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African-American parent perspectives on special education
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AFRICAN-AMERICAN PARENT PERSPECTIVES ON SPECIAL EDUCATION
by
John Gerard Moran
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
May 2016
Copyright 2016 John Gerard Moran
2
AFRICAN-AMERICAN PARENT PERSPECTIVES ON SPECIAL EDUCATION
by
John Gerard Moran
A Dissertation Presented
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
2016
ELECTRONICALLY APPROVED BY:
Alan Green, Ph. D.
Committee Chair
Reynaldo Baca, Ph.D.
Committee Member
Nicole Marie-Gerardi Maccalla, Ph.D.
Committee Member
3
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to explore how some parents of AA students in SPED in a large,
urban school district in California view SPED, their child’s placement into SPED, and their
involvement with their children’s education. A mixed methods approach was employed via six
parent interviews and a survey of twenty- three parents. Major findings: 1) AA parents perceive
their child’s SPED placement process negatively but SPED placement as appropriate; 2) AA
parents are not sure if SPED is a track to academic success; 3) AA parental attitudes about SPED
may impact their efforts to achieve placement; and 4) AA parents involvement with their
children’s education has no influence on their child’s initial placement into SPED. Implications
for practice: 1) Improve communication with AA parents; 2) Consider upgrades to SPED
programs; and 3) Foster increased AA Parental involvement with their children in SPED. Future
research: 1) What are the reasons behind poor communication? 2) How can SPED professionals
help AA parents be more involved with their children’s education? 3) Conduct broader research
studies on how AA parents view race as a factor in disproportionality; and 4) Repeat this study
with a larger sample. Conclusions: 1) AA parents do not advocate for their children to be placed
into SPED more than any other group; 2) Poor relations and communication between AA parents
and Special Educators remain a barrier to equity; and 3) Racism is still the most likely cause of
disproportional SPED placement.
Note: AA: African American; SPED: Special Education
4
Dedication
I wish to dedicate this study and my doctoral degree to my mother, Angela, who inspired
me to pursue the degree even though I was already in my early fifties. My mother has been a
constant source of guidance and encouragement my entire life and she inspired me to do things
of significance for humanity with the gifts God has given me.
5
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I thank my sons, Lyle and Marcel, who were rooting for me every step of the way in this
process, and who are a constant source of joy in my life. I want to thank my wife, Swan, for
taking care of the practical things in my life, which enabled me to focus my full energies on this
doctoral process. Swan sacrificed much to help me succeed in this program. I thank Dr. Patricia
Davidson, who motivated me to apply to Harvard to obtain a Master of Education Degree, which
set me upon the path of graduate level learning. I thank Patricia Mofford, who was there for me
at the lowest point in my life, and without her I would not be at the point I am today. I thank the
following mentors and friends, who have taught me how to be a servant leader in education: Dr.
Paul Kienel, Dr. Clifford Daugherty, Dr. Charlie Self, Claude Fletcher, and Bruce Johnson. I
thank Brian Wemple and the School Board of Riverside Christian Schools, who encouraged and
supported me to pursue further education. I wish to thank all of my teachers, mentors, coaches,
pastors and professors throughout my entire life, who have taught, motivated, and inspired me to
do more than I thought I could. I thank my Dissertation Chair, Dr. Alan Green, and Committee,
who patiently guided me through the dissertation process with skill, intelligence, and grace. Dr.
Green encouraged me to develop my interest in disproportionality into a dissertation, and he
taught me how to connect the dots between data, frameworks, and conclusions. Finally, I wish to
thank Jesus Christ, for all that I am and for all that I ever will be. I prayed for His help to
complete this program and this study, and He answered my prayers. I now pray for opportunities
to use this transformative educational experience at USC to make significant contributions to the
field of education, American society and the world.
6
Table of Contents
Abstract ....................................................................................................................3
Dedication ................................................................................................................4
Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................5
List of Tables ...........................................................................................................7
List of Figures ..........................................................................................................8
List of Appendices ...................................................................................................9
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .....................................................................10
Statement of the Problem ...........................................................................13
Purpose of the Study ..................................................................................14
Importance of the Study .............................................................................16
Assumptions, Delimitations, and Limitations ............................................18
Definition of Terms....................................................................................19
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...........................................................................20
The Impact of Racism, Power, and Privilege ............................................21
The Role of the American Education System ............................................27
Socio-Cultural Perspectives .......................................................................33
Theoretical and Conceptual Frameworks ..................................................43
Summary and Conclusion ..........................................................................48
Chapter Three: Methodology .................................................................................54
Sample Population .....................................................................................57
Instrumentation ..........................................................................................58
Qualitative Methods ...................................................................................59
Quantitative Methods ................................................................................61
Data Collection ..........................................................................................62
Data Sources Included ...............................................................................63
Data Sources Excluded ..............................................................................63
Data Analysis .............................................................................................63
Validity ......................................................................................................64
Ethics..........................................................................................................67
Frameworks................................................................................................68
Chapter Four: Data Collection and Analysis .........................................................68
Interview Participants ................................................................................70
Survey Participants ....................................................................................72
Data Analysis .............................................................................................73
Conclusion .................................................................................................83
Chapter Five: Conclusion ......................................................................................88
Discussion of Findings ...............................................................................90
Theoretical Interpretations .........................................................................98
Assumptions, Delimitations, and Limitations ..........................................102
Implications for Practice ..........................................................................103
Future Research .......................................................................................107
Conclusion and Final Thoughts ...............................................................111
References ............................................................................................................114
7
List of Tables
Table 1: Research Grid ..........................................................................................56
Table 2: Principal Interview Participants ...............................................................58
8
List of Figures
Figure 1: Activity Theory ......................................................................................47
Figure 2: Activity Theory as it Relates to this Study ...........................................101
9
List of Appendices
Appendix A: Survey Invitation ............................................................................121
Appendix B: Parent Perspective/Involvement Survey Protocol ..........................122
Appendix C: Interview Protocol ..........................................................................128
10
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
While Special Education (SPED) in public schools provides critical support to many
American children with certain disabilities, a disproportionate number of African-American
(AA) students are referred to SPED (Harry & Klinger, 2006). This phenomenon has been
explored from multiple angles for five decades, but little research has been conducted on the
specific perspective of parents of AA children in SPED regarding the value of SPED for their
children or on how their involvement with their child’s education may affect the child’s
placement into SPED. This study explored this gap in the literature in a systematic way in order
to join the academic conversation on AA parent perspectives of SPED students. The results do
not portend to draw a specific cause and effect related to disproportionality overall. Rather, this
study aimed to add meaning and context to the perspectives of the parents of AA students in
SPED, because they are key stakeholders in the disproportionality issue in American education.
Disproportionality is not a new phenomenon or concern. Correlations between race and
SPED have been documented as early as 1968, but the roots of unequal treatment of African-
Americans in this country stems back to the first Africans brought to the Americas as slaves
(Patton, J. M., 1998). Inequities have resulted ever since – including disproportionality in SPED.
Numerous studies published since 1968 reinforced the pervasiveness of disproportionality,
including several by the National Research Council and the National Association of State
Directors of SPED (Harry & Klinger, 2006).
Disproportionality is measured by comparing the percentage of students reflected in a
given category with the percentage of that same group of students in the overall population
(Anderson & Harry, 1994). An acceptable margin is generally considered plus or minus 10%;
i.e., if 10% of a school’s overall population were AA, then a proportionate number of AA
11
students referred to SPED would be between 9-11% (Anderson & Harry, 1994, p. 602). One
example is that AA students reflected 29% of the overall population of the San Francisco school
district in 1974, yet they represented 66% of students enrolled in SPED classes (Anderson &
Harry, 1994, p. 603). In that same year, only 10% of California’s school students were AA,
while a full 25% were enrolled in SPED (Anderson & Harry, 1994, p. 603). A longitudinal study
from 1986-92 concluded that placement rates of AA students into SPED programs were almost
twice that of White students (USDOE, 1994). Further research in 1997 and 2000 concluded that
no significant changes in disproportionality had been achieved despite widespread attention
brought to the problem over time (USDOE, 1997, 2000). A recent study found that AA students,
especially males, continue to be disproportionately represented in every category of SPED:
intellectual disability, emotional disabilities, learning disability, and developmentally delayed
(Ford, 2012). These data clearly demonstrated disproportionality exists and persists in our public
schools.
While the predictive factors of disproportionality in SPED are still debated
(demographics, academics, and economics), the conclusion from exhaustive research over more
than four decades clearly illustrates the breadth and persistence of the problem (Hosp & Reschly,
2004). A meta-analysis of overrepresentation studies from 1968 through 2004 revealed the
overwhelming presence and continuation of disproportional placement of under-served students
into SPED, especially African-Americans (Artiles & Waitoller, 2010). Referral to SPED in most
of the studies reviewed by Artiles and Waitoller (2010) included a variety of special needs:
mental retardation; linguistic, auditory, visual, and other learning disabilities, and challenges.
Many of these studies analyzed factors other than race, such as: income, family structure,
community, biological factors, school environment, teacher background, as well as others
12
(Artiles & Waitoller, 2010). However, the resulting consensus of the literature was that the most
direct correlation for AA overrepresentation in SPED, was race itself (Artiles & Waitoller,
2010).
The results research on this topic revealed a high probability that systems and structures
related to power and privilege have impacted the gross disproportionality found in special
education (Blanchett, 2006). Those in power are almost always from the dominant group
(Johnson, 2006), which in the case of the American education system have traditionally been
middle class Whites. The roles of oppressor and oppressed play themselves out in complex ways
in schools (Dhamoon, 2011), and the systems created by these forms of oppression make it
difficult at best for AA students to navigate. Disproportionality continued even though the
Office of Civil Rights attempted to mitigate the problem for many years (Guiberson, 2009).
Some of the most recent research by Bal and Sullivan (2013) indicated that AA students are still
much more likely to be referred for initial evaluations, placed into SPED programs, and
continued through subsequent phases of SPED compared to their racial counterparts.
Although research on the problem began to surface in 1968, it is reasonable to assume the
problem existed long before that (Patton, J. M., 1998). In a letter to his nephew on the 100th
anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, Baldwin (1963) bemoaned that not much had
changed in the plight of African-Americans in America. In like manner, it appears that not much
has changed with the problem of overrepresentation of AA students in the last four decades or so
(Patton, J. M., 1998). Since there is abundant research on the causality of disproportionality
(Harry & Klinger, 2006), the reasons for its persistence appear to stem from historical, cultural,
and socio-cultural patterns of dominance, oppression, power, and privilege that permeate our
society and our educational system (Patton, J. M., 1998; Blanchett, 2006). Courageous educators
13
from diverse backgrounds, who are willing to challenge the status quo, are needed to create a
school culture of equality and a new paradigm of educational equity for all – free from racial bias
and prejudice. The issue must be further studied, addressed, and resolved if educational equity is
to be achieved in American education. If we view our schools as engines for social change, then
we must acknowledge and address the implications of this compelling problem – not only for
schools but also for our country as a whole. Our ideals as a free and fair society for all demand
it.
Statement of the Problem
The problem is that the perspective of AA parents of children in SPED regarding its
value to their children is largely missing from the literature on disproportionality, which causes
an understanding gap in the literature. The effect of AA parents’ engagement with their
children’s education on SPED placement was also missing from the discourse on
disproportionality. This study focused specifically upon the perspective of AA parents with
children in SPED and their involvement with their children’s education. The topic of
disproportionality is broad, so the researcher chose to study this one small slice of the issue in
depth in hopes of adding more context and background related to disproportionality studies from
which researchers and practitioners may draw helpful insights.
A dominant and recurring problem in the literature was the chasm that often exists
between AA parents and special educators (Craft & Hill, 2003; Harper & Koonce, 2005; McKay,
Atkins, Hawkins, Brown, & Lynn, 2003; Yan, 1999). This problem was contextualized by the
overarching themes in the literature of: racism, privilege, the systematic patterns of inequity in
our schools – and in American society as a whole in which schools exist (Patton, J. M., 1998).
Exactly how AA parents with children in SPED view special education, and how the parents’
14
involvement with their children’s education and with the SPED process may affect placement
was not prevalent in the literature. This lack of the AA parent perspective leaves a gap in the
discourse that should be filled to add context and texture to discussions on the topic of
disproportionality.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to look specifically at how some parents of AA students in
special education in a large, urban school district in California viewed special education and their
child’s placement into it, as well as their own involvement with their children’s education in
general, and specifically with respect to the SPED placement process. The goal was to arrive at
conclusions from the data that may add meaning, context, and substance to the discourse on
disproportionality that may lead to further research and ultimately to practical applications in the
field. The study falls under the category of “applied research,” since it seeks to improve practice
in the field of SPED (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). There are two overarching research questions
with sub-questions used to guide the study:
1. What is the perspective of African-American parents in a large urban school district
towards their child’s placement in SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parents in a large urban school district view
SPED placement as a track to academic success?
2. What role do African-American parents in a large urban school district play in their
child’s initial placement into SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parental attitudes about SPED in a large urban
school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
15
B. In what ways does African American parental involvement in their child’s education,
in a large urban school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
These questions guided and informed how the study was conducted. This study followed
six steps in the process of research identified by Creswell (2003): 1) identifying the research
problem, 2) reviewing the literature, 3) specifying a purpose and research questions, 4) collecting
data, 5) analyzing and interpreting data, and 6) reporting and evaluating the research. This
chapter contains a discussion of the problem of disproportionality of AA students in SPED that
has been a long-standing problem in American schools, and it specified the purpose of the study.
Chapter Two reviews and synthesizes significant research and literature on disproportionality
concerning its development, potential causes, and attempted remedies. Chapter Three elaborates
on Creswell’s (2003) steps four, five, and six by discussing the sample population,
instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis process in order to answer the research
questions.
A mixed methods approach was used because both qualitative and quantitative methods
may prove helpful in answering the research questions (Creswell & Clark, 2007). Mixed
methods involve the collection and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data in one study
(Creswell, 2003). Mixed methods provide both a statistical and a personal view of the problem,
as well as a triangulation of the data (Creswell, Plano Clark, Gutmann, & Hanson, 2003). This
study employed both surveys (quantitative) and interviews (qualitative) to collect data.
The study employed open coding to analyze the qualitative interviews, which means to
categorize data into segments that seem to be important or significant (Maxwell, 2013). Open
coding is an inductive method that seeks to obtain new insights into a topic (Corbin & Strauss,
2014). This study also used the quantitative tools of correlation, variance, and regression to
16
analyze the quantitative survey data. However, the small sample of survey respondents (less
than thirty) resulted in the quantitative data being used to provide contextual and descriptive
information only.
The study utilized two theoretical frameworks and one conceptual framework to analyze,
assess, and interpret disproportionality from three angles. Iverson’s (2007) Critical Race Theory
(CRT) Framework was helpful in understanding how racism influenced the parents and their
perspectives on SPED. The Socio-cultural Conceptual Framework drafted by Boyd and Correia
(2005) proved helpful in understanding the interactions of AA parents with SPED professionals.
Activity Theory developed by Vygotsky, Leont’ev and Rubinstein in the 1930s (as cited in
Kozulin, 1986) provided a social-psychological model to analyze, understand, and interpret the
phenomenon of disproportionality and for interpreting the data resulting from this study.
Utilizing these frameworks provided the lenses through which disproportionality could be better
understood and through which the data of this study could be properly interpreted.
Importance of the Study
Griner and Stewart (2013) asserted that stakeholders from diverse backgrounds are
needed to address multicultural problems in education. This study sought to better understand
the perspective of a key stakeholder in the disproportionality discourse – the parents of AA
children in SPED. In so doing, it can add to the discourse on disproportionality which has
plagued the American Education System for at least five decades, and probably much longer
(Patton, J. M., 1998). The study did not seek to disparage SPED as an entity in and of itself,
since it is an essential service to students with a variety of disabilities. Rather, it sought to join
the voices that seek a proportionate level of placement amongst the races, which equity and
fairness require. Eliminating disproportionality should be a national focus and an educational
17
imperative. The personal, family, community, and societal impact of leaving this problem
unsolved is counterintuitive to the equality we espouse as a nation.
The literature review revealed a growing body of research on AA parents and their
relationship with special educators (Craft & Hill, 2003; Harper & Koonce, 2005; McKay et al.,
2003; Yan, 1999). While this literature provided a context for the research questions related to
AA parent perspectives about and involvement with SPED, more specific research related to the
research questions is needed, and was the focus of this study. What if more AA parents hold a
positive view of SPED now than in the past, or what if some AA parents actively seek SPED
placement for their children? Is it possible that some AA parents view SPED as an added and
desirable benefit not to be denied to their children as opposed to being a detriment to them? The
answers to these questions may not add understanding to the origins and development of
disproportionality, but they might add some context and meaning to the issue in general.
Research on this topic, with special focus on the research questions, may bring a new and
contemporary dimension into view that has not yet been fully considered or deeply researched.
The researcher could not find this exact focus in the body of literature, so this study may add
new information on the subject or at least a slightly different perspective to consider. Such a
perspective, if verifiable by further research, may eventually lead to a slightly new counter-
narrative in disproportionality studies for a small segment of the population affected. The
discovery of such a counter-narrative could bring better meaning and understanding to theorists
and practitioners interested in the long-standing and change-resistant problem of
disproportionality of African-Americans in SPED.
If American education is to become completely equitable, and if endemic problems such
as disproportionality are to be solved, then American society must lead the way and set the tone
18
and culture within which positive educational changes can occur. Arriving at equal and
proportional levels of placement into SPED for all races, ethnicities, and language categories
remains an elusive goal, but one that must be achieved if fair and equitable education for all
children is to be attained. As an educational culture, and as a society as a whole, we must find a
path to equity and balance in SPED referral and placement. This type of study is important to
the ongoing discourse about disproportionality. The new understanding and meaning that may
be yielded from it could expand our perspective on disproportionality, and it may become a
launching pad for more research that includes the voices of diverse stakeholders.
Assumptions, Delimitations, and Limitations
Three assumptions were made in this study: (1) The AA parents participating in the study
are representative of the educational institutions in the district; (2) the experiences and
perspectives of AA parents interviewed and surveyed are not representative of the experiences of
a broader category of AA parents with children in SPED due to the small sample size; and
(3) previous research on AA parents can be extrapolated to other AA parents. The researcher
suspects that the small participation of AA parents in this study may stem from the sensitivity of
the topic, confidentiality concerns, and the strained relationship many AA parents have with
Special Educators documented in the literature (Anderson & Harry, 1994; Boyd & Correa, 2005;
Brandon & Brown, 2009).
Three major delimitations included: (1) the low number of AA parents interviewed (three
in total), (2) the low number of survey participants (23), and (3) the lack of data collection
variety beyond surveys and interviews. Limitations were also present in the time available to
conduct research, the relatively small sample of AA parents at a given time, and the limitation of
self-reporting data in general. The last two of these limitations reduced the generalizability of
19
the findings due to the small sample as well as the relative lack of depth of perspective that was
able to be captured through the data-collection processes used in this study. A final and
significant limitation was present in the personal biases of the researcher developed through his
personal learning and life experiences.
Definition of Terms
“Activity Theory” will be referred to as “AT.”
African-American parents: refers specifically to African-American parents with children
in SPED.
“African-American” will be referred to as “AA” as an abbreviation.
“Special Education” will be referred to as “SPED.”
20
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This literature review analyzed and synthesized selected research on the topic of the
disproportionality of African-Americans referred to SPED. It also examined what theories and
phenomena may help explain the origin and persistence of disproportionality, how the issue of
disproportionality might be addressed, and the nature of the relationship between AA parents and
special educators. These areas of examination provide a broad context and historical
understanding for the following research questions on this topic:
1. What is the perspective of African-American parents in a large urban school district
towards their child’s placement in SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parents in a large urban school district view
SPED placement as a track to academic success?
2. What role do African-American parents in a large urban school district play in their
child’s initial placement into SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parental attitudes about SPED in a large urban
school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
B. In what ways does African-American parental involvement in their child’s education,
in a large urban school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
This chapter organized the synthesis of the literature into three categories: 1) the impact
of racism, power, and privilege; 2) the role of the American Education System; and 3) socio-
cultural perspectives. While each of these categories may be self-contained, the reader should
note that there is natural overlap between them. One example is that power and privilege has an
impact on the American Education System. Another example is that socio-cultural perspectives
are related to racism and systems of power and privilege. Care was taken to organize the
21
literature into logical categories, while understanding that crystal clear delineation between the
categories is neither possible nor productive.
A section of this literature review was dedicated to theoretical and conceptual
frameworks by which disproportionality may be better understood and through which the data of
this study may be interpreted. One of the theoretical frameworks is Critical Race Theory posited
by Iverson (2007), and another is Activity Theory pioneered by Russians Vygotsky, Leont’ev
and Rubinstein in the 1930s (as cited in Kozulin, 1986). The one conceptual framework (or
model) utilized is the Sociocultural Conceptual Framework drafted by Boyd and Correia (2005).
These frameworks are defined, their relationship to this literature review explained, and their
utility for this entire study discussed.
The summary and conclusion is a review of the major points in the chapter. It will
summarize the major causes of disproportionality, and will recapitulate approaches to address the
problem. The summary will restate the theoretical and conceptual frameworks utilized and
explain why these theories are important links to the study. The summary will conclude with a
special focus on the over-arching question of this entire study, which focuses upon potentially
changing views of AA parents towards SPED and the possible impact of those views on
contemporary disproportionality issues. This chapter in its entirety, and the summary and
conclusion specifically, explains the need for research related to the overarching research
question, and guided how the study was conducted, which is explained in Chapter Three.
The Impact of Racism, Power, and Privilege
Research on the disproportionality of African-American students in SPED has spanned
more than five decades (Artiles & Waitoller, 2010; Harry & Klinger, 2014). The
disproportionality of AA students in SPED programs for students with learning disabilities,
22
severe emotional or behavioral disabilities, and mental disabilities has remained a persistent
reality since it was recognized in the late 1960s (Patton, J. M., 1998). While it is important to
note that disproportionality occurred within several student groups, including a large group of
English Learners, a meta-analysis of disproportionality studies published between 1968 and 2006
found that most of those studies focused upon African-Americans (Artiles & Waitoller, 2010).
This synthesis showed that the overwhelming consensus of the literature points to racism and
systems of White power and privilege as the underlying and pervasive problems that cause and
sustain disproportionality (Artiles & Waitoller, 2010; Patton, J. M., 1998). While several
specific reasons were indicated such as unfair testing or biased educators to name two, it is
important to understand the underlying causes, such as racism, in order to comprehend why the
phenomenon of disproportionality began and why it persists. This understanding can serve as
the basis for reversing the harmful trend of disproportionality – a reversal that has proven elusive
even after many decades of research.
The assumption of deficiency in African-Americans often supported racism and
discrimination, but it did not offer solutions to the underlying problems (Iverson, 2007). CRT
advocated for equity, inclusion, and multiculturalism, which can create a counter-narrative, to
balance the forces of oppression, privilege, and power that create systems in which
disproportionality occurs (Iverson, 2007). Schools that have implemented culturally responsive
practices in the classroom and in the overall school culture have been proven to be effective
responses to the achievement gap and disproportionality in referrals to SPED related to race,
culture, ethnicity, and language (Griner & Stewart, 2013). While some examples of this progress
are encouraging, more schools and teachers need training in the best approaches to creating
culturally responsive communities (Griner & Stewart, 2013). This requires a wide range of
23
stakeholders involved in the process of creating, implementing, and assessing tools that affect a
multicultural approach to educational practice (Griner & Stewart, 2013). If we want the nature
of the disproportionality problem to change, we must change the culture of the American school
system itself. One central way to change it is to have more inclusive voices in the policy and
practice of SPED.
Although SPED has made notable advances in research and policy, students from
historically underserved groups, such as African-Americans, continue to be disproportionately
placed into special needs programs (Artiles & Waitoller, 2010). Inequitable educational resource
allocation, inappropriate or culturally insensitive teaching and curriculum, and inadequate or
nonexistent teacher training in cultural sensitivity have also contributed to the problem of
disproportionality (Blanchett, 2006). Artiles and Waitoller (2010) posited that a
misunderstanding of culture underlies explanations of disproportionality. Cultural deficit
attitudes about students from underserved groups, for example, continue to be used as
justification for disproportionality (Artiles & Waitoller, 2010). The thought producers in
American education as a whole, and those in the SPED field, have not been diverse enough to
address the problem from a critical perspective (Patton, J. M., 1998). Issues of race present
themselves in every aspect of this problem and cannot be dismissed as an underlying cause –
individuals, groups, and systems of White power and privilege have all contributed to the
ongoing problem of disproportionality (Patton, J. M., 1998). The problem of disproportionality
of African-Americans in SPED persists, in large part, because the systems that caused and
maintained disproportionality based on privilege and power of the White middle class are
extraordinarily resistant to change (Patton, J. M., 1998).
24
Overrepresentation, just as with every other problem of educational practice, occurred
within certain frameworks and at the hands of institutional agents. The dominant social values,
political agendas, and economic drivers of American culture are rooted in systems of structured
power, and schools are part of that system (Skrtic, 1991). Those in power are almost always
from the dominant group (Johnson, 2006), which in the case of the American education system
have traditionally been middle class Whites. SPED occurred within the general education
system that favors the values of the dominant group of the White middle class; and as a result,
the values of the AA students were devalued (Patton, J. M., 1998). Disproportionate referral and
placement into SPED occurs within this context of the school culture and cannot be divorced
from it (Patton, J. M., 1998). In this system, the developmental expressions of White middle
class children are nurtured, while the expressions of AA students are often marginalized
(Fernandez & O’Connor, 2006). Rather than being rational or culturally neutral, schools operate
in biased ways largely based on White privilege, which created the view that AA parenting is
sub-par, when actually it is different, not lesser (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). Even when AA
students attend predominantly White schools, they are often placed into remedial courses
preventing them from achieving equitably on standardized testing (Oakes, 2005). A lack of
understanding of normative AA culture and behavior by mostly White, middle class teachers and
administrators led to higher disciplinary referrals, which in turn led to more Emotional Disability
identifications amongst African-Americans (Skiba, Poloni-Staudinger, Simmons, Feggins-Azziz,
& Chung, 2005). Since SPED occurred within the general education system that favors the
values of the dominant group of the White middle class, the values of the AA students were
devalued (Patton, J. M., 1998). The problem of disproportionality, therefore, is a reflection of
25
the larger problem of racism in America as a whole and which left all non-White students at a
distinct disadvantage.
The American education system is a product of American culture, which has a long
history of racial discrimination (Skiba et al., 2005). This history resulted in educational
segregation, and the disproportionate representation of non-White students in SPED programs in
American schools (Skiba et al., 2005). The role of White power and privilege played into
disproportionality issues, and it painted a structural framework for American schools and within
which the problem of disproportionality can be understood and addressed (Blanchett, 2006). The
factors contributing to disproportionality can only be fully understood through a thorough
understanding of the racial and ethnic disparities that spilled over into SPED from the broader
racial problems found in American education (Skiba et al., 2005). The causal factors of
disproportionality included: test bias, poverty, SPED processes, inequity in general education,
issues of behavior management, and cultural mismatch/cultural reproduction (Skiba et al., 2005).
J. M. Patton (1998) agreed that the methods used to place students into SPED can be problematic
and bias-laden. The structural forces of racism and of White power and privilege, which fostered
the aforementioned causes of disproportionality, must be placed at the center of education
research, policy, and practice related to the problem (Blanchett, 2006).
A “clinical perspective” and a “social system perspective” have both been used to explain
the phenomena of social deviance and mental deficiency (Mercer, 1965). The clinical
perspective defined deviance as an attribute of the deviant, while the social system perspective
viewed deviance derived from a process by which one individual or group defined the behavior
of another individual or group as “different,” or “intolerable” (Mercer, 1965). When using the
clinical perspective, researchers chose subjects already determined to be deviant without
26
questioning the values of the social system that labeled the subject as such (Mercer, 1965). This
clinical perspective saw deviance from the norm as a medical condition inherent in the subject
that needed to be classified and treated, while the social system perspective viewed deviance as a
function of the social system in which the subject was evaluated and labeled (Mercer, 1965).
Following the social system perspective, a subject was termed deviant or mentally deficient in
one social system and termed normal in another (Mercer, 1965). It is conceivable, and most
probable, that both the clinical and social system perspectives played a role in disproportionality.
The clinical perspective used unreliable diagnostic tools to determine mental abilities and
assumed many children needed special education when they did not (Anderson & Harry, 1994;
Mercer, 1974; Reschly, 1981). The White, middle class social system judged far too many non-
White students as inferior in relation to their own social system, which also impacted
disproportionality (Artiles & Waitoller, 2010; Patton, J. M., 1998). The problems with the
clinical and social system perspectives helped to explain disproportionality and must be
reevaluated if the problem is to be properly addressed.
In response to the phenomenon of inaccurate and culturally biased testing, Jane Mercer
(1979) developed the System of Multicultural Pluralistic Assessment (SOMPA) as a
psychometric approach that, when properly administered, provided valid test measurements
resulting in unbiased educational decisions. Research on the concepts of assessment and the
models of discrimination through the lenses of validity and predictive measures exposed
weaknesses in many commonly used assessment instruments (Mercer, 1979). Common fallacies
in the use of the assessment models were uncovered, including: "medicalizing" behavioral
assessment (assigning medical diagnoses to common behavioral phenomena), misusing the
concept of "intelligence," and interpreting ignorance of information or of cultural contexts as
27
“stupidity” (Mercer, 1979). The significant opposition to the concept of nondiscriminatory
assessment processes found in the education system and in society as a whole revealed a need for
more education on the problem, and it mitigated for changes in the law and in educational
policies to avoid the inaccurate and unfair labeling of AA children (Mercer, 1979). How can
students be fairly placed into SPED if the assessment methods used to do so are biased and
unfair? Mercer (1974) proposed culturally appropriate student assessments, along with
supplemental assessments outside of school in order to ensure that non-White students received
fair and accurate assessments of their abilities. Although some changes have been made to level
the playing field in student assessment, more work must be done to make assessments culturally
unbiased so that children of all races and language backgrounds are judged on their true abilities
as opposed to a flawed interpretation of those abilities.
The Role of the American Education System
Who are the agents that affect SPED, and thus placement into it, and what are the
frameworks within which they operate? Most of the educators conducting the assessments for
SPED, and making the placements into it, are of European decent (Coutinho & Oswald, 2000).
Those developing the assessments are also people of European descent (Anderson & Harry,
1994), which inherently stacked the deck against AA students due to misunderstandings of their
culture (Coutinho & Oswald, 2000). Children were identified as learning disabled (LD) when
they have difficulty reading, writing, or calculating, given that their intellectual functioning is
otherwise adequate (National Research Council, NRC, 2002, p. 244). Students were
characterized as emotionally disabled (ED) when they exhibited both academic and behavioral
problems (Walker, Colvin, & Ramsey, 1995). Children were evaluated in comparison to other
children, and the prevalent norm of the U.S. public education system was the White, middle
28
class; therefore, AA children were often referred to special education, because of the unequal
comparison to the dominant norms of the White, middle class (Fernandez & O’Connor, 2006).
Due to these same unequal comparisons, the majority of AA students referred to SPED became
placed into it (Artiles & Trent, 1994). The research clearly demonstrated that mostly White,
middle class educators of European descent using White, middle class children of European
descent as the measuring stick for normal behavior and academic ability led to, and sustained,
the problem of disproportionality (Coutinho & Oswald, 2000).
When we discuss placement of students into SPED, the discussion must include the
instruments often used to label students as special needs and to place them into SPED classes and
programs. The instruments and approaches used to place students into SPED can be problematic
and bias-laden (Patton, J. M., 1998). IQ tests were widely used in the past for placement into
SPED services, but they were developed with a euro-centric bias, which created a test bias
against anyone not originating from a European background (Anderson & Harry, 1994). Some
believed that it was the use of the tests, as opposed to the actual tests alone, which resulted in
unfair placement based on race (Reschly, 1981; Mercer, 1974). The literature suggested that the
personal judgments of teachers, in combination with bias in the overall assessment process, were
core to the problem of disproportionality (Anderson & Harry, 1994; Artiles & Trent, 1994).
Mercer (1974) found that intelligence tests have also been used to label a disproportionate
number of Black and Hispanic students as mentally retarded. Our biased system of student
assessment and SPED placement exacerbated racial inequities in schools, and it served to
reinforce cultural stereotypes for African-Americans within the larger society (Harry & Klingner,
2006).
29
Researchers made many general recommendations that indirectly addressed the problem
of disproportionality. Anderson and Harry (1994) recommended seven specific steps aimed
directly at reversing the trend of disproportionality that still warrants our attention today. First,
“Label services not students” (p. 615). This implied the creation and delivery of academic
services to all who need them, without segregating them into labeled categories. Second, “Direct
restructuring efforts at the creation of a unified educational system” (p. 615). This means to
combine regular and SPED into complementary systems rather than separate ones. Third,
“Restructure schools to emphasize the prevention of student failure” (p. 616). The restructuring
referred to here was primarily the redistribution of funds between school systems to create a
more equitable system for all students. Fourth, “Conduct assessments for the purpose of guiding
instruction rather than program development” (p. 616). In other words, creating individualized
instructional approaches within the regular classroom. Fifth, “Implement curricular and
instructional reforms” (p. 616). Elementary education should focus on reading, writing, and
arithmetic and do so within a multi-cultural context. Sixth, “Replace the current age-based
promotion system with a system based on heterogeneous, smaller, and less time-limited
classroom groupings” (p. 616). This would allow students of different ages to support each
other, and would be especially helpful to young Black males, who need older role models and
supportive peer settings. Seventh, “Create community schools and alter the parent-professional
communication process” (p. 616). The point of this step is to create collaborative learning
communities in which people of all ages are involved in the education process. Anderson and
Harry’s recommendations were aimed at creating an environment that values the individual
rather than segregating them into ability groups. The objective was to build educational
institutions that foster learning in ways that encourage individuals with dignity and respect. For
30
AA males, especially, this would make schools a place they want to be instead of institutions
they would rather shun due to a sense of disenfranchisement (Anderson & Harry, 1994).
American public schools need more specific plans of action such as this to move from theory to
action. Theory is essential to understanding the problem and to informing programs, but there
have been a dearth of specific programmatic actions taken to reverse the trend of
disproportionality in relation to the wealth theoretical research done on the topic.
The Equity Scorecard (Bensimon & Malcom, 2012) could prove a helpful framework
through which disproportionality may be analyzed and understood. Although it is not one of the
major frameworks for this study, it is worth mentioning here as an important tool in achieving
equity in schools. This framework is both a process and a data tool. As a process, it combined a
theoretical framework with practical strategies to initiate institutional change that will lead to
equitable outcomes for students of color (Bensimon & Malcom, 2012). As a data tool, it
provided a matrix that guides the collection of data pertinent to diversity issues (Bensimon &
Malcom, 2012). What’s unique about it is the engagement of individuals from different
departments and divisions in an evidence team, which investigated campus data, practices, and
policies (Bensimon & Malcom, 2012). The Scorecard documented an institution’s efforts to
address issues of inequity, which was a major difference from other assessment tools that
focused solely on student efforts (Bensimon & Malcom, 2012). By reframing the assessment
approach to looking at institutional responsibility, the Scorecard brought more focus to what was
going on in classrooms and in student support offices (Bensimon & Malcom, 2012). This
programmatic focus enabled practitioners to reconsider the services provided to students and
how they were delivered (Bensimon & Malcom, 2012). It also enabled school leaders to
evaluate their professional development programs in light of meeting student needs and to
31
develop methods to better serve students with diverse backgrounds (Bensimon & Malcom,
2012). The results of the Scorecard could be used to spur changes that positively affect the
problem of disproportionality. By assessing an educational institution’s cultural practices, the
Equity Scorecard approach provided a method to analyze and interpret the role of schools in
disproportionality issues. However, the scorecard was developed to address diversity issues at
the college level, so the principles may not translate well to the K-12 arena. Higher education
generally did not focus on parent issues, since college students are adults, so the scorecard does
not take into account the focus of this study, which are the parents of AA children in SPED.
While the scorecard does take diversity issues into account, it does not have a specific focus on
SPED. Although it has some promise in understanding disproportionality, it was not chosen as
one of the major lenses for this study due to its limitations as a tool related to the specifics of this
study.
We need “script writers” and knowledge producers in the SPED field from the AA
population as well as from other oppressed groups if we seek change in the destructive trend of
overrepresentation (Patton, J. M., 1998). Griner and Stewart (2013) asserted that interventions
must be arrived from the consensus of a diverse group of thought producers and stakeholders in
order to produce effective, fair, and long-lasting educational practices to combat over-
representation. Diversity produces a fuller understanding of the cultural and socio-political
experiences of African-Americans as it relates to their educational needs (Patton, J. M., 1998).
To properly study a problem and to arrive at meaningful solutions, it is necessary to have
researchers and practitioners with sensitivity to the group being studied, preferably from the
group itself (Patton, J. M., 1998). Culturally responsive interventions must be at the heart of
effective efforts to mitigate the problem of disproportionality (Griner & Stewart, 2013). Cultural
32
inclusiveness in this discourse is required if a new paradigm of equity and equality is to emerge
(Patton, J. M., 1998). The current agents of the dominant group could and should reevaluate
their premises and practices by actively seeking out counter-narratives from the AA community
(Patton, J. M., 1998). This could create a fresh look at the historical, sociological, and political
roots of overrepresentation. Whether directly involved as members of the educational
establishment, or as contributing members via inclusive discourse, voices must be part of the
counter-narrative for meaningful change to occur in the disproportionality arena (Patton, J. M.,
1998). Courageous educators from diverse backgrounds, who are willing to challenge the status
quo, are needed to create a school culture of equality and a new paradigm of educational equity
for all – free from racial bias and prejudice.
Disproportionality pointed to the need for multicultural education at all levels. The
agents and thought-producers in the SPED field must be more diverse to arrive at an inclusive
view of – and an effective solution to – the problem (Patton, J. M., 1998). Educators can foster a
school culture that respects and validates the needs of diverse groups, and this is necessary for
the healthy identity development of every student (Chavez, & Guido-DiBrito, 1999).
Universities should utilize the vast amount of research on the multi-disciplinary field of multi-
cultural education to train teachers to be culturally literate and sensitive (Bennet, 2001).
Resistance to a paradigm shift in the disproportionality debate has had staying power, despite the
well-documented research illustrating the nature and results of the problem (Harry & Klinger,
2006). Resistance to a more honest discourse and a change to a more liberated and balanced
approach to solving the problem are likely (Sullivan, 1984), but are essential if we are to break
the impasse in the overrepresentation debate. All races, ethnicities, and classes must work
together to create solutions that work and that last.
33
Socio-Cultural Perspectives
Webster defined sociocultural as “of, relating to, or involving a combination of social and
cultural factors” (Merriam-Webster, n.d.). Vygotsky (1997) developed the socio-cultural theory
of education in the 1930s, which explained learning as a social process. This theoretical
framework stated that intelligence is developed within society and culture and that cognition is
largely a result of social interaction (Vygotsky, 1997). Boyd and Correia’s (2005) Socio-cultural
Conceptual Framework looked more specifically at the relationships between AA parents and
special educators, which is reflected in the synthesis below. Researchers also explored how
socioeconomic status (SES) may affect the disproportionality of African-Americans, and the
conclusions drawn vary (Fernandez & O’Connor, 2006; O’Connor, 2002). This section will first
analyze SES perspectives and then focus upon the social and cultural interactions that may have
an effect upon disproportionality issues.
Some researchers have linked poverty to overrepresentation (Fernandez & O’Connor,
2006). The poverty theory of overrepresentation asserted the following: African-Americans are
more likely to be in poverty, poverty increases a child’s exposure to risk factors that can damage
early development, inadequate early development leads to school unpreparedness and low
academic achievement; therefore, a disproportionate percentage of African-Americans need
SPED (Fernandez & O’Connor, 2006, p. 6). A National Research Council report in 2002
reviewed the impact of poverty as a possible explanation of the overrepresentation of minority
students in SPED (Fernandez & O'Connor, 2006). The report presented a latent theory of
inhibited student development; in other words, it suggested that AA students are more likely to
be of a low SES, and that status increases the risk factors related to lower development and, as a
result, an increased need for special services, including SPED (Fernandez & O'Connor, 2006).
34
However, this theory was an oversimplification of the “development” concept, and it
underestimated how the culture and organization of schools themselves label AA students as
academically and behaviorally inadequate, which placed them at risk for SPED placement
(Fernandez & O'Connor, 2006).
Is it poverty or schools that provide the correct framework for understanding
disproportionality? Are AA students more disabled or disadvantaged as a group compared to
their White counterparts (due to SES or other causal factors), or are they just more often labeled
as such? O’Connor (2002) argued that poverty in and of itself is not the determining factor of
disproportional placement. Rather, it was the structures and frameworks resulting from
impoverished conditions including lower quality schools and services that prevented full access
to educational opportunities preventing higher academic achievement (Kozol, 2005; O’Connor,
2002). Frameworks of privilege and access create a structured likelihood that AA students will
be disproportionately placed into SPED (Fernandez & O’Connor, 2006). The agents and
“knowledge producers” of SPED past and present created and sustained a system of devaluing
AA culture and of correlating it with low SES, which served to ensure this unjust trend of
disproportionality (Patton, J. M., 1998). These knowledge producers from the dominant group,
mostly White middle class, have viewed SPED through their own narrow lens, which resulted in
gross misunderstanding of the AA culture, experience, and needs (Gordon, 1985). This view of
SPED knowledge producers brought a more holistic understanding of the historical, political, and
cultural roots of over-representation beyond mere SES (Patton & Baytops, 1995). The National
Resource Council’s (2006) report on the impact of poverty correlated poverty with lower IQ
scores, smaller vocabularies, and aggressive behaviors in children. The implication was that
these factors led to higher placements into SPED; however, it is hard to directly correlate the one
35
factor of poverty to overrepresentation as a whole (Fernandez & O’Connor, 2006). Rather, it
was considered by some researchers to be a contributing factor only. It was easy, and perhaps
convenient, to blame poverty in the AA community for the overrepresentation problem, but it
may be only a small part of the issue rather than a major cause. The problem with research that
pointed to poverty as a partial or major cause of disproportionality was that it over-generalized a
connection between the two. It correlated variables that may not be linked to poverty at all. It
also focused on how the education system and educators themselves viewed low SES AA
culture, but it left out how AA parents view SPED in general and the placement of their children
into it in particular.
Although the disproportionality of AA students referred to SPED has been studied for
over 50 years, research on the experiences of AA parents with the special education system has
been lacking until the last fifteen years or so (Craft & Hill, 2003; Harper & Koonce, 2005;
McKay et al., 2003; Yan, 1999). The frequency of these articles has been increasing in recent
years due to a greater focus on parent involvement as opposed to focusing solely upon SPED
students and educators. There is a small, but growing amount of literature directly related to the
working research question about how AA parents view placement of their child(ren) into SPED,
so the researcher has included findings from articles as closely related to the research questions
as possible, and the researcher offers an analysis and review of several key articles here. The
analysis suggested that AA parents’ involvement with their children’s education as well as their
interaction with special educators are both essential elements in understanding the causes of
disproportionality and in creating the collaboration needed to find solutions.
Research posited two dominant traditions in professional thought regarding the
interactions of special educators with AA parents. The first was a deficit view of AA families,
36
which perceived them as lacking the cultural and academic values needed to support their
children’s educational development (Harry, 1992). The second was a deficit view of AA
children's ability to learn (Harry, 1992). The fact that many professional educators share these
two deficit views, combined with the reality that they often focus on the legal compliance rather
than on equal collaboration with parents, created an uneven power struggle, since most of the
power rests with the professionals (Harry, 1992). Twenty years ago, many educational
professionals perceived a low level of participation by AA parents, but the data showed that most
AA parents had consistently strong initial efforts to support their children's schooling (Harry,
Allen, & McLaughlin, 1995). However, those efforts eventually turned to disillusionment with
the special education placement process, which lacked sufficient avenues for parental input and
influence (Harry et al., 1995). These deficit views were neither accurate nor helpful to the
discourse on overrepresentation. They created an incorrect view of the realities of AA families
and students, and they created a rationale for disproportionality that was not rooted in fact.
Research indicated a strong correlation between parent involvement in their children’s
education and student success (McKay et al., 2003). Racial socialization processes were a result
of parental involvement in their children’s schooling, but there was a cultural gap between
parents and teachers in urban settings that must be closed if healthy socialization is to be
achieved (McKay et al., 2003). While this article suggested ways to increase parent-school and
parent-student involvement, it did not specify what type of involvement would be beneficial. It
pointed to distrust between AA parents and educators, but it did not assess AA parents’ views of
the educational process as a whole or of the SPED process in particular. Some researchers have
indicated that many AA parents are not highly involved with their children’s education (Smith,
Krohn, Chu, & Best, 2005), while others have found that there was little difference in the
37
parental involvement in a child’s education between White and non-White families (Julian,
McKelvey, & McKenry, 1994). When a difference was found, ethnic parents were actually
found to have a higher emphasis on their children exercising self-control and in doing well in
school than did their White counterparts (Julian et al., 1994). This is helpful in debunking the
view that AA parents are not involved in their children’s education; thus, leading to higher
incidences of SPED placement. What was lacking is more specific knowledge of the type of
parent involvement that leads to student success and how that may differ between races and
cultures. While researchers differed on the amount of parental involvement amongst the races,
they concurred that strong parental involvement was a factor in student success. That being the
case, it is essential that the SPED system encourages and facilitates AA parental involvement in
meaningful ways.
A research study using social capital theory as a conceptual framework identified unique
characteristics of social capital held by successful African American students compared to those
of successful White and non-successful Black peers (Yan, 1999). The study examined 11 social
capital indicators along four dimensions: (a) parent-teen interactions, (b) parent-school
interactions, (c) parent-parent interactions, and (d) family norms (Yan, 1999). Despite the
relatively more disadvantaged home environments of AA students, the successful AA students
demonstrated higher levels of social capital than White students and non-successful Black peers
on 6 of the 11 indicators studied (Yan, 1999). This indicated a variety of social capital levels
found in the AA students and their families, which makes generalizations about the lack of social
capital leading to disproportionality problematic and complex. It is a reasonable assumption that
students with low social-capital indicators from any race or culture have an educational
disadvantage, which cannot be disproportionately applied to African-Americans.
38
There are multiple issues that make it challenging for many AA families to engage school
personnel in collaborative problem solving (Craft & Hill, 2003). Some of the barriers that lower
the involvement level for AA parents included their poor school experiences, poor relations with
personnel at schools, and meeting times that do not fit their work schedules (Harper & Koonce,
2005). One method proven to improve positive inter-actions of AA parents and school personnel
was the joint effort of community-based social service agencies along with school consultants to
enhance mutually beneficial partnerships with schools that create more successful academic
outcomes for their children (Harper & Koonce, 2005). An approach that included parents in the
assessment, placement, and policy-making processes, as well as in advocacy for their own
children could move the balance of power in parent-professional discourse to a more equitable
level (Harry, 1992). More and better professional education that identifies the cultural
assumptions imbedded in the field of SPED are essential in the effort to create more effective
collaboration with the AA families they serve (Kalyanpur, Harry, & Skrtic 2000). This more
balanced playing field might encourage AA parents to remain involved in the SPED process,
which would mitigate for better educational experiences and outcomes for their children.
How do parents in the general population perceive the SPED system and its agents, and
how does that differ from the perceptions of AA parents? The majority of parents interviewed in
a research study related to their perceptions of the Individualized Education Plan (IEP) process
reported that their IEP meeting experiences had been positive overall (Kalyanpur et al., 2000).
Most of the responding parents stated that their positive perceptions of the IEP meeting were due
to the educators’ valuing of their input, while treating them respectfully as equal decision makers
in the process (Kalyanpur et al., 2000). Most of the respondents agreed that they came out of the
meetings with a clearer understanding of the IEP process and a better clarity on SPED law
39
(Kalyanpur et al., 2000). This study did not distinguish between the racial or ethnic backgrounds
of the parents. It did, however, provide for a baseline of perceptions against which AA parents’
perceptions may be measured. When AA parents of children in SPED programs in urban
communities were interviewed, the results were more negative than the study of the general
population (Zionts, Zionts, Harrison, & Bellinger, 2003). These AA parents felt that school
personnel generally disrespected them and their children, and they perceived overall negativity
toward them and their children from the same school personnel (Zionts et al., 2003). The
families stated a desire for school personnel to have a better cultural understanding and
acceptance of their AA culture (Zionts et al., 2003). These families agreed that they needed
more information about, and assistance in using, support services, and they wanted to see better
training of school personnel (Zionts et al., 2003). They also wanted to experience a better
quality of relationships between teachers and parents as well as improved parent-to-parent
partnerships (Zionts et al., 2003). Combined, the results of these two studies suggested that AA
families perceived their interactions with special educators more negatively than families from
other racial groups. The causes of these perceptions must be addressed to achieve better
collaboration between the groups, so progress can be made in the effort to reverse
overrepresentation.
What about other factors that may influence the relationship between parents with
schools and the involvement of parents with their children? Research suggested that a child’s
social and intellectual skills were related to the quality of relationships of parents with schools
(Craft & Hill, 2003). When comparing student samples of similar SES African American and
European-American students and their mothers’ interaction with school personnel, some
similarities and differences appeared (Craft & Hill, 2003). For example, students’ reading levels
40
influenced the parent-school relationship for both African-Americans and White parents (Craft &
Hill, 2003). Students’ math abilities and study skills affected AA parents’ relationship with
schools more than White parents’ interaction with schools (Craft & Hill, 2003). Social capital
and competence levels of European-American families had a greater impact on parent-school
relationships and on student performance than that of AA families (Craft & Hill, 2003). The
differences that arose when comparing factors affecting White and AA families’ interactions
with schools, and their involvement with their children, demonstrated that culture and race play a
significant role in these relationships. Special attention to these differences by special educators
and others interacting with AA families and their children related to their education is critical to
the type of involvement needed to effect positive change.
A study was conducted in the late 1990s to consider the effects of high school parent-
partnership programs on the parental attitudes and how they related to the involvement of their
teens in the learning process at home and at school (Sanders, Epstein, & Connors-Tadros, 1999).
This study analyzed survey data from over 400 parents at six high schools in Maryland – two
from rural areas, two from urban areas, and two from suburban areas. The findings of the study
correlated positive parental attitudes toward school with the school partnership programs found
at these school sites (Sanders et al., 1999). The study specifically suggested that school
programs that helped parents improve their ability to facilitate their teens to improve their
learning activities at home had a positive impact on student learning skills. School practices that
involved the entire family also had a positive impact on student learning at home (Sanders et al.,
1999). Significantly, the results did not vary based upon race, gender, or parental employment
and educational levels. The study concluded that high schools that develop strong parental-
partnership programs are apt to improve parental attitudes about school, which encourages
41
greater family involvement at school and at home for parents and their teenage children (Sanders
et al., 1999).
Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler (1997) identified three constructs believed to be critical in
the parental decision-making process relative to why parents become involved in their children’s
education. First, the way parents construct their roles was directly related to what necessary,
important, and permissible activities they believed they should do to support their children's
education. Second, was the parents’ sense of self-efficacy for helping their children to succeed
in school; in other words, to what extent did the parents believe their involvement would make a
positive difference in their children’s schooling? Third, to what extent did parents believe the
schools want them to be involved in their children’s education? The authors suggested that these
three constructs have important implications for research and practice in this arena (Hoover-
Dempsey & Sandler, 1997). Further, they suggested that even the best school programs that
invite parental involvement will be only partially successful if they do not consider the issues
related to how parents construct their parental role in their children’s education and their sense of
self-efficacy to help their children succeed in school (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997). While
helpful in understanding parental involvement overall, this article did not break down the issue
by race.
Research suggested that the processes of racial socialization are directly related to parent
involvement in their children's schooling and that a wide cultural gap between parents and
educators in inner-city communities served to prevent better collaboration (McKay et al., 2003).
Nonetheless, collaborative parent-provider relationships are possible by working through the
various factors that influence both the perceptions of AA parents and those of professionals
(Boyd & Correa, 2005). SPED professionals can learn how to more fully understand the cultural
42
factors that shaped their own perceptions as well as the factors that shaped the perceptions of AA
parents (Boyd & Correa, 2005). This could result in the utilization of a more family- and
culture-centered approach to SPED planning services (Boyd & Correa, 2005). This approach
could reduce the cultural clashes that often occur between the parents and providers, which
should create more positive outcomes for both groups and for the students they both serve (Boyd
& Correa, 2005). A better understanding of how AA parents perceived their interactions with
professionals involved in the SPED process, and a deeper understanding of how parents come to
interpret these interactions, may build persistent parental participation in, and satisfaction with,
the process (Rao, 2000). One method to help educators identify inconsistent cultural practices
was the Double-Check method (Rosenberg et al., 2010). The Double-Check framework
provided a self-assessment for educators, and it helped them recognize their own attitudes and
behaviors toward students of color and/or learning disability (Rosenberg et al., 2010). It is a
model for teachers to check their own cultural and racial biases Vis a Vis their responsiveness to
students (Rosenberg et al., 2010). This Double-Check approach can lead to the creation and
persistence of culturally responsive programs and practices that can help students and their
parents (Rosenberg et al., 2010). It will take a concerted effort on the parts of both parents and
educators to glean better understanding of each other, especially regarding each other’s cultural
perspectives, in order to create a collaborative environment that can best address
disproportionality. The limitation of the Double-Check method was that it was a tool for
teachers, not parents. More research on parent perspectives could lead to better understanding of
the cultural barriers between AA parents and special educators. Such research could lead to
frameworks and tools with the parents as the focus as opposed to the educators.
43
Research indicated that parents across racial categories show strong initial efforts to
support their children's progress in special education programs but that support eventually gives
way to disillusionment with the special education placement process and special education
programs, because those programs tend to limit parental input (Harry et al., 1995). A vicious
circle existed in which AA parents felt disenfranchised from the SPED system and decided that
their input did not make a difference; while special educators often interpret that as meaning
those parents have an apathetic attitude of disinterest in their child’s education (Brandon &
Brown, 2009). This situation begs the ‘chicken or the egg?’ question. Whichever came first, AA
parents must re-conceptualize their role in the SPED of their children from permission-provider
to advocate, supporter, and joint policy maker (Harry, 1992). Educators have a responsibility to
remove the barriers to deeper involvement of all parents, including AA parents, in the SPED
process (Brandon & Brown, 2009). Conversely, AA parents need to become more active in their
children’s education and more involved with the SPED process at every level (Brandon &
Brown, 2009). This joint approach to increasing parent-child involvement and improving
school-parent communication may prove successful in obtaining both objectives. Achieving
those goals is essential to resolving the long-standing problem of disproportionality in our public
schools.
Theoretical and Conceptual Frameworks
Theoretical and conceptual frameworks are needed to help explain the problem of
disproportionality in general, to understand its root causes, and to help explain why it persists.
These frameworks are also needed to interpret the findings of the study. In other words, without
frameworks the data will be un-interpretable. Most disproportionality studies have been framed
in three ways: a socio-cultural model based on the backgrounds of the students, their families,
44
and cultures; a critical perspective of how power and privilege related to race affected the
problem; and how the educational system and practices created and sustained the problem
(Artiles & Waitoller, 2010). Not only do these three keys used in disproportionality studies
provide lenses through which the problem may be viewed, they also listed three possible causes
of disproportionality: socio-cultural reasons related to the students, parents and special educators;
racism as it related to power and privilege; and endemic problems in the education system itself
that created and sustained disproportionality (Artiles & Waitoller, 2010).
The researcher will utilize two theoretical frameworks and one conceptual model as
specific lenses through which the problem may be viewed and by which research findings may
be interpreted. Those frameworks are: Critical Race Theory (Iverson, 2007), Activity Theory
(Kozulin, 1986), and Socio-cultural Conceptual Model developed by Boyd and Correia (2005).
These three frameworks correlate to the three ways the problem has been addressed in the
literature described by Artiles and Waitoller (2010). The frameworks and their relevance to
understanding the problem were explained. These frameworks bring understanding to this
phenomenon overall, while bringing special focus to those aspects related to the research
questions.
A unified framework is needed to better understand the problem, the root causes of why it
persists, and how we can reverse the trend. J. M. Patton (1998) found that a critical race theory
mode of inquiry was needed to assess how certain assumptions, worldviews, beliefs, and
epistemologies used by some SPED knowledge producers served to perpetuate the
disproportionality issue in American schools. Iverson (2007) later developed a Critical Race
Theory (CRT). The CRT lens was particularly helpful in viewing disproportionality of AA
students in SPED, because it acknowledged racism in policy discussions, and it challenged
45
preconceived notions of race as deficient or at risk in and of itself (Iverson, 2007). CRT
presented the idea that racism has been systemic in American history from its earliest beginnings
and that it remains a major factor in a number of societal problems today (Iverson, 2007).
Utilizing CRT as a theoretical lens may prove helpful in approaching this problem with fairness
to the AA student population, which is statistically at risk for overrepresentation of SPED.
Activity theory (AT) is an umbrella term that summarizes a group of social science
theories rooted in the psychological AT pioneered by several Russian social scientists in the
1930s: Vygotsky, Leont’ev and Sergei Rubinstein (as cited in Kozulin, 1986). AT takes an
entire work (or activity) system into account, as opposed to just one actor or user (Kozulin,
1986). One of the advantages of AT is that it linked the individual subject and the social reality
in which the individual resided, and it studied the subject and the social reality via a mediating
activity (Kozulin, 1986). The collective and culturally mediated human activity (or activity
system) was the unit of analysis in AT (Kozulin, 1986). The AT system involved the object, the
subject, the mediating artifacts (or signs and tools), rules, community, and division of labor
(Kozulin, 1986). The tensions and contradictions within these elements create the motive for an
activity, and the goal of AT was to understand how consciousness and activity are related
(Kozulin, 1986). AT was found to be of particular usefulness as a lens in qualitative research
methods, and it provided a way of analyzing a phenomenon, identifying patterns, and drawing
inferences from interactions (Kozulin, 1986). An activity was a purposeful interaction of a
subject with an object through the use of certain tools, which were externalized forms of mental
processes that manifest in physical, social, or psychological constructs (Kozulin, 1986). AT
acknowledged the internalization and externalization of cognitive processes related to the use of
46
tools, as well as transformations or developments that may result from the interaction of tools
(Kozulin, 1986).
The elements of this study were inserted into the elements of the AT model during the
analysis and interpretation phases. The main subjects are the AA parents. The mediating artifact
is the SPED placement process. The rules focus on the SPED placement process, and the norms
and sanctions that govern it, such as assessment tools and district guidelines for placement. The
community is the school community in which the parents have their children. The division of
labor relates to the roles of AA parents and the educators involved in the placement process. The
object (or objective) of the subject is to be determined by analyzing the data yielded from this
study. The outcome is either placement into SPED or not. This study will utilize AT to
understand one slice of the disproportionality phenomenon and to interpret the data from a
theoretical standpoint. See Figure 1 which charts the interaction of the elements used in AT.
Socio-cultural frameworks provide helpful lenses through which parental involvement in
their children’s education could be studied and evaluated. Boyd and Correa (2005) developed a
conceptual framework to proactively foster the relationships between AA families and the SPED
professionals that serve them. This conceptual framework looked at how the differing cultural
and personal experiences of AA families and SPED professionals caused culture clashes due to
how their respective cultures shaped each group’s perceptions of the other (Boyd & Correa,
2005). Research suggested that the processes of racial socialization are directly related to parent
involvement in their children's schooling and that a wide cultural gap between parents and
educators in inner-city communities prevents better collaboration (McKay et al., 2003).
Utilizing this socio-cultural conceptual framework could prove helpful in analyzing and
47
interpreting the results of research related to how AA parents interacted with special educators
and how these parents view the SPED system – as a benefit or as a hindrance to their children.
Figure 1: Activity Theory
NOTE: A conceptual model of Activity theory as displayed in Teachers College Record, 115(3), 1-36. (Additional
description from Kozulin, 1986 & Nardi, 1996).
The researcher chose these two theoretical frameworks and one conceptual framework in
order to analyze, assess, and interpret disproportionality from three angles. Iverson’s CRT
Framework (2007) can be helpful in understanding how racism influenced each of the players in
this issue (parents, teachers, thought producers, policy makers, teachers, and special educators).
Iverson’s CRT (2007) also provides a wider perspective on how the systemic racism in America
Theoretical Framework: ACTIVITY THEORY
(Vygotsky, Leont’ev & Rubinstein)
8
A person/group engaged in
an Activity
Activities that connect a person to Objects and other people
The objective that motivates the
Subject
The result of the Activity
The Community in which the
Activity takes place –AA
Community, School Community
(Kozulin, 1986; Nardi, 1996).
48
provides the environment in which disproportionality could take root and in which it could
persist. The Sociocultural Conceptual Framework drafted by Boyd and Correia (2005) can prove
helpful in understanding the interactions of AA parents with special education professionals.
Activity Theory (Kozulin, 1986), described earlier, provides a social-psychological model to
analyze, understand, and interpret the slice of disproportionality focused upon in this study.
Summary and Conclusion
The body of literature pointed to several specific issues that have conspired to create and
sustain disproportionality, including: unfair testing, low SES, educator attitudes, racism, systems
of White power and privilege, and a misunderstanding of AA culture (Artiles & Waitoller, 2010;
Harry & Klinger, 2014; Patton, J. M., 1998). The overall problem of disproportionality,
however, remains a problem of American society due to a racially biased past and the remnants
of bias and prejudice that still exist in society today (Patton, J. M., 1998). While historical, legal,
and cultural progress has been made in American society, the existence of problems such as
disproportionality mitigate the idea that racism no longer exists in our country (Iverson, 2007).
American institutions, including our public education system, exist within the larger society; and
as such, our public schools cannot help but be affected by its mores and values (Blanchett, 2006).
If American education is to become completely equitable, and if endemic problems such as
disproportionality are to be solved, then American society must lead the way and set the tone and
culture within which positive change can occur.
SPED is not a negative entity in and of itself; on the contrary, it serves an essential
service to children who need it. J. M. Patton (1998) posited that the goal should not be to
eradicate placement of African-Americans into SPED, since a certain percentage will benefit
from it; rather, educators should strive to eliminate the misdiagnosis of African Americans as
49
special needs that has led to tragic results for far too many. Arriving at equal and proportional
levels of placement into SPED for all races, ethnicities, and language categories remains an
elusive goal, but one that must be achieved if fair and equitable education for all children is to be
attained. After decades of research on the nature, degree, and causes of disproportionality, the
problem persists despite many efforts to reverse it (Harry & Klingner, 2006). Therefore, we
should no longer debate whether or not the problem exists, but we should resolve to solve it.
Widespread changes in public policy and sustained public advocacy are required to reverse the
trend of overrepresentation (Coutinho & Oswald, 2000), and once interventions are arrived at,
proper funding must be appropriated to achieve and sustain meaningful change. The
interventions arrived at must be ones that will actually solve the problem as opposed to providing
politically correct band aids to salve our collective conscious or to appease special interest
groups. Research-based solutions implemented by carefully trained professionals should be
funded, assessed, and held properly accountable in order for effective and sustained change to
occur.
As an educational culture, and as a society as a whole, we must find a path to equity and
balance in SPED referral and placement. Although research on the problem began to surface in
1968, it is reasonable to assume the problem existed long before that (Patton, J. M., 1998). In a
letter to his nephew on the 100th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, Baldwin (1963)
bemoaned that not much had changed in the plight of African-Americans. It appears that not
much has changed with the problem of over-representation of AA students in recent decades or
so either (Patton, J. M., 1998). Since there is abundant research on the causality of
disproportionality (Harry & Klingner, 2006), the reasons for its persistence appear to stem from
50
historical, cultural, and socio-cultural patterns of dominance, oppression, power, and privilege
that permeate our society and our educational system (Patton, J. M., 1998; Blanchett, 2006).
Transformational educators from diverse backgrounds, who are willing to challenge the
status quo, are needed to create a school culture of equality and a new paradigm of educational
equity for all – free from racial bias and prejudice. This will take tremendous political will,
innovative thinking, and adequate funding. The coalition that achieves this must be diverse,
widespread, and committed to systemic change in society as well as within schools themselves
(Griner & Stewart, 2013; Patton, J. M., 1998). Eliminating disproportionality should be a
national focus and an educational imperative. The personal, family, community, and societal
impact of leaving this problem unsolved is counterintuitive to the equality we espouse as a
nation.
The theoretical and conceptual frameworks considered in this study are: Critical Race
Theory (Iverson, 2007), Activity Theory (Kozulin, 1986) and the Sociocultural Conceptual
Framework drafted by Boyd and Correia (2005). These frameworks were selected as tools for
analysis and interpretation of the topic of disproportionality and the data yielded from research in
this study. All three have direct correlation to the phenomenon of disproportionate
representation of African-Americans in SPED. Utilizing these frameworks will form a
triangulated view and interpretation of this entire study from three valid perspectives that have
been researched and developed by well-established theorists. Those perspectives being: the
racist past and present of American society and the American Education System (CRT), the often
strained cultural relationships between AA parents and special educators (Socio-Cultural model),
and a method through which the various elements and actors involved in the phenomenon may
be better understood and interpreted (Activity Theory). These frameworks provide historical,
51
societal, systemic, and personal perspectives on the problem of disproportionality. These various
perspectives are essential to building a broad, clear, and valid understanding of the problem as a
whole. These perspectives could also prove helpful in deriving meaningful interpretation of
results and how those results intersect with the current body of knowledge, research, and practice
related to the topic and problem of disproportionality.
As described in this literature review, there was a growing body of literature on AA
parents and their relationship with special educators (Craft & Hill, 2003; Harper & Koonce,
2005; McKay et al., 2003; Yan, 1999). While this literature provided a context for the research
questions related to AA parent perspectives on SPED, more specific research related to the
research questions is needed, and are the focus of this study. What if more AA parents hold a
positive view of SPED now than in the past, or what if some AA parents actively seek SPED
placement for their children? Is it possible that some AA parents view SPED as an added and
desirable benefit not to be denied to their children as opposed to being a detriment to them? The
answers to these questions may not add understanding to the origins and development of
disproportionality, but they might prove helpful in explaining a small slice of the issue today.
Research on this topic with special focus on the research questions may bring a new and
contemporary dimension into view that has not yet been fully considered or deeply researched.
The researcher could not find this exact focus in the body of literature, so this study may add
new information on the subject or at least a different perspective to consider. Such a perspective,
if verifiable by further research, may eventually lead to a new counter-narrative in
disproportionality studies. In other words, the old counter-narrative was that AA students were
inappropriately labeled and placed into SPED against the will of their parents and through the
use of biased and inaccurate evaluation methods (Mercer, 1979; Patton, J. M., 1998). This was
52
counter to the narrative of the education system, which said children were properly and fairly
placed into SPED via appropriate methods. A new counter-narrative may be discovered in
which some AA parents’ desire SPED for their children, because they view it as a benefit and as
a right not to be denied as opposed to a hindrance to be avoided. The discovery of such a
counter-narrative could bring better understanding to theorists and practitioners that could impact
incremental change upon the longstanding and intractable problem of disproportionality of
African-Americans in SPED.
The extant literature on disproportionality provided important history and context, but it
also revealed a significant gap. Issues of race, power, and privilege have been thoroughly
explored in relation to their impact on disproportionality. Endemic problems in the education
system that reflected a biased view of African-Americans have been examined from multiple
angles over many years. Socio-cultural aspects of the problem have received more attention in
recent years, such as SES and social capital. Recent research focused more on the relationship
between AA parents and special educators as well as the involvement of AA parents with their
children’s education. However, specific research related to AA parent perspectives about SPED
as a benefit or hindrance to their children was absent. The totality of the literature assumed that
far too many AA students were placed into SPED inappropriately, against the will of their
parents, and to the detriment of the children who were placed. Five decades of prolific research
clearly illustrated that disproportionality persists and that societal and educational inequities have
historically caused this problem. However, the research of this study is needed to determine if
one cause of contemporary disproportionality is related to evolving AA parent perspectives about
SPED. The research generally assumed, or tacitly implied, that AA parents viewed SPED
negatively, so this study is important to determine if some AA parents now advocate for SPED
53
services for their children as an extra benefit or educational advantage for their children. The
dearth of specific parent perspectives in the literature regarding the value of SPED for their
children reflects a gap in the disproportionality discourse, and this study sought to begin filling
that gap.
54
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
This study specifically looked at how some parents of students in special education in a
large, urban school district in California viewed special education and their child’s placement
into it, as well as their own involvement in the SPED placement process. There are two
overarching research questions with sub-questions to guide and inform how the study is
conducted:
1. What is the perspective of African-American parents in a large urban school district
towards their child’s placement in SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parents in a large urban school district view
SPED placement as a track to academic success?
2. What role do African-American parents in a large urban school district play in their
child’s initial placement into SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parental attitudes about SPED in a large urban
school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
B. In what ways does African American parental involvement in their child’s education,
in a large urban school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
This chapter explains the methodology of this study. Creswell and Clark (2007)
identified six steps in the process of research: 1) identifying the research problem, 2) reviewing
the literature, 3) specifying a purpose and research questions, 4) collecting data, 5) analyzing and
interpreting data, and 6) reporting and evaluating the research. Chapter One presented a
discussion of the problem of disproportionality of AA students in SPED that has been a long-
standing problem in American schools. Significant research and literature on disproportionality
concerning its development, potential causes, and remedies were reviewed and synthesized in
55
Chapter Two. Chapter Two also included theoretical and conceptual frameworks that were used
to help understand and explain disproportionality and interpret the findings of this study. It
pointed to gaps in the literature related to potentially changed parent perspectives on SPED.
Chapter Three will elaborate on Creswell’s (2003) steps four, five, and six by discussing the
sample population, instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis process in order to answer
the research questions. The research grid (Table 1) organizes the research approach for this
study.
Table 1
Research Grid
NOTE: Adapted from Maxwell, J. (2013). Qualitative Research Design: An Interactive Approach, p. 131.
Research
Questions
Data Collection
Method
Methods of
Analysis
Rationale
Function
Implementation
1. What is the
perspective of
African-American
parents in a large
urban school district
towards their child’s
placement in SPED?
Survey and Interview
of Parents of AA
students in SPED.
After school in a
school office or at a
neutral location in the
evenings. Survey of
these parents online.
Coding and
disaggregation of
interview data.
Compilation of
survey data for
contextual and
descriptive purposes.
Purposive,
representativeness
(parents of AA
children in SPED).
Representativeness
was not achieved due
to small sample size.
Responses to
interview and survey
questions will be
analyzed to yield
insight into how or if
the attitudes parents
of AA children in
SPED about their
child’s placement
into SPED.
Ask Superintendent
for permission, to
gain access to
parents, and consent
from parents of AA
children in SPED to
be surveyed and
interviewed.
2. What role do
African-American
parents in a large
urban school district
play in their child’s
initial placement in
SPED?
Survey and Interview
of Parents of AA
students in SPED.
After school in a
school office or at a
neutral location in the
evenings. Survey of
these parents online.
Coding and
disaggregation of
interview data.
Compilation of
survey data for
descriptive and
contextual purposes.
Purposive,
representativeness
(parents of AA
children in SPED).
Representativeness
was not achieved due
to small sample size.
Responses to
interview and survey
questions will be
analyzed to yield
insight into how the
involvement of
parents of AA
children in their
SPED may play a
role in their
placement into
SPED.
Ask Superintendent
for permission, to
gain access to
parents, and consent
from parents of AA
children in SPED to
be interviewed and
surveyed.
56
57
Sample Population
A purposive and representativeness rationale for selecting the site was attempted, but
representativeness of the target population was not achieved due to the small sample size.
Representativeness of the district was not achieved either. Purposive selection means that one
purposely selects a site that will provide the most data-rich environment for the study to be
conducted (Merriam, 2009). Purposeful sampling involves the identification and inclusion of
study participants with particular characteristics (Patton, M. Q., 2005). Representativeness
means the selection of a population that represents the one you are studying (Maxwell, 2013).
Although this site should have produced the representativeness desired based upon its
demographics, the small sample of willing participants amongst the AA parent community
resulted in less representativeness than the researcher had hoped.
This study delivered a survey to all of the parents with children in a large, urban school
district in California. The survey contained demographic questions, and all parents of AA
students who completed the survey were asked to participate in an interview. The survey data
from parents of non-AA students may provide comparison data useful to this study or to be used
in future studies. The researcher surveyed and interviewed parents of AA students in SPED in
an urban school system that is representative of the target population (while noting that
representativeness may not be achieved with a small sample). These parents are the appropriate
people to include in the study, because they provide a first-person perspective on the research
questions and are the focus of the study. A large, urban school district in California is an
appropriate site, because it has a large AA parent population, which is the target population of
the study. In order to gain deeper insight than a survey alone, the researcher interviewed two AA
parents, two Caucasian parents, and two Hispanic parents represented in Table 2. The choice of
58
different ethnicities will provide a basis of comparison between groups. This comparison will be
achieved by comparing and contrasting interview answers and survey results amongst
participants of different ethnic/racial backgrounds.
Table 2
Principal Interview Participants
Participants
Age and grade
of child in
SPED
At what age
was the child
placed in
SPED?
How long has the
child been in
SPED?
Ethnicity
Parents A1 & A2 Age 13
Grade 8
Age 8 5 Years AA
Parent B Age 7
Grade 2
Age 6 1 Year Hispanic
Parent C Age 16
Grade 11
Age 7 9 Years Caucasian
Parent D Age 9
Grade 4
Age 5 4 Years AA
Parent E Age 9
Grade 4
Age 7 2 years White
Parent F Age 17
Grade 12
Age 7 10 Years Hispanic
Instrumentation
A mixed methods approach was used, because both quantitative and qualitative methods
may prove helpful in answering the research questions (Creswell & Clark, 2007). Mixed
methods involve the collection and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data in one study
(Creswell et al., 2003). The data may be collected at the same time or sequentially, they are
59
given a priority in the study, and the data are integrated at one or more phases of the research
process (Creswell et al., 2003). Mixed methods allow the researcher to give equal emphasis to
both quantitative and qualitative research, or to prioritize one method over the other depending
upon the results obtained (Creswell et al., 2003). Mixed methods provided both a statistical and
a personal view of the problem, as well as a triangulation of the data.
The purpose of this study was to look specifically at how some AA parents of students in
special education in a large, urban school district in California viewed special education and their
child’s placement into it, as well as their own involvement with their children, respective to the
SPED placement process. The goal was to arrive at conclusions from the data that may add
meaning and substance to the discourse on disproportionality that may lead to further research
and ultimately to practical applications in the field. Mixed methods enabled a deep
understanding of meaning through the qualitative method with a relatively small, select sample,
and it also included a breadth of understanding by using a quantitative method with a larger
sample (Creswell & Clark, 2007).
Qualitative Methods
The study fell under the category of “applied research,” since it sought to improve the
practice in the field of SPED (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Specifically, it sought a better
understanding of how AA parents of children in SPED viewed the placement of their children
into SPED. Qualitative methods were utilized because the study sought to find the unique
experiences, attitudes, and perspectives of AA parents related to the SPED placement of their
children (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Qualitative interviews were utilized, because they have
proven effective in finding understanding behind complex issues such as disproportionality
(McEwan & McEwan, 2003). Merriam and Tisdell (2015) explained that qualitative researchers
60
are interested in understanding how people construct their worlds as they interpret and make
meaning of their experiences. The qualitative method of interviewing parents of AA and non-
AA children in SPED may reveal their attitudes about SPED as a benefit or a hindrance
(Creswell & Clark, 2007). Just as the experiences and perspectives of each professional related
to the SPED placement process are different, so too are the experiences of each parent of
children placed into SPED. These experiences need to be properly mined to best understand the
experiences of each individual in order to gain meaningful insights (Creswell & Clark, 2007).
Interviews can be a useful tool to extract specific experiences parents of AA and non-AA
children in SPED have had that helped create both positive and negative perspectives related to
their children’s placement into SPED. Interviews were also chosen, because responses provided
by the participants may warrant further questioning, which creates the potential to probe even
deeper for more nuanced answers to complex questions for which informal interviews allow
(Merriam, 2009).
A semi-structured format was used to interview each of the respondents (Merriam, 2009).
Scripted questions were posed, and follow-up questions were asked when appropriate to probe
for deeper meaning. A semi-structured format was used because the answers from each
respondent provided an opportunity to delve deeper into the specific experiences of each
respondent (Merriam, 2009). When the opportunity for follow-up questions presented itself, the
interviewer asked questions that further detailed the unique situations experienced by each
respondent. This type of follow-up questioning provided a unique opportunity to inquire deeper
into the experiences of respondents that would not have been possible to attain through a survey
or a structured process (Merriam, 2009). Interviewing also provided other valuable data about
the participants, such as: backgrounds, experiences, opinions, beliefs, values, feelings, and
61
knowledge that could not be obtained in the same way by survey alone (Merriam, 2009; Patton,
M. Q., 2005). Importantly, questions asked during the interview process were not limited solely
to the present but included other experiences in the past or their plans and hopes for the future
(Patton, M. Q., 2005).
Quantitative Methods
A quantitative survey was utilized because the study sought to quantify the relative
magnitudes of differing parental attitudes and behaviors related to the SPED placement of their
children (Creswell & Clark, 2007). The quantitative method of surveying a significant number
of parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED could reveal more about parent perspectives and
attitudes that a relatively small number of qualitative interviews alone may not (Creswell &
Clark, 2007). Since the sample size was small, the survey results were utilized for contextual
and descriptive purposes rather than for statistical analyses. Surveys were selected for this study,
since they can reach additional participants, who may not be accessible through direct means,
such as interviews, phone calls, etc. (Creswell, 2003). A Likert scale with 4 points of selection
was used to elicit a forced-choice response that eliminated the neutral response of “agree or
disagree” so that the respondent’s definite response may be determined (Fink, 2013).
Quantitative data provided the benefit of numerical data analysis and an assessment of the
amount of evidence (Maxwell, 2013). Surveys provided a quantitative description of the
perceptions, attitudes, and opinions of a population by studying a sample of that population
(Creswell, 2003). Simply stated, quantitative methods yield statistical evidence to test and
support research claims (Creswell, 2007). It is important to note that the small sample of survey
participants in this study provided less quantitative data and more contextual and descriptive
information.
62
63
Data Collection
Gathering accurate data from the participants is critical to the study. The school-site
personnel helped identify the participants that might complete the survey. An initial E-mail
introducing the study along with an invitation to participate in the survey was sent to potential
participants with a link to the survey (Appendix A); in this case, all parents in the district. An
introduction was provided in the E-mail to help participants understand the nature and purpose of
the study and how their participation in the survey (Appendix B) could make a valuable
contribution to issues of equity in public schools. Participants were asked to complete the survey
within one week from receipt of the invitation, so timely treatment of the data could be achieved.
Completion of the data received was reviewed on a regular basis to determine if the level of
participation and the amount of data received was sufficient. The final question of the survey
asked if the participant would be willing to participate in a follow-up interview.
The interview protocol for parents (Appendix C) outlined the main questions that were
asked during the interview. It was a semi-structured interview, which allowed the interviewer to
probe for more information as needed via follow up questions (Merriam, 2009). Merriam (2009)
recommended that interviewers record and transcribe the interviews. Interviews were recorded
via two modes of recording technology for redundancy. During the interviews, in the event the
recording equipment failed, the researcher was prepared to take notes on my laptop computer;
fortunately, a recording failure did not occur. The recordings were transcribed upon completion
of each interview. After completion of the transcription of interviews, the data was
disaggregated via a coding process described under the data analysis section of this chapter.
64
Data Sources Included
Selecting the entire population of parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED in a large,
urban school district in California to complete surveys should provide a large enough sample to
show varied results of attitudes and perspectives about the placement of their children into
SPED. Conducting interviews of the parents listed in Table 2 should provide deeper
understanding and meaning related to AA and non-AA parent perspectives about special
education, and in relation to other ethnicities. The triangulation of this data could provide insight
into a small slice of the disproportionality issue.
Data Sources Excluded
Another valid approach to answering the research questions would be to interview the
educators, who are involved in the SPED process. That approach could reveal the degree to
which the schools’ environment and political climate (specifically the degree to which White
power and privilege is present) may impact the placement of AA students into SPED. That
approach was not included in this study, because the perspective of AA parents was the focus of
the study. There are multiple research studies in the literature that focus upon the educators, but
this study’s concentration was on parental attitudes. Document review is another method that
could be used in this study (Creswell & Clark, 2007). This method was not included because it
is highly unlikely that documents exist in a school outlining the attitudes AA parents and their
view of SPED as a benefit or a hindrance.
Data Analysis
The researcher used open coding to analyze the interviews, which means to categorize
data into segments that seem to be important or significant (Maxwell, 2013). Open coding is an
inductive method that sought to obtain new insights into a topic (Corbin & Strauss, 2014). The
65
researcher read the data several times and then created categories of data found to be important
within it. The researcher created codes for each sub-category and counted the frequency of each
in the data sets. The researcher then grouped them into a core category, categories, and sub-
categories to separate the data into logical groupings distinct from other groupings (Bogden &
Biklen, 2003). This enabled the researcher to begin thinking about themes significant to this
study and to write up the findings related to those central themes.
The researcher used the quantitative tools of correlation, variance, and regression to
analyze the survey data, but the sample was too small. The survey data was summarized to
provide background and context. The combination of the interview and survey data yielded
meaningful results for the purpose of this study.
Validity
Credibility and trustworthiness in research are also referred to as the validity of data and
findings (Merriam, 2009). It also relates to the correlation of one’s research findings to reality
(Merriam, 2009). What reality is may be somewhat relative in research – especially, but not
only, in qualitative research (Maxwell, 2013). Validity is more of a goal than a product, and it
can only be evaluated with respect to the specific circumstances of a study and its overall
purpose (Maxwell, 2013). A researcher must consider if his or her findings are credible in light
of the data (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Validity in qualitative research is how true the conclusion is
to the data, while validity in quantitative research is how well a test measures what it set out to
measure (Maxwell, 2013). Validity in qualitative research differs from quantitative research in
the sense that the conclusions reached in qualitative research must make sense in relation to the
detail of the study (Merriam, 2009). Validity in quantitative research has to do with the accuracy
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and interpretation of the data – when validity, reliability, and repeatability are high, the study is
considered to be strong (Merriam, 2009).
To ensure credibility and trustworthiness in this study, the data collected was used in
relation to the assertions of the study. To ensure quality data, interviews were recorded and
transcribed word for word. Open coding was employed to analyze the interview data, which
means that data was categorized into segments that seemed to be important or significant
(Maxwell, 2013). Open coding is an inductive method that seeks to obtain new insights into a
topic, which was the goal of this study (Corbin & Strauss, 2014). The transcripts were read
several times and then categories were created to find what appeared to be most important within
the data set. Constant referral back to the research questions maintained the focus of the study.
Codes were created for each sub-category and the frequency of each in the data sets was counted.
The data was grouped into a core category, categories, and sub-categories to separate the data
into logical groupings distinct from other groupings (Bogden & Biklen, 2003). This enabled the
researcher to begin thinking about themes significant to this study. Then findings were written
up related to those central themes. To ensure reliability and repeatability, survey results were
collected from parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED. Triangulation of data from
interviews and surveys were used. While triangulation does not automatically increase the
validity of a study, it can improve its credibility (Maxwell (2013).
Interviewing participants in their natural setting yields data and findings with greater
validity (Maxwell, 2013). Interviews for this study were conducted in participants’ homes and
over the phone. The validity of an interview also depends upon the honesty and integrity of the
interviewer (Maxwell, 2013). Every effort was made to be forthright with the interviewees at all
times. Participants were asked permission to be interviewed, and were told their confidence and
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their anonymity would be preserved (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992). To ensure confidentiality, the
interview protocol was designed to be anonymous. No identifiable data, such as names or
addresses, were collected either in the surveys or in the interviews. These steps helped to ensure
that the study has the highest measure of ethics and validity.
Ethics
Ethics is a large field of thought and action that has to do with what is right and wrong.
Ethics in qualitative research covers a wide variety of issues that includes how data is collected
and disseminated (Merriam, 2009). The researcher-participant relationship is central to
qualitative research ethics (Merriam, 2009). A researcher should get full permission to conduct a
study and be open and honest with the participants about the purpose of the study and the
intended use of the findings (Merriam, 2009). Researchers should also be sensitive to the
emotions that sensitive questions may evoke, and they should be ready to discontinue an
interview based on the wishes of the participant(s) (Merriam, 2009). Overall, the ethical
approaches employed in qualitative research depend largely upon the ethics of the researcher,
which can have a positive or negative effect on the study itself (Merriam, 2009).
The researcher is confident that this study was conducted in an ethical manner, because
the researcher gained full permission to access, interview, and survey from all participants, the
school principal, and the school district. The researcher also let the participants know the exact
purpose of the research and that the school district required me to give a final summary report to
the district office. The researcher used letters as opposed to names to identify participants in the
write up of the study, and the researcher was careful not to paint any of the participants in a
negative light. The researcher asked some questions related to race, which can be a delicate
topic, so the researcher was careful to ask the questions in a sensitive manner and not to show
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any judgment or partiality in my reactions to their answers. The researcher also let them know in
advance that they may discontinue the interviews at any time if they felt uncomfortable.
Frameworks
Chapter Two discussed the theoretical and conceptual frameworks chosen to analyze the
data collected in this study in depth. The researcher utilized two theoretical frameworks and one
conceptual framework to analyze, assess, and interpret disproportionality from three angles.
Iverson’s (2007) Critical Race Theory (CRT) Framework was helpful in understanding how
racism influenced the parents and their perspectives on SPED. CRT also provided a wider
perspective on how the systemic racism in America provides the environment in which
disproportionality could take root and in which it could persist. The Socio-cultural Conceptual
Framework drafted by Boyd and Correia (2005) proved helpful in understanding the interactions
of parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED with SPED professionals. Activity Theory
developed by Vygotsky, Leont’ev and Rubinstein in the 1930’s (as cited in Kozulin, 1986)
provided a social-psychological model to analyze, understand and interpret the phenomenon of
disproportionality and for interpreting the data resulting from this study (see Figure 1). Utilizing
these frameworks provided the lenses through which disproportionality was better understood
and through which the data of this study were properly interpreted.
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CHAPTER FOUR: DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS
The phenomenon of disproportionate numbers of African-American students referred to
SPED (Harry & Klinger, 2006) has been explored from multiple angles for close to five decades.
However, little research has been conducted on the specific perspective of parents of AA
children in SPED regarding the value of SPED for their children or on how their involvement
with their child’s education may affect the child’s placement into SPED as well as their
performance in it. This study explored this gap in the literature in a systematic way in order to
join the academic conversation on AA parent perspectives of SPED students. The results do not
portend to draw a specific cause and effect related to disproportionality overall. Rather, this
study aimed to add meaning and context to the perspectives of the parents of AA students in
SPED, because they are key stakeholders in the disproportionality issue in American education.
The purpose of this study was to look specifically at how some parents of AA students in
special education in a large, urban school district in California view special education and their
child’s placement into it, as well as and their own involvement with their children’s education in
general, and specifically with respect to the SPED placement process. The goal was to arrive at
conclusions from the data that may add meaning, context, and substance to the discourse on
disproportionality that may lead to further research and ultimately to practical applications in the
field.
There are two overarching research questions with sub-questions used to guide the study:
1. What is the perspective of African-American parents in a large urban school district
towards their child’s placement in SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parents in a large urban school district view
SPED placement as a track to academic success?
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2. What role do African-American parents in a large urban school district play in their
child’s initial placement into SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parental attitudes about SPED in a large urban
school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
B. In what ways does African American parental involvement in their child’s education,
in a large urban school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
This study was conducted within a large, urban school district in California, and
demographics are provided in the Interview Participants section. The researcher structured the
study to utilize a mixed-methods approach with qualitative interviews and a quantitative survey.
Six qualitative interviews were conducted utilizing the protocols in Appendix C, and the
researcher will describe those participants without stating their personal identities. The study
employed open coding to analyze the qualitative interviews, which means to categorize data into
segments that seem to be important or significant (Maxwell, 2013). Open coding is an inductive
method that seeks to obtain new insights into a topic (Corbin & Strauss, 2014). Although the
survey in Appendix B was sent to every parent in a large, urban school district in California with
34,549 students, only 23 parents completed the survey. Due to the small survey sample size, the
researcher utilized the survey data for descriptive and contextual purposes only. Please note the
limitations on validity and generalizability due to this small sample. As a result, the
methodology of this study is primarily qualitative with some triangulation with survey data. The
data collected will be presented in relation to how it answers each of the research questions.
References to the literature in Chapter Two of this study were utilized where appropriate to
connect the research of this study to the greater body of literature on the topic. The researcher
will conclude this chapter with emerging themes observed in the data and initial interpretations.
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Interview Participants
All participants in this study were parents of SPED children from a large, urban school
district in California. The School District Strategic Plan identified the district as an urban public
school district with a total of 34,549 students at 43 schools (The author is not cited in this
manuscript to maintain confidentiality of the identity of the school district; the citation has been
provided to the dissertation committee for verification of source). The mission of the district was
to ensure all students graduate high school prepared to successfully enter higher education and/or
pursue a viable career path. The graduation rate is 81% as of 2013. The student ethnic
breakdown was: Hispanic: 22,802 (66%); African American: 5,873 (17%); Caucasian: 3,455
(10%); Asian: 1,382 (4%); and All Other: 1,037 (3%). Eighty-three percent qualify for free or
reduced price meals, and 24% are English Learners.
Six personal interviews were conducted: two with AA parents, two with Caucasian
parents, and two with Hispanic parents. This breakdown provided comparison between
ethnicities to determine similarities and differences in the responses. If only AA parents were
interviewed, there would not be a basis for comparison, which could limit the meaning of the
data and could make analysis and interpretation of the data less valid. This study identified the
participants by letters only. Note that some of the participants were parents, grandparents, or
aunts, but they were all the people raising the child in SPED related to this study. In that regard,
this study could replace “parents” with “guardians.” However, the term “parents” will be used
for ease of use, but please note that it is not always the biological parents that were reflected in
this study.
Participant A actually represents two AA guardians – the grandmother (A1), who was the
primary guardian, and an aunt (A2), who was closely involved with the child’s development.
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The boy in SPED is 13 years old, was 8 years old when he entered SPED, is currently in eighth
grade, has been in SPED for 5 years. The school initiated his processing into SPED, and placed
him into SPED services for learning and behavioral disabilities.
Participant B was a Hispanic mother. Her son in SPED is seven years old, was placed
into SPED at six years old, is currently in second grade, and has been in SPED for one year. The
school initiated his processing into SPED, and placed him into SPED services for learning
disabilities.
Participant C was a Caucasian mother. Her son in SPED is 16, was placed into SPED at
7 years old, is currently in 11th grade, and has been in SPED for 9 years. The mother initiated
the process into SPED, and he was placed into SPED services for an emotional disability.
Participant D was an AA mother. Her son in SPED is nine years old, was placed into
SPED at five years old, is currently in fourth grade, and has been in SPED for three years. The
mother initiated the process into SPED, and he was placed into SPED services for a speech
problem
Participant E was a Caucasian grandmother. Her grandson in SPED is nine years old,
was placed into SPED at seven years old, is currently in fourth grade, and has been in SPED for
two years. The mother initiated the process into SPED, and he was placed into SPED services
for a learning disability.
Participant F was a Hispanic mother. She has a son in SPED, which is 12 years old, and
she has a daughter in SPED, which is 17 years old. Her daughter was placed into SPED at 7
years old, is currently in 12th grade, and has been in SPED for 10 years. The school initiated the
daughter’s process into SPED, and she was placed into SPED services for a learning disability.
The son is currently in sixth grade, but I did not record the other data for him in the interview. It
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was not recorded in the survey either, because the mother was asked to answer the questions for
only one of the children in SPED, and she recorded it for the daughter. When I conducted the
interview, I should have asked the questions pertaining to only one of the two children in SPED,
but I asked about both, so the mother provided answers for both of the children.
Survey Participants
The district E-mailed the survey on my behalf to the parents or legal guardians of all
34,549 students at 43 schools in the district. Eighty-one people viewed the survey E-mailed to
them (a 0.0013% view rate), 54 began the survey (a 66.6% response rate of those viewing the
survey) and 23 completed the survey (a 43% completion rate or those responding). For those,
who did complete it, it took an average of 13 minutes to complete. There could be various
reasons for the low participation rate. One limiting factor could be the sensitivity of the topic
and the parents’ of AA and non-AA children in SPED distrust of schools in general due to their
historically negative experiences with educators and the educational system as a whole
(Blanchett, 2006; Harry & Klinger, 2006; Iverson, 2007; Patton, J. M., 1998; and Skiba et al.,
2005). Another factor could be a distrust of the promise to remain confidential. Either way, it is
impossible to know for sure why such a small participation rate was achieved. As mentioned
above, the small participant sample of 23 renders the results statistically unreliable. With that in
mind, the survey results can still be used for contextual and descriptive purposes.
The ethnic breakdown of survey participants was as follows: Caucasian, 36.36%;
Hispanic, 36.36%; AA, 13.64%; and Other, 13.64%. Female participants represented 86.36% of
the respondents, while 13.64% of the respondents were male. Participants had an average of
between one to two children in SPED. The average age of the children in SPED was 10.5 years
old. The average grade of the children currently in SPED was 6.5. The average age when placed
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into SPED was 5.5 years old. Parents with boys in SPED represented 82%, and parents with
girls represented 12%. Parents initiating the SPED process represented 68%, and school initiated
processes represented 32%. The reasons the children in this survey were placed into SPED were:
learning disability, 35.48%; emotional/behavioral disabilities combined, 38.71%; and all others,
25.81%.
Data Analysis
The first research question of this study was 1) “What is the perspective of African-
American parents in a large urban school district towards their child’s placement in SPED?
While concerned about imperfections in the placement process, it appears the AA parents
generally perceived their child’s placement as necessary for their children. The parents
expressed significant amounts of confusion surrounding the SPED placement process. They also
experienced frustration with school officials about obtaining accurate information as well as
timely intervention to help their children. AA parents’ perspective about the placement process
was that it is very poorly executed, but they found their child’s ultimate placement into SPED as
appropriate and needed. Interview Participants A1 and A2 (grandmother and aunt, who are
raising the child) illustrated this dichotomous perspective:
JM: What was the initiation process of your child’s placement into special education?
A1: I say he wasn’t reading right. He was skipping words and that kind of stuff. He wasn’t
learning the way I was used to. So I talked to the principal about it, and she always said
she would do something about it, but she never did. It took me from second grade all
the way up to fifth grade to get him checked.
JM: From your knowledge, is this a typical process at the school where he went?
A1: No, I don’t know. They didn’t want to give me information on how to do that, cause I
asked several times. Finally his teacher helped me and told me I had to write a letter to
get started, but no one else told me that, and she seemed to be a little bit scared to tell
me herself.
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JM: OK, did you find the placement process to be fair and appropriate?
A2: Yes. (2015)
Participant D expressed even more significant dissatisfaction with the placement process,
and her overall view of SPED was mixed:
JM: What was the initiation process of your child’s placement into SPED?
D: Initiation was I knew before putting him into public school, I put him in private school.
But I was advised to put him in public school, because he seemed like he had a speech
delay. They said it would be best if I put him in a public school, so he can receive more
services at no cost. So then when I put him in public school, I advised them that we
may need to work on speech and some other things once I put him in kindergarten. So
that’s what initiated it. But I never expected that we would have to do special
education.
JM: OK, were there any special circumstances that you would like to discuss?
D: The bad part is I did not know my rights as a parent for your child going in special
education. The second bad part is I was lied to by, in my IP meeting, about my son’s
services.
JM: Ok, can you elaborate more on that?
D: What I mean by that is we had a meeting where we were discussing if we should do our
place services where we should put him in special education. The original speech lady
that I did meet there, she keeps advising me that. I feel for your son’s needs will be best
if we send him to “A” Elementary, because at the time we were in “B” Elementary. She
felt that he could get more of what he needed at that school from that teacher that was in
special education. When we were at the meeting, before I said ok to sign for special
education, ok I asked, ok, wait a minute, besides that, what are my other options for
RSP [Resource Specialist Program]. They told me for RSP, they would only be able to
take him out twice a week, 30 minutes at a time. I found out later that was not the truth,
that’s why I made the decision to say ok, well, I am going to go ahead and put him in
special education so he can begin getting the needs that he needs.
JM: Okay. What is your view of special education in general?
D: In general, if you have great teachers, and the support, it is great for your child if they
help them, give them the support that they need to move on. And as far as . . .
sometimes you have to be careful, because special education . . . when you don’t know
your rights, people can take advantage of you and your child can be misplaced. So,
there are good things, and there are some bad things. (2015)
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When speaking of AA parent perspectives on their child’s placement into SPED, there
was a clear difference between the process and the program. Some level of distrust of the
placement process and of the school staff involved in the process is evident from Interviewee
responses. AA parents believed that they were not getting the necessary information
communicated to them about how to access SPED services, and in one instance, they believed
school staff lied to them about the process. This perspective on the process somewhat differs
from the AA parent-perspective of SPED programming itself, which ranges from positive to
mixed. Of those surveyed, 71% thought the SPED placement process was fair, 82% thought it
was appropriate, and 91% thought it was needed. These data indicated that whether the school or
the parent initiated the SPED process, most felt that the process was ultimately a fair and
appropriate one. Their perspective on the benefits of SPED are illustrated more broadly in the
analysis of the next research question.
The second research question was 1.A.) “In what ways do African-American parents in a
large urban school district view SPED placement as a track to academic success?” The AA
parents interviewed were not sure if SPED was a track to academic success – at least they did not
perceive it as such before placement into SPED. However, their answers to probing questions
related to their child’s performance after placement into SPED revealed a mixed to a somewhat
more positive perspective on the impact of SPED on their child’s success. Participant D revealed
this changing perspective:
JM: Do you feel that special education is a track to academic success?
D: Um . . . it’s hard to say. I mean, for my experience, that’s what I would say for my
experience, I do have great teachers from kindergarten to third grade once I get him
into the right school. So I have teachers who are willing to work with him, but I
cannot say that as far as academically, I am very happy with it because he’s still not
learning everything that are being taught in the general education classroom.
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JM: How is your son performing since he entered SPED in regards to behavior, academic
performance, and social interaction?
D: He is actually doing great which is I can say I have a great story this year with
special education. So I mean I just want to say. I have to say socially, he’s a
mingler, he talks to everyone all the time, jokes around, so that has been hard for him
because for instance, his kindergarten teacher, he had her for first grade, his second
and third grade were the same two teachers, were the same type of teaching style.
His kindergarten first grade teacher actually trained his second and third grade
teachers and we started sending him to general education last year so I had a great
and general Ed teacher, because she taught my daughter for first grade. So I had a
little more trust in her to where he was supposed to be in class for a couple hours a
day, but she ended up keeping my son in there the whole day, which worked out
great for him to where we made the transition this year. (2015)
Participants A1 and A2 were not sure if they view SPED as a vehicle for the child’s
academic success, and they have a mixed opinion on how SPED is being delivered to the child.
This seemed to stem more from their dissatisfaction with the type and amount of help the child is
receiving rather than with SPED as an entity itself. It also appeared that a lack of
communication with the SPED professionals was causing a lack of clarity on how the child is
progressing. Regardless, they ultimately believed the child is getting some benefit from SPED:
JM: Do you feel that special education is a track to academic success?
A1: I don’t know but I want him to do his best.
JM: How has he been performing since entering special education, behavior, academic
performance, and social interaction?
A1: He is better but he is a child that likes the one-on-one. They don’t have the time to
have a lot of one-on-one, because there are a lot of kids in the classroom, so it’s kind
of hard for him, and because they don’t have, you know, personal things. But when I
have the tutor come to the house, he did everything, because of the one-on-one. So I
don’t know how to get him that because there are 30 kids in the class.
A2: He doesn’t talk to us about it because he doesn’t answer questions about it. It’s
pretty much we tried different things out. He is in special Ed classes. They are
teaching him the way he needs to be taught but he wants it more one-on-one. If we
don’t give him a one-on-one at any time, it seems like he is not being loved. That
could come from other thing – other background. He takes a tutor for what she said.
He will turn in his homework sometimes. He will take the test and get a good grade,
but he will be missing most of his homework or class work assignments, because he
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doesn’t like turning them in. He may be sitting down at the table and do them, we
work with him on his assignments but once he gets to school, he won’t turn them in.
So we don’t really know how well he is doing. How well he is grasping everything,
we don’t know. It’s all up in the air.
JM: OKAY. Do you view special education as a benefit or as a hindrance to him?
A2: A benefit. With every little bit he is getting from that, he is getting some
understanding. (2015)
AA and non-AA children in SPED parents were not certain if SPED will put their child
on a track to academic success, but they hoped that it will help improve their child’s performance
to some extent. They have mixed reviews of their child’s progress after entering SPED, but they
did report some-to-significant progress in their child’s performance in school after entering a
SPED program. In general, they concluded that their children are progressing, but they would
have hoped for more progress than they are observing. Of those surveyed, 91% viewed SPED as
a benefit not to be denied their child, and 75% considered it to be a track to academic success.
The survey also revealed that 72% of parents saw an academic improvement in their child after
SPED placement, 68% noticed social improvement, and 59% reported emotional improvement.
The survey data showed a somewhat stronger belief in the ability of SPED to help a child
succeed in school than the interview data, but neither set of data revealed universal confidence in
SPED as a track for academic success. This analysis now turns to the impact of AA parental
attitudes and their involvement in their children’s education upon their children’s placement into
SPED.
The second overarching research question of this study was 2) What role do African-
American parents in a large urban school district play in their child’s initial placement into
SPED? To answer this question more specifically, it has been broken down into two sub-
questions. The first of those questions is 2. A.) “In what ways do African-American parental
attitudes about SPED in a large urban school district influence their child’s initial placement
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into SPED?” AA parents, who had a positive attitude about SPED, sought out the information
they needed about SPED and took the steps necessary to ensure their child was placed into SPED
if they believed their child needed that type of programming. Participant D (2015) put it this
way: “The only thing I want to say is ‘Parents, know your rights, know your rights and be
realistic about your children’ needs.’”
The extent to which AA parents indicated they would appeal a decision not to place their
child into SPED illustrates how a parent’s attitude about SPED could influence a child’s
placement into SPED. Participant D was not sure if she would appeal a denial, but if she did, it
would be a vigorous appeal:
JM: If you see special education a benefit, and your child were denied placement into it,
would you take steps to appeal that denial?
D: That’s a tough question. It all depends on . . . if he was denied the first time – no, but I
still would have known he needed other services to help him to be successful, and I
would have asked them why he was denied, what else can we offer.
JM: How vigorous would you’ve been in following up with that?
D: Very vigorous, very vigorous. I was vigorous on transitioning him into general
education. They switched him over to where he is at now – School C, in a week. If I
wasn’t that hands on and wasn’t that persisting, I don’t think it would have happened
the way I want it to happen. (2015)
Participant A1 explained that she would appeal a denial of SPED for her grandson and
what she actually did to ensure he gained initial placement, while Participant A2 was less
enthusiastic about appealing a denial for her nephew:
JM: Okay. If you see special education as a benefit, and if he were denied placement into it,
would you take steps to appeal that denial?
A1: Yes.
JM: What steps would you take to appeal it?
A1: Well, I was told that I should have gone to the district to insist that he gets what he
needed, but I didn’t know and no one told me, and the only way he did get his testing
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done was through his fourth grade teacher. But she didn’t want the principal to know
that she was telling me that he needed special help. It didn’t make sense. I finally
asked some people I knew about it. They were telling me I should go to the district and
get it done, but by that time she had told me if I write a letter to the principal, they
would do it. But nobody else told me that. I even went to the principal and talked to
him about. But nobody told me what I should do. I didn’t understand it – why
wouldn’t they tell me what to do in order to help him, and here he is, from the time he
started school to fifth grade before he finally got tested, it doesn’t make any sense.
JM: Okay. How vigorous would you be making that appeal?
A2: It was difficult figuring out what to do now, and it probably would just be more tutoring
that we hire versus looking for help or assistance from the outside because we don’t
know what to do – I don’t know how to appeal something with the Board. I have never
been denied before. So I don’t know. That process would have taken a while, and for
immediate result, we probably would have just hired a tutor and got some extra help.
(2015)
This evidence pointed to the fact that AA parental attitudes about SPED can have an
effect on their child’s placement into it. If they saw no or low value in SPED, they would be
unlikely to learn about the placement process or to engage in the steps necessary to ensure their
children are placed into it. Of those surveyed, 85% advocated for their children to be placed into
SPED, 67% would appeal a decision not to place their child into SPED, and 91% of those would
use legal means if necessary to achieve placement. Even though the AA parents interviewed in
this study did not have the most positive attitude about SPED in general, they had enough of a
positive view to engage themselves in their child’s SPED placement. These parents would also
appeal a denial of that placement if necessary, and they would make that appeal vigorously. A
corollary to parental attitude is parental involvement, and that relates to the next and last research
question of this study.
The final research question of this study is 2.B.) “In what ways does African American
parental involvement in their child’s education in a large urban school district, influence their
child’s initial placement into SPED?” AA parents were constructively involved with their
children’s education in a variety of ways. However, evidence was lacking in this study that this
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involvement (or lack thereof) had an influence on their child’s initial placement into SPED.
Note that the type of involvement related to this question is separate from initial efforts to place a
child into SPED or from efforts to appeal a denial of SPED placement. Rather, it is related to
parental involvement that helps a student succeed regardless of whether the student is in SPED
or not. Participants A1 and A2 are highly involved with the child’s education, but they are not
sure if their involvement had any impact on the student’s initial SPED placement:
JM: Okay. In what specific ways do you help him to succeed as a student?
A1: Well, I talk to him all the time. I tell him that this is just like everybody has a job to do,
and his job is to go to school and learn as much as he can. So I tell him that and I talk
to him all the time and I try not to get upset because he will say things like, he will tell
the teacher, the teacher will ask him where are your notes, and he will say I don’t know,
I was day dreaming or something like that. That really bothers me but I tell him you
can’t do that but what am I supposed to do?
A2: We set up tutoring sessions at lunch. He is supposed to go to whatever teacher, whom
he didn’t do well the week before. On Wednesdays, I also got two other tutoring
sessions set up where there’s a fraternity company that’s at the school where they are
tutoring the first hour and so they get to know each other the second hour on
Wednesday, because they get out early. This fraternity is a brother because it’s mostly
men in there. After school, they go to a tutoring program, it’s called “think together”
that the school offers, and it’s one or two hours depending upon how much help you
need. They tutor you on different subjects and then the last hour is with the fraternity
when they play games based on education. Four hours of tutoring on Wednesdays and
then he has tutoring Saturday mornings from 10 to 12, and then from 12 to 2 for
leadership with the fraternity again. So we are trying everything.
JM: Okay. What else could you do? Do you think there is something else you could do to
help him succeed that you may not be doing now?
A2: I am on a waiting list for another tutoring program that I am trying to get, may be for a
Friday night. Most kids usually have Fridays when they can go out where you can go to
the games and stuff like that. With all his bad grades and stuff, we kind of eliminate
everything out of his life. All he has is sitting at home on Friday nights, so we should
put him in other tutoring. Something is going to click somewhere – this is what I am
hoping. So if I can get all these tutoring sessions together, one of these sessions is
going to click in his head. He needs to do this and he needs to do it this way and maybe
the way people teaching, maybe like in math, it can be taught several different ways to
get to the same answer. So maybe the way that one tutor was teaching it, he doesn’t
understand, but the other way the other tutor is explaining it, maybe it’s easier for him,
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and I don’t know what’s easier and what’s harder right now, so it’s all a guessing game.
I only have a few more years till I’m guessed out.
A1: I talked to him about that because he wants to go outside and play and do different
things, and I say well, if you do what you are supposed to do in school, then you
wouldn’t have all these tutors but it’s left up to you, we are all here to help, so if you
need help, you know you can come and ask us.
JM: Okay. Do you think that your involvement with his education has any bearing on his
placement in special education?
A2: I don’t know. We did have a hard time with him when his mom died. People babied
him and everything because his mother has died. They made a big deal about it and he
uses that sometimes to not do stuff.
JM: What was your level and type of involvement with his education at the point of his
placement into SPED and what is it now?
A2: It’s different now, but that could just be the development of a boy. He is putting in an
effort although the effort is thin. He is putting in more effort to get his work done now
than prior to SPED, maybe because of the punishment – now that all of his gadgets are
being taken, so it could be the environment, it could be a number of things, but I say
that our involvement is different now than it was before. (2015)
Participant D was deeply involved with her child’s education, and she did not believe her
involvement had any bearing on her child’s initial placement into SPED:
JM: OKAY. Next question, describe what you would see as the best way for parents to be
involved with his or her child’s education overall.
D: I would say know your teacher, know your child, work with them every night on their
home work, be involved, go over the home work with them, and even check the back
packs every day. I even check my son’s the moment he gets in the car, so if he forgot
anything, I can just run into the store, we get the remainder of the homework. We have
to stay involved.
JM: Is this the way that you’re involved with your son?
D: Yes.
JM: Okay. Next question; in what specific way do you help him succeed as a student that
you haven’t mentioned yet?
D: If I notice that he is struggling, I definitely will go over it more than one time. We may
work on it over the weekend. Sometimes I may have to buy additional workbooks to
help him succeed and become better on something.
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JM: Okay. Is there anything else you think of that you might be able to do to help him
succeed?
D: As of now, I feel the part that may help even more is I want him to start using the
computer more, to do more of his own research, to help him to be a little more
resourceful on his own.
JM: Okay. Do you think that your involvement with his education has any bearing on his
placement in special education, or not?
D: No.
JM: Why not?
D: I feel like I was forced into special education due to . . . Like I said before, me not
knowing my rights, and them just telling me anything, “Oh, I will only be able to work
with him twice a week for 30 minutes.” Of course, I would feel that that wasn’t
beneficial where the best option is maybe he does need special education.
JM: Okay. What was your level and type of involvement with him at the point of his
placement into SPED and what is it now – after he’s been in it for a while?
D: It’s a high level. I know everyone on his team including his teacher. I text message, I
stay involved. I always advise them that if he needs additional help, just let me know so
I can work on it with him. I’m a hands on and I need to see the person, and figure out
what’s the best option for him because this year before putting him in general
education, I remember the RSP teacher, she had even told me during our meeting when
I sat down and told them the first day of school, I no longer want him in special
education, and she tells me “Well, he may not make A’s, and change may be hard for
him,” and like I told her, I’m not expecting A’s. I know my son, he worked last year
and was great in general education level I see when he started. In the beginning it was
scary, we did see C’s, but by the end of second trimester, we did see B’s and C’s, which
was great for me, I know his skills level. (2015)
While the level and type of AA parental of involvement with their child’s education does
not appear to have an impact on their initial placement into SPED, the parents in this study
believed their involvement was beneficial to their children’s progress. Of the parents surveyed,
91% believe they were involved with their child’s education to a high or great extent, and 96%
believe that a parent’s involvement impacts a child’s performance to a high or great extent. The
top three types of parent involvement are daily encouragement (100%), building of confidence
(95%), and explaining the importance of doing well in school (95%). Parental involvement
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overall was high and the types of involvement included various approaches, but not all of the
parents were involved as much as they described as an ideal level. While all of the parents
interviewed stated that helping the child with homework and communicating with the teacher
were highly important to student success, only 77% of parents surveyed helped their children
with homework on a daily basis, and only 41% communicated with the teacher on a weekly
basis. None of the parents in this study believed their involvement with their child’s education
had any impact on their child’s initial placement, but they did believe their involvement had a
positive impact on their development. The survey revealed that learning and/or emotional
disabilities accounted for 94% of SPED placement. These disabilities are neurological and have
nothing to do with parental involvement, which supported the concept that parental involvement,
while important to student progress, is not a primary factor in initial SPED placement.
Conclusion
Three major themes emerge from the data analysis above. The first theme is the
dichotomy between parents’ general belief that their child needs SPED programming and their
dissatisfaction with the SPED placement process and experience. The second theme is a
generally negative attitude from parents of AA children in SPED toward SPED professionals and
the communication disconnect they often felt between the school and themselves. The third
theme is a contrast between parents’ strong belief that their involvement with their child’s
education is paramount to success contrasted with their actual levels of involvement with their
children. These three themes will be briefly discussed here and developed further in Chapter 5.
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Theme 1
AA parents in this study were more dissatisfied with the SPED placement process than
with their actual placement into SPED. After placement, they also experienced some
dissatisfaction with the help their children received in SPED. Participant A1 reported that it took
a huge amount of effort to find out basic information about the process. Participant D felt that
she was lied to about the SPED process and that her son was forced into it. While both of these
parents were greatly concerned about perceived problems in the placement process, they both
believed that their child’s placement was necessary for development. This belief about their
child’s placement did not translate into full satisfaction with the help their children later received
in SPED. Participant A1 believed that her grandson is doing better but that he needs more one-
on-one attention than he is receiving in SPED. Participant D reported conflicted feelings about
the benefit of SPED for her son. She stated some dissatisfaction with her son’s academic
progress, but she also stated strong satisfaction with his social and emotional development. The
survey results from a racially diverse sample of parents in this study revealed that 71% thought
the SPED placement process was fair, 82% thought the actual placement was appropriate, and
91% thought placement was needed. These data were consistent with the AA parents
interviewed, who felt more positive about their child’s need for SPED than the SPED placement
process itself. Only 64% of those surveyed had overall satisfaction with the quality of SPED
programming for their children. This is consistent with the parents’ of AA and non-AA children
in SPED interviewed, who had mixed perspectives on the quality of the SPED programming
their children received. Both the interview and survey results of this study support the position
that most parents have a generally negative view of the SPED placement process as compared to
their views on their child’s need for SPED programming. The data also supported that parents
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are somewhat less satisfied with the SPED programming their children have received compared
to what they had hoped.
Theme 2
The evidence in this study indicated a generally negative AA parental attitude toward
SPED professionals due to the communication disconnect and lack of follow-up the parents
perceived to exist. Participant A1 stated that she spoke with the school principal from second
graded through fifth grade about her grandson’s special needs, but that despite promises from the
principal, nothing was done to begin the SPED placement process until the child was in fifth
grade. Participant D stated that she was lied to in the IEP meeting about the type of services her
son could receive, and that her son was forced into SPED. Of those parents surveyed, 72% had a
favorable view of communication with teachers and 80% had a favorable view of teacher quality.
This racially diverse group of parents reported a generally more positive attitude toward SPED
professionals than the parents interviewed of AA and non-AA children in SPED. This difference
reflected a large and growing body of literature on the often-strained relationships between AA
parents and SPED professionals (Craft & Hill, 2003; Harper & Koonce, 2005; McKay et al.,
2003; Yan, 1999). Parental attitudes about SPED and SPED professionals may have little or no
bearing on a child’s need for SPED. However, parental attitudes may relate to whether or not a
parent initiates the SPED process for their child, to what extent they advocate for their child to
receive SPED services, and how vigorously a parent would appeal a decision if their child were
denied placement into SPED.
Theme 3
The vast majority of parents surveyed and interviewed believed that a parent’s
involvement has a positive impact upon a child’s educational success, but the level of their
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involvement did not always rise to the level they thought was best for a child. The literature
supported a strong correlation between parent-involvement in their children’s education and
student success in school (McKay et al., 2003). Parents across ethnic lines mentioned a variety
of approaches for involvement including: tutoring, additional materials, encouragement,
monitoring grades, and communicating with administration. One Caucasian mother listed many
more approaches than any other participant, so her approach to being involved with her child’s
education may be considered as an outlier; however, all parents reported being involved with
their child’s education to some extent. Helping a child with their homework on a regular basis
was the prevailing position of parents on how to best help their child to succeed. While all of the
parents interviewed stated that they helped their children with homework, only 77% of parents
reported helping their children with their homework on a daily basis. The second most prevalent
approach thought by the survey participants to be successful in helping a child succeed was
communicating with the teacher, but only 41% of them reported communicating with the teacher
on a weekly basis. These data revealed that parents could articulate the best way to be involved
with a child’s education, while not always being involved in those ways.
Some researchers indicated that many AA parents are not highly involved with their
children’s education (Smith et al., 2005), while others have found that there was little difference
in the parental involvement in a child’s education between White and non-White families (Julian
et al., 1994). When a difference was found, non-White parents were actually found to have
placed a higher emphasis on their children exercising self-control and in doing well in school
than did their White counterparts (Julian et al., 1994). The data in this study did not reveal a
measurable difference between parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED when it came to
involvement with their children’s education, which aligned with the research conducted by Julian
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(1994). This contradicted deficit views about AA parents having a lack of involvement with
their children’s education, which some have incorrectly posited as a reason for the
disproportional placement of AA children in SPED (Harry, 1992).
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CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION
While Special Education (SPED) in public schools provides critical support to many
American children with certain disabilities, a disproportionate number of African-American
(AA) students are referred to SPED (Harry & Klinger, 2006). This phenomenon has been
explored from multiple angles for five decades, but little research has been conducted on the
specific perspective of parents of AA children in SPED regarding the value of SPED for their
children or on how their involvement with their child’s education may affect the child’s
placement into SPED. This study explored this gap in the literature in a systematic way in order
to join the academic conversation on AA parent perspectives of SPED students. The results do
not portend to draw a specific cause and effect related to disproportionality overall. Rather, this
study aimed to add meaning and context to the perspectives of the parents of AA students in
SPED, because they are key stakeholders in the disproportionality issue in American education.
The problem is that the perspective of AA parents of children in SPED regarding its
value to their children is largely missing from the literature on disproportionality, which causes
an understanding gap in the literature. The effect of AA parents’ engagement with their
children’s education on SPED placement is also missing from the discourse on
disproportionality. The purpose of this study was to look at how some parents of AA students in
SPED in a large, urban school district in California view SPED and their child’s placement into
it, as well as their own involvement with their children’s education in general, and specifically
with respect to the SPED placement process. The topic of disproportionality is broad, so the
researcher chose to study this small slice of the issue in depth in hopes of adding more context
and description related to disproportionality studies from which researchers and practitioners
may draw helpful insights.
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There were two overarching research questions with sub-questions used to guide the
study:
1. What is the perspective of African-American parents in a large urban school district
towards their child’s placement in SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parents in a large urban school district view
SPED placement as a track to academic success?
2. What role do African-American parents in a large urban school district play in their
child’s initial placement into SPED?
A. In what ways do African-American parental attitudes about SPED in a large urban
school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
B. In what ways does African American parental involvement in their child’s education,
in a large urban school district influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?
A mixed methods approach was used in this study, because both quantitative and
qualitative methods proved helpful in answering the research questions (Creswell & Clark,
2007). Mixed methods involved the collection and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data
in one study (Creswell et al., 2003). The data may be collected at the same time or sequentially,
they are given a priority in the study, and the data are integrated at one or more phases of the
research process (Creswell et al., 2003). Mixed methods allowed this researcher to give equal
emphasis to both quantitative and qualitative research, or to prioritize one method over the other
depending upon the results obtained (Creswell et al., 2003). The qualitative data were given
priority in this study due to the low number of respondents to the quantitative survey. Mixed
methods provided both a statistical and a personal view of the problem, as well as triangulation
of the data.
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Discussion of Findings
Finding 1
Parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED had a largely negative perspective about the
SPED placement process, but they had a positive perspective about their children’s ultimate
placement into SPED. This finding related to RQ 1) “What is the perspective of African-
American parents in a large urban school district towards their child’s placement in SPED?”
Discussion
The main reason for dissatisfaction with the placement process stemmed from a real or
perceived lack in communication and education about the SPED placement process. Four of the
six parents interviewed indicated that they did not know if the way their child was placed into
SPED was the typical process, one thought it was typical and one thought it was atypical.
Parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED expressed that significant amounts of confusion
surrounding the SPED placement process arose from a lack of communication. One AA parent
stated that she did not know her legal rights and that she was lied to during the IEP meeting. AA
parents also experienced frustration with school officials about obtaining accurate information as
well as timely intervention to help their children. This lack of clarity about the placement
process may indicate a greater need to educate all parents about SPED services and about what
the typical SPED placement process looks like in the school and/or district.
Research indicated that better and more professional communication between parents and
Special Educators is needed (Anderson & Harry, 1994). Communication in this case may be the
education of all parents about the signs and symptoms of special needs. It may also include a
broader dissemination of information regarding the SPED services provided in a school district,
the placement process, and the role of parents in that process. This negative perception of the
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placement process seems to stem less from the actual steps of the process and more from the lack
of education and communication about the process from the school to the parents.
This general dissatisfaction with the SPED placement process contrasted with the
parental belief that their child needed to be in SPED. Both AA parents interviewed were
dissatisfied with the placement process, but both ultimately believed their children needed to be
in SPED. Only 71% of the parents surveyed believed the placement process was fair, while 91%
believed their child needed to be in SPED. The combined interview and survey data indicated
that whether the school or the parent initiated the SPED process, or whether the parent felt the
placement process was effective, most felt that the actual placement was ultimately fair and
appropriate, irrespective of race. The data indicated that parents in general, and AA parents in
particular, perceived SPED placement to be beneficial for their special needs children, while they
perceived the placement process to be significantly lacking due to a lack of education and
communication from the school.
Finding 2
Parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED generally viewed SPED as a track to
academic success, but many parents were typically less satisfied with the quality of the services
their children received from SPED as compared to what they had hoped. This finding relates to
RQ 1A) “In what ways do African-American parents in a large urban school district view SPED
placement as a track to academic success?”
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Discussion
The data of this study suggested most AA parents (and those of other ethnicities in this
study) viewed SPED as a service that led to academic success for their child with special needs.
For the minority of parents, who did not see SPED as a track to success, the reasons generally
stemmed from issues they had with the SPED system, process, or professionals rather than a
belief that SPED is not an effective approach to helping their child with special needs. For those
who did view SPED as a vehicle for student success, this perspective did not always translate
into full satisfaction with the help their children later received in SPED. Parents generally would
have liked higher quality SPED learning environments for their children than the ones in which
they currently resided, and this tended to be consistent across ethnicities. The survey results
from a racially diverse sample of parents in this study revealed that 91% viewed SPED as a
benefit to their child, but only 64% had overall satisfaction with the quality of SPED
programming their children were receiving, and only 59% of parents believed they had adequate
access to educational resources for their children in SPED. Four out of six parents interviewed
perceived SPED to be a benefit, but only one was satisfied with the quality of SPED services the
child was receiving. AA Interview Participant A1 believed that her grandson was doing better
now that he is in SPED but that he needs more one-on-one attention than he is now receiving.
AA Participant D reported conflicted feelings about the benefit of SPED for her son. She stated
some dissatisfaction with her son’s academic progress, but she also stated strong satisfaction
with his social and emotional development.
Both the interview and survey results of this study suggested that a significant percentage
of parents are somewhat less satisfied with the SPED programming their children have received
compared to what they had hoped. Parental attitudes about SPED are important, since they may
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relate to whether or not a parent initiates the SPED process for their child, the level of learning
skills a child develops at home (Sanders et al., 1999), and if the parents would appeal a decision
if their child were denied placement into SPED.
Finding 3
Parents’ of AA children in SPED attitudes toward SPED professionals are generally more
negative than the overall population. This finding relates to RQ 2A) “In what ways do African-
American parental attitudes about SPED in a large urban school district influence their child’s
initial placement into SPED?”
Discussion
Similar to the reason for dissatisfaction with the placement process, this negative AA
parent perspective about SPED professionals is largely due to the communication disconnect and
lack of follow-up the parents perceived to exist. Both of the AA parents interviewed held a
generally negative view of SPED professionals and they largely attributed that to a lack of
communication. Of the parents surveyed, 72% had a favorable view of communication with
teachers and 80% had a favorable view of teacher quality. This racially diverse group of
surveyed parents reported a generally more positive attitude toward SPED professionals than the
AA parents interviewed. This difference reflected a large and growing body of literature on the
often-strained relationships between AA parents and SPED professionals (Craft & Hill, 2003;
Harper & Koonce, 2005; McKay et al., 2003; Yan, 1999). Parental attitudes may relate to
whether or not a parent initiates the SPED process for their child, to what extent they advocate
for their child to receive SPED services, and how vigorously a parent would appeal a decision if
their child were denied placement into SPED.
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A negative perception of SPED professionals on the part of the parents of AA and non-
AA children in SPED interviewed in this study also reflected a long-standing problem between
AA parents and SPED professionals described by the Socio-Cultural Conceptual Framework that
appears to be continuing to some extent into the present (Boyd & Correia, 2005). A vicious
circle existed in which parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED felt disenfranchised from
the SPED system due to lack of communication and have decided that their input does not make
a difference, while special educators often interpreted that as meaning those parents have an
apathetic attitude of disinterest in their child’s education (Brandon & Brown, 2009). This
situation begs the ‘chicken or the egg?’ question. Whichever came first, AA parents must re-
conceptualize their role in the SPED of their children from permission-provider to advocate,
supporter, and joint policy maker (Harry, 1992). Regardless of the perceived or real
communication gap that existed between special educators and AA parents, the parents must
assert their need for better communication and involvement in the system that has significant
impact on their children’s future. Conversely, schools and SPED systems within those schools,
must proactively find ways to improve communication and inclusion of all parents, especially
those of color.
Finding 4
AA parents of children in SPED (and those from other ethnic backgrounds) believed that
their involvement has a positive impact upon their child’s educational success, but their level of
involvement does not always match the level they believe is best for their child. This finding
relates to RQ 2B) “In what ways does African American parental involvement in their child’s
education in a large urban school district, influence their child’s initial placement into SPED?”
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Discussion
The literature supported a strong correlation between parental involvement in their
children’s education and student success in school (McKay et al., 2003). Parents across ethnic
lines mentioned a variety of approaches to begin involvement with their children’s education,
and all parents reported being involved with their child’s education to some extent. While
helping a child with their homework on a regular basis was the prevailing position of parents on
how to best help their child to succeed. While all of the parents interviewed stated that they
helped their children with homework, only 77% of parents reported helping their children with
their homework on a daily basis. The second most prevalent approach thought by the survey
participants to be successful in helping a child succeed was communicating with the teacher, but
only 41% of them reported communicating with the teacher on a weekly basis. These data
revealed that parents could articulate the best way to be involved with a child’s education, while
not always being involved in those ways. This partial disconnection between belief and action
may result from a number of factors. One factor could be the busy lives of parents, who mean
well, but cannot find the time or energy necessary to fully involve themselves in their children’s
education, but this was not specifically explored in this study. Another factor could be the equal
weight parents give to the responsibility of the school and the responsibility of the parent for the
success of the child, which the survey reported as 90% for each. This equal distribution of
responsibility may lead some parents to depend upon the school to provide some of what a parent
should provide for the child.
Some researchers have indicated that many AA parents are not highly involved with their
children’s education (Smith et al., 2005), while others have found that there was little difference
in the parental involvement in a child’s education between White and non-White families (Julian
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et al., 1994). When a difference was found, non-White parents were actually found to have
placed a higher emphasis on their children exercising self-control and in doing well in school
than did their White counterparts (Julian et al., 1994). The data in this study did not reveal a
measurable difference between AA and non-AA parents when it came to involvement with their
children’s education, which aligns with the research conducted by Julian et al. (1994). This
contradicts deficit views about AA parents having a lack of involvement with their children’s
education, which some have incorrectly posited as a reason for the disproportional placement of
AA children in SPED (Harry, 1992).
Finding 5
Parents of children in SPED across ethnic lines, including AA parents, generally do not
perceive racial issues to be causal in the disproportionality of AA students in SPED. This
finding does not relate to any specific research question in this study, but it is germane to the
overall issue of disproportionality to which this study pertains in general.
Discussion
Only one parent of the six interviewed perceived race to be a cause for disproportionality;
and only 2.5% of those surveyed perceived race to be a cause for disproportionality. The
literature generally conflicted with the results of this study in regards to the role of racism in
disproportionality. Correlations between race and disproportional SPED placement have been
documented as early as 1968, but this occurrence may have been happening for far longer than
that (Patton, J. M., 1998). Numerous studies published since 1968 reinforce the pervasiveness of
disproportionality across America, including several by the National Research Council and the
National Association of State Directors of SPED (as cited in Harry & Klinger, 2006). Some of
the most recent research indicated AA students are still much more likely to be referred for initial
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evaluations, placed into SPED programs, and continued through subsequent phases of SPED
compared to their racial counterparts (Bal & Sullivan, 2013).
The different perspective about the role of race in disproportionality from the participants
of this study compared to the literature may be present for various reasons. One reason could be
that the small sample of participants skewed the results. Another could be that these results are
regional and not generalizable to the nation as a whole. A third reason could be a slightly
changing parent perspective on this issue that placement of children into SPED is less race-
centric than in the past. A fourth explanation could be the ubiquitous, yet invisible effects of
racism in our society and educational system (Iverson, 2007). Although there was much less
data in this study pointing to racism as a cause of disproportionality than the researcher had
hypothesized, one Caucasian mother’s articulate and firm position on race as a cause of
disproportionality cannot be ignored, and is summarized by this excerpt from her interview:
Overall, you see societal influences and it triggers down and you can’t stop at the bottom
and say we are going to change the parameters to make sure that we have the proper bell
curve of demographics, and then you end up with children not getting served. So the
challenge is to eliminate racism in the society at large and to eliminate racism and the
effects of it and on things like the judicial system and all of that, and unemployment.
That way, you have the kids at home with similar situations regardless the color of their
skin, then a similar numbers of kids will have single parent households versus double
parent households and have dinner on the table. Then when you look at it, and the
numbers are still skewed, now we have to really address this but right now; because they
may just be skewed because of all the other skews all summed together at the end.
(Participant C, 2015)
This mother’s position may be considered an outlier in the scope of responses from this
study but it supports much of the literature on disproportionality. It suggests that Iverson’s
Critical Race Theory, which posited that most cultural phenomena in the United States relate to
race and a history of racism in our country, is still relevant in disproportionality, at least to some
extent.
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Theoretical Interpretations
The researcher utilized two theoretical frameworks and one conceptual framework to
analyze and interpret the intersection of diversity and placement into SPED from three angles.
Iverson’s (2007) Critical Race Theory Framework (CRT) was helpful in understanding how
racism influenced parents and their perspectives on SPED. The Socio-cultural Conceptual
Framework drafted by Boyd and Correia (2005) proved helpful in understanding the interactions
of AA parents with SPED professionals. Activity Theory developed by Vygotsky, Leont’ev and
Rubinstein in the 1930’s (as cited in Kozulin, 1986) provided a social-psychological model to
analyze, understand, and interpret the phenomenon of disproportionality and for interpreting the
data resulting from this study. Utilizing these frameworks provided the lenses through which
disproportionality, parent perspectives on SPED placement, and parent involvement in their
children’s education may be better understood. These frameworks provided tools through which
the data of this study was interpreted, and all three have proven helpful to understanding and
contextualizing the data.
CRT intrinsically related to the data resulting from this study, because it was helpful in
understanding how racism influenced the parents and their perspectives on SPED. CRT
presented the idea that racism has been systemic in American history from its earliest beginnings
and that it remains a major factor in a number of societal problems today (Iverson, 2007). With
that said, there was a low incidence of perceived racism related to SPED issues resulting from
both interview and survey questions, which painted a somewhat different picture than CRT with
this small sample. CRT may help explain these findings, because it illustrated that racism is
ubiquitous in American society, while often remaining invisible. This invisibility may have led
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participants to miss the underlying issues of racism that continue to affect almost every aspect of
American society, including SPED and the school systems in which SPED resides.
While very few participants pointed to racism or its subsets of cultural misunderstanding
and biased testing as causes of disproportionality or of other problems with SPED, it is important
to note that there was one significant outlier opinion from Interview Participant C (Caucasian) –
an excerpt of this is cited above. This opinion is consonant with the views of Iverson (2007) and
many other thought leaders in the field of diversity studies (Blanchett, 2006; Harry & Klinger,
2006; Patton, J. M., 1998; Skiba et al., 2005) in relation to racial issues in society and our
educational system. While there was much less data in this study pointing to racial issues as
causes of problems with SPED or SPED placement than the researcher had hypothesized, this
Caucasian mother’s articulate and firm position on racism as an issue in these matters, along with
a small percentage of survey participants responding in kind, suggested that Iverson’s (2007)
CRT is still relevant in these matters today.
The Socio-cultural Conceptual Framework (Boyd & Correia, 2005) related to some of the
results in this study concerning the often-strained interactions between AA parents and SPED
professionals. Interview Participants A1 and A2 represented an AA grandmother and aunt
respectively of an AA boy in SPED, who were passionate about their dissatisfaction with the
SPED process on many levels. They both expressed a strong sense of disconnection between
themselves and the SPED professionals at the boy’s school at every stage of the process. They
felt uniformed or misinformed as to their rights and options to help the child. They also felt that
when they had communication with SPED professionals, or with others at the school, the
promises made were not produced in reality. They generally felt the child was not receiving a
proper education and that the school should be doing much more for him to help him succeed.
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This perception on the parts of this AA grandmother and aunt reflect a long-standing problem
between AA parents and SPED professionals described by the Socio-Cultural Framework that
appears to be continuing to some, if not a large, extent into the present (Boyd & Correia, 2005).
The goal of Activity Theory is to understand how consciousness and activity are related
(Kozulin, 1986). The researcher applied AT to this study by examining how subjects and objects
interacted through the mediating activity of the SPED process. The activity had results, which
were a child’s SPED placement and progress in SPED related to parental perspectives and
involvement. Figure 1 in Chapter Three displayed AT in its generic form. How the topic of this
study can be viewed through the AT lens is shown in Figure 2.
The conscious perspectives of parents (Subjects) in this study all had a specific objective
(Object) in relation to their children. That objective was to find the best educational environment
to maximize their child’s best chance of academic and social success. The Subjects interacted
with the Artifacts, which were the student assessment tests and IEP meetings, along with
referrals from teachers. Assessments have historically been found to be discriminatory and
culturally biased against African Americans, which can result in disproportional SPED
placement rates (Anderson & Harry, 1994; Mercer, 1974; Reschly, 1981). IEP meetings can be
adversely affected by the historically strained relationships found between AA parents and SPED
professionals as explained by Boyd and Correia’s (2005) Socio-cultural Conceptual Framework.
Policies about SPED placement and information about those policies (or in some cases the lack
of readily available information) were the obvious rules that governed the Activity. However,
historical racism explained by CRT also affected the rules and how they functioned. The CRT
lens indicated that the rules can, and often are, applied inequitably amongst the races due to the
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Figure 2: Activity Theory as it Relates to this Study
NOTE: A conceptual model of Activity theory as displayed in Teachers College Record, Volume 115, Number 3,
2013, p. 1-36. (Additional description from Kozulin, 1986 and Nardi, 1996). [In contrast to Figure 1, the specific
elements correlating to this study are included in this figure].
underlying themes of racism in society and in the schools in which they exist (Iverson, 2007).
The Division of Labor between parents, Special Educators, and school administrators occurred
within the Community composed of the parent community and its ethnic perspectives, the school
and the American society at large. CRT explained how racism pervades every aspect of the
community, society at large, and the advocates on all sides of the SPED placement issue, who
exist within the larger community (Iverson, 2007).
The consciousness of all Subjects in this Activity had direct impact upon the Activity,
which led to certain Results. The one result in common for all participants of this study was
AT Applied to this Study
9
AA Parents, Spec. Educators,
School Administrators
Student Assessment Tests, The IEP
Meeting
To avoid or to obtain SPED
Referral. To achieve child’s
academic success.
Student placed in SPED or Not.
Student receiving quality education
or Not.
AA Community / School /
Society
Rules governing SPED
Placement. Information
about available about SPED
Parental Involvement with children &
Special Educators; SPEDucators
making rules and placements
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placement into SPED, since that was a qualifying factor for participation. The result of
achieving the best type of education to ensure academic success varied depending upon the
participants. While all parents were glad that their children were in SPED, some were more
satisfied with the service their children received than were others. The overarching framework
of AT, informed by Critical Race Theory, and the Socio-cultural Conceptual Framework
triangulated to produce an effective theoretical lens through which the effects of racism could be
discerned throughout the SPED process.
Assumptions, Delimitations, and Limitations
Three assumptions were made in this study: (1) The AA parents participating in the study
are representative of the educational institutions in the district; (2) the experiences and
perspectives of parents of AA and non-AA children in SPED interviewed and surveyed are not
representative of the experiences of a broader category of AA and non-AA parents with children
in SPED due to the small sample size; and (3) previous research on AA parents can be
extrapolated to other AA parents.
Three major delimitations include: (1) the low number of AA parents interviewed (three
in total); (2) the low number of survey participants (twenty-three); and (3) the lack of data
collection variety beyond surveys and interviews. Limitations were also present in the time
available to conduct research, the relatively small sample of AA parents at a given time, and the
limitation of self-reporting data in general. The last two of these limitations reduced the
generalizability of the findings due to the small sample as well as the relative lack of depth of
perspective that was able to be captured through the data-collection processes used in this study.
A final and significant limitation was present in the personal biases of the researcher developed
through his personal learning and life experiences.
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Implications for Practice
This study focused specifically upon the perspectives of AA parents with children in
SPED and their involvement with their children’s education. The objective of this study was to
add more context and background to disproportionality studies and to SPED practice from which
researchers and practitioners may draw helpful insights. Three implications for practice are
presented in this section; each is linked to a finding of the study and then briefly discussed.
Implication 1
SPED professionals and other school personnel should reevaluate and improve their
communication with, and education of, AA parents of students in SPED.
Discussion
This implication links to Findings 1 and 2. Finding 1 refers to the largely negative
perspective AA parents in this study have about the SPED placement process, and Finding 2
refers to generally more negative attitudes AA parents in this study have toward SPED
professionals than the overall population. The data in this study indicated that the root cause of
both of these findings is a lack of communication with, and education of, AA and non-AA
parents about SPED. Research points to a long-standing lack of communication gap between
AA parents and SPED professionals (Anderson & Harry, 1994; Boyd & Correa, 2005; Brandon
& Brown, 2009).
Collaborative parent-provider relationships and better forms of communication are
possible by working through the various factors that influence both the perceptions of AA
parents and those of professionals (Boyd & Correa, 2005). SPED professionals should learn how
to more fully understand the cultural factors that shape their own perceptions as well as the
factors that shape the perceptions of AA parents (Boyd & Correa, 2005). This could result in the
105
utilization of a more family and culture-centered approach to SPED planning services (Boyd &
Correa, 2005). This approach could reduce the cultural clashes that often occur between the
parents and providers, which could create more positive outcomes for both groups and for the
students they both serve (Boyd & Correa, 2005). A better understanding of how AA parents
perceive their interactions with professionals involved in the SPED process, and a deeper
understanding of how parents come to interpret these interactions, may build persistent parental
participation in, and satisfaction with, the process (Rao, 2000).
One method to help educators identify inconsistent cultural practices is the Double-Check
method (Rosenberg et al., 2010). The Double-Check framework provides a self-assessment for
educators, and it helps them recognize their own attitudes and behaviors toward students of color
and/or learning disability (Rosenberg et al., 2010). It is a model for teachers to check their own
cultural and racial biases Vis a Vis their responsiveness to students (Rosenberg et al., 2010).
This Double-Check approach can lead to the creation and persistence of culturally responsive
programs and practices that can help students and their parents (Rosenberg et al., 2010). It will
take a concerted effort on the parts of both parents and educators to glean better understanding of
each other, especially regarding each other’s cultural perspectives, in order to create a
collaborative and communicative environment that can best address SPED related issues.
Implication 2
SPED professionals and other school officials should reevaluate and consider upgrades to
their SPED programs and services.
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Discussion
This implication is linked to Finding 4, which stated that many parents are typically less
satisfied with the quality of the services their children receive from SPED compared to what they
had hoped. Parents reported several areas of dissatisfaction with SPED programming, including:
a lack of small group and one-to-one environments, a lack of access to SPED resources, and
inadequate academic progress in their children. These findings are consistent with the literature
related to parents and their views of SPED (Anderson & Harry, 1994; Boyd & Correa, 2005;
Brandon & Brown, 2009).
Schools should conduct a gap analysis to isolate and address problems of practice in
SPED programming (Clark & Estes, 2008). The gap analysis approach involves six steps:
1) identifying the gaps (the spaces between current and desired practice), 2) isolating the exact
cause of each gap, 3) determining research-proven methods to mitigate the specific causes of
each gap, 4) implementing those methodologies, 5) assessing the effectiveness of each
methodology in closing gaps, and 6) implementing adjustments as needed (Clark & Estes, 2008,
pp. 41-56). Schools should provide additional professional development opportunities for
special educators. Districts should reevaluate the proper teacher-to-student ratio for SPED
classes and consider additional staff to achieve ideal ratios. These adjustments to practice could
result in improved SPED services and a higher parent satisfaction with the quality of SPED their
children are receiving.
Implication 3
SPED professionals and teachers should foster increased AA Parent involvement with
their children in SPED.
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Discussion
This implication links to Finding 3, which stated that AA Parents of children in SPED
(and parents from all other ethnic backgrounds) believed that their involvement has a positive
impact upon their children’s educational success, but their level of involvement does not always
match the level they believe is best for their child. While most AA parents are productively
involved with their children’s education, they (as well as parents from all other ethnic groups)
could benefit from learning how to help their children in SPED succeed at an even greater level.
Parents want to help their children, but they do not always have the skills to help them in the way
they need.
Research indicated a strong correlation between parent-involvement in their children’s
education and student success (McKay et al., 2003). Racial socialization processes are a result of
parental involvement in their children’s schooling, but there is a cultural gap between parents
and teachers in urban settings that must be closed if healthy socialization is to be achieved
(McKay et al., 2003).
School programs should be developed to help parents improve their ability to facilitate
their teens’ learning activities at home, which will have a positive impact on student learning
skills (Sanders et al., 1999). Schools should develop practices that involve the entire family that
can also have a positive impact on student learning at home (Sanders et al., 1999). Schools
should develop strong parental partnership programs that are apt to improve parental attitudes
about school, which encourages greater family involvement at school and at home for parents
and their teenage children (Sanders et al., 1999).
Schools should find ways to improve the parents' sense of self-efficacy in helping their
children succeed in school (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997). In other words, the extent to
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which parents believe their involvement will make a positive difference in their children’s
schooling will determine how they will involve themselves with their child’s education (Hoover-
Dempsey & Sandler, 1997). These supports for parents could facilitate better learning outcomes
for SPED students, and they could create a better sense of teamwork between parents and special
educators to achieve the common goal of helping every SPED student perform to their full
potential.
Future Research
The purpose of this study was to look at how some parents of AA students in SPED in a
large, urban school district in California view SPED and their child’s placement into it, as well as
their own involvement with their children’s education. The findings of this study join a long and
broad discourse on SPED and disproportionality issues related to the AA community. Some key
observations have been gleaned via the data generated in this study, and the researcher advances
five recommendations in this section to extend research and to inform practice.
Recommendation 1
Research the reasons behind the often-strained communication between SPED
professionals and AA parents of children in SPED.
Discussion
Research indicated that more effective and complete communication between parents and
Special Educators is needed (Anderson & Harry, 1994), and a dominant and recurring problem in
the literature was the chasm that often exists between AA parents and special educators (Craft &
Hill, 2003; Harper & Koonce, 2005; McKay et al., 2003; Yan, 1999). Additional research
contextualized this communication problem within the overarching themes in the literature of:
racism, privilege, the systematic patterns of inequity in our schools – and in American society as
109
a whole in which schools exist (Patton, J. M., 1998). AT explained how the consciousness of all
Subjects in an Activity is related to the Activity, which leads to specific results (Kozulin, 1986).
CRT explained how the impact of historical racism affects the consciousness of all participants
in the Activity of the SPED process (Iverson, 2007). This racism, even though not always
visible, is an underlying issue in the strained communications between AA parents and SPED
professionals (Craft & Hill, 2003; Harper & Koonce, 2005; McKay et al., 2003; Yan, 1999).
This study also found that poor communication between SPED professionals and AA
parents of children in SPED was a major cause of AA parent dissatisfaction with the SPED
placement process and a negative AA parent attitude towards SPED professionals. While this
result confirmed earlier research, neither this study nor earlier research comprehensively
explained why this lack of communication exists. Future research on this communication gap
could yield specific impediments to communication, which could form the basis to research how
those impediments could be mitigated or eliminated. Better communication between AA parents
and special educators could improve AA parent understanding of the SPED process and foster a
higher level of trust in special educators. This trust could improve the teamwork needed to
enhance learning outcomes for SPED students.
Recommendation 2
Research how schools can help AA parents of children in SPED to be more involved with
their children’s education in ways that improve learning outcomes.
Discussion
The literature supported a strong correlation between parental involvement in their
children’s education and student success in school (McKay et al., 2003). Some researchers have
indicated that many AA parents are not highly involved with their children’s education (Smith et
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al., 2005), while other researchers have found that there was little difference in the parental
involvement in a child’s education between White and non-White families (Julian et al., 1994).
Twenty years ago, many educational professionals perceived a low level of participation by AA
parents, but the data from research showed that most AA parents had consistently strong initial
efforts to support their children's schooling (Harry et al., 1995). However, those efforts
eventually turned to disillusionment with the special education placement process, which lacked
sufficient avenues for parental input and influence (Harry et al., 1995). The Division of Labor
element of AT (Kozulin, 1986) related to the involvement of AA parents in their children’s
education. CRT (Iverson, 2007) informed this involvement by explaining how racism may
adversely affect the interaction between SPED professionals and AA parents, which may hinder
AA parental involvement with their children.
The researcher of this study found that AA parents were involved with their children’s
education, but they were not as involved as much or in the ways they thought they should be. It
stands to reason that AA parents (and parents from all other ethnicities) could benefit by learning
better ways to be involved with their children’s education. The findings of future research on
this topic may yield a better understanding of the specific ways in which schools can help parents
support their children’s progress in SPED. By schools taking the lead in educating parents on
this topic, a synchronization of efforts between parents and SPED professionals to help students
succeed could result.
Recommendation 3
Conduct broader research studies on how AA parents of children in SPED view race as a
factor in the disproportionality of AA students in SPED today.
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Discussion
Correlations between race and disproportional SPED placement have been documented
as early as 1968, but this occurrence may have been happening for far longer than that (Patton,
J. M., 1998). Numerous studies published since 1968 reinforced the pervasiveness and
persistence of disproportionality, including several by the National Research Council and the
National Association of State Directors of SPED (as cited in Harry & Klinger, 2006). Some of
the most recent research indicated AA students are still much more likely to be referred for initial
evaluations, placed into SPED programs, and continued through subsequent phases of SPED
compared to their racial counterparts (Bal & Sullivan, 2013).
The results of this study were mixed on the evidence of race or racism as a major factor
perceived by AA parents as causal for disproportionality. The small sample from this study may
partially explain these results, while a larger sample from a broader geographic area may yield
more validity. Ubiquitous societal racism that existed often without visible notice, as illustrated
via CRT (Iverson, 2007), may also explain the mixed results of this study. The entire Activity of
the SPED process explained by AT above is directly and indirectly affected by racism as a
historical and present reality in our society (Kozulin, 1986; Iverson, 2007). Future research on
how AA parents of children in SPED view race as a factor in the disproportionality of AA
students in SPED today will either validate and underscore the historical perspective on racism
as a core cause, or it will reveal a nuanced shift towards a less racism-centric model. If there is
any shift at all, the researcher hypothesizes that it would be a minor one, but the topic warrants
further research to maintain a continual assessment of this topic.
Recommendation 4
Repeat this same study with a much larger sample population.
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Discussion
A purposive and representativeness rationale for selecting the site was attempted, but
representativeness of the target population was not fully achieved due to the small sample size.
Representativeness of the district was not achieved either due to the small sample. Purposive
selection means that one purposely selects a site that will provide the most data-rich environment
for the study to be conducted (Merriam, 2009). Purposeful sampling involves the identification
and inclusion of study participants with particular characteristics (Patton, M. Q., 2005).
Representativeness means the selection of a population that represents the one you are studying
(Maxwell, 2013).
Although this site should have produced the representativeness desired based upon its
demographics, the small sample of willing participants amongst the AA parent community
resulted in less representativeness than the researcher had hoped. A repetition of the study with a
much larger sample of AA parents should yield more representativeness, reliable, and valid
results. It would be interesting to see if those results reinforce or qualify the findings of this
current study.
Conclusion and Final Thoughts
The findings of this study led the researcher to reexamine some prior assumptions about
disproportionality overall and about AA parent perspectives on SPED in particular. One of those
assumptions was that AA parents would perceive issues of racism as the primary factors in
SPED placement, but this study found little direct evidence of racism as being causal to
disproportionality. Another assumption was that there would be vast differences in parent
perspectives about SPED along racial/ethnic lines. While AA parents did have a slightly more
negative perception of SPED professionals than parents of other races/ethnicities, the difference
113
in perspectives were not as stark as the researcher had hypothesized. A third assumption was
that AA parents would push for their children to be placed into SPED as a track for academic
success more than other races/ethnicities, but that assumption was not at all supported by the
data.
The reasons for the researcher’s initial assumptions/hypotheses about this topic stemmed
from his review of the literature as well as his own experiences and biases. Regardless of the
researcher’s presuppositions, his determination was to follow where the data led, and it led to
conclusions somewhat contrary to formerly held positions. The researcher would like to confirm
or qualify the findings from the small sample population of the current study by repeating it with
a much larger sample population. However, the dearth of participation amongst the AA parent
population in this study may actually serve as a negative proof of the problems that still exist
between the AA community and the schools in which their children attend.
This study focused upon the perspectives of AA parents of children in SPED, but data
was also collected from parents of other ethnicities as a basis for comparison where appropriate.
The net result was that there were few demonstrable differences between parents of different
ethnic groups related to most of the research questions of this study. Although this study had the
limiting factor of a small sample size, which made it difficult to draw generalizable conclusions,
it was nonetheless surprising to the researcher that clearer delineations in perspectives were not
evident between ethnicities and races in most cases. This does not lead the researcher to
conclude that issues of race and racism no longer exist or are no longer relevant to SPED and
disproportionality – especially where it involves the continued challenges in the relationships
between AA parents and SPED professionals. Over 50 years of literature and a realistic
understanding of American history and contemporary culture illustrate that racial issues are still
114
relevant to SPED and to the society and schools within which SPED exists. It does, however,
lead the researcher to be interested in further exploration of the topic to determine if some
nuanced shift in the evolution of the disproportionality phenomenon may be occurring to any
extent at all on a regional or national level, and if so, why. Such a shift, if found, may spawn
new questions, new research, and perhaps new implications for practice that could positively
impact the education of AA students in SPED.
In a letter to his nephew on the 100th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation,
Baldwin (1963) bemoaned that not much had changed in the plight of African-Americans.
Research on disproportionality and other issues related to SPED for AA children since then
indicated that not much has changed in this area either in recent decades (Harry & Klinger, 2006;
Bal & Sullivan, 2013). The data in this study collected from a small, localized sample of parents
appear to confirm no major shift in the issues or the underlying causes of racial disparities in
SPED documented in the literature.
AA parents of children in SPED and the children themselves need and deserve to achieve
full educational equity and access. Equity would benefit the students, parents, schools, and
communities in which these families live. This type of educational equity can only be
accomplished if all sectors of the educational system achieve equitable outcomes, including
Special Education. Achieving equity requires thought-leaders in the field of Special Education,
practitioners and other related experts in the community to help AA parents better: understand
the SPED process, how to become more productively involved with it, and how to become more
productively involved with their children’s learning. Such equity is essential for all children to
have the same opportunity to succeed in school and to fulfill their full potential as citizens in
American society and in our increasingly interconnected global community.
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Appendix A: Survey Invitation
Date, 2015
Dear __________:
Greetings!
My name is John Moran, and I am a doctoral student in the Rossier School of Education at the
University of Southern California. I am writing a dissertation on the Disproportionality of
African-Americans in special education. The perspective of parents of African-American
children in Special education is the particular focus of this study. You have been identified as a
parent of at least one child in special education. I am conducting this study under the guidance
of _________.
Participation in this survey would take appoximately15 minutes and it would greatly benefit the
study. I request that you complete the survey a week from the date of receipt to allow for timely
review of the responses.
Following the completion of this survey, I am asking for volunteers who would be interested in
participating in a personal interview based on the topic surveyed. If you are available for an
interview, please respond at the completion of the survey with your contact information.
Participation in this study is completely voluntary, and your identity will be kept confidential at
all times. The purpose of the survey is solely to provide data for this study.
If you have any questions, please contact me via email or phone:
John Moran: johngmor@usc.edu, . . .
Thank you for your participation!
John Moran
Doctoral Student, University of Southern California
122
Appendix B: Parent Perspective/Involvement Survey Protocol
Survey Invitation and Informed Consent
My name is John Moran, and I am a doctoral candidate in the Rossier School of Education at the
University of Southern California. I am writing a dissertation on the perspective of parents of
African-American children in Special Education. You have been identified as a parent of at least
one child in special education. I am conducting this study with the approval of the school district
and under the guidance of the Rossier School of Education at USC. My study has also been
approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) to ensure the safety and privacy of each
participant.
Participation in this survey would take approximately 15 minutes and it would greatly benefit the
study. I request that you complete the survey a week from the date of receipt to allow for timely
review of the responses.
Following the completion of this survey, I am asking for volunteers who would be interested in
participating in a personal interview based on the topic surveyed. If you are available for an
interview, please respond at the completion of the survey with your contact information.
Participation in the survey and interview aspects of this study is completely voluntary, and your
identity will be kept confidential at all times. The purpose of the survey and interview is solely
to provide data for this study.
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
If you have any questions, please contact me via email or phone: John Moran:
johngmor@usc.edu, . . ., Doctoral Student, University of Southern California
You may also contact the IRB if you have any questions or concerns about this study:
INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD (IRB) CONTACT INFORMATION
University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los
Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu
Survey Questions
What is your race/ethnicity? (Check all that apply)
1. White
2. Black/African American
3. Asian
123
4. American Indian/Alaskan Native
5. Native Hawaiian/ Pacific Islander
6. Hispanic (originating from a Spanish Speaking Country)
7. Other
What is your gender?
1. Male
2. Female
3. Other
How many children do you have in SPED?
1. 1
2. 2
3. 3
4. 4
What is the age of your child for whom you will be answering the questions in this survey?
(PLEASE ANSWER ALL FOLLOWING QUESTIONS WITH THIS ONE CHILD IN MIND)
1. 6
2. 7
3. 8
4. 9
5. 10
6. 11
7. 12
8. Other
What grade will your child enter in the 2015/16 School year?
1. 1st
2. 2nd
3. 3rd
4. 4th
5. 5th
6. 6th
7. Other
How old was your child when he/she was placed into Special Education?
1. 6
2. 7
3. 8
4. 9
5. 10
6. 11
7. 12
8. Other
124
What is the gender of your child?
1. Male
2. Female
How was the placement process initiated?
1. I initiated the process
2. The school recommended testing for my student
3. The regular classroom teacher notified me that my child was having difficulties
4. Other
What was the primary reason your child was recommended for Special Education? (check all
that apply)
1. Learning Disability
2. Emotional Disability
3. Behavioral Issues
4. Other
How long has your child been in Special Education programs/services?
1. 1 year or less
2. 2 years
3. 3 years
4. 4 years
5. 5 years
6. More than 5 years
How much do you agree with the Following Statements?
Statements
Strongly
Disagree
Disagree
Neutral
Agree
Strongly
Agree
I was notified about every step of my
child’s placement into SPED
(teacher referral, assessment testing,
IEP Meeting).
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The reasons for my child’s
placement into SPED were explained
to me.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
My child’s placement into SPED is
appropriate.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
My child’s placement into SPED is
fair.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
My child’s placement into SPED is
needed.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
I objected to my child’s placement
into SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
I advocated for my child’s placement
into SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
125
I would have appealed the decision if
my child were not placed into SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
If necessary, I would seek outside
assistance, such as legal advice or
assistance, to ENSURE my child’s
placement into SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
If necessary, I would seek outside
assistance, such as legal advice or
assistance, to PREVENT my child’s
placement into SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
I view SPED as a benefit that should
not be denied to my child.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
What is Your Satisfaction Level with the Following?
Satisfaction Items
Very
Unsatisfied
Unsatisfied
Neutral
Satisfied
Very
Satisfied
That my child is in SPED. ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The quality of my child’s SPED
Teachers.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The communication from the school
related to my child’s academic
process.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The quality of experience my child is
receiving in SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The SPED learning environment for
my child.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
My child’s happiness about being in
SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The academic improvement from my
child being in SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The social improvement from my
child being placed into SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The emotional improvement from
my child being placed into SPED.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The access to resources my child
receives in SPED that he/she would
not have otherwise.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
The benefits of SPED for my child. ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
My overall satisfaction with SPED
for my child.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
126
How often are you involved in the following activities?
Activities Never Yearly Monthly Weekly Daily
Interaction/Communication with
your child’s teachers.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Interaction/Communication with
school administrators/counselors.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Helping your child with his/her
homework.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Monitoring your child’s grades. ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Providing positive reinforcement to
your child for doing well in school.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Explaining the importance of
education to your child.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Building your child’s self-
confidence.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Encouraging your child to try their
best.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Visiting your child’s
school/classroom.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Involvement with The Parent-
Teacher Association (PTA)
❏
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Obtaining outside tutoring for your
child.
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
Please mark the EXTENT to which you believe is accurate for each question below.
Questions
To No Extent
To a Small
Extent
To an
Average
Extent
To a Large
Extent
To a
Great
Extent
To what extent does a parent’s
involvement with his/her child’s
education have an impact on that
child’s performance in school?
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
How involved have you been
involved with your child’s education
overall?
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
To what extent is the school
responsible for a child’s education?
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
To what extent are the parents
responsible for a child’s education?
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
If there is more than one parent
involved with the decision making of
the child’s education, to what extent
❏ ❏ ❏ ❏ ❏
127
do they hold the same opinions
towards Special Education expressed
in this survey?
Research shows that non-White students are placed into special education programs in higher
percentages than White students. Why do you think that is? (Select all that apply)?
1. Racism
2. Biased Testing
3. Socio-economic Status
4. Language Issues
5. Lack of Educational Opportunities/Access
6. Cultural Misunderstandings
7. Level of Parental Involvement
8. Unfair Labeling or Stereotyping
9. Different Educational Needs of Different Groups
10. Fair and Objective Assessment of Student Needs
11. School Personnel Acting in the Best Interest of Each Child
12. I Don’t Know
13. Other
Please add anything other perspectives you may have about SPECIAL EDUCATION or about
your Involvement with your Childs Education.
Would you be willing to participate in a personal interview related to the topic of this survey?
1. Yes
2. No
Thank you for agreeing to participate in a personal interview. Please enter your best contact
information here: email, phone or both. Your identity will be kept confidential – only the
combined information from all interviews will be used for the purposes of my study. I will
contact you shortly to set up an interview time and place that are convenient for you.
128
Appendix C: Interview Protocol
I. Introduction
Interview Informed Consent
Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study. I appreciate the time that you have set
aside to answer some of my questions. A small/token gift will be provided to each parent being
personally interviewed (A $10 gift card). The interview should take about an hour or less, does
that work for you? Before we get started, I want to let you know just a little bit about me and
about this study. I would also like to answer any questions you might have about participating.
I am in the dissertation phase of a Doctoral program of Educational Leadership at the USC
Rossier School of Education. The topic of my research study is “African-American Parent
Perspectives on Special Education.” I am conducting this interview to collect data for that study.
I have structured my line of inquiry around your perspectives as the parent(s) of an African-
American student in SPED.
I want to assure you that I am strictly wearing the hat of researcher today. What this means
is that the nature of my questions are not evaluative of you. I will not be making any judgments
on you as a parent or about your opinions and positions on this or any topic. I have received
written permission from the school district to conduct this study, and they require that I send my
findings to them upon completion. Since that is the case, please note that I will not be using real
names in my report, and I will be careful to write it in such a way so that no incrimination comes
to any individual based on their candid comments in these interviews. You may also let me
know if you wish to take a break or to discontinue the interview at any time for any reason. ?
Please know that I will destroy the recordings as soon as written transcripts of the recordings
have been made.
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human
Subjects Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors
research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
If you have any questions, please contact me via email or phone: John Moran:
johngmor@usc.edu, . . . , Doctoral Student, University of Southern California
You may also contact the IRB if you have any questions or concerns about this study:
INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD (IRB) CONTACT INFORMATION
University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los
Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu
I am happy to provide you with a copy of my final paper if you are interested (yes/no).
Might you have any questions about the study before we get started? If you don’t have any
(more) questions I would like to have your permission to begin the interview. I have brought a
recorder with me today so that I can accurately capture what you share with me, including your
129
consent to participate in this interview. May I also have your permission to record our
conversation? (yes/no)
II. Setting the Stage
I was hoping we could start with you telling me a little bit about yourself: your name, age, and
the age of your child in SPED?
OK, we can now proceed to the main questions of the interview.
III. Heart of the Interview
Research and Interview Questions Table
Research Questions Interview Questions Related Literature
1.) What is the perspective of
African-American parents in a
large urban school district
towards their child’s placement in
SPED?
What was the initiation
process of your child’s
placement into SPED?
Probe 1 – Is this the typical or
atypical process?
Probe 2 –Were there any
special circumstances?
Probe 3 – Did you find the
placement fair and
appropriate?
(Sanders et al., 1999; McKay
et al., 2003; Boyd & Correa,
2005; Harry, 1992; Zionts et
al., 2003)
What is your view of SPED
in general?
Probe 1 – Do you feel it is a
track to academic success? If
so, why?
Probe 2 – Do each of you feel
this way?
How is your child performing
since entering SPED re:
behavior, performance, and
social interaction?
Probe 1 – How do you know?
Probe 2 – Is this a difference
from pre SPED? If so, how?
In an ideal world, describe the
best possible educational
environment for your child.
Probe 1 – Is your child in that
environment right now?
Probe 2- What would it take
for your child to be in that
perfect environment?
Do you view SPED as a
benefit or a hindrance to your
child?
Probe 1 – Why?
130
Transition Question 1. So, we have spent most of our
time so far talking about your
view of SPED and your
child’s placement into it.
Now I would like to change
gears a little bit and ask about
your involvement with your
child’s education overall.
Before I do, is there anything
else you would like to add to
this first section before we
move on?
2) What role do African-
American parents in a large urban
school district play in their child’s
initial
placement into SPED?
Describe what you would see
as the best way for a parent to
be involved with his or her
child’s education.
Probe 1: Is this the way you
are involved with your child
today?
Probe 2: If not, what are the
barriers to that type of
involvement?
(Smith et al., 2005; Brandon
& Brown, 2009; Craft & Hill,
2003; Harper & Koonce,
2005; Julian et al., 1994;
McKay et al., 2003; Sanders
et al., 1999)
In what specific ways do you
help your child succeed as a
student?
Probe 1 – What else could
you be doing to help your
child succeed?
Do you think your
involvement with your child’s
education has any bearing on
your child’s placement into
SPED?
Probe 1 – why or why not?
Probe 2 –
What was your level and type
of involvement with your
child’s education at the point
of SPED initiation, and what
is it now?
If you see SPED as a benefit
and your child were denied
placement into it, would you
take steps to appeal that
denial?
Probe 1 – What would those
steps be?
Prove 2 – How vigorously
would you be in making the
appeal?
131
IV. Final Question
Is there anything that you would add to our conversation today that I might not have covered?
V. Closing
Thank you so much for you sharing your thoughts with me today! I really appreciate
your time and willingness to share. Everything that you have shared is really helpful for my
study. If I find myself with a follow-up question, I am wondering if I might be able to contact
you, and if so, if email is ok? I may see if we can set up a time to interview again in the near
future – would that be OK? Again, thank you for participating in my study. As a thank you, I
hope you will accept this small gift from me.
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to explore how some parents of AA students in SPED in a large, urban school district in California view SPED, their child’s placement into SPED, and their involvement with their children’s education. A mixed methods approach was employed via six parent interviews and a survey of twenty-three parents. Major findings: 1) AA parents perceive their child’s SPED placement process negatively but SPED placement as appropriate
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Moran, John Gerard
(author)
Core Title
African-American parent perspectives on special education
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education (Leadership)
Publication Date
04/22/2016
Defense Date
03/03/2016
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
African-American,disproportionality,OAI-PMH Harvest,parental involvement,Power,privilege,Racism,Special Education,SPED placement
Format
application/pdf
(imt)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Green, Alan (
committee chair
), Baca, Reynaldo (
committee member
), Maccalla, Nicole (
committee member
)
Creator Email
j-g-moran1@hotmail.com,johngmor@usc.edu
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-242642
Unique identifier
UC11278063
Identifier
etd-MoranJohnG-4367.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-242642 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-MoranJohnG-4367.pdf
Dmrecord
242642
Document Type
Dissertation
Format
application/pdf (imt)
Rights
Moran, John Gerard
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Tags
African-American
disproportionality
parental involvement
SPED placement