are still under-represented in senior-level leadership
positions.
Eagly & Carli (2007) affirm that women’s path to educational leadership has been
challenging. This challenge is symbolized by a new metaphor, the labyrinth that women
cannot tear it down on their own. Employment discrimination and organizational policies
that favor men and inequities in domestic responsibilities, all contribute to women’s
lesser career advancement.
Heilman, Wallen, Fuchs, & Tamkins, (2004) investigated reactions to women’s
success in a male gender-typed job. A total of 242 subjects participated in three
experimental studies. The results strongly supported the authors’ hypothesis indicating
that (a) when women are acknowledged to have been successful they are less liked and
receive more derogatory attitudes than men who are equally successful. (b) These
negative reactions occurred only when the success was in an area that was considered
male in character. (c) These results supported the idea that gender stereotypes can prompt
bias in the evaluation of women even when these women have proven themselves to be
successful. In addition, the norms of society coincide with different socialization patterns
that channel women and men into different areas of work and differential pay and status
(Shmuck, 1980). This situation pertains to Armenian society, among others.
In Armenia, the gender standards for girls are very rigid. The hierarchy of values
in which family and children take priority is internalized in girls from their birth and
26

continues through the entire process of gender socialization. Girls assume roles of
motherhood and caregiver in the private sphere of the family, and modesty, patience,
altruism, submissiveness, gentleness, shyness, courtesy, and obedience are expected of
them. These gender stereotypes have been imposed on women so long and so
systematically that Armenian women have internalized them as their own (Babayan,
2001).
In the United States, the family was the central unit of social organization and the
most useful adaptive institution for the immigrant Armenians (Mirak, 1983). When the
Armenian family was resettled in the United States, the role of each member was
structured by the Old Country patriarchal model. While the role of women in the Old
Country was confined to the private sphere of the family and the culture did not approve
of women working outside the home, economic necessity in the United States forced
women to work in factories and stores. Moreover, women assumed vital community
duties primarily in the church, charities and education of children. They even formed
associations of their own. Thus women’s communal responsibilities grew significantly in
the New World.
External and internal barriers have prevented women from ascending top-level
educational leadership positions in higher education. Women who have overcome the
internal barriers and become assertive, confident, motivated to assume power, and willing
to work the system, they still have had to surmount external barriers, such as employment
discrimination and inequities in domestic responsibilities. Gender socialization imposes
gender stereotypes, which in turn engender prejudice and discrimination against females
27

in senior-level leadership positions in higher education. Gender stereotypes can also
prompt bias in the evaluation of women even when women prove themselves to be
successful. In the case of Armenians, the ethnic group culture provides the context in
which socialization of the individuals occurs where norms of acceptable behavior and
gender roles are developed. Since the Armenian society has been a male-dominated
society, the roles thus prescribed for women may have presented limitations for women’s
aspirations in higher education to come to fruition.
Leadership
Leadership is defined as “a process whereby an individual influences a group of
individuals to achieve a common goal” (Northouse, 2007, p.3). Literature points to the
notion that there is a close relationship between gender role, decision style, and
leadership style. The stereotypes of how women lead have made it difficult for women to
access or even stay in leadership positions.
Women have made progress, albeit slow, in accessing leadership positions.
However, they continue to be underrepresented in educational leadership positions
(Grogan, 1999; Hodgins, 2007; Trinidad & Normore, 2005). Between 1986 and 2006,
the proportion of female presidents of American universities more than doubled—to
almost one in four (Bolman & Deal, 2008). For example, Princeton did not accept any
women until 1969, and thirty years later the first woman president appointed the first
female provost. Harvard University assigned a woman president for the first time in
2007 (Bolman & Deal, 2008). Moreover, a great disparity exists when comparing the
number of women teachers with the number of women who hold administrative positions
28

(Shakeshaft et al., 2007). Researchers have suggested that one reason for this disparity is
due in part to social and cultural perceptions that women do not fit the mold of masculine
conceptions of leadership (Grogan, 1999; Northouse, 2007; Rusch, 2004).
Some studies have found differences between male and female leadership styles,
with the majority of employers looking favorably upon those who possess such attributes
as authoritativeness, decisiveness, and other traits commonly associated with men
(Shakeshaft et al., 2007; Trinidad & Normore, 2005).
There is evidence to suggest that women lead differently than men. Many
researchers have attempted to find the relationship between gender role and leadership
style (Can & Sigfried, 1990; Rojahn & Williamson, 1986). They assume that gender role
is an important personality trait that influences leadership style. Thus, they have related
masculinity with task-oriented leadership style and femininity with relationship-oriented
leadership style. In the same vein, decision style has been studied by many researchers
(Benfari, 1991; Rowe & Bulgarides, 1983). Four decision styles have been defined by
Rowe and Mason (1986).
 Directive: practical, authoritarian, impersonal and power-oriented
 Analytical: intellectual, impersonal and control-oriented
 Conceptual: insightful, enthusiastic, personal, adaptive, and flexible
 Behavioral: sociable, friendly, and supportive

It is asserted that the directive and the analytical decision styles are similar to a
task-oriented leadership style associated with masculine leadership style. The conceptual
and behavioral decision styles are similar to a relationship-oriented leadership style
associated with feminine leadership style. Since leadership fits more into the masculine
29

mold, then women’s leadership style is incompatible with effective leadership (Rowe &
Mason, 1986).
At the same time, women demonstrate a more participatory leadership approach,
share power and information, and are more democratic, more sensitive, and more
nurturing than men. Stereotypes of how women lead have made it difficult for women to
access or even stay in leadership positions (Eagly & Johnson, 1990).
An attempt was made to test the relationship between gender role, decision style,
and leadership style with ninety participants. The results revealed that there is strong
support for the proposed relationships: masculinity/directive/analytical/task-oriented
styles and femininity/conceptual/behavioral/relations-oriented styles. The findings of the
study statistically supported the argument that there exists a close relationship between
gender role, decision style, and leadership style (Park, 1996).
Trinidad and Normore (2005) conducted a literature review regarding ways
women lead in organizations with a focus on fields of business and education. The
authors indicate that research findings show that women adopt democratic and
participative leadership styles in the corporate world and in education. Among different
leadership styles, transformational leadership is the preferred leadership style used by
women. The characteristics of transformational leadership relate to female values
developed through socialization processes that include building relationships,
communication, consensus building, power as influence, and working together for a
common purpose.
30

Managerial sex stereotyping has been a major psychological barrier to the
advancement of women in the United States (Shein, 2001). In this regard, Shein, Muller,
and Jacobson (1989) conducted a study using 145 male and 83 female upper-class
management students. Their findings confirmed their hypothesis that managers are seen
as possessing characteristics more commonly ascribed to men than to women. Also,
Shein (1994) examined data from six research samples—the U.S. corporate managers
and the management students in the United States, United-kingdom, Germany, China,
and Japan-for cross-cultural similarities in perceptions of management characteristics.
The finding revealed that male management students in five different countries and male
corporate managers in the United States view women as much less likely to have
leadership ability, be competitive, ambitious, or skilled in business matters, have
analytical ability, or desire responsibility. The study lends support to the view that “think
manager-think male” is a global phenomenon, especially among males (Shein, 2001, p.
683).
Women’s lived experiences in leadership roles were explored to determine if
there were common gender-based experiences that related to their role as leaders. Semi-
structured and in-depth interviews were conducted with thirty-four women in recognized
leadership roles in eleven different universities in Australia. The findings concluded that
when women enter leadership roles, the decision is very rarely based on the leadership
aspects of the role. The first stage is stepping into leadership, which involves a number
of factors such as triggers, a range of motivating factors and considerations regarding the
career. The second stage is the process of settling in that role. The settling process
31

includes the women’s decision as to what they want to achieve while in the role, and
what type of leaders they want to be. The third stage is the strengthening stage, which
refers to the relationship between women’s values, and the leadership decisions they
make, and how they want to enact their leadership style. The findings also concluded
that, in addition to the work demands, women expressed other factors such as their
responsibilities to others, partners, parents, and friends, and the pressure and guilt that
they feel in relation to meeting their own and others’ expectations regarding these
relationships. The participants expressed that, at times, sustaining their role without
receiving support was difficult. Women were expected to behave according to their
gender stereotypes both within the work and family contexts. In terms of gender-based
experiences at the organizational level, there was a degree of complacency that led to a
silence around gender issues. Issues such as lack of women in senior positions, work-life
balance, excessive workload, and the social glue that they were expected to provide were
accepted as just the way they were. If women found those issues difficult, then it was
because of their failure as individuals rather than an organizational responsibility (Linely-
Lord, 2006).
In two experiments conducted by Kawakami, White, & Langer (2000), 24 male
undergraduate participants watched videos of mindful and mindless female speakers and
then an inventory of leadership was taken. Mindfulness was operationalized by
instructions given to a woman to make the script her own and deliver it as novel a way as
possible each time. Mindlessness was operationalized by instructions given to a woman
to act as consistently as possible to a script each time she went through it. These studies
32

tested the hypothesis that women leaders who mindfully adopt a stereotypical masculine
trait will be perceived by men as more effective leaders than women who mindlessly
adopt a masculine trait. The results revealed that, as predicted, men who viewed a speech
given by either a mindful or mindless female leader rated the mindful-leader higher on
the leadership scale.
Gender stereotypes about women are changing in a way that supports their
advancement into management and leadership positions. Duehr & Bono (2006)
investigated whether gender stereotypes held by male and female managers changed
relative to fifteen-thirty years ago. The participants were 620 managers and 688
undergraduate students from a broad array of academic majors. As a whole the results
suggested that stereotypes about women are changing as evidenced by greater
congruence between the participants’ perceptions of women and successful managers,
and their endorsement of agentic and task-oriented leadership characteristics for women.
Male managers, in particular, seem to be characterizing women as less passive and
submissive, and more confident, ambitious, analytical, and assertive. Male managers
rated women as more leader-like than they did fifteen and thirty years ago. The results of
this study make an important contribution to our knowledge of management and gender
stereotypes in the 21
st
century.
One study explored the tendency of educational leadership programs to condone
inequities experienced by women by being silent and unaware of issues related to gender.
Killingsworth, Cabezas, & Kensler (2010) examined the gender dynamics in educational
leadership doctoral cohorts and in educational leadership in higher education and K-12
33

setting. The study included narratives from two women cohort members and two
professors (one man and one woman), detailing their experiences in and educational
leadership preparation program at a university. The authors conclude that it is important
for students and faculty to engage in conversations that address gender inequity issues.
In addition, the cohort model allows students to be in a supportive environment where
difficult conversations can take place, but it can also perpetuate inequity unless gender
roles and dynamics are dismantled.
There is a disparity when comparing the number of women in education with the
number of women in top-level educational leadership positions in higher education.
There are social and cultural perceptions that women do not fit the mold of masculine
conceptions of leadership and that women’s leadership style is incompatible with
effective leadership. This situation influences female leaders’ paradox in choosing their
leadership style—whether to emulate a masculine leadership style and be disliked or
adopt a stereotypically feminine style and be liked but not respected. Stereotypes of how
women lead make it difficult for women to access or even stay in leadership. “Think-
manager-think- male” is a global phenomenon especially among males that still continues
(Kawakami, White, & Langer, 2000).
Work-Family Balance
Balancing work and family has a prominent place in current family issues. For
many mothers attempting to balance both domestic and workplace roles results in stress
and feelings of guilt (Schindler et al., 2001). Historically, barriers to women’s leadership
consisted of explicit rules and clear-cut norms. More recent studies, however, address
34

work-family conflict as an important factor that hinders the progression of women to
higher-level leadership positions. Understanding work-family conflict is important for
identifying strategies to balance work-family.
Few studies point to the conflict that arises from societal norms, individual’s core
values about roles, and the strain that results from trying to fulfill the demands of work-
family domains. Ismail & Ibrahim (2007) surveyed 78 executive women in a Malaysian
multinational oil company to explore barriers to women’s progression to senior-level
positions. The variables studied included supervisor support, policy on work-life
balance, women’s role in the family structure, societal norms, equal social status, and
organizational barriers. The results revealed that working while having family
responsibilities was considered the most significant challenge for career women.
Further, Perrewe & Hochwater (2001) have argued that individuals’ core values
about the roles that they should fulfill in the job and family domains have significant
implications as to whether work-family conflict will arise. Further, they have argued that
work-family conflict leads to job and life dissatisfaction.
An examination of literature on conflict between work and family roles suggests
that conflict exists when (a) time devoted to the requirements of one role makes it
difficult to fulfill the requirements of another; (b) strain from participation in one role
makes it difficult to fulfill requirements of another; (c) specific behaviors required by one
role make it difficult to fulfill requirements of another (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985).
Furthermore, Elliot (2003) argued that work and family role strain was a common
experience among university employees as well as throughout the labor force. Elliot
35

argued this strain stems from the conflict that arises between roles at work and in the
family. Elliot further identified sources of work-family role strain. He attributed this
strain to factors such as parenthood, the presence or absence of marriage or partnership,
marital quality, employment pressures on one’s spouse or partner, and the care-giving
needs of elderly parents. The study analyzed the effects of work and family conditions
on work and family role strain by collecting data from 1,200 participants who were
drawn from the personnel files of 2,357 permanent faculty and staff. The results
indicated that difficulties associated with caring for children and elderly dependents are
the primary causes of work and family role strain in the family domain, while
dissatisfaction with resources and perceived unfair criticism are primary in the work
domain. The study further suggested that having a supportive spouse or partner reduces
work and family role strain much more for women than for men.
In the same vein, work-family role strain decreases the psychological well-being
among working parents (Davies & McAlpine, 1998), reduces worker productivity, and
increases absenteeism (Glass & Estes, 1997). Women respond to these work-home
conflicts in a variety of ways (Bowles & McGinn, 2005). Some women choose not to
marry or have children, others choose to become superwomen and attempt to excel in
every role, and still others choose part-time employment (Hewlett, 2002 as cited in
Northhouse, 2007). Hewlett (2007) expands on the previous study and makes the
following suggestions to organizations to establish flexible work arrangements; to
recognize that women may off-ramp and on-ramp at different stages of their careers; to
36

reduce stigma and stereotypes so that employees in general, and women in particular, are
not disadvantaged by choosing work practices that are work-life friendly.
More recent theories and empirical research have begun to focus on how work
and family can be allies (Greenhaus & Powell, 2006). This enrichment version of work
and family is related to satisfaction outcomes (Freidman & Greenhaus, 2000). Michel
and Clark (2009) adopt a dispositional approach to affective perspective of work and
family. The dispositional approach to job satisfaction proposes that affect and job
satisfaction are inherently related because job satisfaction, at least partially, reflects a
person’s tendency to feel good about all aspects of life (Weiss & Cropanzano, 1996).
In another study, Greenhaus and Powell (2006) examined the extent to which
affect accounts for work-family conflict and enrichment. The 187 participants were non-
student full-time or part-time employees from diverse backgrounds. The key finding in
this study was that perceptions of work-family conflict and enrichment and satisfaction
seemed to be influenced by dispositional affect.
Another study found that support from family and work domains was positively
related to cross-domain satisfaction (Ford, Heinen, and Langkamer, 2007). In addition,
Friedman and Greenhaus (2000) found that when work and family were integrated, the
two roles enhanced each other. Furthermore, Halpern and Murphy (2005) proposed that
the metaphor of work-family balance be replaced with a metaphor that recognizes the
gains that can be achieved by combining or integrating work–family roles.
Women make trade offs and compromises as they negotiate their professional and
family life. Marshall (2009) conducted an exploratory study to understand how female
37

higher education administration with children made sense and negotiated their multiple
roles and commitments as professionals and parents. The participants were 17 women
who were senior-level college and university administrators and mothers of school-age
children. While the demands of both career and children can be challenging, the
participants shed light on benefits of assuming both roles. The women candidly shared
their sacrifices, tradeoffs, and tensions that resulted from their responsibilities as parents
and professionals. They also communicated the advantages that added meaning to their
lives. For example, being a professional allowed them to have a positive impact on
society by helping others. Moreover, being a mother made them better professionals and
helped them to become more sensitive to the individual needs of their colleagues.
Although the participants experienced hardships, tradeoffs, and compromises, they
emphasized that by believing in themselves and their abilities, and embracing their love
for their careers and families, they were able to successfully negotiate and enjoy their
complex lives.
Another study focused on the relationship between professional life and
parenthood, sources of support, and sources of tension. Wolf-Wendel, Ward & Twombly
(2007) explored the dynamics of how female faculty members at two-year colleges
manage work and family. The study relied on qualitative methods to learn about female
faculty with children in community colleges from the perspective of the female faculty
themselves. The study was based on interviews with 30 full-time women faculty
members who had children. The sample came from 12 community colleges across the
country. The data collection and analysis conformed to highest standards of qualitative
38

research (Lincoln & Cuba, 1985). The findings suggested that setting priorities and
integration of work and family were two strategies employed by the women faculty. In
addition, despite the concerns raised by the women in the interviews they described their
jobs as satisfying and fulfilling.
Few studies refer to the dilemma of balancing multiple social roles in feeling of
guilt and inadequacy. Elvin-Novak & Thomson (2001) investigated Swedish mothers’
discussions about motherhood. The study suggested that accessibility, happiness, and
separate spheres emerged as the most dominant discursive positions open to women when
discussing motherhood. The first position suggests that the wellbeing of the child is
dependent on continual access to the mother. The second position suggests that
happiness of the mother will promote happiness in the child. The third position asserts
separate spheres for employment and motherhood. The authors concluded that Swedish
mothers are rewarded for being accessible and also for finding fulfillment beyond their
children.
Guendouzi (2006) studied eight middle class women in the United Kingdom. The
participants were college graduates who were involved in full-time professional careers
and had children. The married women’s husbands were all college graduates, and at the
time of data collection, also were working in full-time professional careers. Two of the
questions that the study attempted to answer were: Do women’s everyday conversations
reflect alignment to Elvin-Novak and Thomson’s (2001) discursive themes of
accessibility, happiness, and separate spheres? Do the conversations support the claims
that the dialectical dilemma of balancing multiple social roles results in feelings of guilt
39

and inadequacy? The data were taken from 42 audio-taped recordings over a period of
seven months. Ethnographic interviews were carried out post-data collection, in addition
to a day of observations. The data were reviewed and transcribed by the author, who
charted recurring themes and topics within the interactions and concluded that the issue
of combining work and family needs was the most frequently- discussed topic for these
women. The conversations examined suggested that managing both domestic and
professional responsibilities is a difficult task; it places stressful demand on the women’s
time. The data examined also supported Elvin-Novak and Thomson’s (2001) claims that
accessibility, happiness, and separate spheres are three common discursive positions open
to women.
Studies address work-family conflict as an important factor that hinders the
progression of women to higher-level educational leadership positions. Work-family
conflict may arise when the demands of one sphere make it difficult to meet the demands
of another, and managing both domestic and professional responsibilities is a difficult
task. The work-family role strain decreases the psychological well-being among working
mothers. It reduces the work productivity and increases absenteeism.
The essence of work-family balance comes with the ability to off-ramp and on-
ramp at different stages of their career (Hewlett, 2007). While studies in the past have
focused on work-family conflict, more recent studies have begun to focus on the
enrichment version of work and family, viewing them as allies. This, in turn, is related to
satisfaction outcomes. The dispositional approach indicates that affect and job
40

satisfaction are inherently related. Therefore, understanding work-family conflict is
important for identifying strategies to balance work-family.
Support
Literature on leadership identifies support system as a key strategy in obtaining
and retaining leadership positions, and to women’s success and satisfaction. It also
categorizes support into professional, personal, and family domains and highlights the
role of socio-cultural context and mentorship in women’s career-life paths.
Marcinkus, Whelan-Berry & Gordon (2007) examined the relationship of social
support for midlife women with their attitudes toward work-family balance and work
outcomes including job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and career
accomplishment. Data were drawn from 1,089 surveys from three organizations.
Interview participants were randomly selected from the survey respondents. The findings
pointed to two types of support: (a) instrumental, which focuses on career development,
(b) expressive, which focuses on psychological support. The results suggested that both
sources of support are important and may reinforce each other to facilitate work-family
balance. Work- based support was associated with job satisfaction and organizational
commitment. Women perceived that they experienced a higher level of personal social
support than work-based social support. Support for their career was especially
important from their spouses and partners and family members.
Trummelhuis & Van Der Lippe (2010) explored whether various work-life
balance support measures improve employee performance. The results from a sample of
482 employees at 24 organizations showed that organization’s work-family culture
41

improved work performance among parents. Couples benefited from their supervisor’s
social support. The results stress that it is important to consider the structure of the
employee household so that appropriate support for balancing work and life can be
provided.
Myers & Ginsberg (1994) conducted a descriptive, comparative survey of 250
randomly selected 125 male and 125 female principals to explore the support systems of
female and male principals, married principals, and the amount and type of support they
receive. The findings indicated that coworkers provided the greatest support for both
male and female principals. For married males the spouse provided the next highest level
of support, whereas for females, friends were rated the second highest. Supervisors were
rated as the third highest supporters for both groups. As for the amount of support
provided to males and females, they were significantly different only in the amount of
support they received. In examining the support strategies the authors found and labeled
three kinds of support:
1. Professional support that included career advice, encouragement, and
direction.
2. Personal support that included emotional and moral support.
3. Family support that included child care assistance and sharing of
household responsibilities.

The results of some studies imply that mentorship is one factor that facilitates
women’s climb up the administrative ladder. Schmidt and Wolfe (2009) defined mentors
as colleagues and supervisors who actively provide guidance, support, and opportunities
for their protégés. The authors described the functions of mentors as being role models,
sponsors, and advisors to their protégés. The authors also provided a guideline for
42

selecting a mentor. They considered the following important factors in choosing a
mentor: The mentor should provide support and interest in the protégé’s professional
development, should assure the protégé’s exposure to knowledge and learning, and they
both should have a similar or shared value system.
Brown (2005) examined mentoring relationships among female college
presidents. A sample of 91 female presidents at selected private colleges was surveyed
about their mentor-mentee relationships. The results of the study demonstrated that
mentorship had a critical role in facilitating potential female presidents’ understanding of
college presidency and empowering them to attain the necessary knowledge and skills
required for the position. Most female college presidents in the study had a primary
mentor who assisted their move up the administrative ladder.
Blackhurst (2000) examined the effects of mentoring on select work-related
variables identified in the literature as critical to women’s success and satisfaction. A
random sample of 500 women student affairs administrators was selected. Research data
were collected through a questionnaire mailed to all participants. A total of 307 women
returned the questionnaire. The results of the study indicated that mentoring may have
important benefits for women student affairs professionals. In particular, having a mentor
may reduce role conflict and ambiguity. It may also increase the organizational
commitment to women protégés, which was found to be critical to the success of
individual women as well as the elimination of gender inequity in the profession.
Studies with women leaders from different ethnic backgrounds highlight the
context of culture in which women navigate through the labyrinth, a term preferred by
43

Eagly and Carli (2007) to the glass ceiling metaphor. They affirm that culture defines the
expectations for gender roles in society and sets the norms and values in social behavior.
Studies of ethnic women leaders have highlighted how socio-cultural context and
cultural identity shape women’s perspectives regarding their career-life paths (Gomez et
al., 2001; Richie et al., 1997). (Aycan, 2004) investigated the socio-cultural context and
the key perceived success factors affecting women’s career advancement. The findings
showed that key success factors for women managers were their self-confidence and
determination to achieve their career objectives. The next key factor was the family and
organizational support. The cultural norms toward gender roles were perceived to be a
significant challenge. In another study, Aycan and Eskin (2005) investigated the role of
three types of social support—spousal, childcare, and organizational support—in relation
to work-family conflict in dual-earner families with children ages 0-6 years. Also, the
relationship of spousal support to psychological well-being and marital satisfaction was
examined. The study found that spousal support was associated with lower family-to-
work conflict rather than work-to-family conflict. Spousal support was also strongly
related to psychological well-being and marital satisfaction. Organizational support, on
the other hand, had a stronger association with work-to-family conflict rather than
family-to-work conflict, but only for men.
Interpretation of work-family conflict varies among different societies. Anglo
culture is considered to be an individualistic society in which identity is based on the
individual, and autonomy and independence are emphasized. Individuals are supposed to
be self-supportive and taking care of their immediate family, which consists of a nuclear
44

unit of a couple and their children. In contrast, Asian culture is considered to be a
collectivist society in which identity is embedded in the social system, an organization, or
a group to which the individual belongs. People are born in extended families that take
care of them in exchange for their loyalty. The emphasis is on interdependence and
harmony among group members. Those who belong to a family-oriented culture most
likely will receive support from their extended families (Gomez et al., 2001).
The definition of work-family roles may differ between individualistic and
collectivistic societies. In individualistic societies, overwork would be perceived as
taking time away from the family and sacrificing the family for one’s own career
advancement. In collectivistic societies, overwork means sacrificing oneself for the
benefit of the family in terms of financial security (Yang, Chen, Choi & Zou, 2000). As
such, the work-family boundary is more permeable in the Chinese societies (Francesco &
Shaffer, 2009 as cited in Cheng & Halpern, 2010). The traditional Armenian society is
quite similar to collectivistic society. It is normal for many relatives, including
grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins, to live under one roof as an extended family and
support each other (Kasbarian, 1998).
One study by Mendez-Morse (2004) focused on identification of any individuals
who had been role models or mentors and their importance to careers of Latina leaders.
Six Mexican American female school leaders in Texas participated in the study. Data
collection was based on interviews that were then transcribed and served as the primary
basis for analysis. The findings suggested that for Latina educational leaders in the study,
significant role models and mentors were primarily from their non-professional areas of
45

life. There was the absence of formal traditional mentoring relationship. The Latina
school leaders assembled and chose a mentor from varied sources that collectively met
their specific needs and practices. However, the researcher noted that the Latinas’
primary role models and first mentors were members of their family who influenced them
in the areas of work ethic, value of education, and active support of school activities.
Similarly, mothers and older women in the extended family are the role models for
Armenian women (Bakalian, 1994).
Another study focused on cultural and personal variables and the work-family
interface. Gomez (2001) conducted a qualitative study of women leaders from Latin
ethnic background. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted to investigate
the career development of 20 notable Latinas in the United States. The finding revealed
that discrimination, individual’s socio-economic and educational background, social
support, availability of mentors, and role models were important factors in career
development.
Support network is important in attaining and retaining leadership positions. It is
also essential in maintaining work-family balance. Interpretation of work-family conflict
varies between individualistic and collectivistic societies. In the individualistic societies,
overwork is perceived as sacrificing the family for one’s own career advancement. In
collectivistic societies, overwork is perceived as sacrificing oneself for the benefit of the
family in terms of financial security. Sources of support may vary. Support from work
may come from colleagues, supervisors, and policies. Support from home may come
from spouses and other family members or friends. Mentoring relationships may have
46

important benefits for women educational leaders in career success and satisfaction, in
addition to reducing role conflict. For Latina educational leaders significant role models
and mentors were primarily from their non-professional areas of life.
Strategies
Despite the barriers many women have managed to find a way through the
labyrinth. However, there is a dearth of literature regarding strategies that female leaders
in senior-level educational leadership positions employed to balance work and family.
One study shows that women leaders who managed to maintain their family lives while
they advanced in their careers, employed many strategies to make more time, and
considered themselves to be experts in multitasking. They integrated work and family
and created links between family and work without integrating their two distinct roles
(Hewlett & Luce, 2006).
Another study (Ford, Heinen, & Langkamer, 2007) found that support from
family and work domains was positively related to cross-domain satisfaction. Further,
Friedman and Greenhaus (2000) found that when work and family were integrated, the
two roles could enhance each other by managing role boundaries.
Halpern & Cheung (2008) revealed that the top women leaders had clear goals
and priorities. Most married women leaders with children, while playing their dual role,
outsourced the household tasks whenever possible (Cheng & Halpern, 2010). These
women leaders redefined their norms for being good mothers and good leaders in order to
integrate work and family. A good mother had to be highly involved in her children’s
lives and activities without spending all of her time with them (Cheng & Halpren, 2010).
47

Havice and Williams (2005) investigated strategies used by college and
university presidents in balancing their professional and personal lives. Those
educational leaders provided the following “lessons learned and words of wisdom from
their experiences and reflections that can enhance leadership effectiveness at all levels in
higher education”:
 Evaluate priorities often.
 Develop a network of other professionals.
 Make a commitment to get away from it all.
 Be realistic in your expectations of daily accomplishments.
 Find ways to relax.
 Take breaks throughout the day.
 Develop an understanding with family members the role your career will
play in your life and their lives.
 Develop friendship with people outside your field.
 Do not over schedule yourself.
 Establish routines, rituals, and traditions.
 Protect yourself and your family from work-related intrusions.
 Get organized.

Women who have managed to find a way through the labyrinth integrated work
and family. They had clear goals and priorities, were organized, and had realistic
expectations of daily accomplishments. The support from family and work domains
played an important role in their career advancement and work-family balance.
Conclusion
The literature review described the slow but steady increase in exploring the
ongoing under-representation of qualified women in educational leadership. Most
literature pertaining to women in higher education administration focused on the
obstacles that women encountered on their path to top-level leadership positions.
Literature identified some factors that contributed to the struggle of women leaders in
48

balancing work and family such as societal expectations, gender stereotyping and
discrimination, work-family conflict, and lack of support system. However, few studies
offered examples of successful women administrators with children and the strategies
that they employ to balance their professional and family life. Their strategies include
integration of work and family by managing role boundaries and receiving support in
work-family domains.
There are no studies identified on Armenian women in educational leadership
roles in higher education and how they receive support from family, community, and
workplace to balance work-family. This study, therefore, will fill that gap and contribute
to the general literature in a pioneering way. As Cheung & Halpern (2010, p. 184) has
maintained, “Cross-cultural studies of top women leaders could provide a richer
understanding of the convergent and divergent contextual factors that characterize
women’s leadership.”
The following chapter describes the methodology adopted for that research.

49

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
Introduction
Current literature points to the challenges that women in senior-level educational
leadership positions have faced while they attempt to integrate work and family life
(Elliot, 2003). The constant struggle to balance work and family responsibilities can be
overwhelming and causes dissatisfaction without a support system in professional,
personal, and family domains (Myers & Ginsberg, 1994). Despite these challenges, some
women have managed to successfully balance work and family while they have advanced
in their careers. They integrate work and family, and create links between them, without
integrating their distinct roles (Hewlett & Luce, 2006). Many others, however, are still
struggling. The purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of Armenian
women who have advanced to senior-level positions in higher education while having
dual roles as professionals and homemakers. First, the study addressed the challenges
Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions face while balancing work and
family. Second, the study examined the kind of support that contributed to the success of
these women leaders to balance work and family. Third, the study identified some
strategies that successful women in higher educational leadership positions employ to
balance their work and family. Fourth, the study explored how ethnic support has helped
Armenian women in higher education leadership positions balance work-family life.
The study focused on the following four research questions to provide answers to
the stated purpose of the study:
1. What challenges do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher
50

education face in balancing work and family life?
2. What support systems do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in
higher education perceive to be helpful in achieving work-family balance?
3. What strategies do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher
education employ to balance work-family life?
4. What role does ethnic culture, as a support system, play in achieving work-family
balance for Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education?
Chapter Three outlines the methodology and the research design behind this
study. This chapter begins with a discussion of the qualitative research to gather,
organize, and analyze data followed by a comprehensive description of sampling
selection and an explanation of the interview procedures used for this study. Chapter
Three also explains the conceptual frameworks that guided the design of this study, the
data collection methods, and ethical considerations of the study.
Research Design
The research design for this study was the qualitative purposeful sample case
study approach. In order to investigate the real-life experiences of women in senior-level
educational leadership positions as to how they balance work and family, the case study
approach had a distinct advantage. Through the process of thick description the case was
brought to life that otherwise would not have been possible by using the statistical
methods of quantitative research (Gall, Gall & Borg, 2007; Merriam, 2009). According
to Patton (2002), qualitative case studies provide in-depth descriptions of individuals,
groups, and places with great attention to detail. Furthermore, Merriam (2009) indicates
51

that case studies provide rich data for analysis. This study was strengthened by the
triangulation of data sources such as interviews, journaling in activity logs, and
documents. Patton (2002) defines triangulation of data sources as comparing and cross-
checking the consistency of information collected at different times and different means
within qualitative methods.
Sample and Selection Criteria
According to Patton (2002), to select information-rich cases for in-depth study,
purposeful sampling is recommended. Information-rich cases are those from which one
can learn a great deal about issues of central importance to the purpose of the inquiry.
The purposeful sampling provided an insider’s perception of the challenges which
Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education faced, and the
strategies they used to overcome those challenges. In addition, it provided their
perceptions of the role of ethnic culture as a support system in finding work-family
balance. In this study, the criteria were established by the dissertation thematic group to
identify the purposeful sample. The participants had to have Armenian ethnic
background, had to be married, and had to have a family with children. Also, the
participants had to be in leadership positions for a minimum of three years.
Rationale for Choosing the Sample
Given the descriptive nature of the study and the inductive process, quantitative
methods were not applicable to this very small sample size. The qualitative method,
specifically the case study approach, was the best choice (Patton, 2002). The participants
shared their lived experiences, thoughts, and feelings regarding the challenges they had to
52

overcome to balance work-family. In addition, the fact that they belonged to the
Armenian ethnic culture provided rich information about the strategies that they utilized,
and the support systems that helped them to achieve work-family balance. The
participants had to have families in order to have had experienced the demands of their
multiple roles as mothers, wives, and caretakers. The participants had to hold senior-level
leadership positions to ensure that they had experienced the high demands of their
leadership positions. Since the research pertained to a specific ethnic group—the
Armenians—it was necessary that the participants have the same ethnic background.
Sampling Procedures
Recruitment of participants was done through snowball sampling. The researcher
contacted people who had access to the Armenian community in academia and asked for
possible candidates who would fit the criteria. The recruitment tools were verbal
personal solicitation, phone calls, and email. The researcher contacted the women who
had been suggested as possible candidates for participating in this study, and asked for
their consent.
Participants
The participants were three Armenian women in leadership positions in higher
education in the United States. Participant A is an immigrant from Beirut, Lebanon. Her
parents were survivors of the Armenian genocide who had found safe haven in Beirut.
Participant A is Director of the School of Nursing and Full Professor at one of the
comprehensive universities in western United States with an enrollment of 33,416
53

students. She is the curriculum consultant for the World Health Organization (WHO),
and the Ministry of Health for the countries of Oman (Arabia) and Armenia.
Participant A received her Nursing Diploma from an American University in the
Middle East. She is one of the first graduates of the program. She then obtained a B.S.
and M.S. in Nursing and a Ph.D. in Education from the California State University
system. Her experience in the field of education spans more than three decades. Married
for forty-three years, she lives with her husband, an engineer. One of her daughters is a
physician and the younger is an educator.
Participant B is the daughter of an Armenian immigrant father and a second-
generation US-born Armenian American mother. She is Provost and Senior Vice
President for Academic Affairs at one of four-year colleges on the East Coast with an
enrollment of 11,860 students. Participant B has been Dean of College of Humanities
and Social Sciences and Dean of College of Arts and Sciences at various universities on
the East Coast. She pursued her undergraduate and graduate education in the University
of California system. Her B.A., M.A., and Ph.D. were in English Literature. She lives
with her husband, a retired Professor of History, and their two daughters. The older, 18, is
a freshman in college and the younger, 13, is in middle school.
Participant C is the daughter of first-generation US- born immigrants whose
parents were survivors of the Armenian Genocide. She is Chair of Academic Senate,
Professor and Vice-Chair of Industrial Relations at one of the comprehensive universities
in western United States with an enrollment of 39,593 students. Her B.S. in Engineering
is from the University of California system and M.S. and a Ph.D. in Mechanical
54

Engineering from the California Institute of Technology. She lives with her husband, a
researcher on one of the University of California campuses. They have a son, who is a
recent graduate from an architecture program, and a daughter, who is a sophomore in the
University of California system.
Theoretical Framework
The Social Role Theory (Figure 3.1) and the Work/Family Border Theory frame
this study. The social role theory recognizes the historical division between women, who
assumed responsibilities at home, and men, who often assumed responsibilities outside
the home (Eagly, 1987). Literature also points that society questions the ability of women
in occupying particular positions such as leadership roles. These social behaviors based
on sex differences caused divergence in expectations of men and women (Eagly, 1987).
These expectations are transmitted to subsequent generations and influence the social
behavior of each gender (Eagly, 1987, 1997; Eagly, Wood & Diekman, 2000) and
represent sexual stereotypes (Williams & Best, 1982). Accordingly, stereotypes of social
roles govern the behavior of women. The challenges that women face within both
domains due to the social roles ascribed to them make it difficult to balance their dual
roles as professionals and homemakers. Based on this theory a conceptual framework
was designed by the thematic group. The conceptual framework illustrates that women
who reach leadership positions and achieve balance between work and family have
support systems and employ various strategies at home and at work.
The second theory that frames this study is the Work/Family Border Theory
which explains that people are border crossers who make daily transitions between two
55

worlds-the world of work and the world of family. People shape these worlds, mold the
borders between them, and determine the border crosser’s relationship to that world and
its members (Clark, 2000).

Data Collection
To collect comprehensive and in-depth information about strategies and support
systems that helped Armenian women in higher education leadership positions to achieve
work-family balance, it was necessary to interview the respondents to capture their
perspectives. As Patton (2002) explains:
We interview people to find out from them those things we can not directly
observe….We cannot observe feelings, thoughts, and intentions. We can not
observe behaviors that took place at some previous point in time. We can not
56

observe situations that preclude the presence of an observer. We can not observe
how people have organized the world and the meanings they attach to what goes
on in the world. We have to ask people questions about those things. The
purpose of interviewing, then, is to allow us to enter into the other person’s
perspective (pp. 340-341).

To understand how the Armenian women interpreted their experiences and the
meaning attributed to them the researcher carefully devised the instrumentation to
stimulate responses from the participants.
Instrumentation
The study used three in-depth, semi-structured interviews, a second interview of
a person referred to by the participants, a weekly activity log, and written documents,
such as institutions’ job descriptions, work place policies from Human Resource
Handbook, and participants’ resumes. Since the questions are the essence of interviewing
and to collect meaningful data, they were carefully compiled by the dissertation thematic
group following types of questions suggested by Patton (2002) . The interview protocol
(Appendix B) included experience and behavior questions, opinion and values questions,
feeling questions, knowledge questions, and background and demographic questions.
Prior to the actual interview, the protocol was piloted with other women in leadership
positions to get feedback for the clarity of each question and the amount of time to
complete the interview.
The semi-structured interviews with probing questions were conducted for each
participant as the primary source of data. The interview sessions lasted 55-60 minutes
and were digitally recorded and then transcribed verbatim by the researcher. The
interviews took place in the participants’ office setting, where the researcher had a chance
57

to look for any artifacts related to participant’s family life, ethnicity, and for any interest
and hobbies they had outside their personal lives. The participants were asked to discuss
their work environment and how it connected to their work-family balance. At the end of
each interview, the researcher completed the Observation Checklist (Appendix D) of the
different items found in the participants’ office. The items included on the checklist are
as follows: family pictures, personal artifacts, school awards, professional degrees, and
recognitions and the office décor important to the participant. The participants were
asked to refer a mentor, colleague, or family member for a short interview to obtain more
information on how these Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher
education balance their work and family life. A second interview (Appendix C) with the
permission of the participants was conducted with two colleagues of the two participants
and the husband of the third.
The participants were asked to keep a weekly Activity Log (Appendix E) for five
weeks about their experiences on how they prioritized the dilemmas that they
encountered, the decisions they had to make during that week, and the positive outcomes
they experienced related to work-family balance. Data were collected from documents
that were made available on the institution’s website regarding job descriptions and work
place policies from the Human Resource Handbook, and from the participants’ resumes.
These documents were examined to find out to what extent the participants utilized the
policies available to them. The time frame for data collection was eight weeks.

58

Data Analysis
Data analysis is the process of making sense out of the raw data collected
(Merriam, 2009). Data from interviews, activity logs, and documents were analyzed
using Creswell’s Six Steps Data Analysis (Figure 3.2) looking at an individual and
aggregate level. According to the diagram, during step one data was organized prior to
the beginning of the analysis. In step two, the researcher read through the data once to
obtain a general sense of the data. In step three, the researcher read the field notes a
second time, and systematically coded the data. In step four, through convergence, the
researcher developed categories, patterns, and themes. In step five, the researcher
matched the themes with the research questions. In step six, meaning was extracted from
these findings (Creswell, 2003).
The research questions guided the data analysis. The process began by
identifying segments in the data set that were responsive to the research questions. This
was a unit of data which was a potential answer or part of an answer. Then each unit of
information was coded and compared to the other unit and looked for recurring themes or
patterns in the data. Notations and commentaries were made in the margins while
reading the transcript. Assigning codes to pieces of data helped the researcher see the
emerging categories and identification of themes from which meaning was extrapolated.
59

Creswell’s Six Steps Data Analysis (Creswell, 2003)
Figure 3.2
Ethical Considerations
The researcher ensured ethical conduct in research, and followed the rules and
regulations set forth by the University of Southern California’s Institution Review Board
(IRB). The researcher provided the participants with recruitment and information sheets
prior to the beginning of the study. The participants were informed that participation was
optional, that they may opt out at any time and for any reason, and that their participation
in the study would not affect their current employment and/or career status. To ensure
confidentiality, the participants were assigned the letters A, B, C, and were referred to as
Participant A, Participant B, Participant C, and no identifying information was linked
back to the individual. The data were stored in a locked cabinet.
Conclusion
The method of the present study allows an outside researcher to concur that the
results are consistent with the data collected. Chapter Four will discuss the findings from
the data analysis in narrative form using the research questions to organize the data.
60

CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS, ANALYSIS, DISCUSSION
Chapter Four presented the findings from three case studies of Armenian women
in leadership positions in higher education with dual roles as professionals and
homemakers. The studies identified the challenges that Armenian women faced and the
strategies they employed to balance their work and family. The kind of support that
contributed to the success of these women leaders to balance work and family was
examined. Further, how ethnic support systems have helped Armenian women in higher
education leadership positions balance work and family was explored.
The findings from this qualitative inquiry in chapter four are based on data
collected from semi-structured interviews, activity logs, and documents such as job
descriptions, workplace policies, and the participants’ resumes were examined for
additional data for triangulation. The interviews took place in the participants’ office
settings, where the researcher had a chance to look for any artifacts related to the
participants’ family life and ethnicity and for interests and hobbies they had outside their
professional lives. A second interview was conducted with two colleagues of the two
participants and the husband of the third. The interviews were digitally recorded and
then transcribed verbatim by the researcher. The participants were asked to keep a
weekly activity log for five weeks on how they prioritized the dilemmas that they
encountered, the decisions they had to make during that week, and the positive outcomes
they experienced related to work-family balance. Each unit of data was color-coded.
Open coding was used by writing notes and comments in the margins to classify raw data
into categories or themes that would answer the research questions. The remainder of the
61

chapter is organized to present, analyze, and discuss the qualitative data in response to
each research question. Since the research pertained to a specific ethnic group—the
Armenians—the data were collected from three participants who had the same ethnic
background.
Participant Overview
The participants were three Armenian women in leadership positions in higher
education in the United States. Participant A was an immigrant from Beirut, Lebanon.
Her parents were survivors of the Armenian genocide who had found safe haven in
Beirut. Participant A is Director of the School of Nursing and Full Professor at one of the
comprehensive universities in the Western United States with an enrollment of 33,416
students. She is the curriculum consultant for the World Health Organization (WHO),
and the Ministry of Health for the countries of Oman and Armenia.
Participant A received her Nursing Diploma from an American University in the
Middle East. She is one of the first graduates of the program. She then obtained a B.S.
and M.S. in Nursing and a Ph.D. in Education from the California State University
system. Her experience in the field of education spans more than three decades. Married
for forty-three years, she lives with her husband, an engineer. One of their two daughters
is a physician and the younger is an educator.
Participant B is the daughter of an Armenian immigrant father and a second-
generation US-born Armenian American mother. She is Provost and Senior Vice-
President for Academic Affairs at one of the four-year colleges on the East Coast of the
United States which has an enrollment of 11, 860 students. Participant B has been Dean
62

of College of Humanities and Social Sciences and Dean of College of Arts and Sciences
at various universities on the East Coast.
Participant B received her graduate and undergraduate education from the
University of California system. Her B.A., M.A., and Ph.D. were in English Literature.
She lives with her husband, a retired Professor of History, and their two daughters. The
older, 18, is a freshman in college and the younger, 13, is in middle school.
Participant C is the daughter of first-generation US- born immigrants whose
parents were survivors of the Armenian Genocide. She is Chair of Academic Senate,
Professor and Vice-Chair of Industrial Relations at one of the comprehensive universities
in Western United States which has an enrollment of 39,593 students.
Participant C received her B.S. in Engineering from the University of California
system and a M.S. and a Ph.D. in Mechanical Engineering from the California Institute of
Technology. She lives with her husband, a researcher on one of the University of
California campuses. They have a son, who is a recent graduate from an architecture
program, and a daughter, who is a sophomore in the University of California system
planning to get a B.S. in engineering. Table (1) will give an overview of the participants.
Table 3.1 Participant Overview

Participants Degree Married Children Ed. Exp. Referral
Participant A Ph.D. 43 years 2 40 years Colleague
Participant B Ph. D. 24 years 2 26 years Colleague
Participant C Ph. D 27 years 2 27 years Husband
63

Research Questions
1. What challenges do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher
education face in balancing work and family life?
2. What support systems do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in
higher education perceive to be helpful in achieving work-family balance?
3. What strategies do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher
education employ to balance work-family life?
4. What role does ethnic culture, as a support system, play in achieving work-family
balance for Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education?
Findings, Analysis, Discussion
Research Question One: Challenges
The first research question asked, “What challenges do Armenian women in
senior-level leadership positions in higher education face in balancing work and family
life?” To answer this question, the themes, demands of dual roles, gender stereotypes,
making choices in professional compromises and personal sacrifices will be discussed
and analyzed.
Demands of dual roles.
Several interview questions aimed to answer research question one. All three
participants’ responses to these questions indicated that they were fully aware of the
demands of their roles and responsibilities in their leadership positions and as wives and
mothers.
64

One of their challenges was long work hours as required by their dual roles. Their
work hours on the average ranged between nine and eleven hours per day. Additional
hours were spent at home after work on house chores and taking care of the family. The
participants considered a typical day at work to be very busy with many meetings and
dealing with problems that required immediate attention. After regular working hours
they spent additional two hours on responding to emails and other paper work. Participant
B noted, “Work doesn’t end. I am responsible for the whole enterprise as Senior Vice-
President of Academic Affairs. There are always issues and strategies or politics to think
about.” Even though the participants attempted to prevent overload, sometimes they did
not succeed as explained in Participant C’s description of a typical day:
I usually get to work around 8:00 and I do a lot. With the [Academic] Senate
[Chair] position during the academic year, I’d have two to three hours of meetings
during the day. I try not to have so many hours of meetings, but my staff has the
calendar. I tell them not to schedule so many meetings. At least give me breaks
between the meetings, but sometimes, it is unavoidable.

As for family responsibilities, all three participants indicated that they were
involved in household activities in addition to taking care of their children and helping
them with their homework, particularly when the children were young. This was evident
in Participant B’s activity log: “This was a fairly easy week with regard to work-life
balance. The primary challenge focused on ensuring the necessary household chores were
completed, from preparing meals to grocery shopping to doing the laundry.” For all three
participants the demands of child-rearing responsibility were more significant when their
children were young. Participant C reflected in her activity log:
The fact that my children are mostly grown makes my work-life balancing much
easier. When my children were small I was constantly breaking up my work day
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to accommodate their needs (transportation to and from school, helping them with
homework, dealing with health issues, etc.). The children needed assistance in
their daily routine and homework.

Even though the participants’ spouses helped them with the household work, the
main responsibility of taking care of the children fell on the women as Participant A
noted: “It is a very good partnership with my husband, but our roles are very clear. Major
decisions on the house we make it together. Decorating is my thing, anything in the
garage and the repairs are his. Anything related to food and child rearing is mine.”
The participants thus also conformed to the societal norms ascribed to women and
their child-rearing responsibility as evidenced in participant B’s response:
My story is not any different from women who have full time positions of
responsibility. As our kids were growing up of course, my husband and I shared
the responsibility, but I think the responsibility falls a little bit more on the
woman. But I felt that as the kids were growing up, my responsibility was to
spend time with them. They were in school most of the time during the day, so the
difficulty was only in the afternoons. So I really invested my evenings and the
weekends with them.

The participants, therefore, fully recognized their roles as professionals and
homemakers, and accordingly molded the borders between the two domains.
Gender stereotypes.

Another major challenge stemmed from gender stereotypes. The participants
indicated cultural challenges to some degree and how they overcame those challenges.
Participant A told a story that exemplified societal expectations in gender roles and how
it would have impacted her future career negatively had it not been for her mother. Her
mother’s interference as a mediator in convincing the father to transcend the restrictions
imposed by societal norms and gender stereotypes was evident in her response. She
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explained how her father wanted her to stay home, cook, sew, and be a good housewife.
Her mother, however, drawing from their ethnic cultural values, convinced the father to
allow their children to continue their education, equating education with wealth. The
mother told her husband, “You don’t have any wealth to pass on to your children, let
them get their education.” Participant A affirmed the value of education metaphorically
with the following commonly-cited simile and said, “We have a saying, ‘A profession is
like a gold bracelet that you can always rely on’.”
Another example of gender stereotype was evident in participant C’s description
of her experience in the male-dominated engineering department: “I would say that there
aren’t many women in our faculty in engineering, probably ten out of 150 faculty, so it is
not a large percentage…there are two of us [women] for twenty-seven years… So I
would say there are cultural challenges for sure…” She explained them as follows: “The
majority of the colleagues came from different cultures and they brought with them their
own perspective about women where women were in lower life form.” Even so, the
participant’s longevity in the department and the respect that she had earned based on her
capabilities and achievements allowed her to disregard the gender stereotype that existed
in her department.
Leadership style was another form of gender stereotyping. The stereotype that
women’s leadership style is incompatible with effective leadership (Rowe & Mason,
1986) was found to be a challenge particularly in higher leadership positions as
experienced by the participants. For example, the paradox of choosing a leadership style
was expressed by participant B: “When you move to higher positions there is really a
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challenge. If we are firm in our thinking and we are tough-minded we are considered as
being tough in a negative way. If we are gentle and have manners we are considered of
being weak.” This finding is consistent with the Kawakami, White, & Langer (2000)
study that indicated that the styles that successful leaders set tend to be masculine. If
women emulate a masculine leadership style, their male subordinates will resent them. If
women adopt a stereotypically warm and nurturing style, they will be embraced for their
warmth, but not respected. Because participant B was well-versed in this topic and she
herself had given talks about it, she understood these misperceptions and applied
transformational leadership style through building relationships and consensus to
succeed.
Making choices: Professional compromise/personal sacrifice.
Professional compromises and personal sacrifices were found to be necessary in
balancing work and family. The participants made decisions at different stages of their
career path, considering the impact of those choices on the whole family rather than
focusing only on themselves. They made professional compromises that included
accepting positions that met their families’ needs and by declining better positions that
required relocation.
Participant C gave an example of her trade-off even after her children were grown
up by declining a position because of her filial responsibility:
I’ve been offered leadership positions, dean’s position in other universities and
I’ve said I am not interested. So right now we have a good balance to our family.
Even though our kids are much older now, but my parents are elderly, and I really
need to be not too far from them. My mother-in-law lives with us and so moving
outside of Los Angeles would be impossible.

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The same participant’s activity log described how she had helped her parents with
their computer problems, which took extra time: “I chose to make extra time available to
my parents to help them at their home…this took me away from some work projects, but
it wasn’t a big deal.” She perceived that as a positive experience related to work-life
balance and commented in her log: “I do feel blessed to still have both parents in my life,
and my mother-in-law, so it’s always encouraging to me to be able to help.” The
traditional Armenian society is quite similar to collectivist society. It is normal to live
under one roof as an extended family and support each other (Kasbarian, 1998). The
participant C’s trade-off mentioned above exemplified the traditional Armenian society.
Participant B, while raising her kids, chose to modulate her goals when she took
an administrative role:
I wanted very much to have my scholarly work, but I can’t really have much time
to spend on it. That was a choice I really had to make when I went to an
administrative role and also when I was raising my children. There may be a time
when my kids are both grown up, and there will be some time to pick that
[academics] up again.

The participants’ activity logs indicated that the items that were rated high on the
priority list were those dilemmas that had the largest impact, either on the participants’
career or on their children. The participants also spoke about their limited personal time
such as for relaxation, exercise, gardening, reading, and going to the movies. When they
prioritized their daily schedules, their personal needs were last as evidenced in Participant
B’s comment in the activity log: “I would note that what is lost is my personal time to
relax and recharge my batteries.” The participants gave up their scholarship and free
time to maintain their work-family balance. Even though they expressed about the
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sacrifices they made, all participants had passionate commitments to work and family and
to making things work.
Analysis and Discussion of Research Question One
The demands of the participants’ dual roles and responsibilities, gender
stereotypes, professional compromises, and personal sacrifices were found to be the main
challenges for their work-family balance. The participants’ core values about their roles
were consistent with the Social Role Theory—one of the two theoretical frameworks that
guided this study—which recognized the historical division between women, who often
assumed responsibilities at home, and men, who often assumed responsibilities outside of
home (Eagly, 1987). The participants identified with their roles as mothers and wives.
They held the major share in domestic responsibilities in addition to taking care of their
children. Even though there had been some modifications in the social roles, where men
also shared some responsibilities at home, the participants conformed to the societal
norms ascribed to women and their child-rearing responsibility.
The participants faced challenges that emanated from societal expectations in
gender roles at various stages of their life. Each of the participants experienced the
impact of gender stereotypes in a different way be it in their education path or in their
role as educational leaders. The participants chose to make sacrifices and compromises
by giving up their free time and other opportunities of leadership. They worked hard to
compensate for the high demands of their leadership positions to balance their work and
family, as participant A indicated: “ Probably I would have been the president of a
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university by now or a provost some place and you say you know what, family is more
important and I don’t regret it.”
The Armenian women made conscious choices that aligned with their goals,
ambitions, values and socialization. They did not express any regrets for the choices that
they made in balancing work and family as evident in Participant A’s response: “There is
always a price for everything. Nothing comes free. Everything comes with a cost, that is
a choice I made, and I am not sorry for it.”
The participants considered the impact of the decisions that they made, not only
on themselves but also on the entire family, because at the end of the day they thought the
health and the happiness of the family would have an impact on the participants’ job and
personal satisfaction.
The results of this section are also supported by the Work-Family Theory that was
discussed in the literature review. Clark (2000) argued that the people are border crossers
who make daily transitions between the two worlds—the world of work and the world of
family. People shape these worlds, mold the borders between them, and determine the
border crosser’s relationship to that world and its members. In the current study, each of
the women in leadership positions in higher education was committed to their work and
family and wanted to shape them in a way that allowed them to succeed in both domains.
The participants’ commitment to the social roles ascribed to them, the professional
compromises, and personal sacrifices that they made contributed to their work-family
balance.

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Research Question Two: Support
The second research question asked, “What support systems do Armenian
women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education perceive to be helpful in
achieving work-family balance?”
Literature identified support system as a key factor in obtaining and retaining
leadership positions and to women’s success and satisfaction. It also categorized support
into professional and personal domains. Some interview questions in this study aimed to
explore the participants’ support system that helped them in their successful balancing of
work and family. In this section the emerging themes of family support, professional
support, institutional policies and resources, and community involvement will be
addressed.
Family support.
The participants’ family background and upbringing were investigated to explore
the parental and family influence on the participants’ ability to balance work and family.
It was evident from the participants’ descriptions that their parents had a positive
influence on their education and career choices, and played a significant role in their
success in the work-family balance. Furthermore, all three participants indicated that
their parents, especially mothers and/ or grandmothers, were their role models who
became a source of inspiration for them. Participant A recounted her story:
Being an Armenian, and I am a descendent of parents who were escapees of a
genocide, they had never owned a house. We were five kids. The message we all
got from childhood is that all wealth can be taken away from you, but what you
have in your head as far as education [is concerned], they have to kill you to get
that away from you. So Mom and Dad put all their efforts to ensure that all of
their five kids finished high school and they paid the first semester of college and
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then they said, “Henceforth you find it [tuition]”. At that point we took the ball
and ran with it. That has been the foundation for my education.

Family support continued unabated throughout the participants’ career path. All
three participants indicated that they had family/husband support that helped them to
achieve balance between work and family. Participant A’s referral concurred with the
support of the family and said, “She has a closely-knit family around her. Her extended
family is very supportive of her role as a director. That’s where I think she finds
comfort.” Similarly, Participant B indicated: “We had family who helped out. There was
my sister- in-law and my cousin who helped us out.” Participant B’s energy was likewise
attributed to her family support as Participant B’s referral asserted: “ She has an
extraordinary amount of energy…whatever it takes to have that energy is derived from
the support that she gets from her family and from her personal feelings of satisfaction,
and that gives the fortitude to go on.” In turn, Participant C stated: ‘My mother-in-law
lives with us since three years. So she wants to feel useful and helpful and will cook
Armenian dishes. So when I come home everything is made.”
The participants’ primary personal support was the husband, referred to by
Participant B as “built in support.” She explained: “If I come home with a problem or
issues, he is really interested about it. These are problems that he understands, and he
really has insights into it. He becomes a part of the analytic process.” Participant C also
elaborated: “My husband has been extremely supportive. I don’t think I could have been
doing this without his love, support, and encouragement.” She then specified: “He [my
husband] has always picked up the slack and made dinner, that sort of things that
traditionally a woman does.” These findings about family/husband backing are
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consistent with the literature review which indicated that those who belong to family-
oriented cultures are most likely to receive support from their extended family (Gomez et
al., 2001).
Professional support.
Professional support figured prominently in the participants’ progression toward
leadership positions. To begin with, educational background and experience played
indispensable roles in preparing the participants for their leadership tasks. Advancement
took place gradually, by receiving degrees and proper training in the respective fields,
which prepared the participants for their future roles. In this process, the participants first
held entry-level faculty positions while their children were still young, which gave the
participants more flexibility to do work from home and be with their children at the same
time. And when they assumed senior-level leadership positions in later years, they had
more control over their work schedule and fewer people above them to deal with, making
it possible for them to handle demands more easily. As Participant B indicated in her
activity log, “I had some flexibility over my schedule so I could accommodate the
doctor’s office hours and the post office hours. If my schedule had been fixed, this would
have been a more serious challenge.”
Professors played a crucial supportive role as well. Participant C shared her
experience in receiving support and encouragement from her professors from the outset:
“There were professors who were very encouraging when I was a young girl,” specifying:
“Years ago when I was a student my advisor was very influential. He encouraged me and
gave me a lot of opportunities for teaching and research and getting my position here.”
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And as she ascended the leadership ladder later on, her colleagues at the highest echelons
continued to support and guide her: “There are people who have previously been
[faculty] senate chair…who have given me advice [after my assuming that position], and
that has been helpful.”
In fact, all three participants have had mentors and advisors who played
influential roles in their careers. The Schmidt and Wolfe (2009) study defined mentors as
colleagues and supervisors who actively provide guidance, support, and opportunities for
their protégés. In this context, Participant B indicated that she had been fortunate to have
had mentors and patient advisors along the way who were very supportive when she
assumed administrative roles. She stated, “We have a friend who was provost when I
was dean and we became good friends. He used to support me and ask me mentoring
questions. What would you do in this situation? Here is a problem, how would you solve
it?”
These examples clearly indicate that professional support, whether through
receiving university degrees, gaining experience at various levels, and benefiting from
mentorship, have been instrumental in the participants’ attaining and succeeding in
senior-level leadership positions in higher education.
Institutional policies and resources.
Besides husbands, extended family and professional support, university policies
and resources benefited the participants. The participants benefited from the university’s
leaves of absence such as the Childbearing-Leave, Parental- Leave, and Family and
Medical Leave policies. For example, Participant C managed to get a year off when she
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had her first child. She explained: “When our son was born, I basically took the whole
academic year off. In the spring before he was born, I took double load so that I don’t
have to teach when he was born.” Such policies therefore, provided flexibility that
enabled the participants to spend adequate time for marital-familial-personal needs,
thereby eliminating any strains that might upset the balance between work and family.
The participants similarly benefited from the resources available to them. For
example, Participant C sent her kids to a university- run preschool. When her kids got
older, she also hired a university student to be her kids’ after-school sitter to pick them up
from school, give them a snack, and get them started with their homework until she or her
husband came home. Participant C believed that this situation was beneficial for her kids
in yet another way: the university student turned out be a great role model in the
academic milieu for their kids to emulate besides their parents. Participant B, in turn,
spoke of her positive view regarding child care: “I believe that child care is good for the
kids if you find the right place. We were fortunate to have lab schools attached to our
doorway in the university, so our kids went there.” Thus, this resource further enhanced
the children’s social and cognitive development while the parents were engaged in their
own work.
Community involvement.
Community involvement returned dividends in terms of building an additional
support system. Rendering voluntary service to various organizations such as churches,
sports teams, and health facilities enabled the participants to establish networks that
proved beneficial. For example, Participant A assisted a local hospital with its research
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plan. By doing so, she earned the local community’s admiration, trust and respect. So
that, when she needed help later on, the community responded positively: she was able to
raise $ 2.2 million towards a new building for her university’s nursing program.
Similarly, Participant B coached her daughters’ basketball team. This hands-on
engagement opened doors to new acquaintances, who in turn volunteered to carpool
Participant B’s children to and from various functions whenever needed. In sum,
establishing networks in the community through active participation supported the
participants in their work and family needs.
Analysis and Discussion of Question Two
The participants had personal and professional support that helped them to
balance work-family. The participants’ upbringing and parental influence on their
aspiration for high achievement were evident among the three participants. The
participants’ parents had a positive influence on their education and career choices. The
primary source of the participants’ personal support was their family, predominantly the
husband, without whose support balancing work and family would have been impossible
as confirmed by all three participants. Literature demonstrated that spousal support was
associated with lower family-to-work conflict rather than work-family conflict. Spousal
support also was strongly related to psychological well-being and marital satisfaction
(Aycan, 2005). Similarly, all three participants alluded to their mothers and/or
grandmothers as their role models. This finding is consistent with literature discussed in
Chapter Two that mothers and older women in the extended family are the role models
for Armenian women (Bakalian, 1994).
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All three participants received professional support along their career path of
leadership that helped them achieve work-family balance. They received support and
encouragement from their professors, advisors, mentors and colleagues. They benefited
from the policies and resources of the institutions that they worked at in regards to child
care facilities and leaves of absence, and created partnership with the community.
According to the participants’ standards, the participants were satisfied with their career,
leadership role, marriage, and work-family balance. Institutional policies and resources
became a part of the participants’ support system. They benefited from the leaves of
absence policies such as parental-leave and later from early child care programs. The
participants also established partnership with the community which supported them in
their fund-raising endeavor and dealing with politics, both of which are important aspects
in higher education leadership.
The results of the present study are supported by the Brown (2005) study that
demonstrated that mentorship as a part of professional support had a critical role in
facilitating potential female presidents’ understanding of college presidency and
empowering them to attain the necessary knowledge and skills required for the position.
Most college presidents in the study had a primary mentor who assisted their move up the
administrative ladder.
According to Work/Family Border Theory, which is one of the two theoretical
frameworks of this study, some domain members, who are especially influential in
defining the domain and the border, are referred to as border-keepers who play an
important role in providing support to the border-crossers to manage the two domains
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(Clark, 2000). In the current study, the women leaders were considered to be the border-
crossers who were successfully managing the two domains. One of the key factors in
their success was the support that they received from the border-keepers, in this case, the
mentors, advisors, colleagues, husbands and other family members.
Research Question Three: Strategies
The third research question asked: “What strategies do Armenian women in
higher education leadership positions employ to balance work and family?” To answer
this question, it is important to understand the participants’ definitions of work-family
balance. The participants interpreted work-family balance as being able to put work and
family in their own perspective and to ensure progress of work to the best of one’s
ability, and family satisfaction. The participants indicated that they lived their own
definition of work-family balance. In this context, the major themes identified as
strategies employed by the participants are: Applying democratic and participatory
leadership; communicating effectively with family members; managing time; putting
things into perspective; planning and sharing plan; making conscious effort to learn from
others’ experiences; integrating roles to balance work-family.
Applying democratic and participatory leadership.

Practicing democratic and participatory leadership was a strategy that facilitated
team work and built mutual trust and respect between the participants and their
colleagues. This was evident in the participants’ as well as their colleagues’ responses.
Participant C, for instance, noted, “I reach out to the staff and chat with them, it always
makes it a friendly environment.” Similarly, participant B’s referral noted: “Participant B
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is a fabulous leader because primarily she can help everyone see where we’re going
together in this mission and everyone really appreciates that.” Another colleague,
referring to participant A, stated: “She is open to suggestions, so she is not contained in a
box. If we suggest something she provides the rationale for the decision as to why she has
made the decision. So she takes our input into thought.” A good rapport was thus
established between the participants and their colleagues, which was attributed to
participatory leadership approach. In other words, making colleagues feel valued through
sharing information, building consensus, taking personal sensitivities into account, and
demonstrating a nurturing attitude, all helped the participants to accomplish their goals.
This finding is supported by literature that indicated that women portray a more
participatory leadership approach, share power and information, and are more
democratic, more sensitive, and more nurturing than men (Eagly & Johnson, 1990).
Communicating openly with family members.
Communicating effectively with family members was another strategy that helped
the latter to understand the demands of the participants’ dual roles at work and at home.
For example, discussing work-home related dilemmas with husbands and children made
them grasp the situation more readily, which diffused possible tensions. Participant B’s
activity log reflected on this: “I explained the conflict to my daughter. Fortunately she
understood, found the solution perfectly workable, and all was well.” Participant C
concurred: “The kids have been flexible and they understood and that has been helpful.”
Participant B’s cumulative reflection further elucidated: “It takes constant
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communication with those around you...both at home and at work and an ability to adjust
on the spot.”
Another related factor that eased the process of work-family balance was that the
participants followed an open-telephone policy with members of their families. In other
words, the participants made it amply clear to their children, for example, that they could
call their mothers at any time during the day to share information, concerns, or matters of
mutual interest. Referral B stated in regards to Participant B:
She always has her cell phone on, and her husband and her children have access
to her. She never misses a beep when it comes to that. If she has to pause another
conversation, she would let them know that that is important to her.

By the same token, the husbands, who may not have had high professional
positions compared with those of their wives, were reassured by the participants that
spouse and family came first in their lives. In sum, maintaining open channels of
communication and discussing any matters pertaining to family proved effective
strategies.
Managing time.
The participants also spoke of the importance of time management as a critical
element in balancing work and family. They were aware of the limited time that they had
to fulfill the demands of their dual roles, so prioritizing was one strategy they used as
evidenced in Participant B’s response:
There is so much we can do. We have to prioritize what really has to be done
now. But it will all get done at some point, but know how to organize it. I think
that is the key, not to be hit by all the things at once.

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Making things right from the outset by taking things slower to prepare the
grounds for it, or even change course if deemed necessary, were additional strategies for
time management as explained by Participant B:
One of the things you learn is that you have limited hours during the day, the last
thing I want to do is cleaning up after a mistake, and that is easy to happen. So I
work very hard in thinking about strategies to make things right. Sometimes that
means making it slower, because I want to make sure that the ground is prepared
and people to be engaged. Sometimes it means to go on into the directions that are
slightly different than when you start. I think I am pretty successful with that part
of it because of my politics.

Paying attention to details, being organized, looking critically and logically at
problems were contributors to time management as evidenced by Participant C’s
husband’s expression: “Preparation is probably the key to her success. She spends a lot of
time thinking about things and writes down her thoughts and makes lists of things she
needs to do, very intensely organized. She does have the memory to deal with details.”
Putting things into perspective.
Putting things into perspective constituted another strategy. For example,
Participant C was able to handle crises because she put things in perspective as evident in
her statement: “ I think putting things in perspective and realizing that if negative things
happen at work and if political things that occur, they may be stressful but may not be
catastrophic.” Similarly, Participant B put things in perspective and dealt with difficult
and stressful situations that occurred as a result of overload at home and at work
simultaneously: “Everybody was crazy. It was a stressful time. We just had to step back
for a moment and remember that what we were doing, it is good and just get perspective.
I think that is the key.”
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Planning and sharing plan.
Planning and sharing that plan with those who would be impacted by it were a
useful strategy employed. Participant A explained, “Planning is a major, major thing. I
put things not only on my calendar, but I put the same thing on my family calendar where
I’m going to be when so he [husband] knows. He does not like to be surprised.” The
same participant also planned ahead to make sure that home-made food was available for
the family during her travels. She gave a detailed description of her cooking. She called
herself the “queen of the kitchen” and explained how she cooked for the number of days
that she was gone. She said, “I make ten lunches and freeze them and ten dinners to go
with the menu. That’s how it has been. Other than that he [husband] knows how to
microwave them.”
Making a conscious effort to learn from others’ experiences.
Endeavoring to observe and learn from others’ experiences in terms of domestic,
child- rearing issues, and making professional choices, was an additional beneficial
strategy. For example, realizing that things would not be perfect and that she would not
be able to figure it all by herself in regards to child care, Participant C asked other
women’s advice and stated: “I didn’t know a lot of mothers who were working at jobs
like mine. The one’s that I did know, I’d sometimes ask how they joggled things…they
would give tips, babysitters, that sort of things.” As for making choices in career
advancement and having families and children, the participants observed women who
chose to stay home, others who postponed having children, or still others who chose not
to have families at all. Participant B described how she had benefited from other women
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who had the same professional training and experiences and adopted what worked for
her. She stated:
I think you develop them over time. One of the things I’ve done throughout my
life is to watch how other people have done, and what might I have done
differently, if I had to do it. I watch people all along the way and I have been
doing that. I watched women who have made a choice to stay at home. They may
have had professional training and experiences, but they made a choice to give
that up at least for some time. I’ve watched women who have not been fortunate
to have a choice or have made a choice not to have a family to be successful and
everything in between. So, I think you evolve your skills based on seeing what
other people do, see what works for you.

In the final analysis, the pros and cons of staying home altogether or sacrificing
personal life in terms of not having children or married life were all taken into
consideration by the participants. And as they forged ahead to assume senior leadership
positions, they decided to have children, be good wives and mothers, and pursue their
professional ambitions, all along maintaining work-family balance.
Integrating roles to balance work-family.

Making the dual roles mutually beneficial, that is, at work and at home, was yet
another strategy adopted. All interview responses gathered from the participants and the
secondary interviews pointed to the positive impact their leadership roles had on their
family roles. The participants took charge at home the way they did at work. They
became role models for their children. They exemplified hard work and commitment to
their responsibilities, and gave serious consideration to their family. Participant B
verified, “I have two daughters and I’d like to think that it has been good modeling for
them. I always think about what I do, and how does that impact them. I think I am not
around as much as I would like to be around, but I am around and that does make an
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impact.” Referral B concurred: “Actually it [leadership role] impacts positively, in that,
she has two daughters. She is a great role model. Here is a woman in leadership position
balancing it all.” Similarly, Referral A thought that Participant A’s leadership role
provided her with the ability to understand and listen to the people at work which lent
into being able to do the same as a mother, wife, aunt, and sister.
At the same time, all participants indicated that their family role positively
impacted their role as a leader. They indicated that their role as a mother gave them
empathy. Being a mother made them better professionals and helped them to become
more sensitive to the individual needs of their colleagues. Referral B explained the
importance of Participant B’s family role in understanding people in the workplace: “I
think her role in the family basically just broadened her understanding of lives of other
people… I mean she relates with other people from different level, and that is important I
think. The depth and breadth in your own life impacts you. And that is how that impacts
her on the job.” In this way, the participants considered their roles as enriching rather
than conflicting. They believed their experiences in one role enhanced their performances
in the other. All participants thus valued both their family and work, and strategized
accordingly to integrate the two roles. These findings are consistent with one study that
found support from family and work domains was positively related to cross-domain
satisfaction (Ford, Heinen, & Langkamer, 2007).
Analysis and Discussion of Research Question Three
All three participants lived their own definition of work-family balance. They put
work and family in their own perspective, fulfilled their responsibilities to the best of
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their abilities, and ensured that their family was satisfied. The participants’ democratic
and participatory leadership approach, acquiring of skills, and integration of the two roles
contributed to their work-family balance. The participants’ leadership style facilitated
team work and built mutual trust. Their interpersonal skills helped them build good
relationships with their co-workers that created a positive work environment. The
participants’ good communication skills helped their family understand the demands of
their dual roles and also for sharing their plan with everybody involved. When
confronted with stressful situations resulting from work overload or budgetary crises, the
participants looked at the whole picture and put things into the right perspective. The
participant’s awareness of time, as a crucial element in balancing work-family, made
them manage their time effectively. Through strategic planning and analytic problem
solving they attempted to get things right from the outset to save the extra time and effort
required for correcting a mistake. The participants made a conscious effort to learn from
others’ experiences. They observed other women in similar situations and adopted from
them the strategies that would work for their individual needs and situations.
The participants had positive dispositional affect. They perceived their two roles
to be compatible and mutually beneficial. Their role as a mother positively impacted
their role as a leader. It made them better administrators by helping them to become
more approachable, better organized, and more compassionate. Similarly, the participants
as leaders became role models for their families—they brought honor to their families by
their achievements. Their perception of work and family as allies enriched each of the
two domains and contributed to the participants’ success in balancing work and family.
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Freedman and Greenhaus (2000) maintained that when work and family were
integrated, the two roles could enhance each other by managing role boundaries. All
three participants in the current study were able to manage the role boundaries by the
strategies they employed, which made it possible for them to have personal and job
satisfaction, thus maintaining work-family balance.
Research Question Four: Ethnic Culture as Support
The fourth research question asked, “What role does ethnic culture, as a support
system, play in finding work-family balance for Armenian women in educational
leadership positions in higher education?” This research question investigated the ethno-
cultural component in balancing work- family life. The major themes that will be
discussed are the influence of ethnic culture in developing core values, creating a sense of
belonging, facilitating networking, and artifacts as reminders of ethnic identity.
Core values.
The role of ethnic culture as a support system was clearly gleaned from the
success stories of the participants. The influence of ethnic culture on developing the
participants’ core values and shaping their ethnic identity and career choices was evident.
The motivation to develop ethnic pride at a very young age, achieve, and excel, was clear
as Participant C recounted her grandmother’s story:
When I was little, she [her grandmother] used to say a lot of things about
education. “Education is like a gold bracelet on your wrist that no one can take
away from you. Value them.” She used to say, “ Do your best in all you can do
because you will judge other Armenians the way they judge you, and you are
going to be an example.” So these things I remember taking walks with her and
hear these things. So these had really big impact on me, so I think about them.

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Sense of belonging.

The ethnic culture component made the participants a part of a whole community
that gave them a sense of belonging, strengthened their ties with the community, and
provided them with different experiences. Participant B likened her Armenian-American
background to living between two interconnected worlds that gave her a unique
experience which contributed to her success. She stated:
Throughout my life I think though I appreciate this [Armenian issue] very much,
we kind of live in two worlds and the question is do they bridge? Is there any
moment that they bridge? I think ultimately they do, but they are very different.
Having the community that Armenian dimension gives me the molding, the
strength and the contacts of all kinds and experiences of all kinds.

Networking.

Participant B elaborated further her ethnic experience that facilitated networking
with people. This exposure had a positive impact on her role as a leader in higher
education where involvement in politics, business, and fund-raising were expected of her.
For example, she explained how her involvement in the annual Armenian Genocide
commemorative events gave her access to politicians, businessmen, and others who were
present and facilitated networking. She stated:
When you are in senior leadership positions in higher education, you need to
know how to be comfortable in all these [politics, business] worlds. You need to
be comfortable in the fund-raising world, because as you know, Armenians know
a lot about philanthropy. I think that experience enriched my ability to be
successful in my career and vice versa. I think that support is not separate. I really
think they cross fertilize. And I think that has helped me grow and even be more
successful along the way. I think it has given me a dimension that other people
with purely an academic experience might not have this.

The subconscious influence of ethnic culture and values was also clear in the
participants’ decision-making process. Participant A felt personal reward and satisfaction
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by bringing honor to her collective ethnic identity: “I bring to decision-making my
values. I always want to bring honor because there aren’t very many Armenians [in her
position]. That [bringing honor] is always in the back of my mind.”
Although not through direct inquiry, the role of religion and church, both integral
to Armenian history and culture, emerged as a part of women’s support system in
balancing work and family. All three participants referred to their involvement in church
life as evident in Participant C’s expression, “I’ve been pretty active in our church since
we joined long time ago… For a long time I was singing in the choir and taught Sunday
school.” The participants’ involvement in church enabled them to establish relationships
with the church community that expanded their support base such as in child care and
later as a social circle for their kids in their adolescent years. Participant B maintained,
“When our daughter was an infant, we were living two blocks away from the Armenian
Church, and we were involved in the Armenian Church and there was an Armenian
woman who watched her [daughter] couple of days a week.” Participant B further stated:
Many of my kids’ friends turn out to be the kids of friends of mine from church.
Their friends’ parents are our friends too. This turns out to be a nice situation. My
daughter plays basketball from the church team. They didn’t have a coach this
year. I agreed to coach them along with another father.

In sum, the ethnic culture component influenced the development of the
participants’ core values. It gave them a sense of belonging and facilitated networking
that expanded the participants’ support base.
Artifacts as reminders of ethnic identity.
The participants were asked to discuss their work environment and how it
connected to their work-family balance. Symbols as constant reminders of ethnic identity
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were evident in the participants’ work environment. All three respondents had artifacts in
their offices which reminded them of who they were, why they had excelled, what was
important to them. When Participant C was asked as to how she connected those to
work-life balance, she replied:
You know, some people or a lot of people put up honors and certificates like that
and I wonder if I should do like that because I don’t like to be bragging, but it
kind of reminds me of my past and where I come from and then pictures of my
family and others you know, it reminds me what’s important.

When the researcher inquired about a poster on the wall that depicted the portrait
of a man, the participant replied:
That is William Saroyan’s [Armenian- American writer] famous quote. When I
moved into my senate office, I decided to put it. It sparks some interesting
conversations with faculty when they come to see me. It reminds me how much
my grandparents suffered or my great grandparents suffered, and how blessed I
am to be in this country, and yet to remember who I am and where I came from.

While discussing Participant B’s office environment filled with books, paintings,
and family pictures, a picture stood out: it represented the illuminated letters of the
Armenian Alphabet. In the participant’s words, “I have the Armenian Alphabet which is
quite beautiful.” Besides its aesthetic value, therefore, the alphabet was an identifying
marker for her Armenianness. Thus artifacts occupying a prime location in the offices
reminded the participants of who they were.
Analysis and Discussion of Research Question Four
The results in this section indicate that all three participants identified themselves
with their ethnic culture as manifested in their verbal responses and/ or collected artifacts.
Ethnic values remained consistent despite the intra-ethnic diversity and
differences in the parental educational background of the three participants. Participant A
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was an immigrant herself who came to the United States as an adult. Participant B’s
parents were a mix of an Armenian immigrant father and a second-generation US- born
Armenian mother. Participant C was the daughter of first generation US- born
immigrants. Ethnic culture was reflected in the upbringing of all three participants.
Whether the parents were highly educated or not, whether they were from the immigrant
Armenian group, a mix, or third generation Armenian- Americans, they still were close to
their families and placed high value and priority on the family and education. They
transmitted those values to their future generations. When the participants were
obligated to make a choice between work and family, the primacy of the family was
obvious. The role of parents, grandparents, and the extended family in contributing to
character building, inculcating core values, and as support system were clearly evident as
the participants recounted their success stories.
Looking through the lenses of Work/Family Border Theory, which is one of the
theoretical frameworks that guided this study, the ethnic culture played the border-
keepers’ role. It provided support to the border-crossers, in this case the Armenian
women leaders in higher education, to manage the work- family domains (Clark, 2000).
The participants’ ethnic culture was manifested in their close ties with their
family, their association with the church, and their pride in their ethnic identity as
represented through the artifacts found in their work environment. Their attachment to
family, church, and culture acted as a solid support system that alleviated the strain that
may have resulted from trying to fulfill the demands of work-family domains. These
findings are supported by literature that described the Armenian family as close-knit and
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the family name and reputation in the ethnic community as important values for
Armenians (Nelson, 1954).
The participants’ ethnic culture added another dimension to the participants’
support system. Ethnic culture and upbringing contributed to the participants’ positive
affect. They demonstrated competency and confidence in themselves, and were proud of
their achievements and ethnic identity. They were satisfied with their careers and
marriages as evidenced by their long years of commitment to their marital life.
Similarly, as indicated in the literature, the tenacity of the Armenian people, their
values and intense attachment to family, church, and culture have enabled them to
survive (Kasbarian, 1998). In this case, the family upbringing influenced the participants’
growing confidence in their own identities, persistence and motivation to excel.
Moreover, the Armenian experience enriched the three Armenian women’s ability to
surpass the survival stage and reach the stage of self-actualization as senior-level leaders
in higher education who achieved balance in their work and family life.
Chapter Summary
This chapter reviewed the findings based on the data collected followed by an
analysis and discussion of the answers to the four research questions against the literature
review and within the two theoretical frameworks adopted. The findings offered in this
study were based on two semi-structured interviews in person, activity logs from the
three participants, and documents for triangulation. The following chapter will present
the summary, conclusion, and recommendations for future study.

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CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS
Work-family balance has become an issue in contemporary society as a result of
greater participation of women in the workforce (U.S. Department of Labor, 1991).
Although women have made great advances and continue to do so, they are still
disproportionately represented in leadership positions in higher education, and they still
struggle to balance work and family (Baumgartner & Shneider, 2010).
On their path to leadership, women encounter a number of challenges that limit
their representation in senior-level leadership positions in higher education. Societal
expectations along with internal and external barriers and lack of support network make
the task of balancing work-family life more difficult.
The conflict that arises from societal norms, individual’s core values about roles,
and the competing demands of family and work for the limited time available result in
work-family role strain (Ismail & Ibrahim, 2007). This role strain decreases the
psychological wellbeing of women leaders (Greenhaus & Beutell, 2010). Hence, the
concept of finding balance between professional and family life becomes important for
the health and satisfaction of women leaders (Galinsky et al., 2001). In such a situation,
women have to figure out how to balance family responsibilities in order to pursue
leadership positions (Hoff & Mitchell, 2008). Integrating work and family life and
maintaining a sense of balance challenge many women professionals in senior-level
leadership positions (Elliot, 2003). Despite these challenges many women have managed
to maintain their family life while advancing in their careers (Hewlett & Luce, 2006).
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Historically, barriers to women’s leadership consisted of clear-cut norms. Most
recent studies, however, address work-family conflict as an important factor that hinders
progression of women in higher-level leadership positions. Most literature pertaining to
women in higher educational administration did not address the experiences of women
administrators with children and family (Bowles & McGinn, 2005; Hewlett, 2007; Ismail
& Ibrahim, 2007; Perrewe & Hochwater, 2001). Similarly, no studies were identified
that explored the role of ethnic-culture in relation to work-family issues. Only few
studies identified offered examples of successful women in educational leadership
positions who had children, and some of the strategies they employed to balance their
multiple roles as professionals, parents, wives, and caregivers.
The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine the experiences of three
Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education in the United
States as they tried to balance work and family. Challenges and strategies to overcome
them were investigated. The role of professional and personal support systems including
that of ethnic culture in achieving work-family balance was similarly explored.
Research Questions
The following research questions guided the study:
1. What challenges do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in
higher education face in balancing work and family?
2. What support systems do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in
higher education perceive to be helpful in achieving work-family balance?
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3. What strategies do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher
education employ to maintain work-family balance?
4. What role does ethnic culture, as a support system, play in achieving work-family
balance for Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher
education?
Summary of Findings
This qualitative inquiry focused on three case studies of Armenian women in
senior-level leadership positions in higher education and their experiences in balancing
work and family. Findings revealed that the challenges that these women faced for their
work family balance emanated from the demands of their dual roles as professionals and
homemakers, gender stereotypes, and making choices in professional compromises and
personal sacrifices. The impact of the decisions on the entire family was an important
factor as the Armenian women made choices. When they prioritized their daily
schedules, their personal needs were last which reflected their personal sacrifice. The
Armenian women made these choices without any regret because those choices aligned
with their values and socialization. Their passionate commitment to work and family and
to making things work contributed to their work-family balance.
Literature on leadership dentified support system as a key factor in obtaining and
retaining leadership positions, as well as maintaining work-family balance. This study
revealed five areas of support system: Family, professional, institutional, community,
ethnic culture. Family, especially parents and husbands, provided the three Armenian
women selected for this study with strong support in terms of upbringing and
95

encouragement in their career paths. Professional training, gradual progression toward
higher leadership positions, and guidance and mentorship by colleagues also contributed
to the success of the three women. Institutional policies and resources similarly allowed
them to maintain work-family balance. In the same vein, partnership with the community
opened venues for networking, fund-raising, and dealing with politics, which are essential
for success in higher education leadership. Studies of ethnic women leaders have also
highlighted the socio-cultural context and identity that shape women’s perspective
regarding their career-life paths (Gomez et al., 2001; Richie et al., 1997). This finding
certainly applies to the case of the three Armenian women under study. Ethnic culture
based on core values deeply rooted in family, religion, education, and history played a
significant role in inspiring and motivating the three women to excel in their leadership
endeavors and also succeed in balancing work-family.
The Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education
employed various strategies to balance their work-family life. Creating a positive work
environment through participatory and democratic leadership approach constituted one
such strategy. Furthermore, managing time effectively by planning ahead and sharing
that plan with stakeholders proved important. Similarly, perceiving and handling
difficult situations through a wider prism contributed to the overall success. Making a
conscious effort to learn from the experiences of women in similar positions likewise
furnished the three Armenian women with the necessary tools to achieve work-family
balance. Equally important, applying positive dispositional affect led to the integration
96

of the two roles as professionals and homemakers, culminating in successful work-family
balance and giving personal satisfaction.
Implications for Policy and Practice
Given that there is an increase in the number of women who are advancing to
senior-level leadership positions in higher education, integrating work-family life and
maintaining a sense of balance remain a challenge (Cheng & Halpern, 2010). Advancing
the status of women in the workplace depends on functional and efficient ways of
creating a balance. Although previous research has addressed the conflicting roles of
work-family, only few studies identified offer examples of successful women in
educational leadership positions who have children and families. Similarly, only few
studies identified address strategies that successful women in higher education employ to
balance work and family. The results of the present study will enrich the existing
literature base linking women leaders in higher education and their achievement of
balance between work and family. This linkage helps contribute to the ongoing search
for “what works.”
The three case studies of Armenian women in leadership positions in higher
education may certainly inspire other women to persevere in their aspiration to attain
similar ranks. They similarly serve as role models for others new to the field to emulate
them. Moreover, they demonstrate ways as to how to succeed in finding work-family
balance to those who are still struggling to find that balance.
Institutions of higher learning, in turn, can draw other benefits from the findings
of this study. The new insight can be conducive to adopting family-friendly policies to
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meet the needs of women in higher education leadership positions to achieve a balance in
work-family. In order for such policies to be installed, institutions should conduct
professional development sessions in a bid to understand the socioeconomic, religious,
ethnic, and cultural backgrounds of the women leaders in order to provide them with the
necessary professional and human support. The women, on their part, will grasp fuller
institutional rules and expectations through similar seminars. Once a culture of mutual
understanding and appreciation is thus established, it will contribute to the positive
perception among all stakeholders that the professional environment and the home are
indeed integrated spheres. Such a perception will ease the process of balancing work and
family.
It is true that there is certainly no one way to achieve personal and professional
success and no one way to sustain it. And while “what works” in the present study is
based on the experiences of three women from a specific ethnicity—the Armenians—and
their own unique situations as professionals and homemakers, the findings will ease the
process of balancing work-family for women of different backgrounds and not just in
higher education.
Recommendations for Future Research
The following recommendations for future research are the result of the present
study process and findings:
 The present study was conducted on three women in senior-level
leadership positions in higher education. This small sample limits the
possibility of generalizing the findings. Although there is a limited number
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of women in similar positions, replicating the study with a wider sample
of Armenian women in leadership positions in the United States will
enable the researcher to draw general conclusions.
 The present study focused on Armenian women in senior-level leadership
positions in higher education in the United States. Because the Armenian
Diaspora consists of numerous communities scattered around the world, it
would be in order to examine the cases of women in similar situations in
other Armenian communities for comparative purposes and to confirm or
dispute findings.
 The present study did not address the situation of women in senior
leadership positions in higher education in Armenia, whether under
Communist rule (1920-1991) or after it gained independence from the
Soviet Union in 1991. While ethnic culture may no longer be a viable
consideration in the native land, upbringing, societal expectations, and the
geopolitical-ideological impact may reveal new dimensions regarding
adaptations of women in senior-level educational positions in higher
education in Armenia as they attempt to find a balance between work and
family.
 The present study was limited to a specific ethnic group—the
Armenians—therefore there is a gap in cross-cultural studies within the
general theme. Future research is needed to identify the similarities and
differences between the experiences of women from different ethnic
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backgrounds. The difficulties and the successes revealed could be
mutually beneficial.
 The present study addressed women in senior-level leadership positions in
higher education who have families and children. Now that societal norms
have been modified and more men are involved in greater levels of
domestic responsibilities, it would be worthwhile to also examine their
challenges and strategies in finding a balance between work and family.

100

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108

APPENDIX A: PARTICIPANT RECRUITMENT LETTER

June 3, 2011

Dear Participant:

You have been selected to participate in this study due to your professional leadership in
education and a perception of having achieved successful work-life balance. As a
participant in this study, your contribution will assist other women interested in
effectively managing work and family responsibilities.

The purpose of this study is to determine how women leaders in education balance work
and family roles. Societal expectations of women as primary caregivers result in working
women attempting to navigate multiple professional and personal roles. Those who have
attained the highest levels of leadership are tasked with being effective leaders in their
workplace while at the same time successfully maintaining their home life, whether that
means managing a family or assisting relatives.

While there is no one “right way” to negotiate work-life balance, the goal of this study is
to determine strategies that successful women leaders employ to be effective in managing
work and family domains. These strategies should prove instructive for women aspiring
to education leadership positions. This study will also reveal any obstacles that women
may face along the way to achieving a leadership position in the education field, along
with support systems that assist women in overcoming obstacles. The study’s results
should be of interest to both aspiring and current women leaders as they determine how
to effectively integrate work and family roles.

Thank you in advance for your consideration of my request to participate. Your
involvement is critical to the success of this study.

Sincerely,

Hasmig Baran
Co-Investigator

109

APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL FOR PARTICIPANT

1. Tell me about your upbringing.
2. Describe your parental and family influence on your career choices.
3. What’s important to you and how does it relate to work-life balance?
4. How do you describe a typical day?
5. Can we describe your office environment?
6. I noticed…how do these connect to your work-family balance?
7. Tell me about your responsibilities at home and at work.
8. How do you spend your free-time?
9. What are some challenges you face personally and professionally and how do you
handle these?
10. Tell me about the significant individuals who influence you personally and
professionally? How do they contribute to your success?
11. What is your definition of work-life balance?
a. At work
b. Outside of work
c. To what extent are you meeting your definition of work-life balance?
12. What has supported your work-life balance efforts?
13. How did you access that support?
14. What factors contribute to your success?
a. At work
b. Outside of work
15. What did you give up or let go of to balance the two roles? How did you feel
about these decisions?
16. How do you make work a place you want to be?
17. How does your family role impact your role as a leader?
18. How does your role as a leader impact your family role?
19. To what extent do you take advantage of work and home policies and resources?
20. How long did it take you to obtain your current position? Tell me about the
timeline.
21. Please share specific barriers you encountered along the way to your current role.
a. Personal
b. Professional
c. Organizational
22. To what extent does your ethnic culture play a role in the decisions you make in
your professional and personal life?
23. How did you come by the skills necessary for balancing your work and family
life?
24. What strategies do you employ in difficult situations?
25. What strategies have contributed to your success?
26. What did you give up or let go of to balance the two roles?
27. How did you feel about making these decisions?
28. What factors led to your current role?
110

a. Personal
b. Professional

29. If you could do it all over again, what, if anything, would you change?
30. What advice would you offer women for dealing with the same kinds of issues in
their own life?

31. At the end of the day, what matters to you most and how do you sustain that?

32. Is there anything you would like to add?

111

APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL FOR REFERRAL
1. How long have you known x and in what capacity?
2. How do you describe a typical day for x?
3. How do you think that her family role impacts her role as a leader?
4. What factors do you see contributing to her success?
a. Outside of work
b. At work
5. What is your perception of her as a leader?
a. Outside of work
b. At work
6. How do you think her role as a leader impacts her family role?
7. What are your perceptions of the challenges x faces personally and professionally?
8. How do you think x spends her down time?
9. What strategies do you see x using to overcome these challenges?
10. What do you think matters her the most?
11. Is there anything that you would like to add about x?

112

APPENDIX D: OFFICE OBSERVATION CHECKLIST
Environmental Scan
 Pictures of family- who?
 Pictures on computer screensaver- who or what?
 Pictures of personal accomplishments (e.g. marathon, awards, etc.)- what?
 Art from children (if have young children)
 Personal cards
 Flowers or other token(s) of affection
 Souvenirs from vacation(s)- what?
 Personal keepsakes- what?
 Duffel bag and tennis shoes in the office for exercise
 Awards or certificates of recognition
 Inspirational quotes or artifacts
 Exercise-related items (weights, yoga band)
Office Activity
 How many times was she interrupted?
 How many times did the phone ring? Was it a family member?
 Did she receive a text and/or text a family member?

113

APPENDIX E: ACTIVITY LOG: QUESTIONS/REFLECTIONS

Questions for Five-Week Journal Entries

1a.What work-life balance dilemmas did you encounter this week?

1b.On a scale of 1 to 5 (1 = lowest priority and 5 = highest priority), how would
you rate each of these dilemmas?

1c.What decisions did you have to make related to this/these dilemma(s)?

2. What positive outcomes did you experience related to work-life balance?

3. Any other comments?

Cumulative Reflection
1. Take a look at all of the dilemmas you encountered in the past 5 weeks. Please
list them in order from highest priority to least priority overall.
2. What is the rationale for your rating?
3. Any other comments in terms of work-family balance that you would like to
share?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine the experiences of Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education in the United States with dual roles as professionals and homemakers. The study dwelt on four research questions: 1) What challenges do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education face in balancing work and family life? 2) What support systems do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education perceive to be helpful in achieving work-family balance? 3) What strategies do Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education employ to balance work-family life? 4) What role does ethnic culture, as support system, play in achieving work-family balance for Armenian women in senior-level leadership positions in higher education? ❧ The demands and responsibilities of the dual roles as professionals and homemakers, gender stereotypes, making choices in professional compromises and personal sacrifices were found to be the challenges that the Armenian women faced in maintaining work-family balance. These challenges were met through family, professional, institutional, and community support. Armenian ethnic culture, in particular, proved to be an important factor that lent support to the success of the three women under study in achieving work-family balance. ❧ Applying democratic and participatory leadership, communicating openly with family members, managing time effectively, putting things into perspective, planning and sharing plans, making a conscious effort to learn from others' experiences, and integrating roles were strategies adopted by these women in achieving work-family balance. Finally, this study undescored the implications for policy and practice in higher education and made recommendations for future research.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Baran, Hasmig (author)

Core Title The role of ethnic culture in work-family balance among Armenian women in leadership positions in higher education

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 05/02/2012

Defense Date 03/21/2012

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Balance,culture,OAI-PMH Harvest,support systems

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Stowe, Kathy (committee chair), Malloy, Courtney L. (committee member), Picus, Lawrence O. (committee member)

Creator Email ahbaran@aol.com,hbaran@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-23511

Unique identifier UC11288322

Identifier usctheses-c3-23511 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-BaranHasmi-717.pdf

Dmrecord 23511

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Baran, Hasmig

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA