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Values-based approach to heritage conservation: identifying cultural heritage in Los Angeles Koreatown

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Values-based approach to heritage conservation: identifying cultural heritage in Los Angeles Koreatown

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VALUES-BASED APPROACH TO HERITAGE CONSERVATION:
IDENTIFYING CULTURAL HERITAGE IN LOS ANGELES KOREATOWN

by

Junyoung Myung

A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF HERITAGE CONSERVATION

December 2015

Copyright 2015 Junyoung Myung

i
Dedication

For my parents, wife, and son.

ii
Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my advisor Trudi Sandmeier for her guidance and support.
This study would not have been possible without her encouragement and insights. Her
classes built the foundation for this thesis, and her guidance and continual support has
enabled me to complete this study. She has been an influential person, both as a professor
and my thesis advisor. I am further grateful to my thesis committee member, Jay Platt,
who provided continual guidance, advice, numerous questions, and concerns regarding
the direction of the thesis. Without his motivation and persistence, this work would not
have been fully realized. I would also like to thank to Hyo-Joung Kim, my committee
members, who has provided invaluable guidance and unlimited assistance, and helped me
interview key sources. He introduced me to a Korea Times reporter and the former
executive director of the Center for Korean American and Korean Studies. I will never
forget his friendliness and great advice. Finally I would like to thank my parents and wife
for their love, constant support, and encouragement during the past two years.

iii
Table of Contents

Dedication………………………………………………………………………………….i
Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..ii
List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………...v
List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………….vi
Abstract………………………………………………………………………………….viii
Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..1
Chapter 1: International Charters and Values-Based Approach…………………………..5
1.1 History of International Charters and Paradigm Shift………………………...5
1.1.1 History of International Charters………………………………………...5
1.1.2 Burra Charter – Paradigm Shift………………………………………….7
1.1.3 Intangible Heritage………………………………………………………8
1.2 Values-Based Management………………………………………………….10
1.2.1 Guidelines to the Burra Charter………………………………………...11
1.2.2 Values-Based Management of Historic Places, in British Columbia,
Canada…………………………………………………………………..12
1.2.3 Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional Cultural
Properties, U.S…………………………………………………………..14
1.2.4 Conservation Management Plans in U.K. Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF)
..……………………………….………………………………………...16
Chapter 2: Background of Los Angeles’ Korean Community………………………..17
2.1 History of Korean Immigrants……………………………………………….17
2.1.1 The First Wave of Korean Immigration (prior to 1950)…………...…...17
2.1.2 The Second Wave – Korean War and Aftermath (1950-1964)………...19
2.1.3 The Third Wave of Korean Immigration (1965-1975)…………………19
2.2 Development of Los Angeles Koreatown……………………………………20
2.2.1 The Period of Growth – Olympic Boulevard Era (1976-85)…………...20
2.2.2 The Period of Expansion – Wilshire Era and Beyond (1986-present)
……………………………………………………....…………………..21
2.3 Characteristics of Los Angeles Koreatown Community Core……..….……..23

iv
2.3.1 Location and Environment ………………………...…………………...23
2.3.2 Streetscape and Zoning ……………………………...………………....24
Chapter 3: Identifying Values of Koreatown……………………………………...……..26
3.1 Thematic Framework ……………………………………..…………..……..27
3.2 The Image of the Koreatown ……………………………..…...…..….……..27
3.3 Context Study ……………………...…..……………………………..……..30
3.3.1 Peopling the Land (Historic factors)…………………………………...30
3.3.2 Developing Economies (Economic factors) ………………...………....34
3.3.3 Governing the Region (Political factors) ……………..……..….……...40
3.3.4 Building Social and Community Life (Social factors) ………..….…....46
3.3.5 Expressing Intellectual and Cultural Life (Cultural and Educational
factors) ……………………………………………………….…………50
Chapter 4: Identifying and Evaluating Historic Places of Koreatown ………...………...54
4.1 Places of Cultural Significance in Koreatown ……………..………...……...54
4.1.1 Historic places in Old Koreatown ……………………………...………54
4.1.2 Historic places in New Koreatown ………………………………...…..56
4.2 Statement of Significance ……………...……………………...…..….……..57
4.2.1 Old Koreatown ………………………………….………………....…...57
4.2.2 New Koreatown …………………………………….…………...……..62
Chapter 5: Plan for Conservation of Koreatown …………………………….…………..78
5.1 Developing Heritage Inventory for Korean Community ………….………...78
5.2 Community Design Overlay District (CDO) ………………….……..……...81
5.3 Partnerships and Community Involvement for Preservation …….……….....84
5.3.1 Community Participation ………………………….……………....…...84
5.3.2 Tourism and Education ……………………….…….…………...……..86
5.3.3 Intangible Heritage and Inheritance …………….…………...…….…...86
Conclusion ……………………………………………...…………….…………….…...88
Bibliography ………………………………………………………….…………….…...90
Appendix A: The Burra Charter Process (Version 1: November, 2013)………………...98
Appendix B: Survey Instrument and Responses…………………………………………99

v
List of Tables

3.1 The number of Korean Americans and Growth Rates in the Ten Largest Korean
Population Areas in 1990, 2000, 2010 ……...…………….…………………….…...31
3.2 Comparison between KAC and KAFLA ……...…………….………………….…...44
3.3 Comparison between Koreans in Los Angeles and the Fifteen City Sample of The
Rebirth of Urban Democracy as regards Sense of Community …………..…….…...47
4.1 Historic places in Old Koreatown ……...……………………………………….…...55
4.2 Historic places in New Koreatown ……...…………….…………….………….…...56
5.1 Koreatown’s Values-based Management Planning Timeline …………………..…...87

vi
List of Figures

2.1 Boundary change of Koreatown ……...…………….…………………….…….…...24
3.1 The proportion of the population in Koreatown and LA County in 2008-2010 ….....32
3.2 Korean American’s daily life in Los Angeles Koreatown, 1986 ……….…………...33
3.3 Koreatown Historic Places Map, Peopling the Land ……….……………………….34
3.4
Employment by Industry 1990 and 2005-2009 ……….……………………………..36
3.5 Wilshire Center/ Koreatown Redevelopment Area …………………………………37
3.6 Koreatown Gateway and signboard on Olympic Boulevard, 2015 …………….…...38
3.7 Land Use in Koreatown ………………………………………………………...…...39
3.8 Koreatown Historic Places Map, Economic Development …………………….……40
3.9 Memorial place for South Korea Ferry Disaster in front of Consulate General of the
Republic of Korean in Los Angeles, 2014 ……….……………………………….....41
3.10 KAC’s annual walk-a-thon, “4.29 Walking to Build Bridges” ……………….…...43
3.11 “Koreatown” signs posting at the intersections of Vermont and Olympic, and
Western and Olympic in Los Angeles, 1982 ……….………………………………45
3.12 Koreatown Historic Places Map, Governing the Region ……………………..……46
3.13 Koreatown Night Market along 6th Street, 2014 ……….………………………....49
3.14 Koreatown Historic Places Map, Building social and Community Life ………......50
3.15 Founding of Korean Youth Center, 1975 ……………………………………..…...51
3.16 Korean traditional percussion, Poongmul, event of UCLA Korean Culture
Awareness Group ……….……………………………………………………….....52
3.17 Koreatown Historic Places Map, Expressing Intellectual and Cultural Life ….…...53
4.1 Historic places in Old Koreatown ……………………………………………....…...55
4.2 Historic places in New Koreatown ……….…………………………………….…...57
4.3 Korean Independence Memorial Building, circa 1937 and 2015 ……...…....….…...58
4.4 Korean Presbyterian Church, circa 1938 and 2015 ………………………………....59
4.5 The Hung Sa Dan building at the intersection of 1st Street and Figueroa Street on
Bunker Hill around 1915 ……………………………………………………….…...61
4.6 The past historic site of Hung Sa Dan near LADWP ……………………….….…...61
4.7 The Hung Sa Dan moved into a new building on Catalina Street …………..….…...61

vii
4.8 The Hung Sa Dan building in present day. ……….…………………………………61
4.9
Dosan Ahn Chang Ho Family House, 1990 ………………...………………….……62
4.10
Dosan Ahn Chang Ho Family House, 2013 ……….…………………………….....62
4.11
Olympic Market, c. 1971 …………………………………………………..….…...63
4.12
New commercial building at the original site of Olympic Market, 2015 ……..…...63
4.13
VIP Palace, c.1984 …………………………………………………………….…...64
4.14
Oaxacan restaurant, 2015 ……………………………………………………...…...64
4.15
A rally in support of democracy for South Korea at the Ardmore Park, 1987 ..….. 66
4.16
Da Wool Jung, Korean Pavilion at the intersection of Olympic Boulevard and Irolo
Street, 2015 …………………………………………………………………….….. 67
4.17
Seoul International Park, 2015 …………………………………………………..…67
4.18
The Madang Project ………………………………………………………..….….. 68
4.19
Koreatown Festival and Parade ……….……………………………………….….. 69
4.20
Korean dancers performing traditional dance at Koreatown Festival, 1977 …..….. 69
4.21
Koreatown Plaza, 1989 ……….……………………………………………………71
4.22
Koreatown Galleria, 2015 ……….…………………………………………….…...71
4.23
Korean American Federation of Los Angeles building and Mural, 1984 ……..…...72
4.24
Korean American Federation of Los Angeles building and Mural, 1994 ……..…...72
4.25
Koreatown Organization Association Center, 2015 …………………………..…...74
4.26
The National College Leadership Conference of the Korean American Coalition in
Los Angeles, 2010 ……………………………………………………………..…...74
4.27
Tahl Mah Sah Buddhist Monastery & Temple ………………………………..…...75
4.28
Parking facilities, Chapman Park Market, 1929 ……….……………………...…...76
4.29 Korean restaurant in Chapman market, 2014 ………………………………....…...76
5.1 New building of Korean National American Museum, 2015 …………………..….. 80
5.2 The website “Canada’s historic places” ……….………………………………..….. 81
5.3 The website “Los Angeles’s historic places” ……….…………………………….... 81
5.4
Primary Gateways on Olympic Boulevard, 2011 …………………………...….…...83
5.5
New Gateway to be designed at the intersection between Olympic Boulevard and
Normandie Avenue, 2015 ……….……………………………………………...…...83
5.6
Proposal for Koreatown CDO District Boundary and Primary Gateways ……….….84

viii
Abstract

The purpose of this thesis is to explore the history of Koreatown’s development
and identify historic places and cultural heritage for the Korean American community in
Los Angeles through the assessment of the cultural significance beyond a focus on
architectural aesthetics. The goal of the thesis is not to preserve historic buildings but
rather to examine the social and cultural value of Koreatown’s historical development
and identify places created by collective memory and public history that are meaningful
to the past.
Los Angeles has a variety of ethnic enclaves such as Chinatown, Little Tokyo and
Thaitown. In particular, Little Tokyo is a Community Design Overlay (CDO) district, and
the community is trying to create design guidelines that preserve the quality of its
historical community and establish long-term goals for its communal identity. However,
even though Korean Americans have been in the Southern California for more than one
hundred years and Koreatown has great cultural significance in Los Angeles, it is hard to
determine the historic buildings and places that represent the identity of the Koreatown
community other than Korean signage, businesses, and nightlife culture. Therefore, this
thesis seeks to identify the intangible and tangible cultural heritage of Koreatown based
on storytelling, social relevance, and cultural significance. Additionally, this thesis offers
suggestions in order to develop and conserve a sense of place in the Koreatown
community.

1
Introduction

The year 2003 marked the 100
th
anniversary of Koreans immigrants arrival in
Southern California. Los Angeles’ Koreatown has experienced difficulties such as L.A.
Civil Unrest and many changes during the building boom and urban redevelopment. The
Korean community has had a lot of influence on the city of Los Angeles as
geographically large ethnic enclave, and equivalent to Chinatown and Little Tokyo in
terms of socio-economic, political, and cultural aspects. However, Korean immigration
history is shorter than other ethnic communities, receiving relatively little attention in
history of Los Angeles. For instance, Little Tokyo in downtown Los Angeles has several
community planning documents such as a Community Design Overlay District (CDO),
distinct historic architecture, and district designated as a National Historic Landmark
representing Japanese communities.
Nonetheless, many studies related to the Korean community have been done and
most of them focus on Korean immigration history, Korean immigrants business
activities, and related ethnic conflicts, social services, community organizations,
education, etc. Now, it is necessary to rethink and reexamine the Korean community’s
values and identify historic places and cultural heritage in Koreatown because of these
studies.
According to the Los Angeles Historic Resources Inventory, there are many
historic places in Koreatown.
1
However, the inventories have shown that historic
resources have nothing to do with the Korean community’s history. Moreover, since
Korean immigrants poorly used, altered, and built buildings in their own way, they are
often undistinguished as aesthetic architectural landmarks. Therefore, it is essential to
properly interpret the history of Korean community and identify cultural heritage in
Koreatown.
Heritage conservation approaches in many countries such as Australia and Canada
are shifting toward a values-based management of historic resources. In other words,
people who conserve heritage seek social values and cultural meanings of the place rather
than by building’s aesthetic or physical attributes. The goal of heritage conservation is

1
Los Angeles Historic Resources Inventory, HistoricPlacesLA, Accessed May 10, 2015.
http://www.historicplacesla.org/search.

2
“creating places where people can live well and connect to meaningful narratives about
history, culture, and identity.”
2
In addition, the International Council on Monuments and
Sites (ICOMOS) focused on the theme of “Place, Memory, Meaning: Preserving
Intangible Values in Monuments and Sites” in 2003; a subsequent symposium in 2008
focused on “Finding the Spirit of the Place.”
3

This thesis examines a variety of concepts associated with the values-based
approach to heritage conservation. This new paradigm came from the Burra Charter
adopted by Australia ICOMOS, and has evolved and applied in a variety of countries.
Guideline of Burra Charter provides a historical background of the development of
values-based management, and conservation planning in the U.S., Canada and U.K
describes how the U.S. National Park Service, the British Columbia Heritage Branch and
the U.K. Heritage Lottery Fund implement values-based approach to heritage
conservation.
This thesis utilizes the British Columbia’s heritage conservation planning model
as a framework for values-based management of historic places in Koreatown. This is
because this model follows a values-based approach, which allows community members
and stakeholders to participate in major decisions through workshop process and provide
content for heritage conservation planning. It is necessary for Korean community
members to be involved in values-based management project.
A survey and interview were used to understand cultural significance of
Koreatown. Fifty people including members of the Korean community organizations and
a Korean church were surveyed. The format of the survey includes two parts: Identifying
Values of Koreatown (Context Study) and Historic Place Mapping (Cognitive Map).
The first part identifies Koreatown’s values following the thematic framework as
a context study, which focuses on historic, economic, political, social and cultural values

2
Ned Kaufman, Place, Race, and Story: Essays on the Past and Future of Historic Preservation (Routledge,
2009), 1.
3
ICOMOS 14
th
General Assembly and Scientific Symposium, “Place, memory, meaning:
preserving intangible values in monuments and sites," Accessed April 5, 2015.
http://www.icomos.org/victoriafalls2003/papers.htm; ICOMOS-ISCEAH Scientific Symposium, “Finding
the spirit of place,” Accessed April 5, 2015.
http://isceah.icomos.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=39&Itemid=27.

3
to assess cultural significance of Koreatown. Participants were asked to answer the
following questions:

1. Peopling the Land
Why did and do people want to live in Koreatown?
2. Developing Economies
How and why is economic development important to Koreatown’s heritage?
3. Governing the Region
How and why is Koreatown’s role as an administrative center significant?
4. Building Social and Community Life
What is special about the social and community life of Koreatown?
5. Expressing Intellectual and Cultural Life
What is unique about Koreatown’s expressions of intellectual and cultural life?

In addition, the second part of the survey allows participants to visually represent
the community on map. The survey provides a cognitive map describing the participants’
perceptions of Koreatown. Participants can mark paths (paths), edges (edges), districts
(districts), gateway (nodes), and historic places (landmarks).
4
The cognitive maps help
the community identifies historic places and community heritage values.
The context study was used to identify values of Koreatown community. The
survey, interview and mapping process allowed participants to identify the boundary,
assess heritage values, identify places of cultural significance, and develop statements of
significance of cultural heritage in Koreatown. Moreover, next steps for values-based
management are how Koreatown community can maintain its heritage values, and
preserve historic places and cultural heritage through design guideline and community
participation. These planning tools can assist with community development and
conservation of cultural heritage in Koreatown.
The purpose of this thesis is to help the Korean community to identify how its
historic places, cultural heritage, and collective memories are unique and might enrich the
community. This thesis aids the process of finding “Places of memory” in Koreatown and
to conserving its “Social values as one kind of cultural significance” for Korean
community’s identity even though urban redevelopment projects destroyed the cultural
character of Koreatown. This thesis explores the history of Korean community in Los

4
Kevin Lynch, The Image of the city (M.I.T. Press, 1965), 46-83.

4
Angeles’ Koreatown, identifies a diverse range of historic places using a values-based
approach, and makes suggestions about the conservation of Koreatown’s cultural
heritage.

5
Chapter 1. International Charters and Values-Based Approach

Preservationists in the twenty-first century continue to rely on the idea of association
as a sort of catch-all for a wide range of cultural meanings which cannot be fully
explained by a building’s physical fabric or architectural character. The Burra
Charter, an admirable and influential preservation manifesto developed in Australia in
1988, defines association as the special connections that exist between people and a
place.
5
Cultural heritage preservation using the values-based approach has evolved
from Australia ICOMOS’s Burra Charter to a new paradigm with application in a
variety of countries.
6

1.1 History of International Charters and Paradigm Shift
1.1.1 History of International Charters
International preservation efforts for cultural heritage began in the aftermath of
World War I when the International Council of Museums (ICOM) convened the
Congress on restoration of historic buildings in Athens in 1931. A broad discussion of
issues for the restoration of historic buildings and monuments took place at the Athens
Conference in 1931 and the Athens Charter for the Restoration of Historic Monuments
was born as a result, which first introduced important international principles. The Athens
Charter is significant as it was the first international agreement to establish international
organizations for restoration and to document conservation principles of architectural and
archaeological heritage as a common heritage, including protection of the area
surrounding historic sites and cultural heritage.
7

If the Athens Charter was the preliminary joint efforts of many countries in terms
of the conservation of architectural and archaeological heritage, the Venice Charter in
1964 became the second. The international congress for the conservation and restoration
of historic cultural monuments and sites adopted thirteen resolutions composed of seven
main titles and sixteen articles. Urban renewal for recovery from World War II damage
lead to the Venice Charter, which emphasized the necessity and principles for

5
Ned Kaufman, Place, Race, and Story: Essays on the Past and Future of Historic Preservation (Routledge,
2009), 4.
6
Pamela Jerome, “The Values-Based Approach to Cultural-Heritage Preservation,” APT Bulletin, Vol. 45,
No. 2/3, Special Issue on Values-Based Preservation (2014): 3.
7
ICOMOS History, Accessed April 10, 2015. http://www.icomos.org/en/about-icomos/mission-and-
vision/history.

6
preservation of historic monuments and sites as common responsibility. The Venice
Charter further emphasized documentation and education in terms of implementation of
specific preservation principles and plans based on dissemination of the concept of
historic monument, authenticity, and significance of historic context.
8
The Venice
Charter is still one of the most influential international principles in historic preservation.
In addition, ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and Sites) under UNESCO
(United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) was founded in 1965
one year after the approval of the Venice Charter in the second International Congress of
Architects and Specialists of Historic Buildings in Venice in 1964.
9

The principles established by ICOMOS can be divided into two areas; one is the
international principle that provides the universal criteria in terms of the object, it’s value,
and the method of preservation; the second is the national principle that is established by
National Committee (based on the international criteria) in accordance with regional
characteristics and needs of its own country. In general, the ICOMOS principles cover a
broad range of objects and the ways for historic preservation and primarily deal with
international preservation issues. However, as the demand for suitable principles related
to the national and regional context to preserve local heritage increased, ICOMOS
created various principles to consider the characteristics of the local environment based
on international principles. For example, a variety of countries have established
principles for the preservation of its own local heritage starting with the Burra Charter
adopted by the Australia ICOMOS in 1979, followed by the Deschambault Charter for
the preservation of Quebec’s heritage (1982), and the Appleton Charter for the Protection
and Enhancement of the Built Environment (1983) of ICOMOS Canada.
10

8
History of the Venice Charter, Accessed April 11, 2015.
http://www.international.icomos.org/venicecharter2004/history.pdf.
9
ICOMOS’ Mission, Accessed April 11, 2015. http://www.icomos.org/en/about-icomos/mission-and-
vision/icomos-mission.

10
Getty Conservation Institute, Cultural Heritage Policy Documents, Accessed March 20, 2015.
http://www.getty.edu/conservation/publications_resources/research_resources.

7
1.1.2 Burra Charter – Paradigm Shift
ICOMOS drafted the International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration
of Monuments and Sites (The Venice Charter 1964) in 1965.
11
However, the Venice
Charter focuses on a western approach to the preservation and restoration of historic
buildings geared toward sites that do not have ancient architectural monuments.
For these reasons, Australia ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and
Sites) set up to correct the imbalance between preserving architectural remains and
conserving significant places through understanding of the theory and practice of cultural
heritage management. The Burra Charter is a national charter established by Australia
ICOMOS for the conservation of historic places and cultural sites in Australia focused on
cultural significance. This was adopted in 1979 and has been updated a number of times -
the latest version of the Burra Charter was issued in 2013.
12
It emphasizes community
engagement in the process of assessing cultural significance. Various stakeholders
determine the significance of places that have historic, social, or other value for the
present community and future generations. Consequently, this new paradigm has been
gaining academic recognition in the communities and from preservation professionals.
13

The meaning of the term “Heritage” has been changing and ranging from
intangible to tangible. The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance
(The Burra Charter) discussed the sense of “place” and its “value” in historic sites beyond
focusing on the physical monuments through the change in different kinds of issues of
heritage and topics of international charters in the world. The preamble states the aims of
the charter - to understand the management of places and assess their cultural
significance - as the first step of ongoing responsibility in the Burra Charter. It is essential
that preserving places of cultural significance provides a sense of connection to
community and enriches indigenous people’s lives. It is necessary to assess significance

11
The Venice Charter: International Charter for the Conservation Restoration of Monuments and Sites
(1964), UNESCO-ICOMOS Documentation Centre, Accessed April 10, 2015.
http://www.icomos.org/venicecharter2004/index.html.
12
The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance, Australia
ICOMOS (2013), Accessed February 3, 2015. http://australia.icomos.org/wp-content/uploads/The-Burra-
Charter-2013-Adopted-31.10.2013.pdf.
13
Gustavo Araoz, “Preserving Heritage Places under a New Paradigm,” Cultural Heritage Management
and Sustainable Development 1, no. 1, 2011, 50-60.

8
of cultural heritage and use these values in developing the public policy for the places.
14

Values-based management is the best-known guideline of the Burra Charter. Australia
ICOMOS provides a series of “Practice Notes” to supplement the Burra Charter
emphasizing a collaborative process and practical advice.
15
The Burra Charter covers a
wide variety of topics and the following five values of cultural significance: historic,
scientific, aesthetic, social, and spiritual. It embodies the community’s engagement,
associations, and values for different individual and group related places and objects
changing over time and with use.
16

Like this approach of values-based management, preservation professionals are
gradually adopting the new paradigm, even though traditional experts do not agree with
this approach and claim their roles in significance assessment of cultural heritage.
17

1.1.3 Intangible Heritage
Since the Venice Charter 1964, the definition of heritage has broadened ranging
from physical heritage to non-physical heritage such as social factors and intangible
values. As mentioned above, the Burra Charter defines “place” to include objects and
spaces with tangible and intangible dimensions.
18
Moreover, the Burra Charter reflects
the conservation issues and concern as well as significance of intangible values. The
values of cultural significance in the Burra Charter correspond with social and cultural
values as part of intangible heritage referred to by UNESCO. UNESCO emphasized the

14
The Burra Charter, Practice Note: Understanding and assessing cultural significance, 2013, Accessed
February 3, 2015. http://australia.icomos.org/wp-content/uploads/Practice-Note_Understanding-and-
assessing-cultural-significance.pdf.
15
Australia ICOMOS currently provides the seven Practice Notes (Understanding and assessing cultural
significance, Developing Policy, Preparing studies and reports – contractual and ethical issues, The Burra
Charter and Archaeological Practice, The Burra Charter and Indigenous Cultural Heritage Management,
Interpretation, and Burra Charter Article 22-New Work).
16
The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance, Australia
ICOMOS (2013), Accessed February 3, 2015. http://australia.icomos.org/wp-content/uploads/The-Burra-
Charter-2013-Adopted-31.10.2013.pdf.
17
Michael Petzet, “International Principles of Preservation,” Monuments and Sites XX (Munich:
ICOMOS, 2009), 7. Accessed March 30, 2015. http://www.icomos.de/pdf/principles.pdf.
18
“Place has a broad scope and includes natural and cultural features. Place can be large or small: for
example, a memorial, a tree, an individual building or group of buildings, the location of an historical
event, an urban area or town, a cultural landscape, a garden, an industrial plant, a shipwreck, a site with in
situ remains, a stone arrangement, a road or travel route, a community meeting place, a site with spiritual or
religious connections,” Accessed February 3, 2015. http://australia.icomos.org/wp-content/uploads/The-
Burra-Charter-2013-Adopted-31.10.2013.pdf.

9
significance of intangible heritage as equal to tangible heritage in the Convention for the
Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH Convention, 2003). The 2003
Convention defines intangible cultural heritage as:

The practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the
instruments, objects, artifacts and cultural spaces associated therewith – that
communities, groups and, in some cases individuals recognize as part of their cultural
heritage. This intangible cultural heritage, transmitted from generation to generation,
is constantly recreated by communities and groups in response to their environment,
their interaction with nature and their history, and provides them with a sense of
identity and continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human
creativity. (UNESCO 2003b, Article 2.1)

One of the most significant aspects of this Convention is what cultural
communities, groups and in some cases, individuals recognize as part of intangible
heritage. The definition and meaning of heritage has extended from individual buildings
to groups of heritage sites, historic environments, socio-cultural factors, and intangible
heritage. The 2003 Convention intends to safeguard living intangible cultural heritage.
19

The safeguarding measures of the 2003 Convention focus on “ensuring the
viability of the intangible cultural heritage including the identification, documentation,
research, preservation, protection, promotion, enhancement, transmission, particularly
through formal and non-formal education as well as the revitalization of the various
aspects of such heritage.”
20
They intend to identify the intangible cultural heritage “with
the participation of communities, groups and relevant nongovernmental organizations.”
21

The ICH Convention presented two aspects of intangible heritage related to the
recognition of a social group. One is the characteristic of intangible cultural heritage
providing “a sense of identity and continuity” to the community. The other is that
intangible cultural heritage can be the medium to provide a vital link between generations

19
Rieks Smeets, “Intangible Cultural Heritage and Its Link to Tangible Cultural and Natural Heritage,”
Report of the Symposium, Accessed April 15, 2015. https://www.archaeology.lk/si/materials/intangible-
and-tangible.pdf.

20
Text of the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Article 2 (3) – Definitions,
Accessed April 10, 2015. http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00006.
21
Ibid, Article 11 and 12.

10
as a form of patrimony.
22
Therefore, intangible heritage is living heritage taking place in
the present and developed by human collective memory in contrast to historic buildings
or monuments.
23

1.2 Values-Based Management
The definition and process of values-based management are associated with the
Burra Charter.
24
It is necessary to approach values-based management including diverse
values with different perspectives and participation with community in the future.
25

Moreover, Canada’s approach to heritage values is similar to those identified in
the Burra Charter. The values-based management is one of the most dominant approaches
of heritage conservation in Canada for the past twenty years. The Royal Commission on
National Development in the Arts noted that the shift of the concept of built heritage
from “ancient” remains to values-based sites embodying cultural values and significance
was a key turning point in heritage conservation in Canada.
26

Although “values-based management” is not a term commonly used in the
National Park Service (NPS), the concept underlies their approach with their emphasis on
public input, participation of community, and engagement with stakeholders.
27
Values-
based management is compatible with the NPS approach to preservation and
management.
28

In addition, in the United Kingdom (U.K.), the Heritage Lottery Fund initiated a
formal values-based approach to heritage conservation through preparation of a

22
Ibid, Article 2 (1).
23
Toshiyuki Kono, Intangible cultural heritage and intellectual property: communities, cultural diversity
and sustainable development (Intersentia, 2009), 62.
24
The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance, Australia
ICOMOS (2013), Accessed February 3, 2015. http://australia.icomos.org/wp-content/uploads/The-Burra-
Charter-2013-Adopted-31.10.2013.pdf.
25
Kate Clark, "The Bigger Picture: Archaeology and Values in Long-Term Cultural Resource
Management," in Heritage of Value, Archaeology of Renown: Reshaping Archaeological Assessment and
Significance, ed. Clay Mathers, Timothy Darvill, and Barbara J. Little (Gainesville: Univ. Press of Florida,
2005), 328.
26
Gordon W. Fulton, “Policy Issues and Their Impact on Practice: Heritage Conservation in Canada,” APT
Bulletin, Vol. 29, No. 3/4, Thirtieth-Anniversary Issue, 1998, 13-16.

27

The U.S. National Park Service uses values-based decision-making by using value analysis in its
planning process. In this sense, value planning seeks to maximize value by balancing cost and performance.

28
Barbara J. Little, “Values-Based Preservation, Civic Engagement, and the U.S. National Park Service,”
APT Bulletin, Vol. 45, No. 2/3, Special issue on values-based preservation, 2014, 25-29.

11
conservation management plan based on cultural significance. Many ideas and projects
based on cultural significance now play a significant role in heritage policy and
management.
29

1.2.1 Guidelines to the Burra Charter
The concept of cultural significance includes the five values recognized in a place
for past, present and future generations – aesthetic, historic, scientific, social, and
spiritual – as listed in Article 1.2 of the Burra Charter, which states that cultural
significance is embodied in “the place itself, its fabric, setting, use, associations,
meanings, records, related places, and related objects.”
30
We can describe why a place is
important through assessing each of these values:

a) Aesthetic value: includes aspects of sensory perception for which criteria can and
should be stated. Such criteria may include consideration of the form, scale, color,
texture and material of the fabric; the smells and sounds associated with the place
and its use.
b) Historic value: is intended to encompass all aspects of history—for example, the
history of aesthetics, art and architecture, science, spirituality and society. It
therefore often underlies other values. A place may have historic value because it
has influenced, or has been influenced by, an historic event, phase, movement or
activity, person or group of people. It may be the site of an important event.
c) Scientific value: refers to the information content of a place and its ability to
reveal more about an aspect of the past through examination or investigation of
the place, including the use of archaeological techniques.
d) Social value: refers to the associations that a place has for a particular community
or cultural group and the social or cultural meanings that it holds for them.
e) Spiritual value: refers to the intangible values and meanings embodied in or
evoked by a place which give it importance in the spiritual identity, or the
traditional knowledge, art and practices of a cultural group. Spiritual value may
also be reflected in the intensity of aesthetic and emotional responses or
community associations, and be expressed through cultural practices and related
places.
31

29
Kate Clark, “Value-Based Heritage Management and the Heritage Lottery Fund in the UK,” APT
Bulletin, Vol. 45, No. 2/3, Special Issue on Values-Based Preservation, 2014, 65-71.
30
The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance, Australia
ICOMOS (2013), Accessed February 3, 2015. http://australia.icomos.org/wp-content/uploads/The-Burra-
Charter-2013-Adopted-31.10.2013.pdf

31
The Burra Charter, Practice Note: Understanding and assessing cultural significance, 2013, Accessed
February 3, 2015. http://australia.icomos.org/wp-content/uploads/Practice-Note_Understanding-and-
assessing-cultural-significance.pdf.

12

After the Australia ICOMOS adopted the Burra Charter in 1979, group members
tried to demonstrate use of the charter in practice. Australia ICOMOS started to produce
guidelines to explain the three-stage conservation process.
32
The Guidelines to the Burra
Charter: Cultural Significance (1984) and Guidelines to the Burra Charter Conservation
Policy (1985) were published in the ICOMOS newsletter in 1981, followed by the
Guidelines to the Burra Charter: Undertaking Studies and Reports in 1988.
33

Investigating and assessing the place of cultural significance is an essential step in these
seven processes of the Burra Charter for the best policy (see Appendix A):

1. Understand the place
2. Assess cultural significance
3. Identify all factors and issues
4. Develop policy
5. Prepare a management plan
6. Implement the management plan
7. Monitor the results and review the plan

Australia ICOMOS focused on the understanding and assessing cultural
significance, and the development and implementation of conservation policy. This
guideline can be applied to every state, region, and a variety of historic places and
environments in different countries considering diverse conservation situations.

1.2.2 Values-Based Management of Historic Places, in British Columbia, Canada
British Columbia’s heritage conservation planning also follows a values-based
management. In particular, the British Columbia Heritage Branch is responsible for the
conservation of historic places. By identifying and managing historic places such as
buildings, landscapes and other places of heritage value providing a “sense of place,”
people contribute to the present and future generations of our communities. A values-

32
Meredith Walker, “The Development of the Australia ICOMOS Burra Charter,” APT Bulletin, Vol. 45,
No. 2/3, Special Issues on Value-based preservation, 2014, 9-16.
33
Australia ICOMOS, "Conservation Analysis and Plans," Australia ICOMOS Newsletter (1981). The
guidelines were also informed by James Semple Kerr, The Conservation Plan
(NSW: National Trust of Australia, 1982); now in its seventh edition, it is in use throughout Australia's
heritage sector.

13
based approach allows all members of communities to participate in the conservation of
historic places, rather than historic preservation professionals.
34

Assessment of heritage value uses the historic, aesthetic, spiritual, social, cultural,
and scientific significance criteria, similar to the five values in the Burra Charter.
Generally, in British Columbia, a broad group of community members and
stakeholders provide content for the final context study report for heritage conservation
planning. The context study consists of a series of questions using a thematic framework
to identify of the community’s history and development.
The next step is visually representing historic places on maps related to each of
the thematic frameworks. The specific places and areas that participants mark on maps
can be historic places of cultural significance as a part of their heritage because they are
representative of community’s history and life over time. Finally, the community
undertakes a plan for conservation, such as land use planning and conservation activities,
with the local government in the short or long term.
The following are the values-based management process of British Columbia’s
heritage conservation planning.
35

1) Identifying Values: The community undertakes a context study to identify
elements of history that contribute to current character and identity.
-Thematic Framework
a) Peopling the Land
b) Developing Economies
c) Governing the Region
d) Building Social and Community Life
e) Expressing Intellectual and Cultural Life

2) Identifying Historic Places: The community identifies historic places that embody
identified heritage values.
-Mapping: Identifying historic places related to each of the five themes
-Statement of Significance

34
Canada’s Historic Places, British Columbia Governments Website, Accessed April 5, 2015.
http://www2.gov.bc.ca/gov/topic.page?id=D6F6003B73D14A26BB68E3C824FDDB83

35
Guidelines for Implementing Context Studies and Values-Based Management of Historic Places, British
Columbia Heritage Branch, Accessed April 5, 2015.
https://www.for.gov.bc.ca/ftp/heritage/external/!publish/web/Guidelines%20for%20Implementing%20Cont
ext%20Studies.pdf

14
3) Values-Based Land Use Planning and Conservation Activities: The community
undertakes land use planning that ensures that the heritage values of identified
historic places are not lost as development occurs.
-Plan for Conservation

1.2.3 Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional Cultural Properties, U.S.
The Burra Charter in Australia and British Columbia’s heritage conservation
planning in Canada recognizes diverse values – aesthetic, historic, scientific, social,
spiritual and cultural – to assess cultural significance and identify heritage value of
communities. The National Register criteria for evaluation for the U.S. National Register
of Historic Places considered significant are those:

a) That are associated with events that have made a significant contribution to the
broad patterns of our history; or
b) That are associated with the lives of persons significant in our past; or
c) That embody the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, or method of
construction, or that represent the work of a master, or that possess high artistic
values, or that represent a significant and distinguishable entity whose
components may lack individual distinction; or
d) That has yielded, or may be likely to yield, information important in history or
prehistory.
36

The criterion (a) and (b) compare with the “historic” value, criterion (c) with
“aesthetic” value, and criterion (d) with “scientific” value of the Burra Charter.
37

The Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional Cultural Properties (TCPs)
(Bulletin 38 of the National Register of Historic Places) defines a traditional cultural
property as "one that is eligible for inclusion in the National Register because of its
association with cultural practices or beliefs of a living community of people that (a) are
rooted in that community's history, and (b) are important in maintaining the continuing
cultural identity of the community."
38
Although these guideline are intended for Native

36
U.S. National Park Service, “National Register Bulletin: How to Apply the National Register Criteria for
Evaluation,” Accessed March 20, 2015. http://www.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/pdfs/nrb15.pdf
37
Barbara J. Little, “Values-Based Preservation, Civic Engagement, and the U.S. National Park Service,”
APT Bulletin, Vol. 45, No. 2/3, Special Issue on Values-based preservation, 2014, 25-29.

38
Patricia L. Parker and Thomas F. King, “Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional
Cultural Properties,” National Register Bulletin 38 (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1998), 1-4.

15
American sites, traditional cultural values of community discussed in criteria are
important to maintain the community’s sense of identity and self-respect.
Identifying traditional cultural properties need “detailed and extensive
consultation, interview programs, and ethnographic fieldwork.”
39
The extensive survey
and establishment of historic context of communities and groups are guided by the
Secretary of the Interior's Standards for Preservation Planning. A historic context is
defined as “the broad patterns of development in an area that may be represented by
historic properties.”
40
In addition, the Secretary of the Interior's Guidelines for
Preservation Planning allow context development to be an activity relevant to the public
and all members of community.
41
The following are the guidelines for traditional cultural
properties in National Park Service Cultural Resources’ preservation planning.
42

1) Identifying Traditional Cultural Properties
- Establishing the level of effort
- Contacting traditional communities and groups
- Fieldwork
- Reconciling Sources

2) Determining Eligibility
- Ensure that the entity under consideration is a property
-
Consider the property's integrity
-
Evaluate the property with reference to the National Register Criteria
-
Determine whether any of the National Register criteria considerations
(36 CFR 60.4) make the property ineligible

3) Documenting Traditional Cultural Properties
- General Considerations
-
Completing Registration Forms

39
Ibid, 5.
40
Ibid.
41
Ibid.
42
Guidelines for Implementing Context Studies and Values-Based Management of Historic Places, British
Columbia Heritage Branch, Accessed April 5, 2015.
https://www.for.gov.bc.ca/ftp/heritage/external/!publish/web/Guidelines%20for%20Implementing%20Cont
ext%20Studies.pdf.

16
1.2.4 Conservation Management Plans in U.K. Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF)
The new project of English Heritage sponsored by Heritage Lottery Fund in 1996,
new visitor facilities at the medieval site of Whitby Abbey in Yorkshire was a good
starting point to values-based management for a cultural heritage site in the U.K. In
addition, Oxford held a conference to discuss a UK-based conservation plan based on
cultural significance as defined in the Burra Charter.
43

The HLF support a variety of cultural heritage including “historic buildings,
archaeology, public parks, landscapes, museums, archives, infrastructure, industrial
items, and even intangible heritage, such as oral history.” The HLF’s conservation
management plan involves participating groups and community members, and organizing
information. There are eight basic steps in the process, which are:

1) Decide why a plan is needed and how it will be used.
2) Identify stakeholders
3) Understand the site
4) Assess significance (including all the different values)
5) Explore issues, including how significance is vulnerable
6) Set policy aims and objectives
7) Implement it - use the plan to care for the site or develop capital works projects
(e.g. access and learning)
8) Monitor and review the plan
44

The conservation management plans of HLF are not a traditional management
plan, but new approach driven by cultural significance considering heritage values.

43
Kate Clark, “Value-Based Heritage Management and the Heritage Lottery Fund in the UK,” APT
Bulletin, Vol. 45, No. 2/3, Special Issue on Values-Based Preservation, 2014, 65-71.
44
Conservation Management Plans A guide, Heritage Lottery Fund, Accessed March 25, 2015.
http://ip51.icomos.org/~fleblanc/documents/management/doc_ConservationManagementPlans-Guide.pdf.

17
Chapter 2. Background of Los Angeles’ Korean Community

From a modest beginning in 1972, Koreatown now has an area five times larger than
Little Tokyo and Chinatown combined. Unlike other ethnic groups who have
immigrated to the United States, Koreans come here with capital. And they come
with education. Koreans have taken run-down structures, weedy vacant lots and
neglected streets in the previously declining area and turned them into thriving
business, interspersed with clean, landscaped areas.
45

2.1 History of Korean Immigrants
2.1.1 The First Wave of Korean Immigration (prior to 1950)
Some Koreans immigrated to Hawaii from their home country in 1903 to avoid
the Japanese oppression. These Korean labor immigrants first set foot in the United States
and established the Korean community for a better life. The first Korean community
started and settled down on the islands with approximately 7,400 Koreans including
students, merchant, and political exiles (6,725 men, 675 women and children).
46

After 1910, Koreans started to move to California to find better job opportunities
with higher wages on the railroads and at sugar plantations. This was the start of the
Korean population distribution to the mainland. First, Koreans settled down forming a
small cluster in San Francisco and these soon spread to other cities such as Sacramento,
Los Angeles, Seattle, and Denver.
47
The first Los Angeles area Korean community
started in Riverside before 1920 consisting of people who came from Hawaii and San
Francisco. Since then, the Korean population has drastically increased in Southern
California. Dosan Ahn Chang-ho, the great spiritual leader and activist of the Korean
independence movement against the Japanese occupation of Korea, has been in the center
of the history of the Korean community in Southern California.
48
By 1930, a group of

45
Eui-Young Yu, “Koreatown” Los Angeles: Emergence of a new inner-city ethnic community, Bulletin
of the Population and Development Studies Center 14, 1985, 29-44.
http://isdpr.org/isdpr/publication/journal/14/1985-00-14-00-03.pdf.
46
Won Yong Kim, (Y. Warren), Jaemi Hanin Osipnyonsa (50 Year History of Koreans in America
(Ridley, California, 1959), 29; Young Ho Son, “Early Korean Immigrants in America: A Socioeconomic
and Demographic Analysis,” Korea Journal 28:12, December 1988, 37.
47
Eui-Young Yu, Koreans in Los Angeles : prospects and promises (Koryo Research Institute : Center for
Korean-American and Korean Studies, California State University, 1982), 5.

48
Dosan Ahn Chang Ho’s Biography Website, Accessed March 7, 2015. http://www.dosan.org/home.html.

18
Koreans moved to downtown Los Angeles near Bunker Hill. People got together to study
the Bible at the Korean United Presbyterian Church on Hill Street, which became the
center of social intercourse for the Korean community in downtown Los Angeles.
49
This
church later moved to the site of the “Old Koreatown” near the University of Southern
California on Jefferson Boulevard next to the Korean National Association Memorial
(see Chapter 4).
After 1930, Koreans established a new community near the University of
Southern California. The early Korean community in Los Angeles had close relations
with the Korean United Presbyterian Church and the Korean National Association as a
social and political organization for promoting the independence of Korea from the
Japanese Empire and helping to improve Koreans’ living environments. In this period,
this area was the center of the community with the largest population of Koreans in Los
Angeles.
50

Koreans changed the old Koreatown community by starting seventy-three
businesses in the area, such as small grocery markets. This change transformed the
environment of Korean immigrants. They formed a political, sociocultural, and religious
community with a variety of institutions. In particular, many churches formed the center
of Korean community: The Presbyterian Church, The L.A. Christian Church, The
Christian Church of Los Angeles, and The L.A. Korean Methodist Church.
51

As the Korean community developed, the Korean population increased and the
boundary of old Koreatown expanded to the north and southwest of the university. The
Korean community started to spread to new areas bounded by Adams Boulevard to the
north, Slauson Boulevard to the south, Western Avenue to the west, and Vermont Avenue
to the east.
52
According to the 1940 city directory of Los Angeles, approximately sixty-

49
Linda Shin, Koreans in America, 1903-1945, in Roots: An Asian American Reader, ed. Amy Tachiki,
Eddie Wong, and Franklin Odo (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center Press, 1971), 200-
206.
50
Ivan Light and Edna Bonacich, Immigrant Entrepreneurs: Koreans in Los Angeles (Berkeley, University
of California, 1988), 130-131.
51
Helen Lewis Givens, “The Korean Community in Los Angeles,” (Master’s thesis, University of
Southern California, 1939), 48.

52

Ibid, 32.

19
five percent of Koreans resided around Jefferson Boulevard between Western Avenue
and Vermont Avenue.
53

2.1.2 The Second Wave – Korean War and Aftermath (1950-1964)
This period of Korean immigration history to the United States is associated with
the Korean War. Between 1950 and 1964, Korean immigrants mostly consisted of war
orphans and wives of U.S. soldiers who participated in the Korean War. American
families adopted many orphans all across the country. It was very difficult for these
Korean immigrants to assimilate into the mainstream society and they did not establish a
Korean community. For these reasons, the Korean community in Los Angeles was not
active during this period.
54

2.1.3 The Third Wave of Korean Immigration (1965-1975)
The census count of Korean immigrants drastically increased after the 1965 U.S.
Immigration Act. The number of Korean immigrants doubled from 3,811 in 1968 to
6,045 in 1969. According to the 1974 census, 28,028 Koreans lived in Los Angeles and
the number of Korean immigrants exceeded other ethnic groups such as Mexicans and
Filipinos.
55

Korean immigrants worked in many different fields such as painters, gardeners,
and restaurant and grocery market workers. Korean immigrants who resided in the old
Koreatown gradually moved north. As mentioned above, a few historic buildings such as
churches, grocery markets, and associations along Jefferson Boulevard near the
University of Southern California still exist and represent the life of the old Koreatown
community until the late 1960s. Korean immigrants moved north to an area bounded by
Olympic Boulevard between Crenshaw Boulevard and Hoover Street to the west and

53
Hak-Hoon Kim, “Residential Patterns and Mobility of Koreans in Los Angeles County,” (Master’s
thesis, California State University, Los Angeles, 1986), 46.
54
Helen Lewis Givens, “The Korean Community in Los Angeles,” (Master’s thesis, University of
Southern California, 1939), 32.
55
Ibid.

20
east. They settled near Pico-Hoover-Santa Barbara-Western forming a residential area
and its boundary expanded toward Olympic-Pico in the north.
56

Koreatown's structure formed in this period. A small number of Koreans started to
open stores along Olympic Boulevard and Vermont Avenue, which was a beginning of
the new Koreatown. The Olympic Market established by Hee-Duk Lee in 1969 at the
corner of Olympic Boulevard and Hobart Street was the first Korean grocery market of
the new Koreatown. Korean immigrants operated their own business by settling in old
vacant buildings. In this way, the area along Olympic Boulevard gradually became the
center of Korean business.
57

Korean immigrants clustered around the area where a number of Korean
residences and businesses were concentrated. By the early 1970s, the area bounded by
Olympic Boulevard and 8th Street between Crenshaw Boulevard and Hoover Street
became one of the most densely populated areas with Korean grocery stores, banks,
restaurants, and offices. In 1973, Korean business owners organized the Koreatown
Association to improve the business environment and launched a campaign related to
installment of Korean language signboards on storefronts. Gene Kim, president of this
association founded the Los Angeles Korean Festival Foundation and held the first
Korean Street Festival in 1974 on Olympic Boulevard. Korean signage created an image
for Koreatown and this event presented an identity and culture of the Korean
community.
58

2.2 Development of Los Angeles’ Koreatown
2.2.1 The Period of Growth – Olympic Boulevard Era (1976-85)
The number of Korean immigrants approximately reached 30,803 in 1976 and
increased 30,000 each year until 1985. The 1980 Census identified 354,593 Korean
immigrants living in the United States, which is five times more than the number of

56
Eui-Young Yu, Koreans in Los Angeles : prospects and promises (Koryo Research Institute : Center for
Korean-American and Korean Studies, California State University, 1982), 206.
57
Jin-Won Lee, "A Developmental Approach to Urban Design in Ethnic Communities Based on an
Analysis of the Process of Korean Immigrants' Accommodation to Los Angeles," (PhD diss, University of
California, Los Angeles, 1993), 66.
58
Ibid.

21
Koreans in the 1970 Census.
59
The rapid growth and successful development of
Koreatown business brought many changes to the Korean community. A massive influx
of Korean immigrants contributed greatly to the opening of new businesses. Korean
businesses moved away from Olympic Boulevard due to the development of a new
Korean economy.
The initial shape and structure of Koreatown increasingly continued to develop
and territory of Korean businesses expanded to Melrose Avenue to the north along the
Vermont and Western Avenue by the 1970s. In this period, a majority of Korean
businesses were concentrated on Olympic Boulevard and 8
th
Street between Hoover
Street and Western Avenue. New Korean shopping malls and a variety of shops and
restaurants started to open in Koreatown. According to the 1980 U.S. Census, a large
number of Korean immigrants resided in the area delineated by Beverly Boulevard to the
north, Pico Boulevard to the south, Crenshaw Boulevard and Western Avenue to the
west, and Hoover Street to the east.
60

In 1980, the City of Los Angeles officially designated the neighborhood just west
of downtown Los Angeles as “Koreatown.” Moreover, the city installed a Koreatown exit
sign on the Santa Monica Freeway in 1982. That was the most significant achievement
for the Korean community. Since the early 1980s, many economic activities gradually
began shifting to the north along Wilshire Boulevard beyond Olympic Boulevard.

2.2.2 The Period of Expansion – Wilshire Era and Beyond (1986-present)
In this period, the Korean community experienced the biggest change in economic
growth and the size of the Korean population in Southern California. Various community
organizations in Koreatown were founded and they provided a wide range of activities
with 1.5 and 2
nd
generations for the Korean community. Koreatown in Los Angeles
increasingly developed and expanded its boundary. This situation not only affected Los
Angeles but also the surrounding suburban cities in Los Angeles County. In the 1980s,

59
Ibid.

60
Hak-Hoon Kim, “Residential Patterns and Mobility of Koreans in Los Angeles County,” (Master’s
thesis, California State University, Los Angeles, 1986), 59; Eui-Young Yu, “Koreatown” in Los Angeles:
Emergence of a New Inner-city Ethnic Community, Bulletin of the Population and Development Studies
Center 14, 1985, 36-38. http://isdpr.org/isdpr/publication/journal/14/1985-00-14-00-03.pdf.

22
the Korean community expanded to 8
th
street, Wilshire Boulevard and Park La Brea area,
and Korean businesses were concentrated in the Wilshire center. Korean businesses
started to rent available office space. A large number of companies and corporations
occupied high-rise office buildings along Wilshire Boulevard in Koreatown. The number
of new Korean immigrants reached a record high of approximately 35,000 a year. The
1990 Census showed that most of Korean residents lived in the area between Melrose
Avenue and Pico Boulevard.
61

As the Koreatown economy developed, many historic buildings such as the
Brown Derby, the Gaylord Hotel, and the Chapman Market were transformed for other
uses.
62
In the 1990s, a large number of restaurants, shops, and service industries along
Wilshire Boulevard and 6
th
Street operated under Korean business owners.
Unfortunately, Los Angeles Riots in 1992 had caused severe damage to the
merchants and small businesses. Many stores in Koreatown burned down and were
looted, gravely affecting the Koreatown economy, creating havoc in people’s lives.
However, many Koreans cleaned up their stores and worked hard to rebuild their
businesses in Koreatown so that the economy in Koreatown stabilized shortly.
Since the late 1990s, Koreatown has experienced a construction boom. Huge
investments by both the private and public sectors during this period resulted in luxury
condominiums and hotels, a high-end retail and entertainment center, large shopping
malls, and restaurants.. The Community Redevelopment Agency of the City of Los
Angeles (CRA/LA) began the Wilshire Center/Koreatown Redevelopment Project to
supply an affordable housing and community services.
63

61
Jin-Won Lee, "A Developmental Approach to Urban Design in Ethnic Communities Based on an
Analysis of the Process of Korean Immigrants' Accommodation to Los Angeles," (PhD diss., University of
California, Los Angeles, 1993), 86.
62
Eui-Young Yu, “Emerging Diversity in Los Angeles’ Koreatown, 1990-2000: Interethnic Comparison,
Paper read at Annual Convention of Pacific Sociological Association, April 19-21, at Vancouver, Canada.
63
Alison Nemirow and Abigail Thorne-Lyman, “SCAG Region: Compass Blueprint Case Study
Koreatown,” Southern California Association of Governments, 2008, 4.
http://www.reconnectingamerica.org/assets/Uploads/htai_koreatown.pdf.

23
2.3 Characteristics of Los Angeles Koreatown Community Core
2.3.1 Location and Environment
Koreatown is an ethnic neighborhood west of downtown Los Angeles. Initially,
Korean community started in Bunker Hill area and then moved to the area near the
University of Southern California. The “Old Koreatown” developed along Jefferson
Boulevard and the “New Koreatown” developed along Olympic Boulevard. Korean
businesses have continued to expand rapidly into Mid-Wilshire and Beverly Boulevard
between Western and Vermont Avenue. Officially, the boundary of Koreatown was
designated 3
rd
Street to the north, Olympic Boulevard to the south, Western Avenue to
the west, and Vermont Avenue to the east.
Los Angeles Koreatown is one of the most ethnically diverse neighborhoods in
Southern California and largely composed of an immigrant community. Moreover,
Koreatown is multiracial community and adjacent to other ethnic groups such as Latino,
Filipino, Thai, Japanese, and Chinese. While Korean immigrants mostly are concentrated
in Koreatown, Latinos make up fifty-eight percent of the population.
64

Moreover, the Korean community has had relationships with adjacent Black and
Latino neighborhoods for a long time. In particular, the 1992 Civil Unrest brought many
changes to Koreatown as well as the City of Los Angeles in terms of infrastructure
investments. The Wilshire Community Plan of City of Los Angeles describes Koreatown
as a portion of a regional commercial center as follows:

The Koreatown Regional Commercial Center runs along Olympic Boulevard, directly
south of Wilshire Center. The intersection of Western Avenue and Olympic
Boulevard is the core of this center. It is in the southwestern portion of the Plan Area,
and is generally bounded by Eighth Street on the north, Twelfth Street on the south,
Western Avenue on the west, and continues east towards Vermont Avenue. The
Regional Center includes low to mid-rise office and retail uses along Olympic
Boulevard, with adjoining multiple family apartment blocks. The area is a cultural
meeting place and nucleus of Korean American businesses, restaurants, and shops in

64
Jared Sanchez, “Koreatown: A Contested Community at a Crossroads,” USC Program for Environment
and Regional Equity (PERE) and Koreatown Immigrant Workers Alliance (KIWA), 2012, 3.
http://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Koreatown_Contested_Community_Crossroads_web.pdf

24
addition to a wide range of community serving commercial uses and large shopping
centers.
65

Figure 2.1: Boundary change of Koreatown. Edited by author.

2.3.2 Streetscape and Zoning
Koreatown has multiple land uses ranging from single to multifamily residential,
low to high-rise offices, and commercial spaces street by street. Each block and street in
Koreatown has developed over different periods showing unique streetscape diversity.
Olympic Boulevard was the birthplace of current Koreatown in the early 1970s.
There are a number of restaurants, shops and grocery markets such as Hanam Chain and
the Koreatown Galleria. Recently, the number of Korean business gradually increased
along Olympic Boulevard. Western and Vermont Avenues are two major arteries of

65
Wilshire Community Plan, City of Los Angeles, Accessed April 19, 2015.
http://planning.lacity.org/complan/pdf/wilcptxt.pdf.

25
Koreatown. Since the Koreatown Plaza was built in 1980s, Western Avenue has been
growing economically as a major commercial strip. Vermont Avenue also has grown up
with Western Avenue over the years. In particular, the Vermont Avenue shows a unique
streetscape containing a richness of culture and diversity of landscape mixed Korean and
Latino businesses.
3
rd
, 6
th
, and 8
th
Streets are not main commercial strips compared to Olympic
Boulevard, but they have a variety of Korean businesses including well known
restaurants and small shops. In recent years, 6
th
street is emerging as a new economic
district because of accessibility from the Korean residential area and events such as
Korean Night Market every year along 6
th
Street between Normandie and Vermont
Avenue. 8
th
Street followed the development of Olympic Boulevard. This street is a mix
of Korean and Latino businesses like Vermont Avenue.
The Mid-Wilshire district of Koreatown is a regional center that extends along
Wilshire Boulevard. There are many high-rise office buildings and historic buildings such
as the Wiltern Theater, Wilshire Boulevard Temple, and Bullocks Wilshire. However, we
cannot feel any Korean identity and it is not really a part of Koreatown.
Koreatown is where people work, shop, and eat every day. It is a dense, urban
environment with many events on the sidewalks and in the storefronts. Commuters
arriving by train, bus, and car pass by the people from all over Southern California who
have come to Koreatown to avail themselves of the wide range of professional services
that cater to the Korean American community. Moreover, the street scene during the day
is different from that at night. Koreatown is the gateway of new Korean immigrants.

26
Chapter 3. Identifying Values of Koreatown

Los Angeles’s Koreatown is the symbolic heart of Korean America. It is a spiritual
and emotional center, a three-square-mile stretch of proliferating neon signs,
restaurants, bars, and churches. It is where Korean Angelenos conduct the quotidian –
business meetings, grocery shopping, and banking. Koreatown is reestablishing itself
as a multicultural, socioeconomically diverse, and intergenerational community,
uniting in its efforts to keep government funds locally distributed, to create more
affordable housing, job growth, and career training, and to build bigger, safer and
better parks, community centers, and schools for its citizens.
66

My interest in the history of the Korean community in Los Angeles was the
starting point of my thesis. At first, I contacted the head and the librarian of the East
Asian Library (Korean Heritage Library) at the University of Southern California in order
to get general information about Koreatown’s history. Later, I was able to contact a board
member of the Korean American National Museum through an introduction. I conducted
a survey, asking members of the Korean community organizations (Korean National
Association Memorial Foundation, Korean American Federation of Los Angeles, and
Korean American National Museum) and a Korean church. People of different ages and
backgrounds participated in the survey and they shared their ideas and impressions about
Koreatown. Among these participants, I interviewed a Korea Times reporter who has
lived in Koreatown for forty years and an executive director of the Center for Korean
American and Korean Studies who has lived in Koreatown for fifty years. This thesis
uses a thematic framework similar to the British Columbia model discussed in Chapter 1
as an objective method and different types of generations and lifestyles in Korean
American groups to identify cultural heritage in Los Angeles’ Koreatown. The survey
and interviews were very helpful in understanding the history of Korean immigrants and
valuable in developing a contextual understanding of the Korean community.

66
Katherine Yungmee Kim, Los Angeles’s Koreatown (Arcadia Pub., 2011), 8-10.

27
3.1 Thematic Framework
The heritage context study of Koreatown is an important factor to understand how
Korean community has developed and evolved over time, and to establish long term
heritage conservation planning. By understanding the historic, economic, cultural, social
significance and other special values of the community, preservation professionals can
have a better understanding of what cultural heritage is eligible, why those places are
significant, and what should be conserved.
Before identifying historic places, a thematic framework should be identified to
foster a basic understanding of history of the community and its values. These criteria for
identifying the community values are “a way to organize or define history to identify and
place sites, persons and events in context.”
67
Generally, it is important for community
members such as residents and stakeholders to participate in a day-long workshop in
order to identify their community’s heritage values. In this thesis, the survey and
interviews replaced the context study workshop by using the following thematic
framework.

1) Peopling the Land
Why did and do people want to live Koreatown?
2) Developing Economies
How and why is economic development important to Koreatown’s heritage?
3) Governing the Region
How and why is Koreatown’s role as an administrative center significant?
4) Building Social and Community Life
What is special about the social and community life of Koreatown?
5) Expressing Intellectual and Cultural Life
What is unique about Koreatown’s expressions of intellectual and cultural life?

3.2 The Image of the Koreatown
The participants in the Koreatown’s cultural heritage values survey were asked a
series of questions to identify historic places and cultural heritage through the cognitive
mapping process discussed in the methodology section of the introduction and
classification by five thematic frameworks (see Appendix B). The following historic

67
Parks Canada Government Website, Accessed April 10, 2015. http://www.pc.gc.ca/eng/docs/r/system-
reseau/sec2.aspx.

28
place maps and a basic context study in each five themes show the places identified based
on survey, interview, and research. Each place on the list has its own heritage values in
terms of historic, economic, political, social, and cultural aspects (see Chapter 4). The
places identified through the survey, interview, and research will require further research
and planning for cultural significance according to the methods outlined in the
recommendations section of this thesis (see Chapter 5).
The survey and interview included two parts: Identifying heritage values of
Korean community, and historic place and image mapping of Koreatown. Fifty people
including members of the Korean community organizations and a Korean church were
surveyed. Each person who participated in the survey and interview was divided into four
groups according to personal characteristics and background: Type A (elderly Koreans -
1
st
generation immigrants, 15%), Type B (International students, 45%), Type C (Business
owners, 25%), and Type D (1.5, 2
nd
and 3
rd
generation Korean Americans, 15%).

1) Koreans of Type A (elderly Koreans - 1
st
generation immigrants) have two
different images of the Korean community - either old Koreatown or new
Koreatown. Elderly Koreans have lived in Koreatown for a long time and have
witnessed the process of Koreatown’s development so that they have a broad
knowledge of Koreatown’s transformation and historic places in the Korean
community. For elderly Koreans, the first image of Koreatown is old Koreatown
along Jefferson Boulevard near the University of Southern California. The second
image is the birthplace of new Koreatown that started from the Olympic market,
the first Korean grocery market, along Olympic Boulevard. Other landmarks are
commercial strips such as Koreatown Plaza and VIP Palace and religious
communities. Many elderly Koreans were involved in important community
organizations such as the Korean American Chamber of Commerce, Korean
American National Museum, and Korean American Federation of Los Angeles.
They participated in various activities and events of Koreatown and played a
significant role in social and political aspects. They thought there were few
historic places left because the location of Koreatown has moved and Koreatown
has experienced many changes through the redevelopment projects by enormous

29
investment. They perceive Koreatown as a significant ethnic community in Los
Angeles and are sad to see the tradition and cultural heritage of Koreatown
disappear.
2) Most Koreans of Type B (International students) live in Koreatown or around the
USC campus. They are surprised that the streetscape is so similar to the
streetscape of Korea. They recognize Koreatown as a meeting place or living
space related to their daily lives. The image of Koreatown that they perceive
consists of restaurants, bars, grocery markets, and shopping malls. Koreatown
offers perfect service with everything they want. They like their own life without
difficulties and want to stay in the comfort of Koreatown. The main commercial
strips such as Olympic Boulevard, Western and Vermont Avenue, 6
th
Street and
Wilshire Boulevard are frequently used places in Koreatown. In particular, they
understand the Koreatown Galleria at the intersection of Olympic Boulevard and
Western Avenue, Koreatown Plaza on Western Avenue, and Dosan Ahn Chang
Ho Post Office and Chapman market along 6
th
Street as landmarks of Koreatown
in their mind. Although many Korean students spend a lot of time at restaurants
along Wilshire Boulevard, they do not feel any identity and impression of
Koreatown other than “Koreatown sign” placed on Wilshire Boulevard. Moreover,
they have no idea of the history of the Korean community, historic places, and
cultural heritage in Koreatown.
3) Koreans of Type C (Business owners) accepted both social and cultural
backgrounds of Korean and American society. In particular, business owners, 1
st

generation Koreans understand a large part of Koreatown’s history and
development because they immigrated to Los Angeles in the 1980s in order to
start a new life in Koreatown. They consider Mid-Wilshire area and 6
th
Street to
be the center of Koreatown as well as Olympic Boulevard because they
experienced the period of growth and expansion of Koreatown. Landmarks of
their own cognitive map are the Koreatown Galleria, Koreatown Plaza, and the
Hannam Chain Market as Koreatown’s major shopping center. In addition, they
pointed to the place at the intersection Olympic Boulevard and Irolo Street as a
significant place of Koreatown where a well-known Koreatown Festival is held

30
every year. They provided extensive information about restaurants, events and
community organizations of Koreatown. These 1
st
generation Koreans led the
development of new Koreatown and played an important role to create an
opportunity to bridge Korean community with American society as well as other
ethnic communities.
4) Koreans of Type D (1.5, 2
nd
and 3
rd
generation) have different views about
Korean community in contrast to the 1
st
generation. 1.5, 2
nd
and 3
rd
generation
Korean Americans speak both Korean and English, but their lifestyle is based on
American culture. They understand Koreatown as an interesting place similar to
Koreans of Type B (international students). In the 1.5, 2
nd
and 3
rd
generation, the
image of Koreatown is nightlife. The best-known places are the Line Hotel on
Wilshire Boulevard and Chapman Market on 6
th
Street. Moreover, they have no
idea about the history of the Korean community, historic places, and cultural
heritage in Koreatown. However, they participated in a variety of activities
through the Korean Youth and Community Center (KYCC) and the Korean
American Coalition (KAC). These organizations help 1.5, 2
nd
and 3
rd
generation
Korean Americans to build relationships with the American community and other
ethnic groups and to grow leadership. Koreatown is quite strange and unfamiliar
to 1.5, 2
nd
and 3
rd
generation Korean Americans, but provides various experiences
to learn about Korean culture and history.

3.3 Context Study
3.3.1 Peopling the Land (Historic factors)
The immigration of Koreans in the United States began with the independence
movement against Japanese oppression and finding better places for job opportunities
such as railroad construction and sugar plantations. On top of that, the 1965 Immigration
Act catalyzed a drastic Korean population increase in the 1970s, from 69,150 in 1970 to
354,953 in 1980.
68
The Los Angeles area is one of the most populous urban areas and the

68
The 1970 and 1980 U.S. Censuses in growth of Korean population, Accessed February 13, 2015.
http://www.census.gov/geo/maps-data/data/tiger.html.

31
largest Korean population area across the country. In particular, a number of Koreans
settled down in Los Angeles County in the early times, and then Korean communities
started to scatter throughout Orange and Riverside County in 1990. (Table 3-1).
There are many different reasons why Los Angeles is the center of Korean
communities as an immigrant gateway city. The first reason is because of its
geographical position. Los Angeles is relatively closer to Seoul in Korea compared to
other metropolitan areas in the United States. Second, low humidity, mild temperature,
and blue skies are some of the reasons many Koreans choose to stay in Los Angeles.
Third, Los Angeles has a good educational environment that allows students to enjoy
their studies in prestigious universities. Finally, one of the reasons for the influx of
Korean immigrants is that a lot of Asians settled down in Los Angeles before Korean
immigrants came in the area. For these reasons, Los Angeles has attracted a large number
of Koreans and spontaneously became the largest Korean population center in the United
States.
69

Metropolitan Area
1990 2000 2010
N % N % N %
Los Angeles
CMSA*
194,437 24.3 272,498 22.2 324,586 19.0
New York CMSA 118,096 14.8 179,344 14.6 221,705 13.0
Washington D.C.
CMSA
39,850 5.0 80,592 6.6 90,157 5.3
Seattle CMSA 23,901 3.0 49,139 4.0 64,771 3.8
Chicago CMSA 36,952 4.6 49,972 4.1 61,229 3.6
San Francisco
CMSA
42,277 5.3 65,218 5.3 50,867 3.0
Atlanta CMSA 10,120 1.3 24,232 2.0 48,788 2.9
Honolulu CMSA 22,646 2.8 36,069 2.9 41,689 2.4
Philadelphia
CMSA
24,568 3.1 31,820 2.6 40,292 2.4
Dallas CMSA 11,041 1.4 20,140 1.6 33,593 2.0
Total in 10
Metropolitan
523,888 65.6 809,024 65.9 977,677 57.3
Total in the U.S. 798,849 100.0 1,076,872 100.0 1,706,822 100.0

Table 3.1: The number of Korean Americans and Growth Rates in the Ten Largest Korean Population
Areas in 1990, 2000, 2010. (Source: 1990, 2000, and 2010 U.S. Censuses)
70

*Los Angeles-Orange-Riverside CMSA: Consolidated Metropolitan Statistical Areas

69
Pyong Gap Min, Koreans in North America: their twenty-first century experiences (Lexington Books,
2013), 43-50.
70
Ibid.

32
In the early 1970s, Koreans in Los Angeles began to create business district along
Olympic Boulevard, which was the beginning of Koreatown as the neighborhood located
west of downtown Los Angeles. Koreatown is composed of people of various races.
Koreans compose twenty-two percent of the population and Latinos (from Mexico, El
Salvador, Guatemala, and other Latin American nations) account for a majority (58
percent) of the population (Figure 3.1). Koreatown is a very diverse immigrant
community. Two-thirds are residents from foreign countries, which consist of thirty-eight
percent Latino immigrants and eighteen percent Korean immigrants.
71
As mentioned, the
1965 Immigration Act and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) crisis in South Korea
triggered immigration to the U.S. to start a new life and Los Angeles’ Koreatown became
a magnet for new investment. Consequently, Korean immigrants account for twenty-eight
percent of the population in Koreatown.
72

Figure 3.1: The proportion of the population in Koreatown and LA County in 2008-2010.
(Source: PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data, Koreatown: A Contested Community at A
Crossroads, 2012).

71
Jared Sanchez, “Koreatown: A Contested Community at a Crossroads,” USC Program for Environment
and Regional Equity (PERE) and Koreatown Immigrant Workers Alliance (KIWA), PERE analysis of
2008-2010 Integrated Public Use Microdata (IPUMS) American Community Survey (ACS) data, 2012, 4.
http://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Koreatown_Contested_Community_Crossroads_web.pdf.
72
Youngmin Lee & Kyonghwan Park, “Negotiating Hybridity: Transnational Reconstruction of Migrant
Subjectivity in Koreatown, Los Angeles,” Journal of Cultural Geography 25(3), 2007, 245-262.

33
Most Korean residents live in houses and apartments in Koreatown. There are all
different kinds of people composed of new immigrants, students, the elderly, business
owners, young professionals, etc. Many Koreans interact with other ethnicities such as
Latinos, Blacks, Whites, and other Asians residing in Koreatown, but Korean residents
are socio-culturally segregated from other ethnic groups. Koreatown became a
representative community providing a sense of identity as well as offering various
services for Koreans and adjacent neighbors. Moreover, Koreatown also plays an
important role in supporting Korean immigrants and establishing the ethnic network in
Los Angeles.
73

Koreatown has been a focal point for Korean immigrants and Korean Americans
in Los Angeles providing a variety of job opportunities and social services for Korean
community. The Korean community has evolved to embrace multi-ethnic groups as well
as Korean Americans creating a sense of community through various social, cultural,
political and economical values.

Figure 3.2: Korean American’s daily life in Los Angeles Koreatown, 1986. Photo courtesy of the Los
Angeles Public Library, img 00058969 (http://jpg2.lapl.org/pics48/00058969.jpg).

73
Ivan Light, “Asian Enterprise in America: Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans in Small Business,” in Scott
Cummings, ed., Self-Help in Urban America: Patterns of Minority Business Enterprise (Port Washington:
National University Publications, 1980), 33-57.

34

Figure 3.3: Koreatown Historic Places Map, Peopling the Land. Edited by author.

3.3.2 Developing Economies (Economic factors)
After the 1965 Immigration Act, Hee-Duk Lee, a Korean immigrant opened
Olympic Market and constructed the Korean restaurant Young-Bin-Kwan (VIP Palace) on
Olympic Boulevard in the early 1970s.
74
These businesses were the earliest economic
activities in Koreatown. After that, a large number of Korean shops and businesses
sprung up along Olympic Boulevard and 8
th
Street between Western Avenue and Hoover
Street in the 1970s. Koreatown Development Association (KDA) comprising Korean
immigrant business owners began to purchase inexpensive properties along Olympic
Boulevard and conduct a campaign to hang up Korean language signs in front of shops.
75

74
Sam Quinones, “The Koreatown That Never Was,” Los Angeles Times, June 3, 2001.
75
Eui-Young Yu, “Emerging Diversity in Los Angeles’ Koreatown, 1990-2000: Interethnic Comparison,
Paper read at Annual Convention of Pacific Sociological Association, April 19-21, at Vancouver, Canada.

35
The business district of so-called “New Koreatown” began to form a Korean community
as main commercial strip. According to the 1977 Korean telephone directory, Los
Angeles County contained 2,268 Korean businesses and the number of Korean-owned
businesses in Koreatown accounted for half of Los Angeles County at 1,099 businesses.
76

In the 1980s, Korean Americans introduced various business models to cater to
middle class Korean customers.
77
As the Korean population increased in Koreatown,
more Korean-owned businesses opened. According to the Korean Directory of Southern
California, Koreatown contained small businesses and service industries such as bakeries,
barber shops, and recreational centers.
78

Since the 1970s, the economic conditions in Los Angeles have encountered
changes from manufacturing to knowledge-based and service industries in the labor
market.
79
These trends have a significant impact on the economy of Koreatown.
Manufacturing employment has decreased by ten percent and service employment has
increased by thirty-nine percent. In particular, a relatively high percentage of other
services such as personal and recreation service jobs have reshaped the economic
structure of Koreatown (Figure 3-4).

76
Eui-Young Yu, Koreans in Los Angeles : prospects and promises (Koryo Research Institute : Center for
Korean-American and Korean Studies, California State University, 1982), 75-98.
77
Pyong Gap Min, Caught in the Middle: Korean Communities in New York and Los Angeles (Berkeley:
University of California Press. 1996), 73-80.
78
Pyong Gap Min, “Korean immigrants in Los Angeles,” Paper read at Conference on
California's Immigrants in World Perspectives, April 26-27, at University of California at Los Angeles.
79
David Autor, “The Polarization of Job Opportunities in the U.S. Labor Market: Implications for
Employment and Earnings,” Washington, D.C.: The Center for American Progress and The Hamilton
Project, 2010. http://economics.mit.edu/files/5554

36

Figure 3.4: Employment by Industry 1990 and 2005-2009.
(Source: PERE analysis of 1990 Decennial Census and 2005-2009 IPUMS ACS data, Koreatown: A
Contested Community at A Crossroads, 2012).

International capital markets and investment have reshaped real estate market and
service industries in Koreatown. During the 1970s, Korean immigrants accompanied by
investment from South Korea and Koreatown Developers Association began to invest on
real estate around the Mid-Wilshire district in Koreatown and Korean American business
began to blossom along Wilshire Boulevard and 6
th
Street along with large American
corporations. After the 1992 Civil Unrest, Korean American developers purchased many
burned and looted properties and small businesses at greatly reduced prices.
80
The riot
brought the need for change and investment for Koreatown’s damaged areas, so the
Community Redevelopment Agency of the City of Los Angeles (CRA/LA) created the
Wilshire Center/Koreatown Recovery Redevelopment Project in 1995 (Figure 3.5).
81

80
Kyeyoung Park and Jessica Kim, “The Contested Nexus of Los Angeles Koreatown: Capital
Restructuring, Gentrification, and Displacement,” Amerasia Journal 34(3), 2008, 127-150.
81
Alison Nemirow and Abigail Thorne-Lyman, “SCAG Region: Compass Blueprint Case Study
Koreatown,” Southern California Association of Governments, 2008, 4.
http://www.reconnectingamerica.org/assets/Uploads/htai_koreatown.pdf.

37

Figure 3.5: Wilshire Center/ Koreatown Redevelopment Area.
(Source: Community Redevelopment Agency, Los Angeles, 2009).

38
This project encompasses over one thousand acres and is bounded by 5
th
Street on
the North, 12
th
Street on the South, Hoover Street on the East, and Western Avenue and
Wilton Place on the West. The project area also included major commercial strips such as
Wilshire Boulevard, Olympic Boulevard, Western Avenue, and Vermont Avenue (Figure
3-5). According to the 1998 Plan of CRA/LA, the project contained a variety of goals in
terms of promoting business environment, developing strategic partnership of business,
providing a secure environment and promoting sense of place for the public to strengthen
community’s identity and historical significance.
82
The plan included major principal
projects: Affordable Housing, Economic Development (Commercial façade program),
Community Facilities (Construction of Korean American Museum, Korean Senior and
Community Center, and YMCA), Mixed-Use Development (Wilshire/Vermont), and
Public Improvement (Madang open space, Koreatown Gateway and streetscape
improvement).
83

Figure 3.6: Koreatown Gateway and signboard on Olympic Boulevard, 2015. Photo by author.

82
Wilshire Center/ Koreatown Recovery Redevelopment Project Area, Five-Year Implementation Plan
2011-2015, CRA/LA, 2010. Accessed April 15, 2015. http://www.crala.org/internet-
site/Projects/Wilshire_Center/upload/WK%20FY2011-2015%20Five%20Year%20IP.pdf

83
Ibid.

39
As the Korean community developed, Koreatown has grown rapidly as a
commercial center. Koreatown has mixed land use with offices, retail, and residential
areas along the major streets, especially, 6
th
Street, Wilshire Boulevard, 8
th
Street,
Olympic Boulevard, Vermont Avenue and Western Avenue (Figure 3.7).

Figure 3.7: Land Use in Koreatown. (Industrial, Commercial and Retail).
(Source: 2005 Land use, SCAG, Koreatown: A Contested Community at A Crossroads, 2012).

40

Figure 3.8: Koreatown Historic Places Map, Economic Development. Edited by author.

3.3.3 Governing the Region (Political factors)
Koreatown’s mid-Wilshire area is the political center of the Korean community.
There are a very diverse political agencies and institutions such as Consulate General of
the Republic of Korea, Korean American Coalition, and Korean American Federation.
These institutions have promoted community affairs of Korean community and played
significant roles in terms of cultural interchange with diverse communities adjacent to
Koreatown.
Since 1948, the Korean Consulate General in Los Angeles has played an
important role in Korean community as the gateway and bridge for connecting Korea and
United States. After the Korean Consulate moved to Wilshire Boulevard in Koreatown in
1988, the Consulate helped Korean community to repair the damage and overcome
hardships of the 1992 Civil Unrest. The Korean Consulate provides a variety of services

41
and makes an effort to strengthen the identity and the rights of the Korean community as
the Korean government’s representative.
84

Moreover, the Korean Consulate is place for political and social activities. For
instance, the Korean ferry Sewol sank in April 2014, killing over 300 people. Korean
nationals and second and third generation Korean Americans set up a memorial for the
South Korea ferry disaster in front of the building. A large number of people contributed
notes with messages and yellow ribbons in honor of the victims of the tragic accident.
85

However, the Korean Consulate tried to remove the temporary memorial. A few Korean
community members began to hold meetings and protest rallies against removal of
community-built memorial. Many people wanted to stop politicizing this social issue and
work together to find the best way.
86

Figure 3.9: Memorial place for South Korea Ferry Disaster in front of Consulate General of the Republic
of Korean in Los Angeles, 2014. Photo by author.

84
Consulate General of the Republic of Korea in Los Angeles Website, Accessed March 10, 2015.
http://usa-losangeles.mofa.go.kr/english/am/usa-losangeles/main/index.jsp.
85
D-Bo, “Korean Americans set up Memorial for Victims of Ferry Disaster in K town Los Angeles,” April
25, 2014.
86
”Controversy brews over removal of Sewol memorial at L.A. Korean Consulate General,” Korea Times,
June 25, 2014.

42

After the 1992 Civil Unrest, 1.5 and 2
nd
generation became the community leaders
in terms of political and economic aspects in Korean American community. They
consolidated their political position and awareness from mainstream of American society.
The incorporation of 1.5 and 2
nd
generation increased support for Korean American
community organizations by creating collaborative networks with other ethnic
communities.
87

The Korean American Coalition (KAC) is a non-profit organization located on 6
th

Street in Koreatown. A group of young Koreans, so-called 1.5 and 2
nd
generations,
initiated this organization to create social networks with diverse ethnic groups.
88
The
KAC was established in 1983 “to protect and advocate the civil rights for Korean
Americans and to promote the civic and legislative awareness within the Korean
American community” as political organization in Koreatown. The KAC provides a
number of leadership programs such as a mentorship circle, conferences and internships
to high school and college students as well as dispute resolution program for Korean
community. In particular, the KAC Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) Center was
founded to cope with the racial tension during 1992 Los Angeles Riots. For over a decade,
the ADR Center has successfully mediated over a thousand cases with diverse ethnic
groups in terms of rights and interests of consumer-merchant, landlord-tenant and citizen-
government. Moreover, the KAC has participated in the State Redistricting Commission
to ensure single district for Koreatown over the past decade. The KAC has been trying to
promote the civil rights, train the next generation of Korean American, and invest energy
into network of relationships with many diverse communities as well as for Korean
community.
89

87
Sang-Il Han. "Organizational Capacity and Outcome in Neighborhood Participation: The Case of
Korean-American Community in Los Angeles." (PhD diss., University of Southern California, 2003), 118-
120.
88
A term, 1.5 generation Korean immigrants used to describe people who were born in Korea and arrived
in the U.S. as children and adolescents, Accessed June 13, 2015.
http://www.scpr.org/blogs/multiamerican/2012/03/21/7963/what-is-a-1-5-where-an-immigrant-generation-
fits-i/.
89
Korean American Coalition Website, Accessed June 15, 2015. http://www.kacla.org/donation.html.

43

Figure 3.10: KAC’s annual walk-a-thon, “4.29 Walking to Build Bridges.” Photo courtesy of KAC.

The Korean American Federation of Los Angeles (KAFLA) is also a non-profit
organization located on Western Avenue in Koreatown. The KAFLA, founded in 1962,
consists of 1
st
generation Korean immigrants compared to KAC comprising 1.5 and 2
nd

generations (Table 3.2). Members of KAFLA intended to be in community government
and representatives of the Korean community.
90
In common with KAC, the KAFLA
contributed to strengthen social network of relationship with diverse community and
promote civil rights of Korean community through a variety of programs and services
such as education, employment, legal advice, and leadership development.
91

90
Ilsoo Kim, New Urban Immigrants: The Korean Community in New York (Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press), 1981, 60.
91
Korean American Federation of Los Angeles Website, Accessed June 10, 2015.
http://www.kafla.org/ko/index.php.

44

Korean American Coalition (KAC)
Korean American Federation of
Los Angeles (KAFLA)
Primary duty
Community service,
Political empowerment
Economic cooperation, Political
empowerment
Ideology
Protection of civil rights interests
of Korean Americans
Diaspora nationalism
Hegemonic groups
Professionals (entered in
mainstream of American society)
Business owners and Professionals
(Korean immigrant society)
Staff members 1.5 and 2
nd
generations 1
st
generations
Language
Bilingual/ English with basic
Korean
Korean with basic English
Major funding source

US government grants and
donation
Membership and donation

Table 3.2: Comparison between KAC and KAFLA.
(Reproduced by author, Source from Kyong-Hwan Park. "Transnational Urbanism in Diaspora Space:
Multi-Scaled Urban Redevelopment of Los Angeles Koreatown." PhD diss, University of Kentucky,
2005.).

The KAFLA helped to achieve the official designation of Koreatown from the
city government in 1980 and played an important role as a political leader through the
Koreatown Festival, renaming the Seoul International Park, and preservation efforts for
the Korean National Association building.
92
(Figure 3.11)

92
Ibid.

45

Figure 3.11: “Koreatown” signs posting at the intersections of Vermont and Olympic, and Western and
Olympic in Los Angeles, 1982. (Source: http://seoulofla.com/).

46

Figure 3.12: Koreatown Historic Places Map, Governing the Region. Edited by author.

3.3.4 Building Social and Community Life (Social factors)
Koreatown is one of the best examples in Los Angeles where social relations with
diverse ethnic communities and their identities have overlapped over long periods of time
as hybrid urban landscape.
93
Moreover, many Korean immigrants developed strong social
relations through religious activities. Various community organizations of the Korean
community contribute to a sense of community and build networks in terms of social
capital.
According to the research of Berry, Portney, and Thompson, Koreans in Los
Angeles have a strong sense of community, higher than that of a fifteen-city sample.

93
Michel De Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1984), xix.

47
They emphasized a sense of community as “a central building block of a connected,
productive, and stable polity.”
94

Table 3.3: Comparison between Koreans in Los Angeles and the Fifteen City Sample of The Rebirth of
Urban Democracy as regards Sense of Community. (Source: Berry, J. M., Portney, K. E., & Thomson, K.
(1993). The rebirth of urban democracy, Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution. 238).
95

Korean Christian churches were the center of Korean immigrants’ social and
cultural lives in early Korean communities. According to Givens, “the entire Korean
community was of the Protestant faith and the original immigrants were for the most part
missionary converts in Korea and Hawaii.” The churches led the social, educational, and
community affairs for Korean immigrants by providing various source of information and
played an important role to unify between Korean immigrants and American society.
The emergence of old Koreatown linked to the Christian churches. The first
Korean church was the Los Angeles Korean United Methodist Church (located at 1620
Magnolia Avenue). Another Methodist Church on Hill Street near Bunker Hill in
Downtown Los Angeles later evolved into the Korean United Presbyterian Church, which

94
Jeffrey M. Berry, Kent E. Portney and Ken Thomson, “The Rebirth of Urban Democracy,” Washington,
DC: The Brookings Institution, 1993, 237.
95
Sang-Il Han. "Organizational Capacity and Outcome in Neighborhood Participation: The Case of
Korean-American Community in Los Angeles." (PhD diss, University of Southern California, 2003), 102.

48
moved to Jefferson Boulevard near the USC campus (located at 1374 West Jefferson
Boulevard).
96
In the early 1970s, as new Korean community started to appear on Olympic
Boulevard, Korean churches provided a variety of services and information for Korean
immigrants such as businesses, jobs, community service and education. According to the
Los Angeles Korea Times Business Directory 2000-2001, the number of Korean churches
rapidly increased to over seven hundred between 1990 and 2000.
97
Christian churches
have become an important part of community life in Koreatown.
As Koreatown developed and the Korean population increased, the Korean
community has various community organizations such as KAC and KAFLA. Many
Koreans have great influence on political, economical and social aspects participating in
the community affairs of Korean American community through these organizations with
diverse ethnic communities. In addition to community organizations, Koreatown provides
a variety of media services such as newspapers and broadcasting. The Korean community
has major newspapers: Hankook Ilbo (The Los Angeles Korea Times) and JoongAng Ilbo
(The Los Angeles Korean Central Daily); TV stations: Korean Television Enterprise
(KTE) and the Korean Television American Network (KTAN); radio stations: Radio
Korea, Radio Seoul, and Gospel Broadcast. These media services play a significant role
in building Korean community and unifying Korean immigrants.
Furthermore, Koreatown has unique culture in terms of entertainment. Those who
visited Koreatown can strongly feel the vitality of community through Koreatown’s
nightlife. It is not difficult to see the latest clubs, bars, restaurants, and other nightlife in
Koreatown similarly to Seoul, Korea. The concentration of Korean business is along 6
th

Street, Wilshire Boulevard, Olympic Boulevard, Vermont Avenue, and Western Avenue
(Figure 3-13). Many office workers usually drop into bars and restaurants after work on
the way home, and young people have a wonderful time at restaurants, karaoke, cafes,
and nightclubs. These activities create a place where a wide variety of people could come
and share various experience together in Koreatown. The Korean community has its own
unique culture and tradition.

96
Helen Lewis Givens, “The Korean Community in Los Angeles,” (Master’s thesis, University of
Southern California, 1939), 36.
97
The Los Angeles Korea Times Business Directory 2000-2001.

49
In addition to Koreatown’s nightlife, Koreatown’s residents including 1.5, 2
nd
,
and 3
rd
generation Korean Americans can experience Korean tradition such as Korean
food, traditional handicrafts, games, and other intangible cultural properties through
Koreatown Festival and Korean marketplaces. It is possible for Korean Americans to
establish the identity and cultural pride as Korean through a variety of community
organizations and cultural groups.

Figure 3.13: Koreatown Night Market along 6
th
Street, 2014, Photo by author.

50

Figure 3.14: Koreatown Historic Places Map, Building social and Community Life. Edited by author.

3.3.5 Expressing Intellectual and Cultural Life (Cultural and Educational factors)
Education in Koreatown is an important part of Korean community life and
development of cultural identity. Koreatown contains diverse influential organizations
including the Korean Youth and Community Center (KYCC), the Korean Cultural Center
(KCC), Los Angeles Public Library Pio Pico Branch, and the College Culture Group.
The history of Korean Youth and Community Center (KYCC) began in 1975
when an outreach project of the Asian American Drug Abuse Program started. Over the
last forty years, the KYCC has developed and provided a variety of quality programs and
services that meet the evolving needs of the Korean community such as afterschool,
summer programs, and drug prevention education for Korean immigrants and youth.
98

After the LA Civil Unrest in 1992, the KYCC has undergone many changes in the

98
Korean Youth and Community Center Website, Accessed June 20, 2015. http://kyccla.org/

51
diversification of its social services with the city government of Los Angeles and
community organizations such as Asian Pacific Americans of a New Los Angeles
(APANLA) in terms of interracial and interethnic aspect.
99

Figure 3.15: Founding of Korean Youth Center, 1975. Photo courtesy of KYCC.

The Korean Cultural Center, operated by the Korean government’s Ministry of
Culture, Sports and Tourism, contributes to Korean community as a place to experience
traditions, history and culture of Korea through diverse programs, events and multiple
learning resources. The KCC Museum houses extensive library and film archives to show
a variety of Korean art, and provides in-depth workshops and field trips to remind people
of the importance of Korean cultural heritage in Korean community.
100

The Pio Pico Koreatown branch of Los Angeles Public Library operates as a
center of education for Korean community. Korean immigrants make up more than sixty
percent of the library’s patrons. This branch emphasizes the significance of cultural
activities and community services focused on the Korean community, and operates
diverse programs including numerous reading campaigns with cultural events. Pio Pico
Library has a lot of potential for growth as community cultural center.
101

99
Edward. J. W. Park, “Friends or enemies?: Generational politics in the Korean American community in
Los Angeles,” Qualitative Sociology 22 (2), 1999, 161-175.
100
Korean Cultural Center Website, Accessed June 15, 2015. https://www.kccla.org/.

101
David E James, The sons and daughters of Los: culture and community in L.A, (Temple University
Press, 2003), 165.

52
The UCLA Korean Culture Awareness Group, Hanoolim, founded in 1990 by a
group of Korean American students is a student organization aiming to know about the
Korean heritage, traditional culture, and history through academic, social, cultural, and
political events for the Korean community. In addition, the group performs Korean
traditional percussion (Poongmul) and harps (Gayageum) at a Korean Culture Night
hosted by this group at the end of the year. Various programs and events create strong
participation of Korean Americans to build identity and unique characteristics of Korean
community.
102

Figure 3.16: Korean traditional percussion, Poongmul, event of UCLA Korean Culture Awareness Group.
Photo courtesy of UCLA Korean Culture Awareness Group.

102
UCLA Korean Culture Awareness Group, Accessed June 20, 2015.
http://www.studentgroups.ucla.edu/hanoolim/.

53

Figure 3.17: Koreatown Historic Places Map, Expressing Intellectual and Cultural Life. Edited by author.

54
Chapter 4. Identifying and Evaluating Historic Places of Koreatown

One of the ways people express feelings about places is by telling stories. Stories live
in people’s minds. But they also live in places: indeed specific places are often
essential to their survival. And though we cannot see and touch stories in the same
way as buildings, they too are part of the meaning of places and eventually, of their
heritage. The cityscape becomes a storyscape; sites that collect interesting stories,
meaningful memories, or intense feeling of attachment become story sites.
103

The primary purpose of Chapter 3 is to identify Korean community’s values
through research, survey, interview, and cognitive mapping of historic places.
Participants of survey and interview were asked a series of questions in terms of historic,
economic, political, cultural and educational aspects. Fieldwork was conducted for each
historic place that has been selected by the context study of Koreatown in Chapter 3.
Based on the basic survey information, this chapter examines background information on
each historic places and its significance to Korean community.

4.1 Places of Cultural Significance in Koreatown
4.1.1 Historic places in Old Koreatown
The history of Koreatown can be divided into two major periods and areas: Old
Koreatown (1904~1960s) and New Koreatown (1960s~present). Old Koreatown is
associated with the area on Jefferson Boulevard near USC campus. In particular, Dosan
Ahn Chang Ho, the great spiritual leader of the Korean independence movement, was at
the heart of most of the activities in old Korean community in the early 1900s and the
historic places in old Koreatown are in close association with his activities.

103
Ned Kaufman, Place, Race, and Story: Essays on the Past and Future of Historic Preservation
(Routledge, 2009), 3.

55

Place Historic Economic Political Social Cultural
Korean
National
Association
and Korean
Presbyterian
Church
! ! ! !
Hung Sa Dan
(Young Korean
Academy)
! ! !
Do San
Ahn Chang Ho
Family House
! !
Table 4.1: Historic places in Old Koreatown. Edited by author.

Figure 4.1: Historic places in Old Koreatown. Edited by author.

56
4.1.2 Historic places in New Koreatown
New Korean community started to settle down along Olympic Boulevard between
Western Avenue and Hoover Street in the late 1960s. The economic growth of Korean
businesses enabled new Korean community to develop along the major arteries of
Koreatown such as Olympic Boulevard, Western and Vermont Avenue, 6
th
Street and
Wilshire Boulevard. In addition to business, a variety of Korean community
organizations and religious groups have played an important role in social and
community life of Koreatown and formed historic places for the production of collective
memory.

Place Historic Economic Political Social Cultural
Olympic
Market Site
! ! ! !
Koreatown
Gateway
! ! ! ! !
Commercial
Strip
(Koreatown
Plaza &
Koreatown
Galleria)
! !
Korean
American
Federation and
Mural
! ! !
Koreatown
Organizations
Association
! ! ! !
The Tahl Mah
Sah Buddhist
Monastery &
Temple
! ! !
Chapman Park
Market
! ! !
Table 4.2: Historic places in New Koreatown. Edited by author.

57

Figure 4.2: Historic places in New Koreatown. Edited by author.

4.2 Statement of Significance
4.2.1 Old Koreatown
4.2.1.1 Korean National Association (Korean Independence Memorial Building) and
Korean Presbyterian Church (1374 West Jefferson Boulevard)
In 1904, Koreans in California established the political organization named the
Mutual Assistance Association under the great spiritual leader Dosan Ahn Chang-Ho in
order to represent Korean immigrants. This organization established its headquarters in
San Francisco, and branch offices all over the country: Los Angeles, Riverside, Redlands,
Rock Springs, Wyoming, etc. Many Koreans started to move to the mainland to find
better places for better job opportunities and high wages such as railroad work and sugar
plantations. Dosan and his supporters decided to offer better conditions for Korean
immigrants’ lives in terms of social, economical, and political aspects through the Mutual

58
Assistance Association. This organization later evolved into the Korean National
Association (KNA, Korean Independence Memorial Building).

Figure 4.3: Korean Independence Memorial Building (Left, circa 1937). Photo courtesy of USC’s East
Asian Library, and (Right, 2015). Photo by author.

The KNA was a major factor in raising funds to support Korea’s independence
movement and became a leader of the democratic political ideology at this time. Koreans
who were overseas continued to provide economic aid to anti-Japanese efforts and saving
Korean from Japan. The KNA worked with all Koreans outside of Korea to achieve
independence of Korea and Korean immigrants under the leadership of the KNA were
always about the supporting and uniting as one.
In 1915, Dosan was in charge of Korean immigrants’ lives as the president of the
Central Congress of the KNA. The KNA took responsibility to protect human lives, and
enhance the rights and interests of the Korean immigrant community on the behalf of
Korean Consulate General. The KNA extended the organization’s power and constantly
petitioned the U.S. Government to stop the Japanese occupation of Korea. Moreover, the
KNA started political and educational programs to nurture model Korean Americans.
They also provided financial support for the independence movement to save Korea from
Japan.
In 1937, the KNA decided to establish a new headquarters in Los Angeles. This
office played an important role in the independence movement until 1941. The KNA was
finally disbanded in 1988 and left everything it had to the Hung Sa Dan (Young Korean

59
Academy) that Dosan founded in 1913. Hung Sa Dan took KNA’s role.
104
The KNA
building still remains on Jefferson Boulevard near University of Southern California.
Now known as the Korean Independence Memorial Building, the site became Los
Angeles Historic Cultural Monument #548 in October, 1991.

4.2.1.2 Korean Presbyterian Church (1374 West Jefferson Boulevard)
The church that still stands in its original location next to the KNA is the first
Korean Presbyterian Church named the Jefferson Korean United Presbyterian Church. A
group of eighteen Koreans established Korean Presbyterian Church near Bunker Hill area
in downtown Los Angeles and had a first gathering for Christian worship and English
class in 1905. This church evolved into the Jefferson Korean United Presbyterian Church,
which moved to the site next to the KNA in old Koreatown near University of Southern
California in 1938. The Korean Christian church was a social focal point for Korean
community providing various educational and social services such as Sunday school and
teacher training class.
105

Figure 4.4: Korean Presbyterian Church (Left, circa 1938). Photo courtesy of USC’s East Asian Library,
and (Right, 2015). Photo by author.

104
Korean National Association Website, Accessed March 20, 2015.
http://koreannationalassn.com/home.html
105
Helen Lewis Givens, “The Korean Community in Los Angeles,” (Master’s thesis, University of
Southern California, 1939), 36-38. This church still exists at its present location on 1374 West Jefferson
Boulevard, near USC. Givens describe this church as the first Korean Presbyterian Church in her research.

60
4.2.1.3 Hung Sa Dan (Young Korean Academy)
(Past: 106 North Figueroa Street, Present: 3421 South Catalina Street)
Initially, the Hung Sa Dan, well-known as the Young Korean Academy was
organized with Dosan in San Francisco in 1913. This organization was composed of a
group of intellectuals from Korea in order to enlighten young Koreans through better
education. In other words, the major priority of the Hung Sa Dan, the word “Young
Korean Academy” literally, is to give young people better access to higher education as
the saying from Greek origin goes, “A sound mind in a sound body.” This organization’s
social network helped people in developing human capital and preparing leaders of Korea
for the independence movement.
106

The headquarters in San Francisco moved to Los Angeles in 1915, and this
movement widely spread to all over the country and the rest of the world. . Many branch
offices still exist in the U.S., South Korea, China, and Mexico, etc. From 1915 to 1935,
the branch in downtown Los Angeles played an important role in independence
movement and education in accordance with Dosan’s wishes. This building was a
Victorian Style, three-story, single-family residence, and office. The headquarters moved
into a new building on Catalina Street in old Koreatown in 1935 and now serves as a
private residence.
107
Although Los Angeles Department of Water and Power (LADWP)
building is recently located in the original site of the Hung Sa Dan, it is hard to find a
trace of them. (Figures 4.5 – 4.8)

106
Dosan Ahn Chang Ho’s Biography Website, Accessed March 7, 2015.
http://www.dosan.org/home.html.
107

Ibid.

61

Figure 4.5: The Hung Sa Dan building at the
intersection of 1
st
Street and Figueroa Street on
Bunker Hill around 1915, Victorian house on the top
right. Photo courtesy of USC’s East Asian Library.

Figure 4.6: The past historic site of Hung Sa Dan
near LADWP. Photo by author.

Figure 4.7: The Hung Sa Dan moved into a new
building on Catalina Street (Source:
http://www.dosan.org/).
Figure 4.8: The Hung Sa Dan building in present
day. This building is currently used as a single-
family house. Photo courtesy of Google Maps.
4.2.1.4 Dosan Ahn Chang Ho Family House (809 West 34
th
Street on the USC campus)
Dosan Ahn Chang Ho’s family was living at the Ahn House at University of
Southern California. Helen Ahn, Dosan’s wife, lived in this house with the five Ahn
children from 1936 to the early 1950s. Although Dosan himself did not live at this house
because he was traveling around the world for the independence movement, it played a
significant role in the old Koreatown community.
108

108
USC Korean Studies Institute Website, Accessed February 20, 2015. https://dornsife.usc.edu/ksi/ahn-
family-house/.

62

Figure 4.9: Dosan Ahn Chang Ho Family House,
1990 (West of USC, Source: http://www.dosan.org).
Figure 4-10: Dosan Ahn Chang Ho Family
House, 2013 (USC Campus, Photo by author).

Other houses in San Francisco and Riverside retain great historical significance
for independence movement of Korea as well as this house. This house originally was
located out of the USC campus, but moved into the campus on Downey Way to 34th
Street near the United University Church in 2004 through campus expansion. The house
was valuable part of both old Koreatown and USC. In 2004, the USC College of Letters,
Arts & Sciences started a preservation project and recently used the house for the USC
Dornsife College Korean Studies Institute. The institute houses calligraphy, pictures, and
other archival materials donated by the Ahn family. This house is one of the most
important gathering places for the Korean community in the U.S.
109

4.2.2 New Koreatown
4.2.2.1 Olympic Market Site (3122 West Olympic Boulevard)
The Olympic Market opened in 1969 on the corner of Olympic Boulevard and
Harvard Street as the first Korean grocery market. Hee-Duk Lee and his wife, Korean
immigrants from Germany, came to Los Angeles in 1967 and invested to open their own
business on Olympic Boulevard. They purchased a Japanese store and opened small
Korean grocery store in 1972 named Olympic Market.

109
Ibid.

63
Many Korean immigrants resided around the Olympic Market. This grocery
market provided a variety of Korean food so that it gained popularity with Korean
immigrants. This grocery store led to the emergence of a large number of Korean
businesses along Olympic Boulevard. Korean immigrants operated their own business by
settling in old vacant buildings around Olympic Market.
110
In this way, the area along
Olympic Boulevard gradually became the center of Korean business as the birthplace of
new Koreatown. The Olympic Market building was demolished and replaced by the four-
story commercial building HanKuk Plaza in the 2000s.

Figure 4.11: Olympic Market, c. 1971 (Source:
http://seoulofla.com/2013/05/12/olympic-market/).
Figure 4.12. New commercial building at the
original site of Olympic Market, 2015. Photo by
author.

4.2.2.2 Koreatown Gateway
A) VIP Palace (Young Bin Kwan, 3014 West Olympic Boulevard)
As Korean businesses increased along Olympic Boulevard, many Korean
immigrants wanted the place at the intersection of Olympic Boulevard and Normandie
Avenue to be the heart of Korean community. Hee-Duk Lee who established the Olympic
Market opened the first Korean restaurant VIP Palace at the corner of Olympic Boulevard

110
Jin-Won Lee. "A Developmental Approach to Urban Design in Ethnic Communities Based on an
Analysis of the Process of Korean Immigrants' Accommodation to Los Angeles" (PhD diss., University of
California, Los Angeles, 1993), 57.

64
and Irolo Street in 1971.
111
It was designed in the Korean traditional style. This building
was one of Lee’s biggest dreams to create sense of place representative of Korean
community and ethnic identity. Many meaningful events were held in this place such as
weddings, business meetings, and birthday parties, etc.
112
He interviewed with the Los
Angeles Times in 2001 as follows,

They didn’t have any good restaurants for entertainment or a meeting place. ...I
planned to make Koreatown. Chinese people have Chinatowns everywhere: New
York, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and Montebello. But there’s no Koreatown.
113

The VIP Palace holds significance as major place for Korean community and its
role as being a catalyst for increase of Korean businesses and a great change of Olympic
Boulevard in 1970s.

Figure 4.13: VIP Palace, c.1984. Photo courtesy of
KANM.
Figure 4.14: Oaxacan restaurant, 2015. Photo by
author.

In 1994, Oaxacan businesspeople Fernando Lopez
and Maria Monterrubio
purchased the VIP Palace and converted into the Oaxacan restaurant, Guelaguetza. The
Korean traditional style of exterior still exists, but walls are covered with red color paint

111
Nancy Abelmann and John Lie, Blue Dreams: Korean Americans and the Los Angeles Riots
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995); Ivan Light and Edna Bonacich, Immigrant Entrepreneurs:
Koreans in Los Angeles (Berkeley, University of California, 1988), 221.
112
Jin-Won Lee. "A Developmental Approach to Urban Design in Ethnic Communities Based on an
Analysis of the Process of Korean Immigrants' Accommodation to Los Angeles" (PhD diss., University of
California, Los Angeles, 1993), 57.

113
Sam Quinones, “The Koreatown That Never Was,” Los Angeles Times, June 3, 2001.

65
and murals. The restaurant serves barbacoa, mole, tamales and tall glasses of pink
horchata.
114
Currently, Guelaguetza serves as a community place for Oaxacans and plays
a unique role as “the center of Oaxacan life in Los Angeles Koreatown and the setting for
countless quinceaneras, weddings, and anniversaries” in terms of social and cultural life
in Korean community.
115

B) Da Wool Jung (Gazebo,
West Olympic Blvd & Irolo Street) & Ardmore Park (Seoul
International Park, 3250 San Marino Street)
In 1996, the Community Redevelopment Agency of the City of Los Angeles
(CRA/LA) signed a $50,000 contract with the Social and Public Art Resource Center
(SPARC) to construct a cultural monument symbolizing Koreatown near Ardmore Park
“to promote a sense of place, and foster neighborhood building as well as contribute to a
positive business environment.”
116

In 2005, Korean American Chamber of Commerce (KACC) raised approximately
$600,000 from Korean business owners and thousands of people to construct a historic
cultural monument, the 5,000-square-foot “Korean Pavilion Garden” named Da Wool
Jung in commemoration of the centennial of Korean immigrations to the U.S. at the
intersection between Olympic Boulevard and Irolo Street.
117

This monument is a symbol of the cultural, economic and political growth of the
Korean American community, Koreatown Pavilion Garden not only enriches the
Korean American community but other communities in Los Angeles.
118

Moreover, the Korean-American community of Los Angeles proposed renaming
Ardmore Park to “Seoul Park – Koreatown” in 1999 to honor the Korean community.
This is because the park was used for Latino community activities even though it was

114
Ibid.
115
Korean Youth and Community Center Website, Accessed June 20, 2015. http://kyccla.org/hood-
spotlight/guelaguetza-wins-james-beard-award/.

116
CRA/LA, 1995b. Wilshire Center/Koreatown Recovery Redevelopment Project Five-Year
Implementation Plan (FY1996-FY2000), Report to Council. Los Angeles, CA: Community Redevelopment
Agency of the City of Los Angeles.
117
Kyong-Hwan Park, “Transnational Urbanism in Diaspora Space: Multi-Scaled Urban Redevelopment
of Los Angeles Koreatown,” (PhD diss, University of Kentucky, 2005), 302-325.
118
K. Connie Kang, “Koreatown Ushers in New Gateway”, Los Angeles Times, January 14, 2006.

66
located in the center of Koreatown. CRA/LA started the plan to change the name of the
park as the “Korean historic cultural monument and focal point for visitors to Koreatown.”
This project was also a part of CRA/LA’s community enhancement programs to promote
a sense of place. Today, the name of Ardmore Park is officially Seoul International
Park.
119

Seoul International Park was once used as a rallying point to express political
opinion about Korean politics. In the 1980s, about 700 Korean Americans gathered at
Ardmore Park to claim democratic reforms and end of martial law in Korea by hoisting
aloft banners that read, "Down with Dictatorship!" "No tear gas!" and "Democracy in
Korea!”
120

Figure 4.15: A rally in support of democracy for South Korea at the Ardmore Park, 1987. Photo courtesy
of the Los Angeles Public Library, img 00092150 (http://jpg1.lapl.org/00092/00092150.jpg).

119
Kyong-Hwan Park, “Transnational Urbanism in Diaspora Space: Multi-Scaled Urban Redevelopment
of Los Angeles Koreatown,” (PhD diss, University of Kentucky, 2005), 302-325.
120
Stephanie Chavez, “700 in Koreatown Rally in Support of Homeland Reforms,” Los Angeles Times,
June 22, 1987.

67
Currently, the Koreatown Festival is held in Seoul International Park every year
and the park serves as a center for local residents’ activities and leisure. However, Da
Wool Jung is locked tight like an impenetrable fortress and no one uses this park.

Figure 4.16: Da Wool Jung, Korean Pavilion at the
intersection of Olympic Boulevard and Irolo Street,
2015. Photo by author.
Figure 4.17: Seoul International Park, 2015 (Next
to Da Wool Jung, Photo by author).

In recent years, the KCC and the Korean American United Foundation started
multiple projects with the Los Angeles Neighborhood Initiative (LANI) in order to
revitalize the intersection of Olympic Boulevard and Normandie Avenue including the
Korean Pavilion Garden. These organizations proposed three plans – the Madang open
space for public park for Korean and Latino community, the bus shelter related with
“Madang” open space, and the Olympic Gateway – as landmark of Koreatown Gateway,
which is expected to cost about $2.8 million and begin construction in the middle of May
in 2015.
121

121
Ju-yeon Park, “K-Town landmarks hope to begin summer construction,” Korea Times, March 19, 2015.

68

Figure 4.18: The Madang Project. Photo courtesy of the Korea Times.

C) Koreatown Festival
As mentioned in Chapter 2, Gene Kim, president of the Koreatown Association,
founded Los Angeles Korean Festival Foundation and held the first Korean Street
Festival in 1974 on Olympic Boulevard with the purpose of keeping the roots of
Koreatown. This event was the first step for Korean community to show the identity of
Koreatown and the infinite possibilities of Korean culture. The Korean Festival
Foundation played a significant role to retain the authenticity of Korean tradition and
introduce the excellence of Korean culture as a major advocate of the Korean cultural
heritage. This organization is making more of an effort to provide Korean culture to
Korean Americans and other ethnic groups through the four-day festival.

69

Figure 4.19: Koreatown Festival and Parade (Left: Photo by author, Right: Photo courtesy of the Korea
Times).

Figure 4.20: Korean dancers performing traditional dance at Koreatown Festival, 1977. Photo courtesy of
the Los Angeles Public Library, img 00033013 (http://jpg1.lapl.org/pics27/00033013.jpg).

70
As of 2015, the Los Angeles Korean Festival is in its 42
nd
year and trying to
organize new programs and promote the opportunity to learn different culture of other
ethnic groups in Los Angeles. Every year, during the festival, Normandie Avenue
between Olympic Boulevard and San Marino Street closes to traffic for four days and the
festival is launched to give people easy access to Korean culture through various events
such as exhibitions and performances.
The festival focuses on cultural diversity because Los Angeles is one of the most
ethnically diverse cities in the U.S. and Koreatown is adjacent to a variety of ethnic
groups such as Little Bangladesh, Thaitown, Chinatown, and Little Tokyo. The Korean
Festival Foundation expects that this festival can create an opportunity to bridge Korean
Americans with a great multitude of different cultures. Moreover, a large group of
Korean business owners participate in this festival to share Korean goods and foods so
that festival visitors have the choice to enjoy everything during the festival. These Korean
goods and foods come from not only local restaurants, but also businesses in South Korea.
A variety of food vendors are becoming a popular attraction in the festival.
122

In addition, one of the most popular events is a variety of different performances
on the main stage. This event includes “Korean celebrity concerts, beauty pageants,
singing and dancing competitions as well as traditional performance from other ethnic
groups.”
123
The Korean Festival Foundation is trying to organize various events that
bring harmony and unity to Korean Americans as well as other ethnic groups. Therefore,
the Los Angeles Korean Festival is an opportunity for a wide variety of people to
participate and experience various Korean cultural traditions and has become an essential
part of Korean community.
124

4.2.2.3 Olympic Boulevard and Western Avenue Commercial strips
(Koreatown Plaza Market, 928 Western Avenue, and Galleria Market, 3250 West
Olympic Boulevard)

122
Los Angeles Korean Festival Foundation Website, Accessed April 16, 2015.
http://www.lakoreanfestival.org/
123
Ibid.

124
Ibid.

71
During the 1980s and 90s, the population of Korean immigrants drastically
increased and the economy of Koreatown maintained its rapid growth. Many Korean
immigrants invested in large and small commercial buildings, and started to construct a
number of buildings such as shopping malls, offices and hotels. Among these new
buildings, Koreatown Plaza in the mid-1980s, and Koreatown Galleria in the early 2000s,
are important additions to the community.

Figure 4.21: Koreatown Plaza, 1989. Photo courtesy
of the Los Angeles Public Library, img 00074359
(http://jpg3.lapl.org/pics49/00074359.jpg).
Figure 4.22: Koreatown Galleria, 2015. Photo by
author.

The Koreatown Plaza was the largest project in Koreatown constructed in 1984,
which opened in January 1988. The construction expenses cost about $25 million. This
shopping mall is a three-story indoor mall housing a large grocery market, a food court, a
bank, and more than eighty retail stores. It was a monumental project developed by

Joong-Nam Yang and designed by Ki-Suh Park of Gruen Associates, becoming a
landmark on Western Avenue and representative of Koreatown’s growth during the
period.
125

The Koreatown Galleria located at the intersection of Olympic Boulevard and
Western Avenue is the largest project after Civil Unrest in Koreatown. After the
economic downturn of the late 1990s in South Korea, Koreans started to invest in real
estate and more money flowed to Koreatown in Los Angeles. These factors influenced

125
Katherine Yungmee Kim, Los Angeles’s Koreatown, (Arcadia Pub., 2011), 100.

72
the commercial development and created commercial strips in Koreatown including the
Koreatown Galleria.
126

The Koreatown Galleria designed by Ki-Suh Park, the same architect of
Koreatown Plaza includes the Galleria grocery market, a food court with over seventy
stores. Koreatown Galleria became the popular shopping destination on Olympic
Boulevard in Koreatown along with Koreatown Plaza. These projects became the catalyst
for the political change of the partnership among Korean American investors and local
political supporters.
127

4.2.2.4 Korea American Federation of Los Angeles & Mural (981 South Western
Avenue)
As mentioned in Chapter 3, the Korean American Federation of Los Angeles
(KAFLA), Han In Hoe founded in 1962, played a significant role in Korean community
as a social and political organization.
128
Its office building is located on the northwest
corner of Olympic Boulevard and Western Avenue in Koreatown near Koreatown
Galleria.

Figure 4.23: Korean American Federation of Los
Angeles building and Mural, 1984. Photo courtesy
of USC Digital Library.
Figure 4.24: Korean American Federation of Los
Angeles building and Mural, 1994. Photo courtesy
of USC Digital Library.

126
Edward J. W. Park, “From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble: Koreatown from 1992 to
2012,” Amerasia Journal Volume 36: Number 1, 2012, 43-47.
127
Sojin Kim, “Vital Signs: Signage, Graffiti, Murals and “Sense of Place” in Los Angeles,” (Ph.D. diss,
Program in Folklore and Mythology, UCLA, 1997), 150.
128
Los Angeles Korean American Federation of Los Angeles Website, Accessed June 10, 2015.
http://www.kafla.org/ko/index.php.

73
The mural painting on sidewall of this building is the largest one in Koreatown.
Since at least 1984, Korean immigrants have started mural paintings in order to represent
the identity of Korean community along with Korean signboards.
129
In particular, the
Koreatown Organizations Association (KOA) has worked on issues concerning civil
rights and Korean community’s identity. The 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games and the
next Olympic Games hosted by Seoul, Korea were very important issues for the Korean
community. The public art was commissioned by KOA to promote traditional culture of
Korea and the “Mask Dancer” was painted on the side of the KAFLA’s building by
Dong-In Park, the mural artist, sponsored by the KOA in 1984 (Figure 4-23). The phrase
"Korean Community Center. Welcome to 1984 LA Olympics. See You Again in 1988
Seoul Olympics” was also inscribed on the wall. In 1994, the previous mural was
replaced by the same artist to “Korean farmers dance,” which means the revitalization of
Korean American community damaged by the 1992 Civil Unrest.
130

"Koreans have worked very hard in this city, but in one day last year it was all gone,"
Park said, referring to the spring riots. But like farmers who start from scratch each
season, Park believes the Korean-American community will rebound. "We will try
again," he said.
131

Public arts create an image of place and improve the quality of the public space
by integrating architecture with the landscape in urban revitalization, both of which are
considered as a catalyst of cultural regeneration. Public arts including murals offer a
place to communicate the values and aesthetics of community. The murals are important
for the sense of place and Korean community’s identity.

129
Jin-Won Lee, "A Developmental Approach to Urban Design in Ethnic Communities Based on an
Analysis of the Process of Korean Immigrants' Accommodation to Los Angeles," (PhD diss., University of
California, Los Angeles, 1993), 152.
130
Sojin Kim, “Vital Signs: Signage, Graffiti, Murals and “Sense of Place” in Los Angeles,” (Ph.D. diss.,
Program in Folklore and Mythology, UCLA, 1997), 151.
131
Jake Doherty, “KOREATOWN : Artist Completes His Mural of Hope,” Los Angeles Times, January 24,
1993.

74
4.2.2.5 Koreatown Organizations Association (KOA, 3727 West 6
th
Street)
After 1992 Civil Unrest, Korean Americans, especially 1.5 and 2
nd
generation,
found it necessary to strengthen the relationship each other. After constant discussion
about community affairs, five major community organizations - Korean American
Coalition (KAC), Koreatown Youth and Community Center (KYCC), Korean American
Family Service Center (KAFSC), Korean Health, Education, Information, and Research
Center (KHEIR), and Korean American National Museum (KANM) - established
Koreatown Organization Association (KOA) as the one-stop community center.
132
This
building is located at the intersection between 6
th
Street and Harvard Boulevard near
Dosan Ahn Chang Ho Post Office in Koreatown.

Figure 4.25: Koreatown Organization
Association Center, 2015. Photo by author.
Figure 4.26: The National College Leadership Conference
of the Korean American Coalition in Los Angeles, 2010.
Photo courtesy of KAC.

As mentioned in Chapter 3, KAC and KYCC have helped Korean Americans to
build relationships with American society and other ethnic groups, and provided a variety
of Korean culture and events. KAFSC and KHEIR were founded in the late 1980s as non-
profit community based organizations. These organizations provided health care services
for low-income and elderly first generation Korean Americans to gain improvement in
their health during the 1992 Civil Unrest. KANM has worked to preserve the history,
memory, experience and culture of Korean Americans as a center for Korean

132
Y. Kim, “The position and role of 1.5 generation organizations in Korean American society,” in Eui-
Young Yu (ed.), The Centennial History of Korean Immigration to the U.S., Los Angeles, 2003, 495-504.

75
community’s identity. KAM has held an exhibition named “LA Koreatown: Celebration
of Continuity and Change” in 2004 and “Koreatown Here and Now” sponsored by
Photographers Society of Southern California in 2008.
133
KOA is an important part of
Korean community and encouraged Korean Americans to find out their ethnic identities
by building social and community life. Furthermore, KOA tries to establish
implementation guidelines for best practices in neighborhood participation.

4.2.2.6 The Tahl Mah Sah Buddhist Monastery & Temple (3505 West Olympic
Boulevard)
As the number of Korean immigrants increased in the early 1970s, Buddhist
Temples were starting to appear in Koreatown. During this period, a large group of
monks visited the U.S. for the first time. According to the 1986-87 Korean Business
Directory, as of 1988, there were approximately 400 Christian churches and fifteen
Buddhist temples serving Koreans in Southern California.
134
As mentioned in Chapter 3,
Korean churches were the focal point of Korean community. It was somewhat later,
however, that Korean Buddhism gradually planted its roots in the U.S. spreading the
message of Buddhism imbued with Korean thought and culture.

Figure 4.27: Tahl Mah Sah Buddhist Monastery & Temple.
(Left, Photo by author and Right, Photo Courtesy of Koreatown LA Directory).

133
Kyong-Hwan Park, “Transnational Urbanism in Diaspora Space: Multi-Scaled Urban Redevelopment
of Los Angeles Koreatown,” (PhD diss, University of Kentucky, 2005), 359.
134
Eui-Young Yu, “The Growth of Korean Buddhism in the United States, With Special Reference to
Southern California,” Accessed June 20, 2015. http://www.shin-ibs.edu/documents/pwj-
new/new4/10Yu.pdf.

76
The Tahl Mah Sah Buddhist Monastery & Temple was established in 1973 as the
first Korean Buddhist Temple in Los Angeles. This temple is located at the intersection
of Olympic Boulevard and Wilton Place, and houses main hall for prayer, a small bell
pavilion, and small Buddha statues.
135
Buddhism has devoted followers among Koreans
and is another anchor of the Korean community. The Buddhist temple played an
important role in the Korean community as well as churches in terms of social network
and services, education, and other community activities. Korean Buddhism’s central
message of harmony, compassion, and benevolence is spreading to Korean community
through many Zen centers and temples.
136

4.2.2.7 Chapman Park Market (3465 West 6
th
Street)
Chapman Park Market located on 6
th
Street in Koreatown was the city’s first
drive-in market place in the western U.S. opened in 1929 and designated as Historic
Cultural Monument (HCM) #386 in 1988.

Figure 4.28: Parking facilities, Chapman Park
Market, 1929. Photo courtesy of the Los Angeles
Public Library, img 00040101
(http://jpg1.lapl.org/pics41/00040101).
Figure 4.29: Korean restaurant in Chapman
market, 2014. Photo courtesy of Los Angeles
Times.

135
Tahl Mah Sah Buddhist Monastery & Temple of America Inc., Koreatown LA Directory Website,
Accessed June 15, 2015. http://koreatownladirectory.com/listing/tahl-mah-sah-buddhist-monastery-temple-
of-america-inc/.
136
Eui-Young Yu, “The Growth of Korean Buddhism in the United States, With Special Reference to
Southern California,” Accessed June 20, 2015. http://www.shin-ibs.edu/documents/pwj-
new/new4/10Yu.pdf.

77
This building was rehabilitated by architect Brenda Levin and developer Wayne
Ratkovich in 1990.
137
It is currently occupied by Korean shops, bars and restaurants,
which are packed on weekend nights with young Koreans and Korean Americans.
138

New owners renamed the building Chapman Plaza, which is crowded with many
people including Korean American college students. People describe the plaza as follows,

"It's like a little scene from Korea. That's what's cool about it."
"It is a mini Third Street Promenade. At night, all you see are young Korean
Americans.
We wanted to provide a place where they can meet friends."

The Los Angeles Conservancy’s executive director Linda Dishman described this
building as an exemplary case in historic preservation and, "They're just adding another
chapter to the history of Chapman Park Market."
139

137
Los Angeles Conservancy Website, Accessed June 20, 2015.
https://www.laconservancy.org/locations/chapman-plaza.
138
Christopher Hawthorne, “Koreatown’s cool old buildings point to LA’s future,” Los Angeles Times,
Nov 29, 2014.
139
Gina Piccalo, “A New Generation Savors the Pleasures of City's First Mall,” Los Angeles Times,
October 21, 2000.

78
Chapter 5. Plan for Conservation of Koreatown

It was becoming clear that historical sites had a great power to arouse controversy. In
some cases, indeed, there was no consensus on whether they were of value at all. Did
they matter? How could one distinguish important sites from less important ones?
What should be done to preserve them, how should they be preserved, and who
should do it? The question of historical sites, their value, and their preservation
needed a fresh look.
140

Why is heritage conservation important for Los Angeles Koreatown? Heritage
conservation is important to preserve a sense of community identity for Los Angeles’
Koreatown. The Korean community should develop a sense of place in order to keep its
source of pride and build a bridge with future generations. In other words, conserving
Koreatown’s historic places and cultural heritage conveys the history of the community
as well as individual collective memory, and bridges the gap between the past and
present.
Then how do we conserve it, and who should do it? The next step is how the
Korean community can conserve the cultural heritage of Koreatown using the
community’s values and the significance of historic places. Heritage conservation
planning focused on a values-based approach includes not only research and
documentation, but also regulation through public participation. It is important to inform
the public and build awareness of the socio-economical and cultural benefits of heritage
conservation for the Korean community.

5.1 Developing a Heritage Inventory for the Korean Community
Research and documentation of historic places are the highest priority for the
heritage conservation planning of Koreatown. In other words, creating a cultural heritage
inventory of the Korean community is an important part of values-based management to
heritage conservation. Through survey and interview, many Koreans residing in
Koreatown have no idea of its historic places, and cultural heritage archives of many

140
Ned Kaufman, Place, race, and story: essays on the past and future of historic preservation, (Routledge,
2009), 230-231.

79
community organizations are not still well established even though a lot of research has
been conducted. I was able to get information and references about Koreatown’s history
and historic places from interviewing a Korea Times reporter, the Korean American
National Museum, and the USC Korean Heritage Library. The Koreatown community
should undertake research on its historic places for effective heritage conservation
planning. Documentation files for each historic place in Koreatown should be held in
Korean community organizations and with the local government planning department for
formal recognition and protection. The key of documentation is a description of the
heritage values such as the social significance of the community.
141

Who should lead the heritage inventory for the Korean community? Above all,
the role of Korean American National Museum (KANM) is important part of
improvement and promotion of Korean community heritage values. The KANM was
founded in 1991 to preserve Korean American community’s cultural heritage. This
institution’s mission is “to preserve and interpret the history, experiences, culture and
achievements of Americans of Korean ancestry.” Since 1993, KANM has provided not
only a variety of cultural programs such as lectures, readings and screening, but also held
exhibitions related to Korean American history and culture.
142
Moreover, KANM
cooperates with the Korean Heritage Library at USC and Radio Korea, and works in
partnership with several local schools. On top of that, KANM held a variety of events
including photo exhibition of Koreatown history and Korean American contemporary art.
In spite of successful events, KANM has had financial trouble and internal rifts,
relocating several times since 2000.
143
Therefore, it was difficult for the museum to
create and manage database of Koreatown’s history, and develop a heritage inventory for
the Korean community. Fortunately, in 2010, KANM has finally found a permanent
building site for the new museum with the help of Los Angeles City Council at the city-
owned parking lot located at Vermont Avenue and 6
th
Street.
144
According to interview

141
Prince George Heritage Context Study, A Report to Guide the Development of the Community’s
Heritage Planning Program, British Columbia Heritage Branch, Canada, 2010, Accessed January 21, 2015.
http://princegeorge.ca/cityhall/committees/heritage/Reports/Cmte_Heritage_Cmsn_Context_Study.pdf.
142
Korean American National Museum Website, Accessed January 15, 2015. http://kanmuseum.org/.
143
KoreaAm Magazine, News Report, Katherine Yungmee Kim, “In Koreatown, Building a Museum of
Our Own,” December 9, 2012.

144
Lily Kim, “Korean American Museum finds permanent site,” Korea Times, October 15, 2010.

80
with KANM staff, as of July in 2015, the KANM Board members decided on a new
building design for KANM (Figure 5.1).

Figure 5.1: New building of Korean National American Museum, 2015. Photo courtesy of KANM.

The KANM could assign activities for a Korean community heritage inventory
project and utilize existing resources to promote historic places in Koreatown. The
description of heritage value and evaluation of historic places in the form of statement of
significance are key information for the heritage inventory. The members of the
community organizations and volunteers could help explore, identify and evaluate
historic places on the short list. Moreover, local students interested in the Korean
community can have a chance to participate in research on historic places. These archives
including photographs, maps, and other documentations about historic places could
become invaluable resources, which could contribute to Koreatown’s development and
Korean community’s identity.
For instance, the website “Canada’s Historic Places” provides information on not
only more than 12,500 historic places in Canada, but also useful conservation tools such
as guidelines and standards for the conservation effort of historic places (Figure 5.2).
145

For another example, the Getty Conservation Institute and the City of Los Angeles

145
Canada’s Historic Places, British Columbia Governments Website, Accessed April 5, 2015.
http://www2.gov.bc.ca/gov/topic.page?id=D6F6003B73D14A26BB68E3C824FDDB83.

81
opened the new website “HistoricPlacesLA.org,” providing information about the city’s
cultural heritage sites as a digital portal (Figure 5.3).
146

Figure 5.2: The website “Canada’s
historic places” (Source:
http://www.historicplaces.ca/en/home-
accueil.aspx).
Figure 5.3: The website “Los Angeles’s historic places”
(Source: http://historicplacesla.org/).

Developing a heritage inventory for Koreatown will improve the Korean
community’s understanding of historic places and promote awareness of Koreatown’s
history and development. In addition, these efforts to conserving historic places through
survey and documentation will contribute to public history by creating an inventory of
collective memory in the long-term. The heritage inventory will be a valuable resource
for various groups of people who have an interest in the Korean community’s history,
and helpful to reinforce a sense of place and community’s identity.

5.2 Community Design Overlay District (CDO)
A Community Design Overlay (CDO) District is a geographic area “to improve
and/or preserve the quality of buildings and site design through the application of Design
Guidelines and Standards,” which intends to provide guidance and direction in the design
of buildings and to protect historical and cultural environment of the area.
147

146
Jessica Gelt, “Getty and city of L.A. launch website mapping historic places,” Los Angeles Times,
February 24, 2015.
147
City of Los Angeles, Department of City Planning Website, Accessed June 10, 2015.
http://planning.lacity.org/.

82
For instance, Little Tokyo in downtown Los Angeles is the heart of the largest
historic district for Japanese American in Southern California, which remains as a
“commercial, residential, religious, cultural, and historical community center.”
148
In
1995, the 1
st
Street historic district of Little Tokyo was placed on the National Register,
and in 2013, the Little Tokyo Community proposed development guidelines for the
“Little Tokyo Community Design Overlay (CDO) District,” which intend to preserve
historical and cultural identity of Little Tokyo. The guidelines and standards focus on the
design of new buildings and public spaces and making the environment more pedestrian
friendly. Today, Little Tokyo plays a significant role for Japanese Americans, providing a
community identity and sense of place.
149

In the same vein, it is important for the Korean community to establish boundaries
for commercial strips and propose guidelines and standards for a “Koreatown
Community Design Overlay (CDO) District” to preserve the historical and cultural
character of Koreatown. The boundaries of the Koreatown CDO can be confined to
properties that are zoned for commercial use bounded by Vermont Avenue to the east,
Western Avenue to the west, 6
th
Street to the north and Olympic Boulevard to the south.
It is necessary to provide a notable gateway or plaques marking an entrance of the
district. In 2011, CRA/LA initiated the project of “Koreatown Gateway and Streetscape”
in collaboration with the City of Los Angeles’s Council District 10 and Bureau of Street
Services. Four traditional-style Korean gateways were built as part of this project on
Olympic Boulevard corridor between Vermont and Western Avenue in order to improve
the streetscape (Figure 5-4).
150
However, these structures were vandalized with spray
paint and have not played a supportive role to retain the historic and cultural character of
Koreatown. The gateway should be designed to reflect Koreatown’s cultural character in
conjunction with the building design and signage system, so that it will be the entry
points that establish a sense of community’s identity, and give a unique image of Korean
community to visitors or people residing in Koreatown. In particular, as mentioned in the

148
Little Tokyo Community Design Overlay (CDO) District, 2013, Accessed January 30, 2015.
http://planning.lacity.org/complan/othrplan/pdf/littletokyo_draftcdo.pdf.
149
Ibid.
150
Koreatown Gateway & Streetscape, Bureau of Street Services, CRA/LA, Accessed June 30, 2015.
http://www.crala.org/internet-site/Other/Art_Program/artist_list/bureau_of_street_services.cfm.

83
previous chapters, when related to historic places such as Da Wool Jung on Olympic
Boulevard, the streetscape projects could help to establish the spirit of place and sense of
community’s identity as a symbol of Korean culture (Figure 5-5 In addition, streetscape
improvement in Koreatown commercial corridors needs to be planned as well as
providing a gateway. Today, the Olympic Boulevard commercial corridor is
characterized by numerous retail and office buildings. Unfortunately, Olympic Boulevard
is wider than other streets in Koreatown and many properties are not in use, so a planning
framework for development and revitalization of vacant and existing buildings that
contribute the Koreatown’s identity is needed.
Therefore, the proposal of Koreatown CDO guidelines will provide direction in
the quality design of new development, and rehabilitation of existing buildings and
storefronts to enhance Koreatown’s identity. Moreover, the Koreatown CDO district
designation will help ensure the streetscape projects of the corridors along Olympic
Boulevard as well as 6
th
Street contribute to pedestrian oriented district and retain a
unique historical and cultural identity of Koreatown (Figure 5-6).

Figure 5.4, 5: Primary Gateways on Olympic Boulevard, 2011, and New Gateway to be designed at the
intersection between Olympic Boulevard and Normandie Avenue, 2015 (Left, Photo courtesy of CRA/LA
and Right, Photo courtesy of Korea Times).

84

Figure 5.6: Proposal for Koreatown CDO District Boundary and Primary Gateways. Edited by author.

5.3 Partnerships and Community Involvement for Preservation
5.3.1 Community Participation
As mentioned in the previous chapters, many community organizations such as
KAC and KANM are successful in neighborhood participation. These organizations have
developed diverse characteristics of social capital and created collaborative networks
with each other and with other ethnic communities. Even though KANM has tried to
preserve and promote the history and culture of Koreatown since its establishment in
1991, most of Korean residents have little understanding about the Korean community.
Moreover, KANM are short of professionals for historic preservation.
Many organizations need historians and preservationists because people do not
know the story of historical and cultural places before professionals study and discover
their meaning. Therefore, a diverse group of experts have to use every resource and dig

85
into all the materials related to the subject that guide the cultural significance of historic
sites. The key factors in successful interpretation by preservationists entirely depend on
collaboration with partners of community who can contribute “knowledge, production
skills and access to audiences.”
151
A variety of KANM’s partners such as community
boards, institutions and local business groups should promote the public interest in
historic places by representing its valuable resource. The preservation effort of a diverse
group of preservationists can increase awareness of the importance of public history and
cultural heritage in Koreatown.
In case of the Little Tokyo community, the Little Tokyo Service Center (LTSC)
founded in 1979, has played a major role in preserving historic resource and empowering
residents for Little Tokyo community. LTSC made a lot of effort in revitalizing Little
Tokyo community with public agencies, community organizations and other
stakeholders. In particular, LTSC focused on historic preservation through the “California
Japantown Preservation Pilot Project” to preserve California’s remaining Japantowns in
Los Angeles, San Francisco, and San Jose. LTSC is working in collaboration with the
over 100 organizations of the Little Tokyo Community Council to maintain a strong
community network and historical and cultural character of Little Tokyo, and establish
sense of the Japanese American community’s identity.
152

Furthermore, most of all, building community alliance is one of the most
important parts of the historic place management. However, the most serious problem in
Korean community is that the level of 1
st
generation Korean Americans’ community
participation and involvement is too low even though they account for about sixty-eight
percent of the total population in Koreatown. Furthermore, although 1.5 generation
Korean Americans of community organizations provide many services for 1
st
generation
Korean Americans, it is not easy to attract voluntary participation.
153
Therefore, the role
of community organizations should be changed for ensuring effective community
involvement.

151

Ned Kaufman, Place, Race, and Story: Essays on the Past and Future of Historic Preservation
(Routledge, 2009), 252.

152

Little Tokyo Service Center Community Development Corporation Website, Accessed June 20, 2015.
http://www.ltsc.org/index.php/ltsc-programs.

153

Sang-Il Han. "Organizational Capacity and Outcome in Neighborhood Participation: The Case of
Korean-American Community in Los Angeles." (PhD diss, University of Southern California, 2003), 160.

86

5.3.2 Tourism and Education
Korean Cultural Center (KCC) in the Miracle Mile District has played a
significant role in promoting Korean cultural heritage in terms of tourism and education.
KCC provides a variety of special programs and events to the general public in order to
experience history and culture of Korea.
154
The historic places identified by research and
survey can be used to develop storytelling material for “Cultural Heritage Walking Tour”
in Koreatown. KCC could work in partnership with community organizations such as
Korean American National Museum (KANM) to develop tourism strategy and establish
action plan for cultural heritage tourism of Koreatown in the short-term and long-term.
Moreover, further evaluation of historic places through tourism and education will
provide a chance to examine details about heritage values of Koreatown.

5.3.3 Intangible Heritage and Inheritance
Intangible heritage can be regarded as less important than tangible heritage.
Through interviews, however, the character of Koreatown and Korean community’s
identity can be revealed through the intangible value as well as tangible heritage. Korean
intangible cultural properties include folk dramas, games, music, dance, rites, traditional
handicrafts, etc.
155
As mentioned in the previous chapter, diverse community
organizations and institutions such as the Pio Pico Koreatown branch of Los Angeles
Public Library and UCLA Korean Culture Awareness Group (Hanoolim) provide a
variety of educational programs and cultural events, so that many Korean can be exposed
to traditional Korean culture and bolster a sense of cultural pride and community identity.
Unlike tangible heritage such as historic cultural monuments, it is necessary for Korean
community to preserve intangible heritage with new approach and encourage the
knowledge and skills from artisans for future generations of Koreatown residents.

154

Korean Cultural Center Website, Accessed June 15, 2015. https://www.kccla.org/.

155

Interview with Eui-Young Yu, former director of Center for Korean American and Korean Studies,
April 16, 2015.

87

Action
Short Term
(1-2 years)
Medium Term
(3-5 years)
Long Term
(5-10 years)
Community Involvement
Establish a Community Heritage
Commission
!
Identification
Prioritize list of historic places identified
in context study
!
Research and Documentation
Create a research and documentation file
for each shortlisted historic place
(Research information, articles,
photographs, etc.)
! ! !
Evaluation
Characterization studies identified in the
context study process
!
Presentation and Interpretation
Develop and delivering walking tours ! !
Create website on historic places and
heritage values content
!
Develop publications on historic places
and heritage values
! !
Facilitate Physical Conservation
Adopt the Community Design Overlay
District (CDO) for the Conservation of
Historic Places
! !
Develop heritage conservation area
design guidelines for new construction
!
Create a Signage bylaw for formally
recognized and legally protected historic
places
!
Education and Information
Provide education and training for staff ! !

Table 5.1: Koreatown’s Values-based Management Planning Timeline (Reproduced by author, Source
from British Columbia Heritage Branch).

88
Conclusion
This thesis identified historic places and cultural heritage through values-based
approach by using the five values of cultural significance (historic, economic, political,
social, and cultural value). The paradigm shift to values-based approach of heritage
conservation provided new perspectives in understanding the heritage through not
architectural aesthetics and integrity, but the assessment of the cultural significance. The
exploration highlighted historic places with storytelling of collective memories,
individual memories, and public history about the Korean community. In particular, it is
important to understand the socio-economic and cultural values of Korean businesses that
represent the history of Koreatown’s development.
As of 2015, according to the Historic Cultural Monument (HCM) list for the City
of Los Angeles, the only officially designated historic site associated with history of
Korean community is the Korean National Association building near the USC campus on
Jefferson Boulevard. Since many Korean communities developed in Southern California,
a lot of research exists about the Korean immigrants and the Korean American
community. Throughout this research, however, awareness of historic sites and cultural
heritage in Koreatown and effort to conserve heritage values for Korean community’s
identity has been neglected, and Korean community’s history was considered as
somewhat minor in heritage conservation. A variety of plans for Koreatown including
developing heritage inventory, designation of Community Design Overlay (CDO) district,
and community involvement would be helpful to retain cultural significance of the
Korean community. Of these recommendations, community participation and grassroots’
efforts are very important part of heritage conservation. Moreover, these efforts could be
a first step for conservation of Koreatown and create a platform for community
organizations and institutions to express their views about the significance of retaining
heritage values of Koreatown. It is necessary for community organizations and
institutions to promote awareness of heritage conservation and provide tools and skills to
protect historic places and the cultural heritage of Koreatown. All of these activities could
be an effort to develop heritage value providing a sense of belonging and retaining
collective memories. The potential historic places in this thesis could be a short list for
formal recognition and protection.

89
Heritage conservation is not a difficult field for a layman to access and
understand, but it is just a part of our story and memory. Koreatown is a multicultural
community and rapidly growing, so that activities of diverse community organizations
need to be integrated for heritage conservation planning. The Korean community could
develop a spirit of place in order to build a bridge between different ethnic groups in Los
Angeles.
Further researchers should continue to study intangible heritage conservation
inherited beyond historic sites and architecture. Currently, several community
organizations and institutions such as the Korean Cultural Center and L.A. Public Library
Pio Pico branch provide a variety of Korean traditional cultural activities. These activities
will play a significant role for creating Korean community’s identity and ensuring future
generations to retain cultural significance of Koreatown. In addition, more research is
needed to know how other ethnic groups adjacent to Koreatown affect cultural value of
Korean community.

Story sites contribute powerfully to the richness of life that neighborhoods offer their
residents, offering a sense of identity, an anchor in tradition, convenient places for
essential activities and even a dimension of joy in daily rounds and rituals.
156

156
Ned Kaufman, Place, Race, and Story: Essays on the Past and Future of Historic Preservation
(Routledge, 2009), 47.

90
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98
Appendix A: The Burra Charter Process (Version 1: November, 2013)
157

Understanding a place and assessing its cultural significance are the first two steps
in the Burra Charter Process. Establishing cultural significance is an essential step in
developing the best policy for that place.

157
Australia ICOMOS, The Burra Charter – The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural
Significance, 2013, 10.

99
Appendix B: Survey Instrument and Responses

Purpose of the Study
This research aims to explore the history of Koreatown’s development and identify
historic places and cultural heritage for the Korean American community in Los Angeles.
(본 설문은 코리아타운 발전의 역사를 돌아보고, 로스엔젤레스 코리안 커뮤니티의
역사적인 장소와 문화유산을 찾기 위한 목적으로 만들었습니다.)

The format of the survey includes two parts:
a) Identifying Values of Koreatown (Context Study)
b) Historic Place Mapping (Cognitive Map)
(본 설문은 크게 두 파트로 나뉘어집니다. 첫번째는 코리아타운의 다양한 가치를 알아보기
위해 설문 참여자의 의견을 적어주시고, 두번째는 설문 참여자가 생각하는 코리아타운의
이미지와 역사적인 장소를 그림으로 나타냅니다.)

1) Gender
" Male
" Female

2) Type
" 1
st
generation Korean
" 1.5, 2
nd
and 3
rd
generation Korean American
" Business owner
" International student

3) Context Study
1. Peopling the Land (역사적 측면)
Why did and do people want to live in Koreatown?
한국 이민자들은 어떻게 코리아타운에 모여 살았습니까?
여러분이 코리아타운에 살고 싶은 이유는 무엇입니까?

2. Developing Economies (경제적 측면)
How and why is economic development important to Koreatown’s heritage?
코리아타운의 경제 발전이 필요한 이유는 무엇이며,
커뮤니티의 문화유산을 위해 어떤 방향으로 이루어져야합니까?

100
3. Governing the Region (정치적 측면)
How and why is Koreatown’s role as an administrative center significant?
행정적, 정치적 측면에서 봤을때 내,외부적으로 코리아타운은 어떤 역할을
하며, 무엇이 중요하다고 생각하십니까?

4. Building Social and Community Life (사회적 측면)
What is special about the social and community life of Koreatown?
코리아타운에서의 삶은 사회공동체적 측면에서 봤을때 어떤 의미가 있으며,
특별한 점은 무엇입니까?

5. Expressing Intellectual and Cultural Life (교육, 문화적 측면)
What is unique about Koreatown’s expressions of intellectual and cultural life?
코리아타운에서의 삶은 교육,문화적 측면에서 봤을때 어떤 의미가 있으며,
특별한 점은 무엇입니까?

4) Cognitive Map

101
Survey Responses
1) Description of Historic Places
# Da Wool Jung
# Seoul International Parks
# Koreatown Plaza
# Koreatown Galleria
# Chapman Market
# Radio Korea and Korea Times
# Dosan Ahn Chang Ho Post Office
# Dosan Ahn Chang Ho Family House
# Korean National Association
# Korean United Presbyterian Church
# Hung Sa Dan (Young Korean Academy)
# Olympic Market Site
# Korean American Federation and Mural
# Koreatown Organizations Association
# Tahl Mah Sah Buddhist Monastery & Temple
# Consulate General of the Republic of Korean
# Koreatown Festival

2-1) Samples of the Cognitive Map (Type A: 1
st
generation Korean)

102
2-2) Samples of the Cognitive Map (Type B: International student)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Myung, Junyoung (author)

Core Title Values-based approach to heritage conservation: identifying cultural heritage in Los Angeles Koreatown

School School of Architecture

Degree Master of Heritage Conservation

Degree Program Heritage Conservation

Publication Date 09/16/2015

Defense Date 09/15/2015

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag conservation,cultural heritage,cultural significance and value,historic place,identity,Koreatown,OAI-PMH Harvest,public history,sense of place,values-based management

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Advisor Sandmeier, Trudi (committee chair), Kim, Hyo-Joung (committee member), Platt, Jay (committee member)

Creator Email junyounm@usc.edu,jymbright@gmail.com

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