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Gender play and boundary crossing in Posidippus' Hippika: female appropriation of classical horsemanship ideology during the Hellenistic period

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Gender play and boundary crossing in Posidippus' Hippika: female appropriation of classical horsemanship ideology during the Hellenistic period

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Content GENDER PLAY AND BOUNDARY CROSSING IN POSIDIPPUS' HIPPIKA:
FEMALE APPROPRIATION OF CLASSICAL HORSEMANSHIP IDEOLOGY
DURING THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD
By
Kristina Ingersoll
Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Southern California, in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
December 2015
Advisory Committee:
Professor William Thalmann, Chair
Professor Susan Lape
Professor Christelle Fischer-Bovet
Professor Peter Knox
ii
Abstract

In this paper, I will discuss female equestrian victory in Posidippus's Hippika in the context of classical
horsemanship ideology and traditional gender boundaries in the equestrian realm. Posidippus' epigrams
for female equestrian victors reflect increased status of women during the Hellenistic period and, in
particular, changing ideas about female agency and female capacity to rule themselves and others. This
paper also will consider the Hippika as part of a broader trend of shifting boundaries during the
Hellenistic period in order to demonstrate that gender play in the equestrian realm cannot be explained
by royal status alone.
iii
Table of Contents
Abstract ..................................................................................................................................................... ii
Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 4
PART I. GENDER AND CLASSICAL HORSEMANSHIP IDEOLOGY ................................................ 5
Chapter 1. Horsemanship as Performance of Virtue, Masculinity, and Greekness .......................... 5
Chapter 2. Gender and “Bridling” Metaphors ................................................................................ 10
PART II. FEMALE APPROPRIATION OF THE EQUESTRIAN VICTOR MOTIF ............................ 16
Chapter 1. Cynisca of Sparta .......................................................................................................... 16
Chapter 2. Cynisca's Authentic or Symbolic Participation in Horsemanship? ............................... 17
Chapter 3. Reception of Cynisca's Equestrian Victories ................................................................ 17
PART III. PRAISE AND GENDER SYMMETRY IN POSIDIPPUS'S HIPPIKA ................................. 18
Chapter 1. Equal Footing in the Arena of Praise ............................................................................ 18
Chapter 2. Inserting Gender Symmetry into the Ancient Greek Tradition of Equestrian Victory.. 28
Chapter 3. Ideological Significance of the Equestrian Victor Motif for Hellenistic Rulers ........... 31
PART IV . BOUNDARY CROSSING IN THE EQUESTRIAN REALM: NOT JUST FOR ROYALS .. 32
Chapter 1. Gender Symmetry and Anthropomorphism in Posidippus's Hippika ........................... 33
Chapter 2. Reversal of Gender Roles in the “Bridling” Metaphor ................................................. 34
Chapter 3. Callimachus' Depiction of Athena as a Horsewoman ................................................... 36
PART V: ADDITIONAL EVIDENCE FOR HELLENISTIC HORSEWOMEN .................................... 36
Chapter 1. A Trend of Female Equestrian Victory .......................................................................... 37
Chapter 2. Horsewomen on the Battlefield? ................................................................................... 39
Chapter 3. Horsemanship Motif on the Raphia Stele: Female Inclusion? ...................................... 40
Chapter 4. Female Agency, Horsemanship, and Hellenistic Philosophy ........................................ 43
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................... 50
Illustrations............................................................................................................................................... 52
Works Cited .............................................................................................................................................. 81
Primary Sources .............................................................................................................................. 81
Secondary Sources .......................................................................................................................... 82

4
Introduction
Throughout Greek history, socially and politically ambitious aristocratic men manipulated the
image of Panhellenic equestrian victory
1
for self-advertisement. Equestrian victory provided a highly
symbolic
2
means of representing wealth, power, and the “masculine” virtues associated with the Greek
ideology of horsemanship
3
and athletic victory.
4
Victorious horse owners
5
advertised their
accomplishments with sculptural dedications, inscriptions, and victory odes, all of which incorporated
the status-charged “equestrian victor motif”.
6
Use of this equestrian victor motif seems to have been
restricted to men until the beginning of the fourth century BCE, when Cynisca of Sparta became the
first woman to win the four-horse chariot race at Olympia and the first woman to be depicted as a
Panhellenic equestrian victor. Cynisca initiated a trend in which women, through their involvement
with horses, were able to compete publicly against men in a traditionally male dominated “arena” and
on an equal “playing field”,
7
at least in the limited sphere of chariot racing. Cynisca's accomplishments
anticipate the elevated status of elite women and the increased prevalence of female equestrian victory
in the Hellenistic period. The unique collection of equestrian victory epigrams in Posidippus's
Hippika
8
allows comparison of male and female use of the equestrian victor motif during the
Hellenistic period. Like Cynisca, Hellenistic female equestrian victors were able to appropriate the
traditionally “male” equestrian victor motif, along with its associations with “Greekness” and
“masculine” virtues. Evidence from the Hippika also indicates increased male acceptance of such
female equestrian activity during the Hellenistic period. In this paper, I will suggest that Posidippus's
Hippika praises male and female victors with a remarkable degree of symmetry. Many elements of
praise in the Hippika are consistent with those found in the traditional male equestrian victory odes of
Pindar and Bacchylides. This continuity indicates that Posidippus's equestrian victors have been
effectively inserted into the Panhellenic equestrian tradition, not only with a shared tradition of praise
5
but also in competition with past victors. Explicit challenges and claims about breaking previous
records, which are made by some victors in the Hippika, also indicate that the competition has been
expanded to include previous records and participants (male and female). The gender symmetry in
Posidippus's Hippika does not seem to be an isolated example or one that can be attributed entirely to
the royal status of the female victors. Although female equestrian victory in the Hippika is restricted to
women with close ties to the royal family, additional evidence suggests that Hellenistic authors also use
the equestrian realm to experiment with gender boundaries in a broader context that is not restricted to
royalty. Additional works by Posidippus, Asclepiades, and Callimachus indicate that during the
Hellenistic period equestrian activity, or the representation of such activity, was used as a vehicle for
experimentation with gender and boundary crossing, in general. This claim is consistent with boundary
crossing trends in Hellenistic literature
9
and with the increased prominence of women during the
Hellenistic period.
10
However, when the nuances and implications of the equestrian motif are taken
into account, gender play and boundary crossing in the equestrian realm may indicate experimentation
on an unprecedented level.
PART I. GENDER AND CLASSICAL HORSEMANSHIP IDEOLOGY
Posidippus's praise of female equestrian victors in the Hippika marks an important shift in the
perception of gender roles during the Hellenistic period. The significance of female inclusion in the
Hippika becomes increasingly apparent when these epigrams are considered in the context of Greek
horsemanship ideology and its close association with good character, masculine virtues, and legitimacy
to rule.
Chapter 1. Horsemanship as Performance of Virtue, Masculinity, and Greekness
Greek horsemanship practices, as described in the fourth century BC by Xenophon, were
distinctive in the ancient world, ideologically at least, because of their gentle approach, attention to the
6
horse's psychological state, and their goal of preserving the horse's natural movement. These practices
have continued to be transmitted consistently throughout history as “classical” and the ideological
significance of classical horsemanship has remained relatively consistent, as well.
11
In his Art of
Horsemanship, Xenophon recommends that horsemen practice masculine sophrosune (moderation,
self-control, emotional regulation) in nearly every aspect of horsemanship, noting that “nothing in
excess is ever pleasing either to horse or man”.
12
In both of his equestrian treatises, Xenophon
discusses the importance of moderation in training practices. For example, he suggests that horsemen
should moderate their horses' activity so that they do not become overly tired or irritated and he advises
horsemen to vary their horses' routines so that they become accustomed to performing at any time, in
any weather, and over any type of terrain.
13
For horse-handling and training purposes, Xenophon
advocates gentleness and he discourages the use of force.
14
He recognizes that the natural quality and
magnificence of the horse's movement, which make the rider also appear magnificent, are diminished
by the use of force.
15
Xenophon points out that “what a horse does under constraint, as Simon says,
16

he does without understanding, and with no more grace than a dancer would show if he was whipped
and goaded”.
17
He also recommends that horsemen refrain from excessively pulling on the horse's
mouth, he encourages the use of flexible bits, and he discourages excessive use of whips and spurs.
18

Xenophon recognizes that a man's emotional state can interfere with the performance of his horse and
for this reason he advises that emotions should be kept under control when working with horses.
19

According to Xenophon, “the one best rule and practice in dealing with a horse is never to approach
him in anger (orge).
20
In short, a good horseman must be able to control his own emotions and
impulses, always taking into consideration the physical and psychological impact of his actions on his
horse. In this sense, virtues such as sophrosune, (often a mark of citizenship and legitimacy to rule) are
reflected by the appearance and performance of the horse. It is important to consider this Greek
ideology of horsemanship when considering the symbolic value of Panhellenic equestrian victory
7
motifs or the significance of equestrian metaphors in Greek literature.
Horsemanship was an integral component of education for aristocratic Greek men.
21
In addition
to producing a ready supply of skilled riders for the cavalry, education in horsemanship seems to have
been encouraged as a means of promoting good character and traditional values. According to Plato's
writings, for example, the practice of horsemanship is conducive to virtue and it is an important part of
a young man's education.
22
This is consistent with the fact that leaders from Athens' glorious past, such
as Pericles and Themistocles, were expert horsemen and their sons were educated in good
horsemanship practices, as well.
23
Some scholars, such as Joan Connelly, have recognized a specific
connection between artistic representations of horsemanship, such as those found on the Parthenon, and
the glorious Athenian ancestors, whose virtue was linked ideologically to their military success.
24

Connelly suggests that images on the Parthenon, including numerous depictions of horses and riders,
were created, in part, to educate young men and women in the traditional virtues of Athenian
citizenship.
25
Although Connelly makes a persuasive argument for an established link between public
equestrian images and the Athenian ancestors, she focuses more generally on the presence of equestrian
representations. I would like to suggest that the connection to Athenian citizen ideology becomes even
more profound when the ideological implications of classical horsemanship practices are considered,
along with the specific equestrian activities and maneuvers that are depicted. There is no room to
elaborate on this topic here. But, in a later section, I will use this argument to suggest a connection
between a Hellenistic equestrian image (Raphia Stele), which depicts a horse and rider engaged in a
specific cavalry maneuver, and the ideology of classical horsemanship.
Aristocratic Greek men often participate in equestrian activities, which indicate wealth and
status. Horse ownership, cavalry participation, and Panhellenic equestrian victory, in particular, are
marks of a man's individual wealth.
26
However, in some respects, horse breeding and horse keeping
8
(hippotrophia) are treated as a collective benefit for the state.
27
Even Panhellenic equestrian victories,
along with associated horse breeding, training, and maintenance, could be treated as a collective benefit
to the state. For example, Alcibiades famously claims that he brought shared glory to all of Athens and
bolstered its appearance to the rest of Greece, when he entered seven chariots at the Olympic games
and won first, second, and fourth place.
28
In addition, the production and maintenance of cavalry
mounts was treated as a liturgy, by which a wealthy man used some of his money for the collective
benefit of the Athenian state.
29
The cavalry was an important military force in ancient Greece,
sometimes playing a decisive role in battles.
30
Participation in the cavalry would have involved
substantially more effort than simple expenditure of money. Cavalry members would have been well
trained in all aspects of horsemanship, riding and horse maintenance, and they were required to practice
regularly in order to maintain their preparedness.
31
Cavalry formations require exceptionally skilled
riders and horses that are well trained and highly responsive to their rider's requests. Unfit and
untrained horses would not be able to execute the precision that is required for cavalry formations.
Xenophon discusses the fact that horses and riders must be able to move in formation, as a team.
32

This requires precision and impeccable timing from both horses and riders, as the slightest mistake or
hesitation disrupts the cavalry formation and can often result in dangerous collisions.
33
Although the
direct participants in these cavalry formations would have been aristocratic, it is likely that the average,
non-aristocratic viewer of these spectacles was reasonably familiar with horsemanship, on some level,
and had an appreciation of the skill required for advanced cavalry maneuvers.
34
This familiarity with
horsemanship, along with the ideological connection to the virtue and military success of the glorious
Athenian ancestors, most likely would have permitted the average Athenian to have some share in the
ideology of horsemanship and to view equestrian images and performances as reflections of shared
Athenianness.
35

9
Although horse ownership generally is restricted to the wealthy in ancient Greece, equestrian
activity most certainly involved a much broader range of participants. Grooms with varying social
status are involved in nearly every equestrian pursuit, although they usually are supervised closely by
horse owners.
36
Depending on the extent of their participation, these participants would have been
required to demonstrate horsemanship skill and they also would have been required to exhibit the
character traits and virtues that are associated with horsemanship. Aristocratic horse owners seem to
have been actively involved in the breeding, training, and maintenance of their horses and evidence
suggests that horsemanship, including basic horse care and oversight, was not beneath the dignity of
aristocratic men. However, substantial evidence indicates that non-aristocratic men also were involved
in horse care
37
and that some rode horses, as well, performing tasks in support of the cavalry.
38

The fact that non-aristocratic servants and attendants were involved in horsemanship and the fact that
they appear with the cavalry is remarkable. When these activities are performed by aristocratic owners,
they serve as ideologically valuable indications of their character and political legitimacy.
39

Horsemanship carries strong political associations, in part because this activity involves several
levels of control. Ideally, a horseman has achieved control over his own emotions and impulses and this
allows him to most effectively control horses, directing their powerful and impulsive energy in the
manner he finds most beneficial. A good horseman has proven that he can rule himself and others
successfully and with moderation. As a result, horsemanship imagery provides a powerful means for
depicting male agency, virtue, and political legitimacy. In Athens, the ideological significance of
horsemanship was closely aligned with male citizenship ideology,
40
and this would have contributed to
the seemingly rigid maintenance of gender boundaries in equestrian imagery prior to the Hellenistic
period. Although horsemanship is commonly used in the iconography of kingship, horsemanship is a
popular image for conveying ideas about the Athenian democracy, as well. For example, the demos is
10
described as sharing the features of a wild, impulsive horse and the only way to control the demos is
through proper horsemanship, which involves moderation and self-control, by a skilled leader.
41
Solon,
an influential leader from Athens' glorious past, is described in equestrian terms as using moderation
when dealing with the people of Athens.
42
Pericles, another one of the most idealized leaders of Athens,
also is described as a horseman in his attempt to control the demos.
43
In the context of the popular
metaphor in which a leader holds the reins of the state, references to giving and taking, loosening and
tightening, and urging forward and pulling back have powerful equestrian implications regarding the
moderation that is involved in effective horsemanship.
Chapter 2. Gender and “Bridling” Metaphors
Prior to the Hellenistic period, horsemanship imagery in Greek literature seems to maintain
clear gender boundaries, particularly regarding the gender of horsemen. Women consistently are
likened to wild horses and horse-like emotions that require “taming” or “bridling” by horsemen and
available evidence suggests that women typically take on the “horse” role in equestrian imagery. Men
consistently assume the role of “horseman,” whether they are controlling horses, women, or their own
impulses.
44
While equestrian imagery frequently is used to illustrate men who struggle to control their
own horse-like emotions, women are not expected to have the necessary agency to control their own
horse-like emotions and impulses. Metaphors that liken women, especially maidens, to horses are
common in Greek poetry and some popular examples can be found in the poetry of Alcman, Anacreon,
and Theognis.
45
In his Partheneion, Alcman compares female chorus members, Agido and
Hagesichora, to different breeds of race horses.
46
In Fragment 417 (also called the Thracian filly poem),
Anacreon describes a playful filly that is grazing in the meadow and avoiding the horseman's attempt to
bridle and tame her. According to the speaker of the poem, the filly has the potential to participate in
races, but she needs a clever and skilled horseman to rider her. The Thracian filly poem generally is
11
interpreted as an allegory for a young woman who needs a man to “tame” her.
47
In Fragment 346,
Anacreon assimilates another girl, Herotime, to a horse. Instead of staying at home, Herotime “graze[s]
in the meadows of hyacinth where Kypris tied down lovely mares, (loosed) from the yoke”.
48
In 257-
260, Theognis writes from the perspective of a prize-winning mare who is upset about her bad rider,
who is a man.
49
As I will explain in a later section, evidence indicates that this trend is reversed
somewhat during the Hellenistic period, when women increasingly are depicted with the agency to
“bridle” their own emotions. Before I focus on the significance of female equestrian victors in
Posidippus's Hippika, it is useful to establish the traditional gender boundaries in equestrian imagery.
When the Hippika is considered in this context, the significance of female equestrian victory is more
clear.
Throughout Greek literature, human emotions frequently are described in an equestrian context.
Horses are useful metaphors for human emotions, since horses are associated with raw emotion, wild
impulse, unrestrained passion, and fire.
50
This equestrian energy, whether literal or metaphorical, must
be “harnessed” by means of a bit or bridle in the hands of a good horseman. Before discussing use of
bridling metaphors, it will be important to consider the bridle's function in greater detail and the
horsemanship context in which it is used. Although I refer to “bridling” metaphors, it should be noted
that the primary function of the bridle is to prevent the bit from falling out of the horse's mouth.
51
The
bit is the most important feature of the bit/bridle/reins contraption.
52
The bit allows a rider to
communicate with his horse by means of subtle variations of tension on the reins. Technically, the bit
is the metaphorical tool and its significance is entirely dependent on the manner in which it is used (i.e.
the rider's horsemanship).
53
The bit should not be interpreted as a tool with only a restraining function
or a tool that can be turned “on” or “off,” like a brake pedal. The bit/bridle/reins cannot serve this
function due to the horse's strength. The bit can only influence the horse's energy and a good rider can
12
use the bit (along with other “aids”) to channel and influence the horse's energy in a positive manner.
Rather than a simple tool for restraint, the bit allows a rider to maintain a continuous and dynamic
conversation with his horse.
54
The bit is only as effective as the rider and proper use of the bit is an art
form, as well as an acquired skill.
55
Cuneo explains that, in order to control a horse with a bit, “the
rider must also control himself—both his own body and his emotions. Control is thus implemented not
only through the use of exterior, physical mechanisms, but also by the adoption and maintenance of
inner states of being—of calm reason on the part of the rider, and trusting obedience on the part of the
horse”.
56
These nuances of the bridling metaphor must be clarified because too often bits and bridles
are misinterpreted as rigid tools for control.
57
Such an interpretation is incompatible with the principles
of classical horsemanship and such an interpretation is inconsistent with the divine connections and
magical associations of the bit in Greek mythology.
58
Xenophon does not treat bits and bridles in this
manner and the majority of Greek and Roman authors, who utilize bridling metaphors generally seem
to follow his horsemanship principles. Bits, bridles, and the act of “bridling” do not necessarily imply
force or coercion, particularly when these references are considered in the context of classical
horsemanship ideology.
Greek tragedy, in particular, is full of equestrian imagery and metaphors that maintain
traditional gender boundaries. Greek tragedies frequently utilize horsemanship imagery to highlight
male characters' virtue (or lack of virtue). Sometimes tragedies present emotions and impulses in the
form of real horses (the characters' failure or success in “taming” these horses reflects their ability to
tame their own passions) and sometimes the characters' emotions and impulses are discussed in
equestrian terms with references to “bridles” and “reins”.
59
I will provide some examples from
Sophocles' Antigone and Euripides' Hippolytus in order to illustrate this trend in Greek tragedy. In both
Hippolytus and Antigone, leading male characters are depicted as experienced horsemen, who are
13
unable to use their knowledge to manage effectively the horse-like women in their lives.
60
In
Sophocles' Antigone, Creon is depicted as a horseman. He knows that “spirited horses are best
controlled by a slight (i.e. gentle) bit (σμικρῷ χαλιν ῷ ); for pride is impossible for anyone who is
another's slave”.
61
Scholars tend to interpret these lines as a description of harsh treatment and so I
briefly will support my suggestion that these lines should be interpreted differently.
62

In the context of classical horsemanship ideology and the writings of Xenophon, lines 477-479
(from Antigone) are particularly indicative of Creon's knowledge of horsemanship and his
understanding of the importance of sophrosune when handling horses, especially spirited horses, and
the ineffectiveness of force or violence. Creon's reference to the effectiveness of a slight bit indicates
that he understands how to channel a horse's energy in a positive manner so that it is under his control .
Creon's statement about the bit is accompanied by what seems to be an explanation for why the slight
bit works (“pride is impossible for anyone who is another's slave”),
63
since one might expect that a
harsh bit would be necessary to control a wild horse. Xenophon explains that a gentle approach is most
important when dealing with a spirited horse and that harsh use of a bit actually produces the opposite
result of what is desired.
64
Pride (φρονε ῖ ν μέγα, line 479) is a common description of horses
65
and it
is not necessarily a negative quality as long as it doesn't get out of hand. When horses display qualities
such as arrogance or hubris
66
and when they move with corresponding extravagance, they display their
natural beauty and magnificence.
67
The goal of Xenophon's teachings (and classical horsemanship) is a
horse that moves willingly and with natural magnificence while being ridden.
68
Such a horse is under
control, but it is not forced or enslaved. Xenophon is clear that force cannot produce magnificent and
beautiful movement.
69
Xenophon describes the horse's naturally beautiful movement and he is clear
that the horse's pride should not be eliminated: “whenever he himself chooses to show off before
horses, and especially before mares, he raises his neck highest and arches his head most, looking fierce;
14
he lifts his legs freely off the ground and tosses his tail up. Whenever, therefore, you induce him to
carry himself in the attitudes he naturally assumes when he is most anxious to display his beauty, you
make him look as though he took pleasure in being ridden, and give him a noble, fierce, and attractive
appearance”.
70
On another occasion, Xenophon suggests that, when a horse is excited, if “you give him
the bit, then, mistaking the looseness of the bit for deliverance from restraint, he bounds forward for
very joy with a proud bearing and supple legs,
71
exultant, imitating exactly in every way the graces that
he displays before horses. And those who watch the horse when he is like that call him well-bred, a
willing worker, worth riding, mettlesome, magnificent, and declare his appearance to be at once
pleasing and fiery”.
72
In particular, Xenophon praises the elevated, high-stepping movement that horses
perform on their own when they are excited or showing off, and which can be reproduced with the help
of a rider's aids.
73
He says that “this is the attitude in which artists represent the horses on which gods
and heroes ride, and men who manage such horses gracefully have a magnificent appearance”.
74
According to Xenophon, a rider can teach his horse to perform this extravagant movement on
command by rewarding his horse whenever he displays the desired movement.
75
Xenophon is clear that
force, including harsh bits, produces the opposite results. According to Xenophon, moderation and
flexibility (including flexible bits) are a means of persuading a horse to perform and channel its energy
in positive manner, but in a way that allows the horse to maintain its pride and think that it is getting its
own way (otherwise the horse is moving in a forced and unnatural way that is not beautiful). It makes
sense that Creon's claim that “spirited horses are best controlled with a slight bit” assumes that the
horses are being controlled in the desirable manner that is described by Xenophon: spirit, pride, and
other desirable features intact. In this case, enslavement of the horse would not be the goal.
76
The
tragic aspect of Antigone is accentuated by Creon's failure to utilize this knowledge and his inability to
moderate his emotions or his actions, particularly as he interacts with Antigone, who is likened to a
horse.
77
Antigone “does not know how to bend before her troubles” and eventually she is bound so
15
tightly to her own convictions and excessive loyalty to her brother, that she commits suicide with a
noose.
78
Creon, whose horsemanship skill should have taught him the importance of being flexible,
remains unbending, as well.
79
As a result, he does not communicate effectively with horse-like
Antigone and he ends up losing her, along with his son and any potential heirs.
Euripides' Hippolytus also is depicted as an experienced horseman.
80
Despite his knowledge
about horses, Hippolytus acts without moderation in his relationships, including interactions with his
step mother, Phaedra, who is likened to a horse.
81
Although Hippolytus practices good horsemanship in
the beginning of the tragedy, he fails to regulate his own emotions as he interacts with his horses
towards the end of the play. After he learns that he will be exiled, Hippolytus hastily prepares to escape
with his horses.
82
He practices poor horsemanship as he impulsively seizes the reins of his young
horses, applies a whip, and speaks passionately to Zeus.
83
The horses, already agitated by Hippolytus'
actions, are terrified further by a monstrous wave.
84
Hippolytus' lack of self-restraint ultimately is
manifested by the chaotic actions of his panicked horses. Hippolytus pulls back on the reins with all of
his weight, but his horses are no longer responsive to their master. They take the bits in their teeth and
run away.
85
Hippolytus is unable to regain control over his horses, he becomes entangled in the reins,
and finally he is torn apart by his own horses.
86

These examples represent only a few of the numerous examples of equestrian imagery in Greek
tragedy. The gender boundaries are relatively strict, particularly the gender of characters who take on
the role of horseman. The idea of a horsewoman controlling men in an equestrian metaphor probably
was threatening to a male audience. So, it is not surprising that men restrict entertainment of such ideas
to the context of fifth century comedy. In Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae, Blepyrus is horrified by
the idea that women will take over the reins of the state and use their power to make men sexually
submissive.
87
The consideration of horsewomen controlling men in an equestrian metaphor is
16
remarkable, even if this takes place in the context of a comedy. As I will explain in a later chapter, these
ideas are explored with greater frequency during the Hellenistic period, when gender boundaries
become blurred and women increasingly are represented with the necessary agency to control their own
emotions.
PART II. FEMALE APPROPRIATION OF THE EQUESTRIAN
VICTOR MOTIF
Female appropriation of the equestrian victor motif starts in the Classical Period with Cynisca
of Sparta. Posidippus's Hippika explicitly encourages comparison with previous victors from the
Greek tradition and one of the female epigrams in the Hippika (AB 87) refers directly to Cynisca's
record, claiming that Berenice II “eclipsed Cynisca's ancient Spartan glory.” Before I explore gender
symmetry in Posidippus's Hippika, I will briefly establish a basis for comparison by discussing
Cynisca's victories, her reception, and the ideological significance of her participation in the aristocratic
male tradition of horsemanship and equestrian victory.
Chapter 1. Cynisca of Sparta
Cynisca, a member of the Spartan royal family, won the four-horse chariot race at Olympia in
396 and 392 BCE. Following her first Olympic victory in 396, Cynisca dedicated a bronze sculpture
by Apelles inside the sanctuary at Olympia, showing an almost life-sized team of horses, the charioteer,
and Cynisca herself. Cynisca's victory epigram is inscribed on the base of her statue and it reads as
follows: “My fathers and brothers were kings of Sparta. I, Cynisca, having won with a team of swift-
footed horses, dedicated this statue. I assert that I am the only woman in all Greece to have taken this
crown”.
88
According to Xenophon and Plutarch, Cynisca was persuaded by her brother, King
Agesilaus of Sparta, to enter the four-horse Olympic chariot race.
89
Apparently, Agesilaus was annoyed
by wealthy men who boasted about their horse-racing victories and he wanted to prove that horse
17
racing
90
required only wealth and lavish display and not excellence (arete) or virtue (andragatheia).
91
Agesilaus' motivations (for encouraging Cynisca to enter the Olympics)
92
and the extent of Cynisca's
participation (in her equestrian victories)
93
have been the subject of much speculation.
Chapter 2. Cynisca's Authentic or Symbolic Participation in Horsemanship?
Although there is substantial evidence to suggest that Cynisca's participation in her victories
could have extended beyond mere expenditure of money,
94
we can only hypothesize about the extent of
her participation. As I have argued previously,

the possibility alone that Cynisca was involved in any
aspect of the oversight, training, and maintenance of her horses is significant.
95
Moreover, even if
Cynisca only participated financially, the fact that she is represented as the owner of victorious horses
suggests that she was given the status of a horseman, at least symbolically. This would have allowed
her to “tap into” the ideology of horsemanship; a traditional status symbol of wealthy male citizens and
also an indication of “male” virtues, such as sophrosune.
96

Chapter 3. Reception of Cynisca's Equestrian Victories
Regardless of reports of criticism from Agesilaus and Xenophon, it is clear that Cynisca
initiated a trend of female equestrian victors and her accomplishments are remembered by at least some
of her successors. During the years following Cynisca's victories, a number of women were victorious
in Panhellenic equestrian competitions.
97
Shortly after Cynisca's victories, another Spartan woman,
Euryleonis, won the two-horse Olympic chariot race in 368 BC.
98
There are records for numerous
additional female equestrian victors in the Hellenistic period, including the Hellenistic queens
commemorated in the Hippika. It is likely that these women, who followed in Cynisca's footsteps, were
aware of Cynisca's record and the trend of female equestrian victory that she started. As I mention
above, one of Posidippus's epigrams (AB 87), which honors Berenice I's equestrian victory, specifically
refers to Cynisca's accomplishments. As I will explain in the following section, Posidippus's Hippika,
18
in particular, indicates an increased acceptance of female participants in equestrian competition and
female use of the equestrian victor motif during the Hellenistic period. Although the female victors in
the Hippika are royal, their epigrams are clearly inserted into a broader context of male competitors and
the Panhellenic equestrian tradition.
PART III. PRAISE AND GENDER SYMMETRY IN POSIDIPPUS'S
HIPPIKA
Posidippus's Hippika consists of eighteen epigrams (AB 71-88), all of which commemorate
victories in Panhellenic equestrian events. Seven of these epigrams celebrate Ptolemaic victories (78-
82, 87-88), including those of queen Berenice II (AB 78-82),
99
Berenice I (AB 87-88), and Ptolemy II
Philadelphus (AB 88). The rest of the epigrams praise equestrian victories by non-royal men (AB 71-
77, 83-86). As I will demonstrate, the epigrams in the Hippika celebrate male (royal and non-royal)
and female (royal) victors with a remarkable degree of symmetry. This symmetry seems unusual,
particularly since it is not restricted to royal couples.
100
For the purposes of this paper, I will focus on
several elements of praise that seem to be used in a consistent manner for both men and women (royal
and non-royal) in the Hippika. These elements include the virtues associated with athletic victory,
praise of multiple victories as a pattern of excellence, and credit for the victory.
Chapter 1. Equal Footing in the Arena of Praise
The epigrams in the Hippika praise the excellence of male and female equestrian victors, often
referring to virtues that are traditionally associated with athletic victory, aristocratic ideology and the
Homeric value system.
101
Although the Hippika praises later Hellenistic victors, athletic ideology
remained relatively consistent over time, retaining its associations with the “manly and military values
of sport”.
102
It seems remarkable that women, even royal women, are able to claim a level of equality
with (and perhaps superiority over) men in the “manly” virtues associated with athletic ideology.
103
A
19
number of epigrams in the Hippika claim that victors have achieved a level of fame (kleos, kudos,
doxa).
104
The acquisition of fame is consistent with the presence of other athletic virtues (such as
arete
105
), even if they are not explicitly stated.
106
Time (honor)
107
is clearly implied in some of the
epigrams as well. Athletic virtues, especially fame, were enhanced if a victor could demonstrate an
individual pattern of victory and the highest level of fame was achieved when this pattern extended to
the entire family.
108
Therefore, many epigrams in the Hippika emphasize multiple victories by
individuals and their families.
Two epigrams (AB 78 and 87) celebrate the kleos of royal women who obtained Olympic
equestrian victories. AB 78 suggests that Berenice II's kleos (line 1) is extraordinary because her doxa
(78.2) was established long ago by her family's pattern of multiple Olympic equestrian victories. The
epigram demonstrates Berenice II's family history of equestrian victory by listing the Olympic chariot-
racing victories of Ptolemy I Soter, Berenice I, Ptolemy II Philadelphus, and Arsinoe II Philadelphus.
109

AB 78 puts male and female equestrian victories on equal footing, as it uses these victories to
emphasize royal succession and legitimacy. The family track record of excellence is underscored by the
epigram's reference to a special qualification of Arsinoe II's
110
accomplishments: she won all three
victories for harnessed races in a single competition (78.7-8). The epigram also emphasizes that the
Ptolemaic family's excellence is inherited. AB 78 points out that all five victors were from a single
house (78.11) and that the victories continued each generation, with “the children's children winning
prizes with their chariots” (78.12).
111
Berenice II's royal bloodline is highlighted as well, particularly
her imagined Ptolemaic bloodline. Although Berenice II is the daughter of Magas, ruler of Cyrene, AB
78 represents her as the daughter of Ptolemy II and the heiress of inherited excellence that has been
passed down through generations of Ptolemies. According to AB 78, Berenice II's father, Ptolemy II
Philadelphus, is “a king son of a king” (78.6-7) and Berenice II's own royal status is also mentioned
20
several times (βασιλίς, 78.10 and βασιλευο ύσης, 78.14).
112
The epigram's celebration
113
of Berenice
II's victory within the context of her family's track record implies that Berenice II's inherited excellence
has been confirmed by her own equestrian victory.
114
Berenice II also seems to have acquired time
(honor) for her family as a result of her individual victory.
115
The epigram states “[I now honour (τιμ ῶ )
my father's] sacred clan (γένος ἱ ερ ὸν)” (78.9).

AB 79 and 81 also celebrate equestrian victories of Berenice II and, although these epigrams do
not explicitly mention fame, both epigrams emphasize multiple victories. AB 79 claims that Berenice
II won all the crowns for harnessed racing at the same time (79.2) and AB 81 claims that Berenice II
won twice with the “full chariot” (81.4).
116
Berenice II's multiple victories are celebrated again in AB
82 and her accomplishments are depicted in a family context. Berenice II's father, Ptolemy II, is
mentioned (82.5) and he seems to have been present at her Isthmian victory.
117
The epigram also
emphasizes Berenice II's royal status (82.6). Berenice II is described as “much garlanded”
(πολυστέφανον, 82.3), which implies many victories, and the epigram claims that she made her house
victorious, many times (82.5-6). Like AB 78 (also for Berenice II), AB 82 implies that Berenice II's
victories brought honor to her house (i.e. her family). Her active participation (in providing her family
with this reflected honor) is emphasized at the end of the epigram: Berenice II made her house
victorious many times, on her own (μόνη, 82.6). In another epigram, AB 87, Berenice I's kleos is
treated independently from that of her family.
118
This epigram focuses on Berenice I's claim that she
broke Cynisca's record of being the only woman in all Greece to win the four-horse Olympic chariot
race.
119
In particular, the epigram states that Berenice I's kleos (87.3) was much-celebrated
(πολυθρύλατον, 87.3) and it “eclipsed Cynisca's ancient Spartan glory (κ ῦδος, 87.4)”.
120
AB 87
suggests that, in addition to replacing Cynisca's glory with her own, Berenice I's victory replaces
Spartan glory with that of Macedonia (and Alexandria). Also, the epigram's competitive focus on
21
Cynisca and Berenice I ignores the male equestrian tradition altogether, focusing instead on the female
record of equestrian victory.
AB 88 is the only epigram in the Hippika that commemorates a royal equestrian victory by a
man.
121
In AB 88, the Olympic chariot victory of Ptolemy II Philadelphus is celebrated in a family
context, like that of Berenice II's epigram (AB 78). The epigram begins with Ptolemy II's claim that he
and his parents (Berenice I and Ptolemy I Soter)
122
have set a record, since they are the first three
royals to win the chariot race at Olympia (88.1-2). AB 88 reminds viewers that Ptolemy is heir to his
family's greatness, highlighting his name and bloodline: he is “Ptolemy's namesake (μ ώ νυμος)” (88.3)
and “of Eordean stock ( Ἐ ορδαία γέννα)”
123
(88.4). The epigram claims that Ptolemy II's equestrian
victory allowed him to add his own kleos to that of his father (88.5). Just as in Berenice II's epigram
(AB 78), Ptolemy II's victory and fame follows and reestablishes his family's inherited pattern of
excellence. At the end of AB 88, Ptolemy II emphasizes the victory of his mother (Berenice I): the fact
that “my mother won a chariot victory as a woman, this is just great” (88.5-6). The epigram seems to
advertise Berenice I's victory as a mark of status and legitimacy for Ptolemy II.
124
This statement is
particularly striking when it is compared with derogatory statements that were reportedly made by
Cynisca's brother, King Agesilaus, in response to her Olympic victories (see discussion about Cynisca
above).
125
AB 88 seems to indicate growing acceptance of female equestrian victors during the
Hellenistic period (including their use of the equestrian victor motif) and an increased acceptance of the
idea that men and women could compete against each other on equal terms, at least indirectly. This
acceptance of female victors is also suggested by the nearly symmetrical praise of Berenice II (AB 78)
and Ptolemy II (AB 88). Both epigrams celebrate the individual victories of Berenice II and Ptolemy II
in the context of a family pattern of equestrian victory. Victorious male and female relatives are named
in each epigram, indicating that Berenice II and Ptolemy II benefited equally from advertising male and
22
female family accomplishments. In particular, AB 78 and AB 88 demonstrate that the fame of male and
female royal victors was equally enhanced by the accomplishments of male and female relatives.
The Hippika celebrates the honor and fame of non-royal victors, as well. Many non-royal
epigrams claim multiple victories, although the individual pattern of victory is usually emphasized
rather than a family track record. Two non-royal victors, who are praised in the Hippika, claim that
they have achieved a degree of fame as a result of their equestrian victories: AB 77 and 85. In AB 77,
Euthymachus claims that he has acquired doxa (77.4) for himself as a result of multiple Olympic
chariot victories (77.3). According AB 85, Amyntas' victory “did not deprive
126
Thessaly, [his] country,
of its ancient reputation (δ όξας) for horses” (85.3-4). AB 85 suggests that Amyntas' equestrian victory
follows and reestablishes his country's pattern of excellence, not unlike the family victory patterns that
are praised in AB 78 and 88. This implies that Amyntas's victory brought reflected honor (time) to
Thessaly.
127
Another non-royal victory epigram, AB 84, praises the victory of Phylopidas and mentions
that his “great house (μέγα δ ῶ μα) was later crowned” (84.3) with additional victories. As in AB 78,
Phylopidas' multiple victories seem to have conferred honor on his family. Several other non-royal
epigrams in the Hippika emphasize multiple victories without explicit references to fame or honor. In
AB 71, Hippostratus says that he was “twice proclaimed victorious” (71.3) because he and his horse
were victorious at the same Pythian games (71.1-2).
128
It seems that Hippostratus is claiming a double
victory from a single event: he receives credit both as the horse's owner and for the horse's effort, as
well. In a sense, Hippostratus' horse is personified and treated as a member of his household: the horse
is named
129
and the horse's victory reflects honor on Hippostratus.
130
Several other epigrams from the
Hippika celebrate horse owners who acquired multiple victories with the same horses and the horses'
pattern of success seems to add another layer to the excellence of their owners. For example, AB 75
announces that Dios has won multiple Olympic chariot-races with the same four mares. AB 76
23
celebrates the famous (κλειν ὸς, 76.2) horse of Etearchus, who won crowns at the Ptolemaic, Isthmian,
Nemean, and Delphic festivals. In AB 83, Phrixus announces that his Thessalian horse was victorious
three times at Olympia and he says that the horse is dedicated (probably a reference to a statue) as a
“sacred memorial to the Scopadai” (83.2).
131
Phrixus claims a connection to this Thessalian family
and its tradition of equestrian victory and AB 83 implies that his victory continues and reestablishes the
equestrian tradition of this famous Thessalian family. In AB 86, Eubotas demonstrates his individual
pattern of victory and that of his horse, Fiery,
132
who was victorious four times at the Nemean games
and two times at the Pythian games.
As these examples demonstrate, athletic virtues, such as fame, are conferred on victors (royal
and non-royal, male and female) and their families in a relatively consistent manner throughout the
Hippika. However, there are some noticeable differences in the characterization of fame when it is
acquired by non-royal victors. The fame that accompanies royal victories brings attention to the fame
of the royal family, which has already been established. Non-royal victors, on the other hand, must
establish their own fame.
133
This is achieved, in part, by greater emphasis on individual victory
patterns. Non-royal epigrams also include more details from the races that convey additional athletic
values
134
and further justification for fame.

For example, some epigrams emphasize the effort and
struggle that was involved in the victory. AB 72 and 76 describe the effort of the horses during the
race
135
, including the stretched out bodies of the galloping horses (τέταται, AB 72.2 and κτέταται, AB
76.1). AB 72 and 74 emphasize the struggle involved in the victory: the horse in AB 72 “triumphed by
a mere dip of its head” (72.4) and the horse in AB 74 ran “neck and neck with a Thessalian carriage and
won by a hair” (74.2). AB 77 describes the expense of victory: the victor, Euthymachus, says he won
“distressed] not by a little expenditure” (δαπάναι, 77.2) and he says that he has “nothing left at all”
(77.4). Some non-royal epigrams also emphasize special qualifications of their victories.
136
For
24
example, in AB 73, the ease of the win is described: the horse ran “[without waiting] for either spur or
[incentives]” (73.2) and the jockey is referred to as a “pleasant burden” ( ἁ δ ὺ βάρος, 73.3). In AB 74,
the race was so close that the drivers had to draw lots (using rods on the ground) for the victory crown.
Callicrates's clever mare was given the crown because she picked up a rod, herself (74.7-8). At least
one royal epigram also includes details from the race, illustrating the effort required for victory: AB 79
praises the speed of Berenice II's horses (79.3) and they are compared to thunderbolts (δαλος, 79.5).
The epigram also notes that when Berenice II's chariot turned (κάμψαι, 79.4), many charioteers were
left behind. The emphasis on her chariot's successful turn is significant because the turns in chariot
races were notoriously dangerous. The turn before the final stretch was the most dangerous and the site
of many accidents.
137
The epigram's reference to the turn is a reminder that Berenice's accomplishment
involved risk (kindunos), which would have elevated the status of her accomplishment.
138

Another feature of the Hippika that is used rather consistently for both royal and non-royal
epigrams involves the distribution of credit for equestrian victories. Although it was common for
owners to hire charioteers and jockeys for competition purposes, the owner of the horse(s) was always
declared the victor. In most cases, these charioteers and jockeys are effectively erased from the
record.
139
The horses, however, are often acknowledged since they are part of their owners' households
and their excellence reflects that of their owners. Royal and non-royal epigrams in the Hippika
consistently distribute credit for equestrian victory in several ways: some epigrams focus on the victory
of the owners and the horses are barely acknowledged, several epigrams emphasize the shared
achievement of horses and owners, and other epigrams concentrate almost exclusively on the horses
who are depicted as delivering victory to their owners.
Several royal epigrams credit horse owners exclusively with their victories. AB 80 and AB 82
are very fragmented, but the surviving pieces do not acknowledge any effort of the horses. AB 80 and
25
AB 82 claim that Berenice II was victorious “on her own” (μόνηι, AB 80.4 and μόνη, AB 82.6), firmly
establishing that she alone deserves the credit for her accomplishments.
140
AB 78 (for Berenice II)
ignores the role of horses and charioteers, as well. When the family's pattern of victory is described at
the beginning of the epigram, Berenice II's grandfather and grandmother are described as actively
driving their own horses ( ἐλάσας, 78.4) to victory, although they most likely hired charioteers for the
competitions. AB 78 clearly asserts that Berenice II and her relatives deserve all the credit for their
respective victories. In AB 88, Ptolemy II claims that he and his parents won Olympic chariot races on
their own (μ όνοι, 88.1) and he does not acknowledge the role of horses or the use of charioteers in
these victories.
Several non-royal epigrams also depict horse owners as entirely responsible for their equestrian
victories by emphasizing their horsemanship. These epigrams claim that the owners are actively
involved in the care of their horses and this implies a close relationship between horse and owner.
141
In
these examples, the horses' victory clearly reflects the owner's efforts. AB 77 focuses on the victory of
Euthymachus, whose victory is attributed to his extraordinary expenditure (δαπάναι, 77.2) and the care
of his horses (κομιδ ᾶ ς, 77.3). However, Euthymachus complains that he has spent a lot of money
caring for his horses and now he has nothing left (λείπεται ο ὐδ ὲν ἐμοί), which perhaps undercuts his
aristocratic status.
142
AB 84 seems to focus exclusively on Phylopidas' horsemanship and his
horsemanlike character. The epigrams states “you were [the first], Olympic victor, to wash [this] swift
horse in the Alpheus, Thessalian Phylopidas. [Even though your] great house was later crowned,
[everyone's] first delights are far more divine.” Phylopidas seems to have bathed his own horse
(λουσας, 84.1) in the Alpheus (84.2), a river that runs through Olympia.
143
This epigram implies that
Phylopidas cared for his own horse immediately following his victory, rather than handing it off to a
groom. The statement “your great house was later crowned” could very well imply that Phylopidas not
26
only washed his own horse following the race, but he did so before his house was crowned. This
demonstrates good horsemanship and good character, since a good horseman cares for his horse first.
144
The “first delights” that are “far more divine” (84.4) might refer to such horse-care, implying that
Phylopidas' victory is secondary to his display of horsemanship. Horses and horsemanship were also
closely linked to the divine.
145
It is possible that these claims allowed Phylopidas' epigram to focus on
his piety and noble character, rather than display of wealth.
146

In several epigrams from the Hippika, royal and non-royal owners seem to share the credit for
victory with their horses. In AB 71, Hippostratus clearly shares victory with his horse, Fiery (71.1).
Hippostratus says that Fiery was victorious and he (Hippostratus) won a race, too ( ἵ ππος ἐνίκα κ ἀ γ ὼ ,
71.1-2) at the same Pythian games. At the end of the epigram Hippostratus again claims that he and his
horse were victorious together ( ἀ θλοφόρος τ᾽ἦν ἵ ππος ὁμο ῦ κ ἀ γ ώ , 71.3-4), which allowed him
(Hippostratus) to be proclaimed victorious twice (δ ὶ ς δ ᾽ ἀ νεκηρ ύχθην Ἱππ όστρατος ἀ θλοφόρος τ ᾽ ἦν,
71.3). In AB 83, Phrixus acknowledges the speed of his horse and he also says that his horse won three
times “first and on its own” (πρ ῶ τος κα ὶ μ όνος ο ὗτος, 83.1-3). However, Phrixus seems to share credit
with his horse. At the end of the epigram, he refers to these same three victories as his own when he
says “three times I won, I challenge you to beat me...” (83.3). In AB 85, Amyntas acknowledges the
outstanding speed of his horse and he refers to the horse as victorious ( ἀ θλοφόρον ταχυτ ᾶ τι διάκριτον
ἵ ππον, 85.1). Amyntas clearly assumes credit for his horse's victory and he treats the excellence of his
horse as a reflection of his own excellence and that of his household. Amyntas boasts that he brought
this victorious horse from his own herd (το ῦτον ἀ π ᾽ ο ἰ κείας ἀ γαγ όμαν ἀ γέλας, 85.2).
147
This
statement implies that Amyntas bred his own horse and it is entirely a part of his household—not a
commodity purchased from another man's household. AB 79 praises Berenice II for winning all of the
crowns for harness racing at the Nemean games (79.1-3) and the effort of her horses is clearly
27
acknowledged as well. According to this epigram, the speed of Berenice II's horses allowed the chariot
to turn, leaving many drivers behind (79.3-6). This is probably a reference to her horses' successful
navigation of the dangerous final turn of the race.
148

A number of epigrams in the Hippika (royal and non-royal) focus almost exclusively on the
efforts of the horses, which are often described as bringing victory to their owners. Berenice I's horses
“speak” in AB 87 and they claim “when we were still [mares] we won Macedonian Berenice I's
Olympic crown...” (87.1). AB 72 focuses on the effort of Molycus' horse: “behold the colt's tenacity,
how it draws its breath with all its body and its flanks are all stretched as when it ran at Nemea” (72.1-
3).
149
This victorious horse “brought Molycus the celery-chaplet” (72.3). In AB 73, Trygaeus's horse
is given all of the credit for its Olympic victory. The epigram, which is “spoken” by his horse,
describes the horse's willingness and initiative during the race: “Straight from the starting line I thus ran
at Olympia [without waiting] for either spur or [incentives]...” (73.1-2). The epigram explains that
Trygaeus was crowned (73.3-4) as a result of his horse's efforts. AB 74 attributes Callicrates's four-
horse chariot victory entirely to his right hand tracer (δεξι όσειρα, 74.7),
150
a clever filly who is credited
with winning by a nod (νεύματι νικήσασα, 74.3). When the victory is contested, the drivers draw lots
for the crown using rods on the ground (74.5-6). Callicrates's mare picks up a rod, herself (74.7-8), and
she is awarded the crown (74.9-11). As a result, Callicrates receives the laurel and dedicates a statue of
the chariot and the charioteer (74.12-14).
151
In AB 75, the epigram is “spoken” by Dios' four mares,
who claim that they won multiple Olympic crowns for Dios. AB 76 describes the famous Arab horse
that won multiple victories for Etearchus. In AB 86, Fiery from Messenia won multiple victories and
the owner explains that “it made me, Eubotas, win a crown” (86.4).
As these examples demonstrate, a number of epigrams in the Hippika credit the horses partially
or entirely with their victories. In some cases, the owners are even depicted as passive recipients of
28
their crowns. Such epigrams might appear to support the common assumption that horse owners
participated only financially in their equestrian victories and therefore horseracing was merely a
display of wealth. However, there are a number of reasons to consider that these epigrams might
reflect the opposite: horsemanship. First of all, such an interpretation might explain why the epigrams
in the Hippika, like the traditional victory odes of Pindar and Bacchylides, consistently erase jockeys
and charioteers from the record, yet freely distribute credit for victory among the horses and owners.
152

As I mentioned above, the horse can be seen as a member of the owner's household.
153
Ideologically,
the horses must have been seen as a reflection or extension of their owners.
154
In this case, assigning
credit to the horses and/or the owners would be one and the same. Otherwise, the varying distribution
of credit among horses and owners would be unflattering and unsuitable for victory epigrams. This
would not be the first example of horses “standing-in” for their owners.
155
The fact that the horses can
“stand in” for their owners implies that the horses and owners share a close relationship and one that
requires active participation from the owner—it cannot be purchased. Therefore, epigrams that praise
owners by means of celebrating their horses imply some degree of horsemanship on the part of the
owner. Regardless of the actual extent of the owner's participation, these epigrams depict the owners as
horsemen who, like Homeric heroes, share a close bond with their horses.
156
It is important to consider
the fact that female victory epigrams from the Hippika distribute credit for victory in the same manner
as epigrams for male victors. Ideologically, at least, the women seem to be represented as horsemen,
whose horses can “stand in” for them without detracting from their accomplishments or the value of
their victory.
Chapter 2. Inserting Gender Symmetry into the Ancient Greek Tradition of
Equestrian Victory
As I have demonstrated, the Hippika consistently celebrates male and female equestrian victors
with similar elements of praise that include references to virtues associated with athletic victory,
29
individual and family victory patterns, and the distribution of credit for the victory. I will show that
these elements of praise appear in the equestrian victory odes of Pindar and Bacchylides, as well, and
this indicates a level of continuity between the Hippika and the Greek past.
157
I will briefly provide
some representative examples of this continuity by describing some of the odes of Bacchylides and
Pindar that include the same elements of praise that I have compared in the Hippika. I will focus on the
odes for Hieron and Arkesilas. In Bacchylides' third victory ode, Hieron from Syracuse is praised for
an Olympic chariot victory. Hieron's excellence is implied ( ἀ ρετ ᾶ ς, 3.90), yet his swift horses (3.3)
clearly are responsible for bringing Hieron his victory (3.7-8). The excellence of Hieron's horses is
praised in Bacchylides' fourth ode ( ἀ ρετ ᾶ ι, 4.6). Bacchylides fifth ode implies that Hieron's Olympic
victory in the single horse race allowed him to acquire excellence ( ἀ ρετάν, 5.32), honor (τιμ ῶ σι,
5.193), and a degree of fame (ε ὐκλέα, 5.196). However, Hieron's horse, Pherenicus, is credited with
the victory (5.46-49, 5.182-186). The ode mentions Pherenicus' pattern of victory (5.38-41) and details
from the race also illustrate his excellence. For example, Pherenicus is described as never being dirtied
by horses in front of him (5.43-46). Pherenicus is also described as famous (κλεενν ὸς, 5.182). Pindar's
first Olympian ode also celebrates Hieron's victory in the single horse race. Again, Pherenicus is
credited with bringing victory to his owner (O.1.22)
158
and he does so “ungoaded” ( ἀ κέντητον,
O.1.21). Pindar's second Pythian ode praises a chariot victory of Hieron, which allowed him to honor
his city of Syracuse. The ode claims that Syracuse is crowned as a result of Hieron's victory (P.2.6).
159

Hieron's success is attributed to his horsemanship skills, which he reportedly acquired from the gods.
The ode also claims that Hieron drove his horses himself, at least for training purposes: “he mastered in
his gentle hands those fillies with their embroidered reins....” (P.2.5-12). Virtues such as excellence
( ἀ ρετ ᾷ, P.2.62), honor (τιμ ᾷ, P .2.59), and fame (δ όξαν, P.2.64) are also mentioned, although in a
military context. Pindar's fourth Pythian ode celebrates the chariot victory of Arkesilas of Kyrene,
30
who claims to have inherited his equestrian excellence from his ancestors and his city. Arkesilas is
king of Kyrene, which is known for its fine horses (ε ὐίππου, P .4.2) and fine chariots (ε ὐάρματον,
P.4.7). Arkesilas traces his ancestry to one of the Argonauts, Euphamos, whose offspring colonized
Kyrene.
160
Arkesilas claims that the gods, Apollo and Pytho, have given his family inherited fame
(κ ῦδος) in horse racing (P.4.65-67) and he belongs to the eighth generation of this most famous family
(κλεενν ότατον, P .4.280). Pindar's fifth Pythian ode also celebrates Arkesilas' chariot victory in the
context of this inherited excellence. The ode suggests that Arkesilas' victory reflects wealth that has
been mixed with pure excellence (πλο ῦτος... ἀ ρετ ᾷ κεκραμένον καθαρ ᾷ, P.5.2).
161
According to the
fifth Pythian ode, this virtue is an inherited gift (συγγενής...γέρας, P .5.17-18) and the ode prays that
the race (γένει) of Battos (Arkesilas' ancestor) will continue this pattern of victory (P.5.124). Arkesilas
seems to have achieved fame (ε ὐδοξί ᾳ, P.5.8) as a result of the effort and skill required for victory. The
ode points out that the chariot race involved toil (κάματον, P .5.47, π όνων, P .5.54) and the risk factor
is highlighted as well, with a description of the many other charioteers who fell during the race (P.5.46-
53). The ode explains that, in spite of this difficulty, Arkesilas won without breaking his reins
162
or any
of his ornate equipment (P.5.32-36) and he preserved his chariot as a result of his fearless mind
( ἀ ταρβε ῖ φρενί, P.5.51). The ode claims that Arkesilas' victory also required expense (δαπαν ᾶ ν,
P.5.106), courage (θάρσος, P .5.111), and strength (σθένος, P .5.113). In addition, Arkesilas' victory
seems to have shown that he is a skillful charioteer ( ἁ ρματηλάτας σοφ ός, P.5.115).
163
In a sense, the
victory is treated as proof that Arkesilas' has inherited his family's excellence and the family's
propensity for horsemanship. As these examples demonstrate, traditional victory odes, like male and
female victory epigrams from the Hippika, consistently emphasize similar virtues and athletic values,
celebrate victory as a pattern of excellence (often in a family context), and distribute credit for victory
among the owners and horses. The equestrian victor motif seems to have remained relatively
31
consistent, over time and between genders. In addition, the symbolic value and popularity of the
equestrian victor motif does not seem to have deteriorated for men as a result of female inclusion.
The Hippika effectively inserts male and female victors into the Greek tradition of equestrian
competition, not only with a shared tradition of praise but also in competition with past victors. A
number of epigrams in the Hippika (royal and non-royal) explicitly challenge the traditional racing
record, with claims that the victors are either breaking old records or setting new ones. For example, in
AB 87 Berenice I claims that she “eclipsed Cynisca's ancient Spartan glory” (87.3-4). In AB 88,
Ptolemy II claims that he and his parents were the “first three kings to win on our own” (88.1).
164
In
AB 83, Phrixus says “I challenge you to beat me, for three times I won, [I, Phrixus, at the Al]pheus”
(83.3-4). The fact that the Hippika celebrate male and female victors alike using traditional elements of
praise is remarkable, as is the manner in which these victors are placed into competition with victors
from the Greek past. In this sense, there is some degree of gender symmetry between the royal
Hellenistic female equestrian victors from Posidippus's Hippika and Greek male victors of the past,
many of whom would have been disturbed at the prospect of competing with let alone losing to a
woman in such a prestigious event.
Chapter 3. Ideological Significance of the Equestrian Victor Motif for Hellenistic
Rulers
As I have demonstrated in the last two chapters, equestrian victory epigrams are relatively
consistent between genders and over time. Although equestrian activity clearly is associated with
wealth, the equestrian victor motif seems to have retained its associations with horsemanship, as well.
Excellence in athletic competition and horsemanship carried valuable ideological associations with
“Greekness” and Greek conceptions about “masculinity”.
165
Horsemanship and athletic practices were
not unique to the Greeks. However, athletic practices were an essential part of Greek ethnicity and
32
horsemanship was deeply rooted in Greek tradition,
166
as indicated by numerous equestrian references
in Greek myth and in heroic tales such as the Iliad.
167
Greek horsemanship practices were distinctive,

requiring horsemen to display good character and “masculine” virtues such as moderation and
emotional restraint.
168
Therefore, horsemanship allowed individuals to perform “Greekness”.
169

The equestrian victor motif was particularly useful for the Ptolemaic royal court because it
allowed them to tap into the specific ideology of Greek horsemanship,
170
while also utilizing the cross-
cultural
171
symbolism of the horse. Greeks, Macedonians, and Egyptians (to name a few) had their
own equestrian traditions
172
and this increased the symbolic value of equestrian motifs for Ptolemaic
rulers. The Ptolemies, in particular, used Panhellenic equestrian victory and the equestrian victory
motif to establish their legitimacy to rule
173
Panhellenic equestrian victory emphasized their
Macedonian and Greek ethnicity.
174
However, equestrian victory (and equestrian images) could appeal
simultaneously to specific cultures and different layers of society (not just wealthy), without losing the
universal appeal of the horse. The ideological value of the equestrian victory motif would have been
particularly useful for Ptolemaic queens, who had fewer opportunities to demonstrate their legitimacy
to rule in these terms.
175

PART IV . BOUNDARY CROSSING IN THE EQUESTRIAN REALM:
NOT JUST FOR ROYALS
Claims about gender symmetry in the Hippika are somewhat restricted by the fact that all of the
female victors in the Hippika are royal. However, additional examples from the poetry of Posidippus,
Asclepiades, and Callimachus indicate that during the Hellenistic period equestrian activity, or the
representation of such activity, was an acceptable vehicle for experimentation with gender and
boundaries, in general. In this case, gender symmetry in the Hippika can be seen as part of a broader
Hellenistic trend that was not restricted to the royal household.
176
In the following chapters, I will
33
discuss some additional instances of gender symmetry and crossing of gender boundaries in equestrian
contexts, as well as some other examples that involve human-animal and mortal-divine boundary
crossing in the equestrian realm.
Chapter 1. Gender Symmetry and Anthropomorphism in Posidippus's Hippika
AB 74 from the Hippika demonstrates gender symmetry in a context that is not specifically
royal. AB 74 praises the victory of Callicrates of Samos, who is not a member of the royal family,
177

and the gender symmetry involves horses that are described in a somewhat anthropomorphized
manner.
178
As I explained earlier, Callicrates' epigram attributes his victory almost entirely to the speed
and cleverness of his exceptional mare, who is the right hand tracer
179
for his team. Callicrates' team of
horses wins by a nod, but the victory is contested and so the drivers draw lots for the victory crown
from rods that are thrown onto the ground. Callicrates' mare picks up a rod herself
180
and so she is
assigned the victory crown.
181
The mare is treated as if she possesses extraordinary intelligence and an
unusual amount of agency for a horse. The epigram describes her as a clever female among males ( ἡ
δειν ὴ θήλεια μετ ᾽ ἄ ρσεσιν, AB 74.9), implying that Callicrates' mare has distinguished herself in equal
competition with male horses.
182
The emphasis on direct competition between male and female is
unusual and the (male) praise of a female victory in this context seems especially remarkable.
183
AB 74
seems to reflect an increased acceptance of the idea that males and females can compete equally with
one another on equal terms.
184
Although this gender equality is discussed in the context of horses, it is
important to remember that, as I suggested earlier, praising horses for their excellence is equivalent to
praising the horses' owners, since the horses can “stand in” for their owners. This occurs in the Hippika
as well as in a number of the victory odes of Pindar and Bacchylides. In these cases, the horses are
personified to some degree. In this sense, AB 74 seems to experiment with gender boundaries in a
realm that is not restricted to animals and the experimentation does not take place in an exclusively
34
royal context.
Several epigrams from the Hippika cross the conventional boundary between humans and
animals
185
by taking the horses' personification to another level: in AB 87, (Berenice I), AB 73
(Trygaeus), and AB 75 (Dios), the epigrams are “spoken” by the victorious horses. There is no
indication that this feature detracts from the owners' victories in any way. The fact that “speaking
horses” appear in royal and non-royal epigrams for both men and women indicates that these examples
of boundary crossing cannot be explained by the identities of the owners.
There are several other epigrams from the Hellenistic period that personify horses in a similar
manner and support my suggestion that the above epigrams reflect a trend. An epigram for a war horse
named Damis, which is attributed to Anyte of Tegea, describes his horrific, almost heroic, death during
battle.
186
This war horse is anthropomorphized in the sense that the epigram indicates a burial and
eulogy of the sort that usually is reserved for people. Another epigram, attributed to Mnasalcas of
Sikyon, honors and marks the burial of wind-footed Aethyia, who seems to be a race horse.
187
Three
additional epigrams (reportedly from the Hellenistic period) are “spoken” by former racehorses, who
complain that they won victories for their owners, but now, in old age, their status has been reduced to
that of slaves and they are insulted that they must perform the monotonous task of turning mill
stones.
188
Such menial work usually was performed by mules and oxen.
189
Epigrams with speaking
horses appear in both royal and non-royal contexts, the speaking horses are owned by both men and
women, the horses participate in a variety of disciplines, and the status (of the horses) varies. The range
of contexts, in which speaking horses appear, seems to reflect a broader Hellenistic trend of
experimentation with boundaries between human and animal.
Chapter 2. Reversal of Gender Roles in the “Bridling” Metaphor
Two additional epigrams celebrate “equestrian victories” by non-royal women: AP v. 202
190

35
(attributed to either Asclepiades or Posidippus) celebrates Plango's victory and AP. v. 203 (by
Asclepiades) celebrates Lysidice's victory.
191
In these epigrams, equestrian victory is used as an erotic
metaphor and the female victors are most likely prostitutes or courtesans. Both epigrams incorporate
some conventional elements of praise for equestrian victory, as seen in the Hippika and the odes of
Pindar. In AP v. 203, Lysidice is depicted as a jockey and she dedicates to Cypris “the golden spur of
her shapely foot, with which she has exercised many a stallion on his back while her own thigh was
never reddened, so lightly
192
did she bounce; for she would finish the course without applying the
spur.” Several details from Lysidice's “race” emphasize her excellence and that of her “horse.” For
example, Lysidice finished the race easily and without a mark; the fact that she did not need to use her
spur implies that her “horse” ran easily and did not require additional compulsion. In AP v. 202,
Plango dedicates her purple whip and glittering reins
193
to Cypris on her well-horsed porticoes.
194
The
epigram explains that Plango makes this dedication after she defeated the seasoned campaigner
195

Philaenis with her “horse”.
196
The reference to Philaenis embellishes Plango's victory because it
implies that Plango defeated a worthy opponent and that the race was not easy. AP v. 202 also asks
Cypris to “grant [Plango] the true glory (δ όξαν, line 6) of her victory.” The request for doxa is
consistent with the numerous references to fame in the Hippika and the victory odes of Pindar and
Bacchylides. AP v. 202 and 203 provide examples of gender reversal in the equestrian realm. Lysidice
is depicted as a jockey, Plango seems to be a charioteer,
197
and their horses seem represent men. These
images reverse the conventional metaphor from Greek literature, in which men (horsemen) tame or
yoke women (who are likened to horses). This reversal is especially striking when the implications of
horsemanship are considered. In this case, the metaphor suggests that Plango and Lysidice are
horsemen and they are using their noble character and “manly” virtue to control men, who are wild and
lack self-control.
36
Chapter 3. Callimachus' Depiction of Athena as a Horsewoman
Callimachus' Bath of Pallas provides another example of boundary crossing in the equestrian
realm. At the beginning of this poem, Athena is depicted as a horseman. In a detailed example of
horsemanship, Athena brushes the dust off her horses (line 6), unyokes her horses (line 9-10), washes
the sweat from her horses (line10-11), and cleans the foam from their bit-holding mouths (line 11-12).
The poem emphasizes that Athena does these things first (line 9) and before she washes herself (or her
equipment), even when she is filthy from battle (line 5 and 7-8).
198
Horsemanship was consistently
treated as a noble activity for mortals and caring for one's own horse demonstrated character and
virtue.
199
Although some scholars have suggested that the image of Athena washing her horses is
intended as a joke,
200
this argument is unconvincing. Homeric heroes often care for their own horses
and this does not seem to be any sort of joke. The poem's description of Athena's horsemanship can
also be seen as an allusion to her association with horses and, in particular, with the most symbolic tool
of horsemanship: the bit or bridle.
201
A learned reader would have probably understood these
references, while other readers at least would have noticed a simple, yet noble display of horsemanship.
This interpretation is consistent with Callimachean style, as stated in the prologue to the Aetia.
202
Athena's depiction as a horseman seems to cross traditional boundaries between human and divine. On
one hand, Athena takes part in the dirty, hands-on work of bathing and looking after her horses, which
would have been a necessary activity for mortals. Athena's practice of putting her horses' needs before
her own also has a mortal “flavor,” in part because this practice (of putting the horse's needs first) stems
from the fact that a horseman must rely on his horses.
203
However, as I have explained, the depiction
of horsemanship is honorable and especially suitable for the goddess.
PART V: ADDITIONAL EVIDENCE FOR HELLENISTIC
HORSEWOMEN
As I will explain in the final section of this paper, additional evidence points to increased
37
experimentation with ideas about female agency in the realm of horsemanship during the Hellenistic
period. Some of this evidence supports the possibility that non-royal women were included in
equestrian activities, as well. It is not always clear whether female participation is genuine, theoretical,
or symbolic. However, any female participation in the equestrian realm, especially participation that
implies agency, is remarkable at this time. While available evidence does not, in any way, prove that
non-royal women were involved in Panhellenic equestrian victories, it does open the door for the
broader possibility of female horsemanship and female appropriation of horsemanship ideology during
the Hellenistic period.
Chapter 1. A Trend of Female Equestrian Victory
Cynisca of Sparta is responsible for initiating a trend of female equestrian victories, starting in
the fourth century BC. However, as Gutzwiller points out, epigrams celebrating equestrian victory
were rare prior to the discovery of Posidippus's Hippika.
204
Following the equestrian victories of
Ptolemaic queens during the third century BC., which have been memorialized by Posidippus, the
number of female equestrian victories seems to have increased dramatically. Some of these female
victors were not royal, although evidence indicates that such non-royal participation was available only
to women with close ties to the royal family. For example, Aristokleia, daughter of Megacles from
Larisa, won the two-horse chariot race for foals in the early 2nd century BCE at the Eleutheria.
205

There is additional evidence for female victors in Panathenaic equestrian events. According to available
evidence, Athenian women did not participate (even indirectly) in Panhellenic or Panathenaic
equestrian competitions.
206
However, non-Athenian aristocratic women were victorious in Panathenaic
equestrian competitions during the Hellenistic period. For example, Polycrates of Argos
207
had three
daughters who were victorious in 194/3 BC: Zeuxo, Eukrateia, and Hermione were victorious in
Panathenaic horse and chariot races. In 190/189 BC, Polycrates' wife, Zeuxo of Cyrene, was victorious
38
in the four-horse chariot race. Several years later, in 182 BC, Polycrates' daughter, Zeuxo, was
victorious again in the four-horse chariot race.
208
In 170 BC, Olympio from Sparta won a quadriga
race.
209
Other Panathenaic equestrian victors from this period include Agathokleia, Kleainete, and
Eirene. These women were not royal, but their family had close ties to the Ptolemies.
210

Although the names of many female victors have been recorded and these women are known to
have come from wealthy families and royal households, evidence for victory dedications (including
epigrams) is rather limited. It is reasonable to assume that some of these women may have celebrated
their victories with dedications and epigrams that incorporated the equestrian victor motif. Although
the evidence centers on royal women, including Cynisca and the female victors in the Hippika, it is
important to consider that female use of the equestrian victor motif might not be an exclusively royal
phenomenon.
211

As I mention in an earlier section, Alan Cameron discusses two epigrams that celebrate
equestrian victories of prostitutes: that of Plango (AP v. 202, which, as Cameron notes, is “irritatingly
ascribed to 'Asclepiades or Posidippus'”) and that of Lysidice (AP v.203, which is attributed to
Asclepiades).
212
Although these epigrams are generally interpreted as erotic poems and not references
to actual equestrian victories, Cameron suggests that it would not be surprising if AP v. 202 turned out
to celebrate an actual equestrian victory by Plango.
213
If Cameron's suggestion is correct, AP v. 202
provides evidence for a non-royal female victory epigram and one in which the female owner is
reported to have driven her own horses. As Cameron points out, we know of one hetaira who won a
real chariot race: Bilistiche, who was hetaira of Ptolemy Philadelphus, won Olympic chariot races in
268 and 264 BCE.
214
Bilistiche is not royal, but her connection with Ptolemy sets her apart from other
non-royal women in Ptolemaic Egypt.
215
For this reason, Bilistiche's victories do not necessarily
support a claim that non-royal women participated in Panhellenic equestrian competitions.
39
Regardless of royal status, it is important to remember that the female equestrian victors, who
are listed above, may have participated in their victories and it is likely that their participation could
have extended beyond their financial contributions. Evidence suggests that women may have been
directly involved in horsemanship practices during the Hellenistic period. There is some indication that
female victors in the Hippika participated to some extent in their victories
216
and additional evidence
suggests that it was possible for women to compete actively in equestrian competitions.
217
Also the
fact that Zeuxo, Polycrates' wife, is from Cyrene, might indicate that she was involved in horsemanship
practices. Cyrene was famous for its excellent horses and, according to Herodotus, one tribe from
Cyrene taught the Greeks how to use four-horse chariots and another tribe from Cyrene was known to
allow women to drive their own chariots to war.
218
It is entirely possible that Zeuxo had a strong
background in horsemanship, as well, and that she would have been involved to some extent in her
equestrian victory.
Chapter 2. Horsewomen on the Battlefield?
There is some evidence for female participation (by royal women) in horsemanship in the
context of warfare, although it is unclear whether the various aspects of participation in warfare are
genuine or symbolic. There are reports that Hellenistic queens may have ridden into battle. For
example, according to Hyginus, Berenice II rode horses on the battlefield.
219
Berenice II was born in
Cyrene, which had a tradition of female equestrian activity
220
and this supports the possibility that
Berenice II had a background in horsemanship and that her participation was more than symbolic.
221

Another queen, Arsinoe III, played a role in the Battle of Raphia by encouraging the troops to fight
bravely and some scholars even suggest that she rode into battle with her husband.
222
Such activities
certainly would have required active demonstration of horsemanship skills.
223
There is a Macedonian
precedent for participation by royal women in battle, which would have particularly influential for
40
Ptolemaic queens.
224
There is additional precedent that supports the possibility that Ptolemaic queens
participated in battle, however there is not room in this paper to outline this argument in detail.
225

Chapter 3. Horsemanship Motif on the Raphia Stele: Female Inclusion?
The Raphia Stele (see Illustration 1), commemorates Ptolemy IV's victory in the Battle of
Raphia, which took place in 217 BC. In this final chapter, I will draw attention to the specific
equestrian motif that appears on the Raphia Stele, the ideological value of this motif for Ptolemy IV ,
and the significance of Arsinoe III's depiction on the Stele .
The Raphia Stele depicts Ptolemy IV on horseback and, most likely, in mid-performance of the
levade.
226
The levade refers to an advanced cavalry maneuver in which, “the horse sinks on its
haunches to a 45-degree angle and raises his forehand off the ground, holding the position for several
seconds”.
227
The first known description of the levade appears in Xenophon's Art of Horsemanship:
“Now, if when he is planting his hind-legs under him you pull him up with the bit, he bends the hind-
legs on the nocks and raises the fore-part of his body so that anyone facing him can see the belly and
the sheath. When he does that you must give him the bit that he may appear to the onlookers to be
doing willingly the finest things that a horse can do”.
228
This maneuver requires a horse to be
proficient and well-trained in “collection”, which refers to the horse's ability to shift weight off his
forehand and onto his hindquarters.
229
The levade reflects extensive training of the horse and the
highest level of horsemanship on the part of the rider. In addition to its value for equestrian displays
and parades, the levade has a practical use in battle, since it allows a rider to rise above an enemy,
evade his enemy's weapons, and use his own weapon from an advantageous angle.
230

As Llewellyn-Jones explains, the Raphia Stele originally depicted Ptolemy IV spearing a
defeated Seleucid king, Antiochos III. However, in the Stele's current state, the image of Antiochus III
is missing.
231
This popular motif, which depicts a dominating rider on horseback with conquered
41
barbarians or animals under the hooves of his “rearing” horse, seems to have its roots in Classical
Greece.
232
There is not room to outline this argument in this paper. However, the levade motif (often
with enemies under the horses' hooves) seems to appear with increased frequency, starting in the
Classical Period.
233
There also is a clear Macedonian precedent for use of the levade motif in fourth
century BC Alexandria. For example, a Macedonian funerary stele from Alexandria (fourth century
BC), depicts a Macedonian cavalry officer and his horse in mid-performance of the levade (see
Illustration 2).
234
This suggests that the levade motif would have recalled Macedonian and Greek
equestrian iconography and traditions of horsemanship. The specific equestrian motif also might have
implied the failings of the Seleucid king, Antiochos III, since it seems that Antiochos III used poor
judgment in his implementation of cavalry and this contributed to his defeat.
235

Classical equestrian motifs, such as the levade, have been continuously appropriated for
aristocratic and imperial iconography throughout Greek, Roman, and Byzantine history. Although these
motifs are transformed as they acquire additional traditions and associations, much of their symbolic
value is relatively consistent over time and they seem to retain their connection to classical
horsemanship ideology.
236
Artistic representations of advanced equestrian maneuvers, such as the
levade, necessarily refer to classical horsemanship practices, since these maneuvers cannot be achieved
effectively or consistently (or retain their aesthetic quality) by force.

In a sense, “masculine” virtues
that are associated with classical horsemanship ideology, such as sophrosune (often a mark of
citizenship and legitimacy to rule) are illustrated by depictions of advanced equestrian maneuvers, such
as the levade. Evidence indicates that the Ptolemies were enthusiastic about horse-keeping
237
and they
seem to have been familiar with the teachings of Xenophon, as well.
238
This supports my suggestion
that the levade on the Raphia Stele deliberately recalls classical horsemanship practices, as described
by Xenophon, along with the associated classical ideology of horsemanship.
42
In the context of the Raphia Stele, the levade motif seems to be a Graeco-Macedonian element.
Although Egyptian royal iconography often includes horses that are depicted simultaneously pulling
chariots and trampling conquered enemies or animals,
239
there does not appear to be a precedent for the
depiction of Egyptian rulers performing the levade on horseback, with or without conquered people
underneath.
240
As a result, it seems likely that the image on the Raphia Stele incorporates a specific
motif that was popular in Greek and Macedonian iconography and one that almost certainly would
have recalled classical horsemanship ideology and its association with virtue and legitimacy to rule.
241

The trilingual Raphia Stele combines specific Macedonian and Egyptian elements into a hybrid
representation of Ptolemy IV that would have appealed to the diverse audience in the Ptolemaic empire.
For example, Ptolemy IV is depicted as a Macedonian cavalry officer, with his long spear and the
equestrian maneuver he is performing. However, he also is represented with some Egyptian elements,
such as his pharaonic double crown.
242
Ptolemy IV is represented as a Greek/Macedonian king and an
Egyptian pharaoh, who has conquered the Seleucid king, Antiochos III. The hybrid image on the
Raphia Stele most likely would have fostered a sense of unity among the diverse ethnic elements of
Ptolemy IV's army. Propaganda that suggested unification and hybridization would have been
particularly suitable around the time of the Battle of Raphia (217 BC), when substantial military
reforms took place. The army was reorganized and this involved increased cooperation and blending
among different ethnicities. For example, more Egyptians were incorporated into the largely Graeco-
Macedonian army,
243
Greek and Macedonian officers trained native Egyptians to fight in the
Macedonian-style phalanx,
244
a Thessalian trained the Greek and mercenary cavalry,
245
and the cavalry
was comprised of ethnically mixed hipparchies (cavalry units), some of which were numbered and
some of which were labeled in ethnic terms (not necessarily consistent with the ethnic background of
individual members).
246
By incorporating the highly symbolic image of a horse and its universal
43
elements of symbolism, the Raphia Stele appeals at once to a variety of cultures, traditions, divinities,
and other sources for legitimacy to rule.
The Battle of Raphia resulted in an important victory for Ptolemy IV , since it allowed him to
reconquer Koile-Syria (Syria-Phoenicia), which was a long contested area that was critical for Egypt's
security.
247
Several sources have acknowledged that Arsinoe III played a role in this battle.
248
Scholars
generally identify the woman, who is standing behind Ptolemy IV on the Raphia Stele, as his sister-
wife, Arsinoe III.
249
Arsinoe's presence in this image seems striking. Although it is not uncommon for
Egyptian and Ptolemaic queens to appear next to their husbands, this image attaches Arsinoe to her
husband in a particularly dynamic and highly symbolic equestrian motif. As a result, Arsinoe is linked
to a motif with a long (masculine) tradition that conveys virtue, a connection with the glorious Greek
and Macedonian past, and legitimacy to rule and the levade motif conveys this in a more specific (and
participatory) manner than an equestrian victory epigram. Although Arsinoe is not riding a horse, she
is depicted standing behind Ptolemy's horse, in what clearly is a supporting role
250
This representation
suggests that Arsinoe shares the ideological value of the equestrian motif, along with her husband.
When the background and ideological implications of the levade motif are taken into consideration, the
fact that a woman is depicted as sharing in such a symbolic representation of masculine virtue and
legitimacy to rule is remarkable and perhaps unprecedented.
Chapter 4. Female Agency, Horsemanship, and Hellenistic Philosophy
As I discuss in the first section, women in pre-Hellenistic literature do not seem to take on
active roles when they appear in the context of equestrian imagery; they do not bridle horses, they do
not bridle horse-like men, and they do not even bridle their own emotions. Instead, women are likened
to wild horses who required bridling by men. The idea that a woman might hold the “reins” of the state
is the material of comedy. During the years leading up to the Hellenistic period, however, philosophical
44
writings begin to consider ideas about increased female agency and some of these ideas are discussed
in the realm of horsemanship.
Following Athenian defeat in the Peloponnesian war,
251
there is evidence for theoretical
inclusion of women in the practice of horsemanship. For example, Plato, who clearly views
horsemanship as a skill that improves both horses and horsemen,
252
suggests that women have the
ability to participate in the practice of horsemanship and that they should be encouraged to participate
in this activity along with men.
253
Plato's Critias gives legitimacy to female participation by pointing
out that, during the mythic past, military training of men and women was common.
254
In his Laws,
Plato emphasizes the important role of horsemanship in the education of both young men and women.
Clinias, who is one of the commissioners selected to establish the laws for a new city in Crete, says that
“there should be training grounds for horses, and open-spaces adapted for archery and the discharge of
other long-range missiles, where the young may practice and learn these skills”.
255
Clinias insists that
“this law of mine will apply just as much to girls as to boys. The girls must be trained in precisely the
same way, and I'd like to make this proposal without any reservations whatever about horse-riding or
athletics being suitable activities for males but not for females”.
256
Clinias explains some precedent for
his recommendations when he points out that “I now know for sure that there are pretty well countless
numbers of women, generally called Sarmatians, round the Black Sea, who not only ride horses but use
the bow and other weapons. There, men and women have an equal duty to cultivate these skills...”.
257

Clinias discusses these ideas with an Athenian, who seems to share Clinias' beliefs since he makes
some similar recommendations. The Athenian suggests that boys and girls should be separated for
education at the age of six and “each should attend lessons. The males should go to teachers of riding,
archery, javelin-throwing and slinging—and the females, too, if they are agreeable, may attend at any
rate the lessons, especially those in the use of weapons...”.
258
The Athenian also discusses the
45
importance of public instruction for young men and women in various kinds of military skills,
including those required for cavalry exercises. The Athenian says that these lessons “must be attended
by the boys and men of the state, and the girls and women as well, because they too have to master all
these techniques..
259
As further preparation and motivation for such military education, the Athenian
recommends that there should be competitions or war games for men and women to practice their
military maneuvers.
260
The Athenian emphasizes the importance of riding competitions and he
explains that holding a variety of types of riding competitions and offering prizes for the winners of
these contests will motivate many youth to participate.
261
The Athenian recommends that these
competitions should be open to men and women. He says that “there's no point in making it legally
compulsory for them to join in all of this, but if their previous training has got them into the habit, and
girls and women and in good enough shape to take part without hardship, then they should be permitted
to do so and not discouraged”.
262
Although scholars generally treat these ideas as theoretical, J.M.
Cooper points out that Plato and his associates in the Academy “were called upon also for concrete
advice about 'laws and constitutions' in reforming existing states and founding new ones. In writing
Laws Plato was perhaps not engaging in pure constitutional and legislative theory...one should bear in
mind this context of practical applications”.
263
Although Plato's writings precede the Hellenistic
period, his ideas are tremendously influential in Hellenistic philosophy. Platonic ideas about female
agency
264
and female horsemanship practices develop further during the Hellenistic period, when
bridling metaphors continue to be a popular means for discussing regulation of emotions and general
self-control for both men and women.
The connection of Hellenistic queens to the library at Alexandria, increased educational
opportunities for women, and possible female participation in the philosophical arena indicates a strong
likelihood that royal Hellenistic women would have been exposed to philosophical ideas and writings,
46
such as those of Plato, which discuss horsemanship as an integral part of education and training
towards virtue for both men and women.
265
Stoicism, which was one of the most popular schools of
philosophy during the Hellenistic period, also uses the equestrian ream and equestrian metaphors, in
particular, to explore ideas about female agency. Although much of the earlier Stoic writings have been
lost, evidence from later Stoic works reflect an expectation that women have the agency that is
necessary to practice horsemanship. For the purposes of this paper, the works of Seneca are
particularly relevant since he uses numerous bridling metaphors throughout his philosophical works
and tragedies in order to illustrate the dynamics of emotional restraint and self-control and the method
by which such emotions most effectively are controlled. Although Seneca wrote during the early part
of the first century AD, his tragedies and philosophical writings reflect Stoic philosophical ideas from
the Hellenistic period. As a result, his writings contain some possible support for increased acceptance
of female agency in the realm of horsemanship during the Hellenistic period.
Although Seneca does not overtly advocate gender equality, scholars have pointed out that
many of his writings (and those of other Stoic writers), which highlight agency and capacity for virtue,
tend to be directed at mankind in general. Progression towards sagehood does not seem to be restricted
to men and evidence does not indicate that women are incapable of striving (like men) towards the
emotional control that is required to achieve sagehood.
266
During the Hellenistic period, it becomes
increasingly acceptable (often expected) for women to practice self-control and emotional regulation in
the context of horsemanship. This transition can be seen more clearly in later Stoic writing, particularly
works of Seneca, when women are included (directly or indirectly) in horsemanship metaphors that
illustrate control over emotions and impulses. In contrast to bridling metaphors from Classical Greek
literature, which tend to assimilate women to horses and uncontrollable emotional forces that require
bridling by men, later Stoic works include women in the active role of horseman.
47
Seneca is especially fond of equestrian imagery, his writing indicates that his understanding of
horsemanship practices are nearly identical to those advocated by Xenophon, and he uses bridling
metaphors to describe the emotional control that is required for men (and women) to achieve sagehood.
Like Plato, Seneca suggests that practicing horsemanship (involving real horses) can teach men to
progress towards virtue. According to Seneca, guiding a horse (equum agitare) is an example of the
liberal studies that “prepare the soul for the reception of virtue”.
267
He says that such practices “do not
conduct the soul all the way to virtue, but merely set it going in that direction”.
268
According to Seneca,
emotions (adfectus) are corporeal
269
and these horse-like bodies must be “bridled” (frenum/freno),
270

like horses. Seneca points out that emotions have extraordinary power and they can be difficult to
control, just like horses,
271
especially when they gain the upper hand or become “unbridled”.
272
Perfect
virtue, as Seneca explains, is achieved when an individual successfully “bridles” his emotions.
273

Seneca points out that Reason (Ratio) has been given the reins,
274
but all control is lost if the passions
are allowed to have too much influence. If this occurs, Seneca warns that the mind can be transferred
into the same state as the passion.
275
According to Seneca, “passion and reason are only the
transformation of the mind toward the better or the worse”.
276
Seneca does not claim that virtue
requires the eradication of all emotions. Instead, he suggests that emotions should be controlled and
their energy must be transformed or redirected for a positive purpose. Seneca says that “virtue is
nothing else than a soul (animus) in a certain condition”.
277
In a sense, this statement is similar to the
concept of bridling a horse and channeling its energy. According to Seneca, a properly bridled horse is
equivalent to the emotional control that is required for a wise man to progress towards the virtue of a
Stoic sage. As Seneca explains, the sage has perfect virtue because he has reined in his emotions
successfully. For this reason, horsemanship practices (involving real horses) can prepare individuals to
learn such virtue. In particular, by practicing classical horsemanship, the goal of which involves
gaining control over the horse's impulsive energy without damaging the naturally beautiful quality of
48
the horse's movement, man learns to control his own emotions (which are horse-like) and he
simultaneously learns to submit to Reason.
278

According to Seneca, horse-like emotions and impulses can be most effectively controlled if
they are handled like horses and if classical horsemanship principles are followed.
279
Like Xenophon,
Seneca recognizes the importance of moderation and the negative consequences of using force. For
example, he points out that “the horse is not plied with the lash and terrified by the horse-breaker who
is an expert; for it will grow fearful and obstinate unless it is soothed with caressing hand”.
280
Seneca
indicates that this gentleness should be applied to men, as well.
281
As Seneca explains, “man's spirit
(animus) is by nature refractory (contumax), it struggles against opposition and difficulty, and is more
ready to follow than to be led; and as well-bred and high-spirited horses are better managed by a loose
rein (facile frenum), so a voluntary uprightness follows upon mercy under its own impulse
(impetus)...by this course, therefore, more good is accomplished”.
282
Seneca does not wish to restrain
liberality (liberalitas), or bridle it with with tight reins (artum frenum). Instead, he says “let it indeed
go forth as far as it likes, but let it go by a path, and not wander”.
283
Seneca's bridling metaphors
demonstrate the importance of flexibility and gentleness, when attempting to control the extraordinary,
horse-like power of the emotions. He emphasizes the importance of maintaining a balance between
giving and taking (i.e. variations of tension on the reins) and motivation and restraint. For example,
Seneca recognizes that “certain virtues need the spur (stimulus), certain ones the bridle (frenum). Just
as the body must be held back upon a downward path and be urged up a steep ascent, so certain virtues
follow the downhill path, and certain others struggle up the hill”.
284
Seneca also acknowledges the
individual nature and strength of passions (which are dynamic, like individual horses) and he
recommends that they are handled accordingly.
285

Seneca's recommendations for training the mind to follow Reason also are similar to
49
Xenophon's recommendations for training a spirited horse, while also preserving its naturally
magnificent way of moving. Just as Xenophon recognizes and recommends preservation of the natural
beauty of a proud horse, when it is showing off, Seneca recognizes the value of natural emotions and
the benefit that can be achieved if the mind is not restrained too tightly. Like Plato and Aristotle,
Seneca recognizes that sometimes the mind (animus) must be indulged, but only periodically and with
moderation. He quotes Aristotle: “no great genius has ever existed without some touch of madness”.
286

He also points out that “the lofty utterance that rises above the attempts of others is impossible unless
the mind is excited...it must forsake the common track and be driven to frenzy and champ the bit
(frenum) and run away with its rider and rush to a height that it would have feared to climb by itself”.
287

According to Seneca, such occasional moments of release allow individuals to preserve tranquility and
resist vices more effectively.
288
Again, Seneca's recommendations for training and maintaining control
over the mind (animus) so that Reason stays in control and the passions do not take over, are similar to
the manner in which spirited horses are best managed. Seneca compares the movement of the most
excellent mind (animus) to Virgil's description of the ideal horse, which moves “as though free from
reins”.
289
Seneca indicates that, when a horse is moving with its natural magnificence, it mirrors the
virtuous mind of its rider.
290
When the horsemanship skills, emotional regulation, and impulse control
that is required of the horsemen (or women) is considered, the fact that there is some gender ambiguity
in many of Seneca's bridling metaphors is striking.
Although many of Seneca's philosophical works use bridling metaphors in a gender neutral
manner, which implies female agency, this is more explicit in Seneca's tragedies. Unlike the tragedies
of Sophocles and Euripides, which compare women to spirited horses that require men to bridle them,
Seneca's tragedies expect that both men and women have the capacity to control their own horse-like
energy and emotions. Seneca uses bridling metaphors to describe male characters who struggle to
50
control their own horse-like impulses and emotions
291
and also uses bridling metaphors to illustrate the
expectation that women should be able to control their own emotions and impulses, as well.
292
In
addition, Seneca uses bridling metaphors to illustrate advice to male characters about controlling their
own emotions and impulses. Interestingly, this advice frequently comes from a female character, which
touches on a possible reversal of gender roles. For example, the nurse in Seneca's Phaedra advises
Hippolytus that he should restrain his emotions like a horseman controls a spirited horse.
293
The fact
that Hippolytus' horsemanship is ineffective and his downfall is described in terms of his bad
horsemanship, highlights the sense of a gender reversal.
294
At another point in this tragedy, the nurse
begs Diana “to tame grim Hippolytus' unbending heart” in the same manner that she “manage[s] the
heaven's night reins”.
295
Although this places an immortal woman in control of Hippolytus, who is
likened to a stubborn horse, the reference to female control over a man is noteworthy.
Although Seneca is writing in a later period and in a Roman context, his works generally are
thought to be relatively consistent with early Stoic philosophy.
296
The increased female agency in
Seneca's bridling metaphors is consistent with evidence for increased female agency in Hellenistic
literature. It seems reasonable that the examples from Seneca's work, which I mention above, reflect
further development of Hellenistic ideas about female agency in the equestrian realm.
Conclusion
The Hippika's various examples of gender symmetry and boundary crossing in the equestrian
realm reflect literary trends as well as social changes during the Hellenistic period. As I have
demonstrated, the Hippika seems to reflect an extraordinary degree of gender symmetry that is not
restricted to the Ptolemaic royal family. Further evidence from Hellenistic literature, art, and
philosophy indicate an increasing acceptance and recognition of female agency in a variety of areas,
especially the practice of horsemanship. When the broader context of Greek horsemanship ideology is
51
taken into account, including its masculine tradition and association with the “male” virtues that
indicate legitimacy to rule, Posidippus's Hippika may indicate an unprecedented degree of gender
symmetry and one that cannot be explained by royal status alone.
297

52

Illustrations

Illustration 1: Ptolemy IV on the Raphia stele (Source: Fischer-Bovet 2014, p.129)
53
I
llustration 2: Funerary stele of a Macedonian cavalry officer, Alexandria, fourth century BC (Source:
Fischer-Bovet 2014, p.130)
54

1 The most prestigious athletic competitions took place during the Panhellenic festivals at Olympia, Nemea, Delphi, and
Isthmia. The athletic program included equestrian events such as the four-horse chariot race (tethrippon), the two-horse
chariot race (synoris), the mounted horse race (keles), a race in which the rider dismounted during the final stretch and
ran next to his horse (kalpe or anabates), as well as other variations that restricted the horses by age or gender (see Kyle
2007, 126-7, Miller 2004, 75-82, and Swaddling 1999, 75-82) .
2 Equestrian victory provided a status-charged and highly symbolic motif that, for a Greek audience, carried broad
associations with wealth, power, masculine virtue, citizenship, legitimacy of rule, aristocratic tradition, Greek ethnicity,
in addition to other associations. The equestrian motif would have appealed specifically to a Greek audience (for
example, see note 4 below) while, at the same time, retaining broad appeal to a wide audience on a variety of levels.
The horse is a nearly universal symbol of power, wealth, virtue, divine favor, and political legitimacy.
3 In this paper, “horsemanship” refers to general knowledge about horse care and management, in addition to riding. As
equestrian author George Morris explains, “a horseman is one who not only rides (although some fine horsemen do not
ride at all) but seeks to know the horse—its nature, needs, and management—and feels a deep responsibility for his
horses, the care they get, and the life they lead...the horseman has a vital interest in and deep knowledge of every aspect
of his horse's care and well-being, whether or not he personally performs each necessary task” (Morris 1993, 171ff.).
This concept of horsemanship stems largely from the cavalry tradition, as seen in Xenophon's Cavalry Commander and
Art of Horsemanship. Xenophon explains that, since men entrust their lives to their horses, he who neglects his horse
neglects himself (Art of Horsemanship, IV .1 and see Hyland 1993, 109). Traditionally, a good horseman considers his
horse's needs before his own (see Saacke 1942, 328-331) and this aspect of horsemanship is demonstrated consistently
by men, heroes, and gods throughout Greek literature, often as illustrations of their virtue and good character (for
example, see Iliad 8.503-504, 543ff, 10.566-569, 18.243-245, 23.27).
4 Athletic competition was central to Greek ethnicity and Panhellenic competition, in particular, fostered a common sense
of “Greekness” since participation was limited to Greeks (for the relationship between Greek athletic ideology and
Greek ethnicity, see Kyle 2007, 7-11, 23-93 and Renfrew 1988, 23). Although athletic festivals were closely associated
with the Greeks, athletic competition and equestrian sport were not unique to Greece (Kyle 2007, 25-53). Nevertheless,
Panhellenic competition was a mark of “Greekness” and participation (in Panhellenic festivals) was one way of
acquiring political legitimacy in the Greek world. For example, royal Macedonians used their participation in
Panhellenic competition as proof of their legitimate Greek status (Kyle 2007, 80, 232-235, 249-250).
5 The owner of the winning horses was always the victor. However, charioteers and jockeys were usually hired for
competitions, a single owner could have multiple entries in a given race, and the owner did not have to be physically
present to be declared the victor. For the suggestion that owners may have hired jockeys and charioteers for competition
because of the extreme danger of horseracing, see Kyle (2007) 127. These facts have caused many to devalue equestrian
sport as a display of wealth and little else. It is important to consider that horsemanship was a mark of nobility in ancient
Greece and there is every reason to believe that owners were actively involved to some extent in the raising, training,
and maintenance of their horses (Swaddling 1999, 89). Horse owners could compete indirectly (with hired charioteers
and jockeys) while still exhibiting horsemanship and playing an active role (beyond financial expenditure) in the success
of their horses. For example, an owner could demonstrate horsemanship from the sidelines, overseeing the care and
training of his horses, or he could give strategic advice for the race (which also requires knowledge of horsemanship),
just as Nestor does in the Iliad (23.306-348).
6 For the purposes of this paper, the “equestrian victor” motif refers to any depiction of victory in a Panhellenic
equestrian event. For more about the Greek tradition of victory dedications, see Golden (1998), 74-103 .
7 Cynisca competed indirectly with a hired charioteer and she was probably not even present at the competition (Kyle
2007, 188). However, it was common for horse owners to hire charioteers for competitions (Nicholson 2003, 2005).
Therefore, Cynisca competed indirectly but equally with men from all over Greece in the most prestigious event at the
most prestigious Panhellenic festival.
8 I will refer to Austin and Bastianini's 2002 edition (AB). Any quoted translations of the Hippika will come from this
text.
9 For experimentation with boundary crossing in Hellenistic literature, see Ma (2003) esp. 186, 194, Koenen (1993),
Stephens (2000) and (2003), and Thalmann (2011) for a variety of examples of boundary crossings in Hellenistic
literature (such as male-female, hero/divine-mortal, nature-culture, Greek-Egyptian, time, and space).
10 For the increased prominence of royal and elite women during the Hellenistic period, see Burton (1995, 41-92), van
Bremen (1996 and 2003) and Pomeroy (1984), for example. Pomeroy suggests that Hellenistic women (not just queens)
were able to achieve increased power, status, and a level of equality with men. Van Bremen takes a far more cautious
approach, explaining that female political power was limited and many civic offices held by women were eponymous or
nominal (1996, 1-5 and 2003, 326-329). However, van Bremen points out that Hellenistic queens enjoyed a greater
55

degree of influence and power than citizen women (2003, 327-8).
11 See note 170 below
12 Art of Horsemanship X.14, trans. Marchant. Xenophon emphasizes the importance of sophrosune in nearly every aspect
of horsemanship. According to Greek ideology, sophrosune (moderation, emotional restraint, self-control) is a “Greek”
characteristic and one that distinguishes Greeks from barbarians, who reportedly lack self-control (Roberts 1984, 37).
Athenian citizen ideology, in particular, claims that sophrosune is the mark of an Athenian (male) citizen (for example,
see Lape 2006). Women also are expected to display sophrosune, but this form of temperance typically involves “not
pursuing the grand and wonderful,” simplicity, silence, and prudence. According to much of Greek thought, men
practice a more active temperance, while women's temperance is passive and carried out at the instruction of men, since
women lack agency (Aristotle, Politics 1260a.9-34, Lambropoulou 1995, and van Bremen 1996, 3, 140-141, 165-167,
165n.223). Any aspect of the oversight, maintenance, or training of horses requires agency and active, “male”
sophrosune. For more about the association of horsemanship and sophrosune, see Cook (1995), 193-194. The
sophrosune that is displayed in the practice of horsemanship also indicates political legitimacy, since it is generally
thought that one cannot effectively lead others until he is truly master of himself. For the political value of
horsemanship as a demonstration of self-control, see Landry (2008) 26-35. For the difference between male and female
sophrosune and changes in this difference over time, see Cairns (1997) 54, 54n.12-13, 55, 55n.17, 56 and North (1966)
1n.2, 21, 37, 71, 129, 252-3, 314 and North (1977).
13 For example, see Cavalry Commander IV .1-3 (variations of metrios appear four times in the first sentence) and Art of
Horsemanship VIII.1 and 9. Xenophon recognizes that intense training without variety is irritating for the horse
(VIII.9).
14 For example, see Art of Horsemanship VI.15, IX.2-9, X.1and 13, XI.6. Instead of using force, Xenophon recommends
that a horse should be rewarded when it exhibits desirable behavior and movement (Art of Horsemanship VIII.13-14,
X.5, 12, 16, XI.5, 7).
15 For example, see Art of Horsemanship X.1-2 and 15, XI.3-9. The goal of Xenophon's teachings (and classical
horsemanship) is to encourage the horse to display its naturally beautiful and magnificent way of moving. Also see
Loch (1990) 18, 20, 26-31, 37, 60, 206, LeGuin (2005) 175-196, esp.177, and Landry (2009) 26-28. For additional
examples of the natural beauty that the horse displays when force is avoided, see Art of Horsemanship X.3-5 and 12-17,
XI.3 and 6-13.
16 At the beginning of the Art of Horsemanship, Xenophon points out that much of his own work is similar to that of an
earlier authority on horsemanship, Simon, who also wrote a treatise on horsemanship during the fifth century B.C. Only
fragments of this treatise survive (McCabe 2007, 3-4). Xenophon mentions Simon several times in his Art of
Horsemanship (I.1, I.3 and XI.6).
17 Art of Horsemanship XI.6, trans. Marchant.
18 For Xenophon's emphasis on flexible bits, see Art of Horsemanship X.8,10. For Xenophon's recommendation that
horsemen refrain from excessively pulling on the horse's mouth or excessive use of whips and spurs, see Art of
Horsemanship X.1,12.
19 Excessive emotions are disturbing to horses and a horseman must remain calm, regardless of the situation. For example,
Xenophon points out that sudden movements and reactions from a horseman will upset his horse (Art of Horsemanship
IX.2-12). Xenophon also reminds readers that, if a horse is upset by noise or crowds, he must be taught, without
impatience, that there is nothing to fear (Art of Horsemanship II.5). As Hyland (1993) explains, riders had to be able to
control their bodies and their minds/emotions to avoid miscommunication with their sensitive and highly trained horses
(17-18, 118, 127, 129, 151).
20 Art of Horsemanship VI.13, trans. Marchant. Orge refers to passion and excessive emotion, not just anger.
21 For example, see Aristotle's Politics 3.1277a, Spence (1993) 15-16, 77, 185, 193-4, Roberts (1984) 105-6, Pomeroy
(1994) 17, and Steiner (2005) 408. For the value of hunting (on horseback) as an important component of education, see
Cohen (2010) 18, 130-132, 272-3. Horsemanship was an important component of Persian education, as well, (see
Plato's Alcibiades 121e, Herodotus 1.136, and Xenophon's Cyropaedia 1.3.14-15, 1.4.4-5, 5.1.15).
22 For example, see Laws 7.804c, 7.794c and d, 7.813e, Laches 182a, On Virtue 377b and e, Republic 5.467d, Meno 93d
and 94b. In the Laches, Nicias recommends that young men should be educated in horsemanship and he points out that
horsemanship, along with fighting in armor, is a form of exercise that is most appropriate for a free citizen (182a-d).
According to Plato, virtue can't necessarily be taught (for example, see On Virtue 378c). However, it seems that it can
be learned and certain activities assist in the progression towards virtue. For the assimilation of unmanageable children
and horses in the context of training and education, see Plato's Laws 7.808d and e (for similar discussion, see Seneca's
De Ira II.20.3-4 and II.21.1-3).
23 See Plato's Meno 93d and 94a-b and On Virtue 377b and 377e. Also see Bugh (1988) 13-14 and Spence (1993) 13, 15-
56

16, and 193-4.
24 Connelly (2014) discusses the importance of cavalry in the early days of the Athenian democracy (201, 406n.132) and
she also explains that chariot and cavalry images are ideologically valuable, even when the cavalry plays a less
important role in the military and tends not to be decisive in battle (159, 194-5, 197-9). Connelly also discusses
Erechtheus/Erechthonius, who is the son of Athena and the progenitor of all Athenians, and his intimate connection with
horses, the apobates competition, and the introduction of the chariot (67, 132, 195-196, 199, 201-204, 262-3, 271-2,
392n.25). Connelly suggests that cavalry images can serve as memory markers to Athens' shared mythical past (160,
164-165, 175, 186, 199-209, 408n.172-176, 273-5, 290-293). For discussion about collective identification with elitist
cavalry images, see Steiner (2005) 415-418. For examples of Hellenistic appropriation of traditional equestrian images,
such as ideologically valuable chariot dedications and victories in the Panathenaia, to retroactively integrate themselves
into Athenian genealogy, see Connelly (2014) 307-11, 324-5. For the significance of women in this foundational myth
of Athenian identity, see Connelly (2014) 188-9, 203-4, 274, 278-281, 291. The connection between
Erechtheus/Erechthonius, Athenian horsemanship, the first chariot, and the introduction of the apobates race is also
discussed by Cook (1995) 144-145, 186, 189 and Spence (1993). Bugh (1988) also points out the link to the glorious
past and the nostalgia that is evoked by cavalry displays and horsemanship (154, 163-164, 196, For the importance of
the myth of Erechtheus/Erechthonius in Athenian claims of autochthony and Athenian citizenship ideology, see Lape
(2004) 5-6 and Lape (2010) 17-19, 26-30, 99-101, 137-8, 141-3, for example. For the link between the virtue of the
glorious ancestors and their military success and the importance for Athenian citizenship ideology, see Lape (2004) 1-
39, ch.7 and Lape (2006), for example. For the mythological connection between Athens, Poseidon, Athena, horses, the
introduction of the bridle, and the practice of horsemanship, see Cook (1995) 181-194.
25 Connelly (2014, 207-9, 251, 260).
26 For the wealth associated with horse ownership and horse-keeping in ancient Greece, see for example Aristotle's
Politics 1289b.35ff., 1321a.10-14, Anderson (1961) 128-139, Brock (2013), 87-88, 121, Bugh (1988) 3-38, Kyle (2007)
126-7, 161, Miller (2004) 50-54, Pomeroy (1994), 2, 219, 226, and Spence (1993) 2, 32-33, 78, 101-102, 180-184, 191-
198, 202-206, 225-228, 272-286 (see p.192n.117-119 for some examples from primary sources). For the considerable
variation of the wealth of individual cavalry members, see Spence (1993) 193. For the substantial wealth that is required
specifically for chariot racing, see Spence (1993) 2, 185, 191-196, 202-207, 226-227. For cavalry service as an
aristocratic family tradition and an inherited group identity, see Spence (1993) 81-82, 86, 193-198, 202-204, 227-228,
287-315.
27 For more about hippotrophia and the Athenian cavalry, see Bugh (1988) and for the ambiguity of hippotrophia, see pg.
20-38, esp. pg. 23.
28 Thucydides 6.16. For a similar claim, see Lysias 19.63. Also see notes 115 and 135 below for the reflected glory of
equestrian victory.
29 For horse breeding and horse keeping (hippotrophia) as a liturgy, see Xenophon's Oeconomicus II.5-6, Pomeroy's
commentary (1994) 52, 219, and 226, Bugh (1988) 178 and Spence (1993) 82. As Pomeroy explains in her commentary
on the Oeconomicus (1994, p.226), “there was a direct connection between military preparedness and riding for
pleasure and exercise (XI.17, sim. On Horsemanship 3.7). Breeding horses for the cavalry was essential for the security
of the state. The wealthy Lycophron claimed that he raised horses not as a rich man's hobby, but as a public service
(Hyperides I.16, sim. Alcibiades in Thuc. 6.16.1-2).” Also see Isomachus's demonstration of horsemanship, as he
exercises his horses over variety of terrain and performs cavalry maneuvers as part of the routine training and
maintenance of his horse (Xenophon's Oeconomicus XI.15-18, also see Spence 1993, p.78-9). The training,
conditioning, and general maintenance of cavalry mounts would have been expensive and time-consuming and these
activities would have required the owner to demonstrate his horsemanship skills, in most cases (unless he hired other
horsemen to perform these duties and was not involved in any aspect of supervision-this would have been unlikely).
Unprepared horses would not have been useful cavalry mounts. As a result, we should not assume that hippotrophia
refers to nothing but the contribution of money.
30 For the importance of cavalry in Greek warfare, see Bugh (1988), Gaebel (2002), Hunt (2007) 10-14, 24-25, 38-39,
Pomeroy (1994) 48, and Spence (1993), for example. For the flexibility of cavalry, see Spence (1993) 34-36, 102, and
117-119.
31 The Athenian cavalry practiced regularly in cavalry displays that simulated battle. This included equestrian
competitions at the Panathenaia, which simulated skills that were necessary for battle. One of the most famous of these
public equestrian displays was the anthippasia (sham battle), which displayed the skill of the Athenian cavalry to the
public and it also provided a valuable opportunity for the cavalry to practice mounted combat, without the danger of a
real enemy. As Xenophon explains in his Cavalry Commander, advanced cavalry maneuvers were performed at a
variety of public spectacles in Athens, including sacred processions (I.26, II.1, and III.1-14). These equestrian displays
57

took place in the Lyceum (III.6-9), the Hippodrome (III.10-13), and the Academy (III.14). There was also an elaborate
procession in the agora (III.1-5). According to Xenophon, mock battles served a practical function in addition to
creating an impressive public spectacle (I.20, III.10-13, V .4, VIII.15). For more details about the dokimasia for cavalry
horses (possibly a preliminary activity for processions and/or an administrative procedure to determine fitness of horses
for cavalry service), the anthippasia, and other equestrian displays in ancient Greece, see Anderson (1961) 122, Bugh
(1988) 15-19, 58-60, 65-68, 81, 219-220, Connelly (2014) 200, 408n.178, Hyland (2003) 140, Kyle (1987) 62-64, 75,
96, 189-90, Spence (1993) 11, 14, 77-78, 90, 94, 184-188, 220.
32 For example, see Xenophon's Cavalry Commander II.1, III.7-13.
33 For more information about cavalry formations, see Spence (1993) 77-8, 101, 103-4, 107-9, 112-14, 118, 177-8, and
186. For the challenge of riding in formation and the importance of precision and timing, when riding in battle
formations, see Hyland (1993) 17-18, 100-104, 111, 128, 136, 139-141, 151, for example. For the dangers of a
disrupted formation, see Hyland (1993) 15, 73, 100-101, 136. Also see Spence (1993) 52-53, 76-79, 86-97, 164 for the
skill and training that is required for cavalry participation and mounted warfare.
34 Ancient Greek (and Roman) audiences probably had a much better understanding of horsemanship and the skill
required for advanced cavalry maneuvers than the average modern audience. Horses were deeply embedded in ancient
Greek culture and the numerous Panhellenic equestrian events (Kyle 2007, 126-7) and public equestrian displays would
have provided the average Greek with some knowledge and appreciation of horsemanship. The popularity of advanced
cavalry maneuvers in ancient Greek art also suggest that the average Greek would have been exposed regularly to
images and performances of horsemanship. For public awareness of cavalry training, also see Spence (1993) 78, 100-
186 (esp. 185-188).
35 Also see notes 24 and 25 above. It also should be noted that the cavalry was viewed with suspicion and hostility at some
periods in Athenian history. The cavalry generally supported the two oligarchic regimes in Athens in 404/3 B.C and,
following these events, the cavalry was associated with the Thirty Tyrants, the Three Thousand, and anti-democratic
tendencies, in general (Bugh 1988, 120-129 and Spence 1993, 82, 85-86, 137, 189, 209-229). This caused a decline in
the cavalry and a negative perception of the cavalry by many Athenians during the fourth century B.C. (Bugh 1988,
129-143, 151-153 and Spence 1993, 164-165, 172, 180-230). As Spence (1993) explains, attitudes towards the cavalry
fluctuated, but “its membership was always associated with wealth (which according to the individual view could be
cause for admiration, or envy, or even both), and the serving cavalrymen were further stereotyped as aristocratic
youngsters. As a group, they seem generally to have been regarded in a favourable light from the time of the cavalry's
institution until its involvement in the oligarchic coup of 404” (228).
36 For example, see Xenophon's Art of Horsemanship II.5, IV .1, V .1.
37 For the common use of grooms (hippokomoi), see Bugh (1988) 123 and Spence (1993) 96 and 184. Also see
Isomachos's use of a groom to assist in the care of his horse when he is finished riding (Xenophon's Oeconomicus XI.
15-18) and Xenophon's frequent references to the participation of grooms in horse care (Art of Horsemanship).
38 Each cavalry member probably was accompanied by a mounted aide or attendant (Bugh 1988, 37). It seems grooms
(hippokomoi), who essentially were servants, sometimes rode and accompanied the cavalry (Bugh 1988, 37n.138,
102n.68 and Spence 1993, 10, 284-5). Sometimes these mounted grooms assisted by riding ahead and finding safe
routes (Bugh 1988, 223-4). On other occasions, mounted grooms were mixed with the cavalry to make the cavalry
appear larger (Xenophon's Cavalry Commander 5.6, Anderson 1961, 137, Bugh 1988, 37n.138, Spence 1993, 285). The
mounted grooms do not seem to have performed any complex cavalry maneuvers, but they must have had some basic
horsemanship skills in order to ride independently to perform various tasks. Other mounted aides or attendants
(hyperetai) also rode with the cavalry and performed supportive tasks (Bugh 1988, 223-4 and Spence 1993, 94-7). The
status of hyperetai is unclear and the meaning of this term changed over time, but they probably were free men (Spence
1993, 95). As Spence (1993) explains, a hyperetes probably had more responsibility than a servant groom. Hyperetai
performed tasks that required initiative, planning ahead, and advising, such as reconnaissance, passing on orders, and
supervising the execution of orders (96-7).
39 For discussion of the involvement of slaves and metics in military operations (not specifically cavalry) and the problem
of their participation in an ideologically significant activity that connects participation with citizenship and citizen
rights, see Hunt (2007) 44-47.
40 Good horsemanship practices require sophrosune (moderation, self-control, emotional regulation). According to
Athenian citizen ideology, distinguishing features of a male Athenian citizen include his ability to act with masculine
sophrosune and his ability to subordinate personal pleasure and private gain to the collective good of the Athenian state.
For additional discussion about the importance of sophrosune for Athenian citizenship, see Lape (2004), esp. Ch.7,
Lape (2006) and Wohl (2002) 52-53, 117-118, 150-151, and 179-180. For the difference between male and female
sophrosune, see note 12 above . Performance of Athenian citizenship, particularly the display of sophrosune, provided
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powerful evidence of one's legitimacy (Lape 2004, 72 ff., 202-215 and Lape 2010 186-198). Because of the close
alignment between the ideologies of classical horsemanship and Athenian citizenship, representations of horsemanship
would have provided powerful means for displaying legitimacy and the inherited virtues of Athenian citizenship. In a
sense, horsemanship might have served as a sort of touchstone (ideologically, at least) for determining invisible
qualities such as inherited character and bloodline. As I explain in notes 155 and 290, the horse often mirrors the
character and inner state of its rider. Therefore, the image of a horse performing an advanced cavalry maneuver might
be interpreted as a physical representation of the character of its rider. In some respects, there is a democratic aspect to
riding a horse. As Plutarch notes, the horse is a great equalizer because it does not care if a person is rich or poor. It will
throw a bad rider, regardless of his financial status (see Plutarch's How One May Discern a Flatterer from a Friend
XVI). For the horse as a symbol for Greek (especially Athenian) aristocratic ideology, see Nicholson (2005) 1-41 and
Bugh (1988), for example.
41 This comparison of the demos to a wild horse is not necessarily suggesting that individual Athenian citizens are
unrestrained. Instead, the horse reference seems to refer to the collective effect of a mob of citizens, which can be
wildly emotional. For more about Greek political imagery, including metaphors that liken the demos to a horse,
references to leaders holding the “reins of the state”, and references to the “chariot of the state”, see Brock (2013) 56-
57, 86-88, 111, 115, 120-121, 159.
42 Aristotle quotes Solon's belief that “the masses would best follow their leaders, if they are neither given too much
freedom nor subjected to too much restraint. For excess breeds insolence” (Ath. Pol. 12.2, trans. Gerber 1999).
Although there is not an explicit reference to horses in these lines, some scholars have recognized the equestrian
implications in words for restraining and urging forward (for example, see Brock 2013, 88). Plutarch makes a similar
statement in his Comparison of Poplicola with Solon. According to Plutarch, “Solon was before Poplicola in observing
that—A people always minds its rulers best when it is neither humoured nor oppressed” (2.3, trans. Dryden 2006).
Although there is no explicit reference to horses, some of the words are consistent with those quoted by Aristotle and
which have been recognized as having equestrian implications.
43 Pericles' moderation is highlighted by Thucydides. Although Thucydides does not use explicit equestrian references, his
statements about Pericles' ability to restrain and encourage the people at the right time and his ability to restrain the
people without taking away their freedom are consistent with Xenophon's recommendations regarding effective
horsemanship (for example, see Thuc. LXV .5, 8, 9). According to Plutarch, Pericles “let loose the reins to the people (τ ῷ
δήμ ῳ τ ὰ ς ἡνίας ἀ νε ὶ ς), and made his policy subservient to their pleasure” (Life of Pericles 11.4, trans. Dryden 2006).
This statement initially sounds like the opposite of horsemanship, since Pericles is not restraining the people. Victoria
Wohl also discusses the fact that this statement seems at odds with Thucydides' depiction of Pericles (2002, 101-102,
102n.66 and 67). However, Pericles' actions also might be viewed as engaging in the give and take that is necessary for
effective horsemanship. Giving in to the people might be a means of persuasion, in the same way that Xenophon
explains the persuasive effect of giving the reins to a horse when it is behaving extravagantly (for example, see
Xenophon's Art of Horsemanship X.3-6 and 12-17 and XI.6-9). Plutarch also considers that it might be easier “to
govern a city broken and tamed with calamities and adversity, and compelled by danger and necessity to listen to
wisdom, than to set a bridle (χαλιν ὸν) on wantonness and temerity ( ὕβρεως κα ὶ θρασύτητος), and rule a people
pampered and restive with long prosperity as were the Athenians when Pericles held the reins of government”
(Comparison of Fabius with Pericles 1.4, trans. Dryden 2006).
44 On some occasions young boys are likened to horses, but these examples tend to illustrate sexually passive young men
who are controlled by older make lovers (horsemen).. For example, Theognis uses equestrian metaphors to describe the
relationships between young boys and their lovers. In these metaphors, the young boys are likened to horses and the
older lovers are their charioteers (lines 1249-52 and 1267-70). Also see Calame (2001) 240 and 240n.125 and
Rosenmeyer (2004) 171. Other examples that assimilate men to horses seem to highlight aesthetic qualities of the horse
in its natural state. For example, Jason is likened to an eager warhorse in Apollonius's Argonautica (3.1259-64). In this
case, the horse-like Jason has independent aesthetic value and there is no concern about taming or bridling.
45 For additional discussion about the assimilation of young women and horses in ancient Greek literature, see Cairns
(1997) 62, 65, Bonnefoy (1991) 97, 101-102, 132, Fantham (1994) 57, Hopman (2013), Pomeroy (2002) 20, 20n.66,
118, and Topper (2010) 109-119, for example. For additional references to young women as horses, see Calame (2001)
239n.120. For a detailed discussion about the assimilation of young women and horses in the context of “taming” or
domestication, involving education and marriage, see Calame (2001) esp. 238-244.
46 Alcman fr. 1.58ff. Also see Calame (2001) 239 and 239n.120, Rosenmeyer (2004) 170-171, and Topper (2010) 112,
116. According to Blundell (1995), the horse-like women are described in masculine terms. Blundell points out that the
gender of the horses (in Alcman's simile) is male. Blundell explains that “in Alcman's Maiden-songs, women are
endowed with a much more positive and vibrant presence than in most of the other lyrics, but they are still represented
59

in terms of male perceptions” (81).
47 Also see Cairns (1997) 62, Rosenmeyer (2004) 171-172, and Topper (2010) 112-113. For additional discussion about
the identity of the girl/filly, see Topper (2010) 113n.24.
48 Trans. Rosenmeyer (2004) 173-175.
49 According to Gerber (1999), this imagery represents an upper class woman who is married to a man from the lower
class (lines 257-60 and see p.211n.1 for Gerber's interpretation). Also see Rosenmeyer (2004) 171.
50 For example, see discussions in Raber and Tucker (2005) 11-18, Cuneo (2005) 155-6, Latona (2008) 199-230, Knox
(1992) 43-53, Bonnefoy (1991) 87, 97, 132, Miller (1995) 229, 231-3, 235, 238, Detienne and Werth (1971) 167-170
and 175-6. As Detienne and Werth explain “in religious thought, there are very marked affinities between the horse full
of furor, the Gorgon, and the possessed...the possessed person is straddled by a mysterious power which “unbridles”
him...the inarticulate sounds emitted by certain epileptics are reminiscent of neighing, the demonic laughter of the
horse, and their convulsed faces seem to bear evidence of the Gorgon's mask” (1971, 168). For the Erinnyes, sisters of
the Gorgons, as frenzied horses, see Detienne and Werth 1971, 169. Also, see Detienne and Werth (1971), 167-170 for
the association between fire and horses.
51 Bits refer to “the metal mouthpieces attached to the bridles of horses and used to control the animals when riding”
(Cuneo 2005, 141). Some elements of the bridle, such as the noseband, can be fashioned to apply pressure to the horse's
head (for example, see explanation in Morris 1993, 78-9 and Steinkraus 1991, 172). However, the bridle generally does
not provide a direct means of controlling or communicating with a horse. For additional information about Greek and
Roman bits and bridles, see Anderson (1961) 40-78 and Hyland (1993) 41, 52-65.
52 Χαλινός refers both to the “bridle” and the “bit.” Χαλινός necessarily implies the existence of reins, although separate
references to reins are common as well ( ἡνία, for example). In Latin, frenum refers both to the “bit” and the “bridle”, as
well. Frenum also can refer to the reins (although habena seems be a more specific term for “reins”). Since the bit is
attached to the bridle (this can be a temporary or permanent attachment), it is not surprising that Greek and Latin refer
to the entire device with a single word.
53 The bit acts on the horse's sensitive mouth (for example, see discussion in Steinkraus 1991, 50-54, Morris 1971, 52ff.).
It should be noted that the bit is just one of the aids that allow a rider to communicate with his horse (for a discussion of
natural and artificial aids, see Morris 1971, 23-42 and Steinkraus 1991, 49-59). The bit, like the spur and whip, is an
artificial aid. As Morris explains, “the effective employment of artificial aids requires experience and above all
moderation and common sense. Artificial aids can become the “knife in the monkey's hand” [when used by an
inexperienced rider]” (1971, 24). Cuneo also points out that when the reins of the bridle are in the wrong hands, “the
bridle turns from a positive force of reason and restraint into an instrument of enslavement” (2005, 156-7). Natural aids,
which include the rider's hands, legs, weight, and voice, are the most important for communication. As Steinkraus
(1991) explains, “bits should never be discussed except in conjunction with a discussion of the action of the hand in
consort with the other aids” (167). For the importance of timing and the challenge of orchestrating these aids so that the
horse is not confused, see Bryant (2006) 135, Morris (1993) 44-49, 57-8, Steiner and Bryant (2003) 9-10, 27-8, and
Steinkraus (1991) 58-9, 68. In short, the rider's ability to use the bit is far more significant than the bit itself, regardless
of its severity. Xenophon recommends that it is best to use a smooth bit, “but if a rough one is used, it should be made
to resemble a smooth one by lightness of hand” (Art of Horsemanship IX.9, trans. Marchant).
54 As Steinkraus explains, “pulling or making a traction on the horse's mouth is never a function of the hand” and
“punishing the mouth with the hands is always counterproductive” (1991, 53-4). Instead, Steinkraus describes a good
rider's hands as giving and taking, but doing so with fairness (i.e. reward and punishment) and with a sense of
appropriate timing (Steinkraus 1991, 50-54). Although a horse is expected to submit to the bit, this submission “does
not mean subordination, but an obedience revealing its presence in the horse by its constant attention, willingness and
confidence, as well as by the harmony, lightness and ease displayed in the execution of the different movements”
(Langehanenberg 2010, 44). Steinkraus also points out that the goal of riding a horse is not domination by the rider: “it
is important for the horse always to retain a sense of its own volition and spirit; if you dominate it to the point that it
becomes only a prisoner, and cannot freely give itself to you, you will never get the best of which it is capable” (1991,
63). He also warns that, when riders obtain results by bullying their horses with strength, coercion, and the threat of
pain, “their accomplishments are illusory and temporary, because the horse will always get the last word” (1991, 63).
For additional discussion about the proper function of the bit, see Heuschmann (2007) 40, 102-105. For the subtle
variations and movement of a rider's hands as communication (rather than pulling and restraining), see Medenica (2004)
9, 51-54, 96-7. For this communication between horse and rider as a form of reciprocity, see Ackerman (1997) 26 and
LeGuin (2005) 193-4.
55 The effectiveness of the bit is determined by the skill of the rider who is using it (the bit has no function on its own), a
bit is used with a combination of resistance and release, and the purpose of using the bit involves communication rather
60

than restraint. In fact, the bit is not an effective tool for restraint: if a rider enters into a pulling contest with a horse, the
horse will always win (for example, see Steinkraus 1991, 51, 62-3, 174). The rider's hands can be used to “mold” the
horse's energy: the rider uses his legs to send the horse forward into his hands (the rider's legs cue the horse to push
forward with his hindquarters) and this energy then is “molded” by the hands. A rider must learn to use his hands
independently from the rest of his body and he also must develop a good sense of timing. self-mastery (for example, an
effective rider does not allow his emotions to influence his hands or the bit).
56 Cuneo (2005) 163.
57 For example, Heath suggests that bridling metaphors are equivalent to those involving the yoke. He associates the bit
with other tools that are used for restraint, including nets, snares, traps, etc. (2005, 178-9, 190, 222, 231-2, 255). Brock
(2013) provides a wonderful discussion of horses in Greek political imagery, but he shares some of the assumptions that
are made by Heath and he doesn't make a consistently clear distinction between yoking metaphors and those involving
bits, reins, and bridles. It is important to remember that horsemanship metaphors can be interpreted differently,
depending on whether the horse is being driven (i.e. pulling a chariot) or ridden. Furthermore, although the bit can
function in part as a tool for restraint, a bit metaphor is far more dynamic and complex than this, especially when the
metaphor is considered in the context of horsemanship practices. Ancient Greek audiences almost certainly would have
understood bridling metaphors in a practical context, since the average Greek would have been familiar (to various
degrees) with horsemanship. See note 34 above.
58 The bit is an important symbol of horsemanship and character and, according to Greek mythology, the bit also has
divine associations and magical qualities. According to Pindar's thirteenth Olympian Ode, Athena gave the bridle/bit to
Bellerophon, which allowed him to ride Pegasus. Pindar refers to this bridle/bit contraption as a measure or moderating
power (μέτρα, 13.20), golden bit or bridle (χρυσάμπυκα χαλιν όν, 13.65), horse charm (φίλτρον ἵ ππειον, 13.68), a
marvel (τέρας, 13.73), spirit-taming gold (δαμασίφρονα χρυσόν, 13.78), and a soothing remedy, around which the
horse stretches its jaws (φάρμακον πρα ὺ τείνων ἀ μφ ὶ γένυι, 13.85). The poem also refers to the concepts of μέτρον
and καιρ ὸς (13.48), although these are reminders of the bit (called μέτρα in 13.20) and not a direct description of the bit
(see Hubbard 1986, 41 and Detienne and Werth 1971, 172n.61). This myth also implies a direct connection between the
bit and advanced horsemanship maneuvers, the sort which would have been performed by the cavalry and in a variety
of equestrian processions in ancient Greece. According the Pindar, immediately after mounting the horse, Bellerophon
and Pegasus perform a sort of pyrrhic dance ( ἀ ναβα ὶ ς δ ᾽ ε ὐθ ὺς ἐν όπλια χαλκωθε ὶ ς ἔπαιζεν, Olympian 13.86). For the
interpretation of this activity as a pyrrhic dance, see Detienne and Werth (1971), 174n.67). The bit's power comes from
its divine (Athena) and fiery sources (metallurgy). The bit, which has been transformed by fire (product of metallurgy),
is able to calm the fiery energy of the horse with an almost supernatural power. As Detienne and Werth explain, in order
to act on the horse, the bit must have a nature similar to that of the horse (1971, 171-2; also see Bonnefoy 1991, 87). For
the symbolic transformation associated with the bit, also see Hubbard 1986, esp. 48. For the link between kairos and
metron and metallurgy, see Detienne and Werth (1971) 172-3 and 172n.60-61. Horsemanship consistently is given
divine or other extraordinary origins throughout Greek and Roman mythology and there also seems to be a consistent
link between the introduction of the bit and specific maneuvers that require the most skilled use of the bit. Virgil's
Georgics demonstrates a consistent treatment of the bit in Roman mythology (III.113-117). Virgil credits the Thessalian
Lapiths with giving the Romans the bridle/bit (frenum), the circle (gyros, refers to training circle or movement in a
circle), and the knowledge required to encourage a horse to move with “collection” (glomero). According to this story,
the bit is directly connected to the practice of horsemanship and, specifically, to maneuvers that indicate skill and not
force.
59 For example, see North (1966) 380-386.
60 Horsemanship imagery is especially appropriate for the theme of moderation, which is important for both plays. There
is not room to expand more fully on this theme, but it should be noted that both Hippolytus and Antigone are full of
equestrian references that illustrate the importance of moderation and flexibility and the consequences of excess
behavior. Both tragedies contain numerous references to reins, ropes, tightening and loosening, spurring forward, and
pulling back. These words illustrate the characters' excessive actions and attachments and, ultimately, several of these
characters are destroyed when they are bound inextricably in reins (Hippolytus) or nooses (Phaedra and Antigone).
Interestingly, the word for noose also seems to refer to a horse's halter (βρόχος in Antigone, line 1222 and ἅ μμα in
Hippolytus, line 781).
61 Antigone 477-479. For a consistent statement by Xenophon, see Art of Horsemanship 9.9.
62 For example, see Griffith's commentary on Antigone (1999) p. 205-206. I am not claiming that Griffith's statements
about the existence of harsh bits (205), for example, are wrong. First of all, actual horsemanship practices must have
varied extensively. Also, Xenophon does not discourage the intermittent use of harsh aids (for example, see Art of
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Horsemanship X.6-12). But, this must be understood in the broader context of Xenophon's recommendations.
63 Ο ὐ γ ὰ ρ ἐκπέλει φρονε ῖ ν μέγ ᾽ ὅστις δο ῦλός ἐστι τ ῶ ν πέλας
64 Xenophon's Art of Horsemanship IX.5, 9 and X.1-2, 5, 8-10, 12-13, 15-17, XI.6, for example.
65 See entry in LSJ
66 For the meaning of hubris in a plant or animal context, see Cairns (1996).
67 For the association of horses and hubris, see Cairns (1996), especially 17n.69, 23-28, and Cairns (2013) 233-250.
According to Cairns, “one of the creatures which paradigmatically manifest the hubris that results from an excess of
internal energy, the build-up of pressure within a container, is the horse” (2013, p.245).
68 See Loch (1990) 18, 20, 26-31, 37, 60, 206, LeGuin (2005) 175-196 (esp.177) and Landry (2009) 26-28.
69 Xenophon explains that “what a horse does under constraint, as Simon says, he does without understanding, and with
no more grace than a dancer would show if he was whipped and goaded” (Art of Horsemanship XI.6, trans Marchant).
70 Art of Horsemanship X.4-5, trans. Marchant.
71 It is important to note Xenophon's statement that horses do not move with supple legs when they are uncomfortable (Art
of Horsemanship X.15-16).
72 Xenophon's Art of Horsemanship X.16-17, trans. Marchant.
73 For example, see Art of Horsemanship XI.7-9. Μετεωρίζω (“to elevate, raise to a height, suspend”) often is translated
as “prancing,” but this description also indicates “collection” (Xenophon often uses ὑπολαμβάνω, when he refers to
collection: Cavalry Commander III.14 and Art of Horsemanship VII.15, VII.16). See note 229 below for more about
collection. Horses naturally move with collection when they are excited, although compelling a horse to move this way
on command and with the weight of a rider can be a challenge. In addition to its aesthetic value, collection allows the
horse to carry a rider's weight without interfering with its movement (Loch 1990, 20, 99-101). This movement is
reproduced in performance of the passage, which is described by Xenophon. For the passage, see note 229 below.
Xenophon describes the passage in the following way: when “a horse is leading in the manner which wins most praise
for such horses, prancing high and with his body closely gathered, so that he moves forward with very short steps...”
(Art of Horsemanship, XI.11, trans Marchant, and Anderson 1961, 117-119).
74 Art of Horsemanship Book XI.8-9, trans. Marchant.
75 For example, see Art of Horsemanship X.3-5, 12-14, and 15-17 and XI.6-9.
76 My discussion of this passage in the Antigone does not ignore the fact that there is an ideological element of slavery
involved in the act of riding a horse. For additional discussion of this, see Brock (2013) 87, 108, 111, 150, 159, for
example. However, this discussion problematically melds into metaphors of yoking and forced taming. The bridling
metaphor, as I have argued, is different. Bridling a horse is not ideologically the same as yoking or the act of turning a
horse into a beast of burden. Bridling refers to a unique relationship between man and horse and a bridle is a means of
communication. The horseman's goal is to control his horse and to do so in such a way that the magnificence of the
horse can be seen as a reflection of the invisible qualities of his rider's own excellence. While this image is not free of
ideas about subjugation and slavery, the image of a bridled horse is not a clear image of subjugation if for no other
reason that the simple fact that bridles don't work this way.
77 Creon likens Antigone to a horse (477-483). In an equestrian context, Antigone's hubris (480-482) takes on a less
negative meaning. Hubris often is used in descriptions of spirited, prideful, or over-fed horses. As I explain above,
hubris is not necessarily a negative quality in a horse, as long as it is kept in check.
78 Line 471-472, trans. Lloyd-Jones. For equestrian associations with the noose, see note 60 above.
79 Haemon advises his father that it is best to bend and be willing to change rather than be rigid (lines 712-718). For
Xenophon's emphasis on the importance of flexibility in horsemanship practices, see Art of Horsemanship X.8, 10, 12,
for example.
80 Hippolytus' good horsemanship is established, in part, by his concern and involvement in the care and training of his
horses (108-112). Hippolytus also is described as having a lived for a long time with the customs of horsemanship
(1219-1220). Although Hippolytus reportedly has horsemanship skills, his inconsistent ability to exercise moderation
and self-control, even in his interactions with his horses, indicates that his status as a horseman is incomplete. Some
scholars also have pointed out that Hippolytus is similar to a young, unmarried girl or an “untamed filly.” As Cairns
(1997) explains, Hippolytus lacks the sophrosune that would be appropriate for his age and gender (see especially p.53-
60, 69). Calame (2001) also explains that Hippolytus' refusal to submit to the forces of Aphrodite causes him to be “a
colt without a yoke insofar as he is assimilated to a young girl” (p.241). Instead of participating in the expected bonds
of marriage, Hippolytus ends up “yoked” to his misfortune (line 1389, also see Segal 1965, p.151). This is highlighted
by several lines that seem to play with the idea of gender reversal in the equestrian realm. Although Phaedra is not
described as a horseman (in fact, she is likened to a horse), the play makes several references to her desire for horses
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(234-235) and her desire to participate as a horseman in the training of horses (228-231).
81 In lines 236-238, the nurse suggests that a god is pulling Phaedra back with a rein ( ἀ νασειρ ά ζει, line 237) and, at the
same time, striking her falsely or driving her mad (παρακόπτει, line 238) . For the suggestion that Aphrodite pricked
Phaedra with a spur to make her fall in love with her step son, see lines 39 and 1301-1303, for example. For additional
discussion of Phaedra's assimilation to a horse, see Segal (1965) 125-6. References to Phaedra's hubris are horse-like, as
well (474-475, see note 76 above for the same description of Antigone).
82 In light of Hippolytus' obsession with horses, he would have been upset especially by Theseus' description of his
impending exile. Theseus explains to his son, “no more shall you mount behind a pair of Venetian horses and tread the
race course about the Mere with the feet of your racing steeds” (1133-4, trans. Kovacs).
83 Hippolytus acts with haste ( ἠπε ί γετο, line 1185 and θ ᾶ σσον, line 1186), which would be disturbing to his horses. Then,
Hippolytus seizes (μ ά ρπτει, line 1188) the reins, which would signal sensitive horses to slow down. Soon after,
Hippolytus applies a whip and, at the same time, speaks passionately to Zeus (1190-95). The play specifies the fact that
Hippolytus' horses are young (π ώ λοις, line 1195) and this detail suggests that his horses are more likely to be confused
and upset by his conflicting signals and intense emotions. As I explain above, Xenophon stresses the importance of
moderation and emotional control for working with horses.
84 Lines 1201-1218. For a discussion about Hippolytus' horses as instruments of Aphrodite and Poseidon, see Segal
(1965), especially p. 144-146.
85 It seems that Hippolytus' excessive behavior may have desensitized his horses to the bit by this point. If a horse is used
to harsh commands and harsh bits, it is more likely to ignore light requests and it will have an incentive to evade the bit
altogether. Hippolytus is unable to get his horses to respond and he must resort to pulling on the reins with all of his
weight. However, even this action does not work since the horses take the bits in their teeth (1223-1226). The bit
usually rests in a gap behind the horse's front teeth and this allows the bit to pull on the bars of the horse's mouth (the
sensitive gap where there are no teeth). When a horse takes the bit in its teeth, it renders the bit useless.
86 Hippolytus is bound excessively, literally and figuratively, to his horses and this is illustrated dramatically when he is
torn apart by his horses (lines 1234-1248). Although there is some evidence that it was common practice for charioteers
to tie themselves to the reins, it is possible that Hippolytus used poor judgment in binding himself (literally) to his
horses and this would have played a significant role in his death. Every horseman learns that, when working with
horses, it is very dangerous to wrap reins, ropes, or anything connected to a horse to one's fingers, hands, limbs, etc.
Surely Hippolytus, who reportedly had a lot of experience with the ways of horses, would have avoided such risks.
87 Ἐ κε ῖ νο δειν ὸν το ῖ σιν ἡλίκοισι ν ῷ ν, μ ὴ παραλαβο ῦσαι τ ῆς π όλεως τ ὰ ς ἡν ί ας ἔπειτ ᾽ ἀ ναγκάζωσι πρ ὸς βίαν—κινε ῖ ν
ἑαυτάς (Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae 465-468, also see Brock 2013, 121). The horror of a woman taking the reins
of the state seems to be compounded by the gender reversal involved in the sexual threat, in which women will use their
power to force men to have sex. For more about the sexual reversal in these lines, see Sommerstein's commentary
(1998) 190.
88 The base of Cynisca's statue survives along with the inscription. Her victory epigram is also recorded in the Palatine
Anthology (IG V .1564a and AP 13.16, trans. Scanlon 2002). According to Pausanias, Cynisca also had her own
heroine's shrine. Cynisca's shrine and sculptural dedication were displayed alongside those of male victors, visually
suggesting the legitimacy of her claim to excellence along with that of other competitors (both male and female) in all
Olympic events. These features are described by the historian, Pausanias (3.8.1-2, 3.15.1, 5.12.5 and 6.1.6-7).
89 Xenophon, Agesilaus 9.6 and Plutarch, Agesilaus 20.1
90 Xenophon and Plutarch seem to be referring to the traditional Panhellenic equestrian events (such as chariot racing), for
which the owners usually hired charioteers and jockeys. It was more common for owners to ride and drive their own
horses in local competitions and the Panathenaia, in particular, included equestrian events that were military in nature
and required the competitors to ride their own horses (Hemingway 2004, 123-125, 135-136, Kyle 1987, 185-190,
Nicholson 2005, 4-5, 26, 40-41, and Tracy and Habicht 1991, 199-201). According to Xenophon and Plutarch,
Agesilaus thought it was dignified to keep war horses (military hippotrophia), but he considered the keeping of chariot
horses (agonistic hippotrophia) differently (see note 27 and note 90 above for citation). Also see Kyle (2003) 201n.63
and n.69.
91 Plutarch Agesilaus 20.1, Sayings of Spartans: Agesilaus 49 (arete) and Xenophon Agesilaus 9.6 (andragatheia)
92 According to Kyle (2003), Cynisca was not motivated by her own equestrian ambitions or any desire to challenge
traditional gender roles. Instead, he says that Cynisca's victory was a “vehicle for vengeance” and a reflection of
Agesilaus' “political and personal Spartan agenda” (191). Kyle explains that Agesilaus encouraged Cynisca to enter
horses in the Olympics because he wanted to discredit Alcibiades and emasculate the Olympic chariot race (191).
Apparently, this was in response to Alcibiades' lavish equestrian display at the 416 Olympics, when he entered an
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unprecedented number of chariots and won first, second, and third place (187 ff.). Kyle suggests that Agesilaus got the
idea (of using Cynisca to discredit Alcibiades) from Homer. During the chariot race in Book 23 of the Iliad, Antilochus
tells his horses that it will be shameful if they are beaten by the mare, Aethe, who was part of Menelaus' team of horses.
Kyle thinks that the mare, Aethe, was “revivified as the princess 'puppy' [i.e.Cynisca], eager to race and driven to
compete by Agesilaus...” (190). This argument also appears in Kyle's (2007) book, p. 194-197. Kyle does not consider
the fact that, regardless of the reason for her Olympic entry, Cynisca used a motif with a long aristocratic male tradition
and that the popularity and value of this motif didn't disintegrate for men after her Olympic victories. Kyle insists that
“the word 'woman' in [Cynisca's] epigram, and the statue of Kynisca herself, impugned those victories” (203n.85).
While Kyle's speculations are interesting and he makes some persuasive arguments, he ignores the fact of Cynisca's
Olympic victory and celebratory epigram within the broader context of horsemanship and Greek male aristocratic
ideology. I am not convinced that Cynisca's seemingly unprecedented link to this ideology was severed because the
word “woman” appeared in her victory epigram.
93 In comparison with Kyle (see note 93 above), Pomeroy's detailed discussion about Cynisca's equestrian activity falls on
the other end of the spectrum (2002,19-24). Pomeroy claims that Cynisca was “an expert in equestrian matters” and she
refers to Cynisca's “single-minded devotion to racing” (22n.79 and 23). Although Pomeroy provides valuable evidence
for the possibility of female charioteers in ancient Greece (especially Sparta), some of her assumptions are rather
ambitious and lack adequate support. Kyle points out most of these flaws (2003, 184, 197n.34). Pomeroy clearly
recognizes that Cynisca's equestrian participation is significant. However, her argument backfires a bit. First of all,
Pomeroy does not recognize the range of Cynisca's possible participation (beyond riding or driving) or consider why
such participation (or the appearance of such participation) would be significant for a woman in fourth century Greece.
There is substantial literary and artistic evidence for the practices and ideological value of Greek horsemanship. Rather
than considering Cynisca's possible activities within this context, Pomeroy introduces modern “evidence” that detracts
from her argument. For example, Pomeroy implies that the key to Cynisca's equestrian success might have involved
talking to horses. Pomeroy notes that “riding horses requires more than brute strength” and she supports this claim by
quoting an offhanded remark that was made by a modern horse owner about the famous female jockey, Julie Krone. The
horse owner says (of Julie Krone) “She's got great finesse, beautiful hands on a horse and good communication. You
don't have to bully a horse-just talk to him.” Pomeroy doesn't explain why this is relevant to Cynisca's activities,
although the implication is that a softer “woman's touch” is what horses need to perform well. This misleading statement
undermines Cynisca's accomplishments, to some degree, because it unfairly puts Cynisca's participation and the
significance of such participation (even if it is only symbolic) on a different level from that of men. There is no reason to
think that Cynisca's participation (of whatever sort) was different from that of men, yet Pomeroy unnecessarily paints a
picture of simplistic and passive horsemanship for Cynisca. Pomeroy ignores the possibility that on some level Cynisca
could have practiced horsemanship and had the character of a horseman, which traditionally was associated with
“masculine” virtues. As I have argued previously (see note 95 below), Cynisca's participation deserves consideration
within the context of Greek horsemanship ideology.
94 Cynisca certainly did not drive her chariot in the Olympics (the charioteer is depicted on her dedication). However she
may have driven her chariot at home for training purposes or in local competitions. There is evidence for such female
participation in Sparta. For example, Athenaeus mentions that Spartan women raced chariots at the festival of the
Hyacinthia (4.4, 139c-f.). Plutarch also indicates that women drove chariots in processions (Life of Agesliaus 19.5,
Blundell 1995, 151The Roman poet Propertius describes a Spartan woman who is exercising horses on a gyrum (a
circular course on which horses were raced or trained). This certainly implies female involvement in both the training
and racing aspects of horse-keeping in Sparta. Pomeroy provides some other examples in addition to those I just
mentioned (2002, 19-25). There are also several vases including an Athenian red-figure kylix (The Getty's “Bareiss
kylix”, 430-420 BC) that depict women driving chariots, although they do not necessarily represent mortal women in a
race. For a detailed discussion of these vases, see Raschke (1994). For some additional examples, see Connelly (2014)
97, 103, 107, 110, and 204.
95 In a previous paper, “Cynisca's Olympic Victories” (CAMWS 2008), I argued that Cynisca's equestrian success enabled
her to practice some of the “manly” virtues that were associated with the ideology of horsemanship and equestrian
victory, such as eugeneia, sophrosune, arete, time, and kleos. Pausanias, Xenophon, and Plutarch consistently use the
verbs harmatotropheo and hippotropheo when they refer to Cynisca's equestrian activities (Pausanias 3.8.1-2 and
3.15.1, Xenophon, Agesilaus 9.6, and Plutarch, Agesilaus 20.1). The broad meaning of trepho (“to bring up, breed, rear,
maintain...) implies involvement beyond financial contribution and suggests that the success of Cynisca's chariot team
can be attributed (at least in part) to her efforts. Xenophon uses variations of trepho when referring to the training and
maintenance of horses (Cavalry Commander 1.3, 1.13, Art of Horsemanship 11.13). Hippotrophia ambiguously referred
to the keeping of racehorses (often viewed as a frivolous activity) as well as the production and maintenance of cavalry
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mounts (a liturgy for wealthy men and, in the Hellenistic period, for wealthy women as well). For more about
hippotrophia and the Athenian cavalry, see Bugh 1988 (for the ambiguity of hippotrophia, pg. 20-38, esp. pg. 23).
Horse-keeping (whether for military or competition purposes) would have involved generally the same horsemanship
practices and there is no reason to assume that owners were not actively involved in the breeding, training, and
maintenance of their horses to some degree. Evidence suggests that horsemanship, including basic horse care and
oversight, was not beneath the dignity of aristocratic men. For example, Homeric heroes in the Iliad care for their own
horses and some, such as Nestor, demonstrate their excellence in horsemanship from the sidelines (see note 5 above and
167 below).
96 As I discuss in note 40 above, sophrosune was the mark of an Athenian (male) citizen (Lape 2006). Although women
also were expected to demonstrate sophrosune, this form of temperance was more passive than the sophrosune which
was expected of Greek men. For the difference between male and female sophrosune and the importance of active,
“male” sophrosune in nearly every aspect of horsemanship, also see note 12 above. As I have previously argued (see
note 95 above), Cynisca would have displayed active, “male” sophrosune if she was involved in any aspect of the
oversight, maintenance, or training of her horses.
97 In addition to the royal women whose victories are celebrated in the Hippika, names of other female equestrian victors
have been recorded See Part II, Ch.3 and Part V , Ch. 1.
98 Pausanias 3.17.6. Also see Pomeroy (1984) 20 and Pomeroy (2002), 23-24, 158n.75.
99 AB 80 and 81 are fragmented and these epigrams do not specifically name members of the Ptolemaic family. In his
discussion about the structure of the Hippika, Fantuzzi groups AB 80 and 81 with the epigrams that celebrate the
victories of Berenice II Euergetis or Berenice the Syrian (2004). For the argument that the Berenice in AB 78.13, 79.1,
and 82.1 is Berenice the Syrian and not Berenice II Euergetis, see Thompson (2005). For the purposes of this paper, I
will follow Austin and Bastianini's (2002) edition and refer to Berenice II.
100 Royal couples were often depicted in a symmetrical manner—their spheres were separate, but complementary (van
Bremen 1996, 12-13, 115-116, 136-141, esp. 140-141 and 2003, 326ff.esp. 328). Also see Koenen (1993) and Stephens
(2004a) 164.
101 Some of the virtues that are associated with Homeric values and athletic ideology include arete, sophrosune, kleos, and
time (Roberts 1984, 65-70, also see Scanlon 2002, 13-20 and Kyle 2007, 55 ff., 203-205).
102 Scanlon (2002) notes that “the array of moral virtues and sense of civic responsibility conveyed by athletics remained,
in name at least, fairly constant despite sociological changes in the participants.” He also points out that certain values
could take on a different interpretation or political charge, depending on the period and the participants (14).
103 Female claims to “manly” virtues (as seen in the Hippika, and in Cynisca's victory epigram), are unusual. As Scanlon
(2004) explains, female arete and reputation were defined very differently from that of men (21, 293-4). During the
Hellenistic period, it was more common for women to be praised (often publicly) for virtues such as sophrosune (van
Bremen 1996). However, these virtues retained an “effeminate” and domestic quality that distinguished them from the
virtues attributed to men. As I explain notes 18 and 19 above, when the same virtues are linked to equestrian victory
they necessarily refer to the more “masculine” and “active” aspect of these virtues.
104 Fame is a broad concept (Scanlon 2002, 10-11) and the meaning of these terms varies a bit. According to Roberts, kudos
refers to fame in one's lifetime and kleos refers to fame that survives one's death (1984, 65). Kurke (1991) also explains
that kudos and kleos are not necessarily synonyms. She says that kudos can refer to a sort of “talisman of supremacy” or
an instantaneous advantage given by a god that ensures victory (205-6). Kurke discusses the hereditary quality of kleos
and its treatment as a form of family property that is passed on from generation to generation (35ff.). As Kurke explains,
doxa refers to the reward of enduring reputation and glory that is acquired in exchange for long-lasting gifts that benefit
the city and require great expense, such as hippotrophia (168-9 and 186-7).
105 As Scanlon (2002) explains, “the primary athletic virtue, like that of the heroic warrior, was arete, an untranslatable
term, including notions of “manly excellence,” “merit,” “achievement,” and “accomplishment” (17, 344n50).
106 As Scanlon (2002) explains, “fame must be achieved by one's own, active efforts, usually recognized as arete or
“excellence” (11).
107 For more about the honor conferred by athletic victory, see Scanlon (2002) 28 and 283.
108 See Fantuzzi (2004a) 399-403 and (2005) 264-5, Hemingway (2004) 122, Kosmetatou (2004) 238-9, Kurke (1991) 17-
21, and Scanlon (2002) 17-18. For the importance of family in Ptolemaic royal propaganda, see Kosmetatou (2004)
240.
109 See Nisetich's identification of previous victors from Berenice II's family (2005, 58n.78).
110 For the identification of Arsinoe II, see Kosmetatou (2004) 232n.24.
111 Berenice's royal status is emphasized in AB 79 and AB 82, as well (βασίλισσα, 79.1 and βασιλίς, 82.6). Fantuzzi (2005)
notes that “the continuity of the athletic success of both male and female family members” is an exceptional quality of
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these epigrams (266-267). For the Hippika's focus on queens, see Stephens (2004) 68-9.
112 Berenice II was born in Cyrene and her father, Magas, was a ruler of Cyrene (Clayman 2014, 14 and Llewellyn-Jones
2013). For details about Magas, see Quinn (2013). However, as Clayman (2014) explains, Berenice II advertises herself
as “Macedonian” because the Ptolemies wanted to be perceived as fellow Greeks and as “the good Macedonians, as
opposed to the others who were depriving the Greeks of their freedom” (139). For Ptolemy II as Bernice II's honorary
father, see Clayman (2014) 139. This indicates that AB 78 creates an additional layer of legitimacy for Berenice II by
constructing a new bloodline in which she is inserted into the Ptolemaic family line.
113 AB 78 seems to be extraordinarily concerned with the advertisement of Berenice II's victory and her reputation,
particularly in the eyes of Macedonians. The epigram begins with Berenice II's request that the poets ( ἀ οιδοί) tell of
her fame (line 1) then the epigram seems to make a case for the legitimacy of Berenice II's inherited excellence by
outlining her family's track record and bloodline. Berenice is presented as the daughter of Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II,
although Berenice II's real mother is Apame and her real father is Magas. At the end of AB 78, the Macedonian
audience is told to celebrate Berenice's victory ( ἀ είδετε, line 13). The intense interest in Berenice II's legitimacy is
reasonable when the circumstances surrounding Berenice II's (imagined) mother are considered. After Arsinoe I, was
disgraced, Ptolemy II's children were adopted by his new queen, Arsinoe II, and so this ads another layer of legitimacy
that might have been called into question. AB 78 does not claim that Arsinoe II is Berenice II's mother, but she is
included in the list of victorious family members as if she were Berenice II's mother. As Bennett (2010) explains, the
epigram “clearly advertised Berenice as a legitimate daughter of the dynasty, whose prominent position in the royal
family was thoroughly secure” (92, 94-95). Bennet makes this comment when he is explaining the significance of
Ptolemy II's presence at Berenice II's Isthmian and Nemean victories (AB 79 and 82). However, his observation seems
most fitting for AB 78 and it provides a reasonable explanation for some of the emphasis in AB 78.
114 Kurke (1991) discusses the familial and hereditary nature of kleos, including the importance of renewing inherited kleos
(35ff). Also see Fantuzzi (2004a) 399-403 and (2005) 264-7. For the popularity of the Familiengruppen, which gave
visual expression to the athletic and political achievements of the family, see Kosmetatou (2004) 233ff.
115 For more about reflected honor and fame, see Kurke (1991) 163-224 and Scanlon (2002) 10, 282, 294. Alcibiades is a
famous example: he claimed that his Olympic equestrian victories brought honor to Athens (Thucydides 6.16).
116 ἅ ρμ ᾳ τι δ ὶ ς τελέωι (81.4). Harma Teleion seems to refer to the chariot race for full-grown horses. A number of epigrams
in the Hippika celebrate victories in this event including AB 78, which also celebrates a win by Berenice II. Nisetich
(2005) suggests that the reference to “full-grown” horses is “an implicit compliment: the young girl...enters a team of
mature steeds” (58n.78.14).
117 Nisetich (2005) 59n.82.4. Nisetich suggests that Ptolemy II was present at his daughter's Isthmian victory, but only as a
spectator (2005, 59. 82.5). Bennett suggests that Ptolemy II's presence advertised Berenice II's legitimacy (see note 113
above).
118 Several royal epigrams in the Hippika celebrate female victories independently from the family context. In addition to
AB 87 (Berenice I), AB 80 and 81 appear to celebrate the victories of Berenice II without references to her family's
track record of equestrian victory. However, AB 80 and 81 are very fragmented and so this may not be the case. The
Hippika's inclusion of such epigrams seems to suggest that victory epigrams for royal women were not dependent on a
family context. On the other hand, the fact that AB 87 belongs to a collection of epigrams, many of which celebrate
victors from the Ptolemaic household, may complicate any claims that the status or accomplishments of royal women
are being advertised independently from the royal family.
119 As a number of scholars have noticed, Berenice's epigram conveniently ignores the fact that Cynisca's record had
already been broken by Euryleonis in 368 BC. However, Euryleonis' Olympic victory seems to have been in the two-
horse Olympic chariot race. It may be the case that, although other women won Olympic equestrian events soon after
Cynisca's victories, Berenice I may have been the first to break Cynisca's record of being the only woman to win the
four-horse Olympic chariot race (the most prestigious event at the most prestigious festival). Fantuzzi (2004a) suggests
that because Euryleonis was not a princess, she was not a worthy opponent for Berenice I (398-399n.151).
120 According to Fantuzzi (2004a), the mention of Cynisca “offered Berenice a very particular kind of kudos”(398). He
says that “the epigram's explicit reference to Kynisca and the claim that the kudos of that queen had been eclipsed
allows Berenice I to have entered and won not so much a contest with the 'private citizens' competing at Olympia, but
rather the diachronic competition [with] the queenly Kynisca, one of the few 'peers' of the queen Berenice to be found
within previous Greek history” (398). Fantuzzi points out that Cynisca was an “ideal term of comparison for the new
figure of the queen” (398). As Fantuzzi explains, Berenice's comparison to Cynisca would have been useful for
establishing her (Berenice's) legitimacy. Fantuzzi notes that Sparta was a useful Greek parallel for the Ptolemies, just as
“Pindar also seems to have exploited connections between the Spartan kingship and the absolute rulers of his age in
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order to establish as legitimate the authority of the latter” (397-8). Fantuzzi mentions another parallel: after Cynisca's
death, she was heroised and she received a heroon and, after Berenice I's death, she was deified with a shrine called the
Berenikeion. Fantuzzi explains that Berenice needed to be deified because she lacked the divine lineage from Zeus,
which was claimed by Ptolemy Soter, and he suggests that “the comparison of [Berenice] to Kynisca appears to have
had the effect of implying or supplying a good reason for her divinisation” (399).
121 AB 78 also praises male victors from the royal family, although the epigram primarily commemorates the victory of
Berenice II. Bennett offers a possible explanation for the lack of other victory epigrams for royal men in the Hippika.
According to Bennett, Ptolemy II didn't want tip his hand as to a choice of heir and so he didn't betroth his daughter,
Berenice II, to any of her brothers. Bennett (2010) suggests that this policy accounts for the “striking omission of his
sons from the epigrams attributed to Posidippus” (96). AB 76 (for Etearchus) also refers to Ptolemy I and Ptolemy II.
Etearchus' epigram lists his victories at the Ptolemeia, as well as the Isthmian and Nemean festivals. As Kosmetatou
(2004) explains, the Ptolemeia was instituted by Ptolemy II in memory of Ptolemy I (236). This is another example of
the Ptolemies inserting themselves into the Panhellenic equestrian tradition.
122 Nisetich (2005) 59n.88.3.
123 Nisetich (2005)explains that Eordaea is in western Macedonia and the ancestral home of Ptolemy I (59n.88.4).
124 In his comments for an earlier version of this paper, Greg Thalmann explained that AB 88.5-6 “might suggest that a
female victory is remarkable (“great” as Philadelphus's and Soter's victories are not).” Thalmann also mentioned that
“the emphatic το ῦτο μέγα makes it possible that the males' victories may be called 'great' but the woman's is genuinely
great—i.e. 'great' is being redefined.”
125 Cynisca's victories took place in 396 and 392 BCE. Berenice's Olympic victory was probably a little more than a
hundred years later, perhaps in 284 (Bennett 2010, 93 and Bing 2002/3, 253n.23).
126 Κατέλυσα (line 3) may have an equestrian implication, since this word often refers to unyoking a horse or loosening it
from the bridle.
127 For the honor reflected on the cities of Panhellenic victors, see notes 28 and 115 above.
128 Hippostratus' claim that he was victorious two times at the same Pythian games seems to refer to one event, in this case
a stadion (line 2) for horses. The difference between this race and the keles (mounted horse race) is unclear. The stadion
usually refers to a footrace (Kyle 1987, 179ff.), but stadion can also refer to a measure of distance (Kyle 92-93). I have
not encountered any scholarship that interprets the stadion in AB 71 as anything other than a horse race and several
other epigrams from the Hippika also refer to a stadion in a horse-racing context (AB 78.4, 82.2, and 86.3). However, it
also seems possible that Hippostratus' double victory might refer to his own win in the stadion (line 2, in this case a
footrace) and that of his horse, Fiery, in the keles (implied from μουνοκέλης, line 1).
129 Successful horses were famous and a number of their names survive (Miller 2004, 76, 79 and Miller 2004a, 56-57).
130 Nicholson (2005) discusses horses whose names appear in the odes of Pindar. According to Nicholson, the fact that the
horse is named suggests that “the horse is a respected member of the owner's household” 110-111).
131 As Nisetich (2005) explains, the Scopadae refers to “a powerful Thessalian clan, famed for their patronage of the great
fifth-century poet Simonides, who wrote victory odes and dirges for them” (59n.83.2).
132 The horses in AB 71and AB 86 are both called “Fiery” (Α ἴ θων), although the horse in AB 87 is “Fiery from Messenia.”
133 Fantuzzi (2004) explains that non-royal victors in the Hippika are celebrated for their own accomplishments and the
specific details of their victories are given as explanations for their fame. They must establish and record their own
fame. Royal victors, on the other hand, are able to take their fame for granted without further explanation (217-221).
According to Fantuzzi, the individual royal victories in the Hippika celebrate “the super-individual equestrian glory
encompassing the entire dynasty—a glory which had to be seen as proof for the continuous presence of divine favor and
of dynastic “identity” which the Ptolemies like to show perpetuated in their lives” (220-221).
134 As Scanlon (2002) notes, excellent achievements alone are not adequate for fame. Other conditions must be present,
such as work (ponos), expense (dapana), and risk (kindunos). He says “expenditure of effort and resources,
accompanied by innate excellence, are therefore required to attain victory and win fame” (18). For the value of listing
any special qualifications of a victory, such as being the first from one's country to win or winning by a hair, see
Scanlon (2002) 11. Kurke (1991) discusses references to wealth and effort in the victory odes of Pindar. She explains
athletic competition as a kind of potlach, involving the “competitive expenditure of self and property” (99, 111, for
example).
135 The effort of the horse would have been seen as reflecting the effort of the owner. As I will explain later in this paper,
giving credit to the horses did not detract from the victory of the owner. The horses reflected the excellence of the
owner and, in a sense, they can be seen as extensions of the owner or “standing-in” for their owner.
136 Scanlon (2002) explains that “the prestige of the contest, real or symbolic value of the prize, fierceness of the
competition, and past record of victories all determined the qualifications of fame. This Greek athletes, particularly in
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the Hellenistic and Roman eras, delighted in listing on victory inscriptions any special qualifications of their victories,
namely winning by a “walkover” (akoniti), without drawing a bye, without a fall, as the first of one's countrymen, with
multiple victories in different events on the same day, and so on” (11).
137 According to Pausanias, the final turn in the Olympic hippodrome had an altar to Taraxippos (“disturber of horses”). He
says that “it is in the shape of a round altar and there the horses are seized by a strong and sudden fear for no apparent
reason, and from the fear comes a disturbance. The chariots generally crash and the charioteers are injured. Therefore
the drivers offer sacrifices and pray to Taraxippos to be propitious to them” (6.20.15, trans. Scanlon 2002). The idea of
Taraxippos seems to have a modern parallel. Jockeys often refer to a similar phenomenon during the final turn of a race.
The noise and pressure from the crowd is like a brick wall or a force and it sometimes causes the horses to panic. For
more about Taraxippos, see Miller (2004) 81-82 and Scanlon (2002) 310-314.
138 Scanlon (2002) 18.
139 As Nicholson (2003 and 2005) explains, victory odes and dedications usually erase the charioteers and jockeys from
the record. Sometimes the charioteers and jockeys are ignored and the excellence of the horses is emphasized instead. In
other instances, the owner is depicted as the driver of winning horses, even when a charioteer was certainly used. There
are several victory odes, however, that acknowledge or emphasize the role of the charioteer. For example, several
charioteers are mentioned in Pindar's victory odes (Nicholson 2005, 42-81). According to Nicholson (2005), if the
charioteer is part of the horse-owner's family or circle of friends (ongoing gift-exchange relationship), acknowledging
the charioteer's role in a victory does not detract from the owner's claims to victory. For similar reasons, giving credit to
the horses does not detract from the owner's victory since the horses are members of his household and, in a sense, they
participate in a relationship of exchange with their owner (2005, 110-115). Nicholson (2005) explains that the charioteer
becomes a problem for aristocratic ideology when he is hired. Nicholson explains that aristocratic athletes (in this case,
horse owners) used their victories “to demonstrate that they possessed certain superior qualities by virtue of their birth
(qualities that made them better rulers as better athletes)” (48). Nicholson (2005) says that “bringing in a charioteer
from outside the victor's circle threw the spotlight on an outsider, making him central to the victory and deflecting
attention away from any particular virtues the victor might have possessed. It suggested that the victor's supposedly
inherited qualities—divine favor, intelligence, and character—were less important than some driver who might work for
anyone”(48). He does not specifically mention the character and virtues associated with horsemanship (also important
for aristocratic ideology) or the link between horsemanship and legitimacy of rule, but it seems especially appropriate in
this context. Aristocratic ideology would have been threatened, if horse owners acknowledged that outsiders (maybe
non-Greeks) possessed the character traits and virtues that were associated with horsemanship and legitimacy of rule
(such as sophrosune).
140 It is possible that, although Berenice II's charioteer/jockey and her horses are ignored in her epigrams, dedicatory
statues (if they existed) may have depicted her horses and acknowledged a charioteer or jockey. Cynisca's epigram,
which is inscribed on her sculpture, also ignores her use of a charioteer. However, her dedicatory sculpture prominently
depicted a charioteer along with the horses and Cynisca herself (Pausanias 6.1.6-7). It is worth considering that the
Hippika may have been composed as inscriptions for dedicatory statues, like that of Cynisca's victory dedication in
Olympia. This possibility is discussed by Fantuzzi (2005, 267-8).
141 The close relationship between horse and owner reflects horsemanship, which is as much a mark of character and
nobility as wealth already for Homeric heroes and their horses (for example, see Iliad 8.185-190, 17.426-440). Also see
Nicholson (2005) 111 ff.
142 Κομιδή refers to care and maintenance, not just the feeding of horses. This implies effort and skill and is separate from
the expenditure of money. Expenditure (δαπάνη) usually is praiseworthy (for example, see Pindar's Pythian Ode 5.106
and Isthmian Ode 1.42). But, it is unlikely that excessive expenditure is praiseworthy if the spender goes broke. Such
financial decisions might undermine the representation of a virtuous and self-controlled horse owner. But, it also seems
unlikely that Posidippus would criticize Euthymachus in an epigram that is supposed to praise his accomplishments.
Perhaps Posidippus emphasizes the fact that horse keeping has taken a serious financial toll on Euthymachus because
this allows him (Euthymachus) to appear less wealthy and therefore a less likely target for of the envy of others.
Euthymachus's struggle (in this case, the financial aspect of caring for his horses) also might highlight Euthymachus's
direct participation in his victory.
143 According to Nisetich (1980), the Alpheus was often used by Pindar as a way of referring to the Olympic games (337).
It is natural to assume that sweaty horses might have been washed in this river after they raced at Olympia. This scene
(of horse-washing) appears throughout Greek literature. For example, at the beginning of Callimachus' Bath of Pallas,
Athena's horsemanship is emphasized. Although she is filthy from battle, Athena does not wash herself until she has
unyoked and washed her own horses (lines 5-12). Following Callimachean style, this poem utilizes small-scaler and
natural means of praise (Aetia 1.1-38). It seems clear that Callimachus' short description of Athena's horsemanship,
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which illustrates her nobility and character, is consistent with this style. The horse-washing reference in AB 84 may
serve a similar purpose.
144 Homeric heroes in the Iliad consistently care for their own horses or at least consider the care of their horses, first. The
heroes do no eat or rest until the horses have been unyoked and fed (see notes 95, 141, 144, 167).
145 For example, Athena and Poseidon are closely associated with horses and horsemanship in Pindar's thirteenth Olympian
Ode (see Hubbard 1986). Pindar's second Pythian ode claims that Hieron learned horsemanship skills from the gods
(P.2.5-12). In the Iliad, Nestor says that Zeus and Poseidon taught his son, Antilochus, all kinds of horsemanship
( ἱ πποσύνας ἐδίδαξαν παντοίας, 23.307).
146 I acknowledge that my interpretation of AB 84 (as a demonstration of horsemanship) may be incorrect. Specifically, I
have considered that Phylopidas' washing of his horse in the Alpheus could be some sort of metaphor for victory and
not a reference to horse care. So far, I have been unable to find evidence that clarifies this issue.
147 Nicholson (2005) explains that “in the fifth century, to win with horses that one had bred and raised in one's own stables
had become a special source of pride” (115).
148 See note 137 above.
149 Several epigrams from the Hippika (AB 72, 74, and 83) also seem to refer to dedicatory statues. As Fantuzzi (2005)
explains, it is unclear whether or not these epigrams were composed as inscriptions for such statues (267-8). Fantuzzi
(2004) also explains that commemorative monuments usually depicted the horses and he suggests that this is one reason
for the epigrams' emphasis on the role of the horses (214-5).
150 In a four-horse team, the middle pair of horses was harnessed to a yoke, which was fastened to the chariot. The outer
two horses were trace horses. The right hand tracer was the fastest horse in the group (Miller 2004, 76, Swaddling 1999,
85).
151 It seems that the charioteer was acknowledged in the dedicatory sculpture, if one existed, which is unusual. It would be
less unusual if Callicrates depicted himself as the charioteer and he may have done so. Nevertheless, the epigram
focuses almost exclusively on the efforts of his mare and her victory. Three other horses would have participated in the
four-horse team, but they are barely acknowledged.
152 Nicholson (2005) acknowledges that aristocratic ideology was not threatened if credit was given to the horses. He
makes a persuasive argument that racehorses were members of the household and they were participants in an exchange
relationship with their owners. Nicholson suggests that this is why the owner's victory was not diminished if the horses
received credit. This is consistent with his explanation regarding the few charioteers that are named in Pindar's victory
odes. Nicholson says that the owner's victories are not diminished by the recognition of charioteers in these cases
because the charioteers clearly do not have a “hired” status (see note 139). While Nicholson makes an excellent
argument regarding the charioteers, I do not think this adequately explains the varying levels of credit that are
distributed between horse and owner. The representations of horses do not parallel those of charioteers. For example,
there do not seem to be any victory odes that credit a charioteer with the entire victory. It seems that an additional
explanation is required for horses, who on more than one occasion are credited with the entire victory. I suggest that the
addition of horsemanship to Nicholson's argument would provide an explanation that is entirely consistent with
aristocratic ideology.
153 According to Nicholson (2005), racehorses traditionally were part of the owner's household from birth and they were
not usually purchased. Alcibiades' purchase of racehorses from Argos (around 416) is the first recorded purchase of
horses for competition. Following this period, it became more common for owners to purchase horses for competition.
Although practices had changed by the Hellenistic period, the ideological value of equestrian victory seems to have
remained relatively consistent. The tradition of race horses being bred, trained, and raced by the same owner, the close
connection between horse and owner, and the horse's ability to reflect the excellence of this owner would have been part
of this ideology. The Hippika's emphasis on horsemanship, the melding of horse and owner for credit purposes, and the
epigrams' specific claims that they are following the Greek equestrian tradition support this claim (95-116).
154 A similar concept is mentioned by Bing (2002/3, 250). Koenen (1993) also mentions this idea in his discussion about
the Lock of Berenice (104ff,104n.194, 105). In this case, he is discussing winds, horses, and the transportation of souls
to heaven.
155 In several previous papers, I have argued that horses frequently “stand in” for their owners/riders in Greek literature and
art. This practice may have originated in the Near East. As I discussed in a 2006 paper (“Fish Gods and Horse Kings”),
the horses of Assyrian kings frequently are depicted with attributes of kingship and they effectively stand in for the
kings. Assyrian art often depicts kings stepping on the heads of conquered people (the act of stepping up, on a hill or on
a person, is a sign of dominance). When the king is mounted or sitting in his chariot (and he can't step on things in this
way), his horses take over this role and they effectively stand-in for the king. In a recent paper (“Gender Play and
Boundary Crossing in Posidippus's Hippika”), I suggested that victorious horses frequently stand-in for their owners in
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Classical Greek and Hellenistic victory epigrams, since praising a horse is equivalent to praising its owner. Another
example of a horse taking on the attributes of kingship is the horned horse that frequently appears on coins of Seleucus I
(see Miller and Walters 2004 for the argument that the horned horse is not Alexander the Great's horse, Bucephalus, as
most scholars suggest). Horses seem to stand in for their owners and riders in Roman art, as well. Roman emperors
often are depicted stepping on conquered barbarians (see Brilliant 1963, 193, fig.4.80, for example). When the
individual is mounted, his horse seems to stand in for him by stepping on the barbarian, illustrating his rider's victory. I
also have argued that it is common for horses to mirror their riders in Roman art, such as when gesticulating horsemen
raise their right hands in the conventional manner and their (standing) horses mirror this gesture with their right front
legs raised, as well, and in a manner that does not indicate forward motion (see Brilliant 1963 for the gesticulate
horsemen motif). In such examples, a harmonious relationship is implied, since the horse and rider are acting in unison.
Bonnefoy (1991) also has discussed the horse as a substitute for the hero in the Iliad. She explains that the horse is
simultaneously the hero's extension and his double (Bonnefoy 130). In short, this trend (of horses standing in for and
mirroring owners or riders) seems to be well-established throughout antiquity. It also seems clear that such images
portray harmonious relationships between horses and riders (or owners) and this necessarily reflects horsemanship
ideology.
156 For example, Patroclus has a close relationship with his horses and they weep for him when he dies (Iliad 17.426-440,
23.280-284). For the ideological value of depicting a close relationship between horses and owners, see Nicholson
(2005) 110-111, 114-115. For Hellenistic interest in Homer, see Alcock (1997). As Scheer (2003) explains, Hellenistic
kings benefited greatly from emphasizing their Greekness and inserting themselves retroactively into traditions of the
Greek past.
157 Kosmetatou (2004) 233-241, 246 and Scheer (2003).
158 Nicholson (2005) points out that Pherenicus brings victory to his master (δεσπ όταν, line 22). Nicholson explains that
this word refers the head of the entire household and therefore the horse is part of the household. Nicholson says that
this implies a close connection between the horse and owner (111). I would suggest that the reference to Hieron as a
“horse-loving king” ( ἱ πποχάρμαν, line 23) might also indicate horsemanship and a close bond between horse and
owner.
159 Specifically, he crowns Ortygia, which refers to an island off Syracuse (Campbell 1992, 230n.1).
160 See Nisetich (1980) 174-5. According to Pindar's fourth Pythian ode, the founders of Kyrene had sea-faring roots. But,
when they settled in Kyrene, they exchanged dolphins for horses and oars for reins (P.4.17-18).
161 Katharos seems to imply his inherited pure blood along with his inherited excellence.
162 The specific reference to unbroken reins is important because the leather reins would have probably been the first thing
to break in any sort of scuffle during the race. The ode is very clear that Arkesilas won and, although his victory was
not easy, he came through the race without a mark.
163 Sophos probably refers to skill as well as cleverness. When Nestor gives racing advice to his son (Iliad, Book 23), he
emphasizes the importance of cleverness during the race (metis, 23.315, 316, 318). The fastest horses do not always
win.
164 As Fantuzzi (2005) points out, Ptolemaic kings in the Hippika only claim to have set records that are unbeatable (254
ff.).
165 For more about the “manly” virtues associated with horsemanship, see notes 18 and 19. For the masculine venue of
chariot racing, see Stephens 2004, 69-70. Stephens suggests that the Hippika reverses the competition world of men into
a competition world of women (2004, 70). I disagree with Stephens' claim. Equestrian competition and use of the
equestrian motif did not lose popularity or value for men as a result of female inclusion. Also, the ideology of
horsemanship and the equestrian victor motif are unchanged, aside from the fact that women are honored as well as
men. Rather than taking over or altering a formerly “male” activity (i.e. it is no longer male), women are participating
on an equal level with men in traditionally “male” equestrian activity.
166For example, Pindar refers to hippotrophia as a Panhellenic custom ( ἱ πποτροφίας τε νομίζων ἐν Πανελλάνων ν όμ ῳ ,
Isthmian 2.38). For the importance of the Athenian cavalry tradition, see Steiner (2005). The theme of horsemanship is
also embedded in Greek mythology (representations of gods and heroes), literature, and art. For example, see Spence
(1993) 112, 188-191, 194-202, 207-8, 219, 231-271. For athletic practices and participation in Panhellenic competitions
as demonstrations of Greek ethnicity, see note 4 above and Polybius 27.9.7-13.
167 Homer's Iliad depicts horsemanship as a noble activity. Numerous individuals are described by their horsemanship skill:
Nestor is often called “hippota nestor,” the Trojans (along with others such as Hector and Diomedes) are frequently
called “hippodamon,” and Eumelus is “hipposune.” Many heroes in the Iliad also demonstrate horsemanship skills and
horsemanlike character. For example, when Nestor advises his son about how he can compete with slow horses, his
suggestions require the concept of sophrosune, since Antilochus must check his horses with a steady hand so that he can
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make tight turns safely, rather than allowing his horses to run fast, but out of control (23.306-348). In addition, heroes
constantly think of and care for their horses before themselves, such as when they unyoke and feed their horses before
eating themselves (for example, 8.503-504, 543ff, 10.566-569, 18.243-245, 23.27). Even women participate:
Andromache cares for the horses before her husband (8.185-190). Sometimes heroes hand their horses over to
attendants, although there is still an indication that they are considering the well-being of their horses. The gods seem to
be involved with the preparation and care of their horses, as well (for example, 8.41-50 and 8.440-441). Patroclus is
particularly close to his horses. He is said to have cared for them himself, often washing them and pouring oil on their
manes (23. 280-284). I have only provided a few examples to illustrate my point that horsemanship (including horse-
care) is a noble activity and individuals can participate and demonstrate the virtues of horsemanship without competing
themselves (as Nestor does in Book 23).
168 For example, see notes 12 and 40 above.
169 For example, see Koenen (1994) 45-46, n.50 for horsemanship as a mark of Greekness. Also see note 170 below for
transmission of classical Greek horsemanship.
170 For example, see Loch (1990) 26-37, esp. 29-31. Greek horsemanship ideology consistently assumes Xenophon's
theories about horsemanship and the character and virtue required for the practice of good horsemanship. This
“classical” horsemanship ideology has been transmitted in a relatively consistent manner throughout antiquity and it
seems to have retained its associations with Xenophon and ancient Greece. Numerous horsemanship references in
Greek, Roman, and Byzantine art and literature reflect the same (classical) ideology of horsemanship and this is also the
case following Xenophon's “revival” in early modern Europe. For example, ideal horsemanship practices, as described
by Xenophon, are maintained to some extent in the Roman context (for example, see Arrian's Ars Tactica and Virgil's
Georgics III.75-91 and 185-201). The Hippiatrica, which refers to a Byzantine compilation of veterinary texts, provides
additional evidence for my claim that classical horsemanship practices, as they are explained by Xenophon, remain
relatively consistent (ideologically, at least) throughout antiquity. According to Anne McCabe, the Hippiatrica can be
dated with some confidence to the fifth or sixth century C.E. (McCabe 2007, 1, 261-263). This text reflects a strong
interest in the classical theory of horsemanship, specifically as it is described in the works of Xenophon and Simon (for
Simon's influence on Xenophon, see note 16 below). At the time of the Hippiatrica's compilation, Xenophon and Simon
are still regarded as authorities on horsemanship (McCabe 2007, 3-4, n.4, 86, 136-8, 181, 194-201, 215, 220-221, 279,
286). Xenophon and Simon are mentioned as authorities on a variety of matters regarding horse care and general
horsemanship, including conformation, the importance of checking a horse's hooves, and grooming (McCabe 2007,
195-200). There are numerous indications that classical horsemanship principles, as taught by Xenophon and Simon,
remained consistent (ideologically, at least) in the years leading up the compilation of the Hippiatrica (McCabe 2007,
86, 95, esp. 194-201, and 215). Although the Hippiatrica does not include training texts, the importance of moderation
in every aspect of horsemanship is emphasized and this is consistent with classical horsemanship practices (McCabe
2007, 163-4, 192, 197, 197n.72, 200, 212, and 248). Xenophon and Simon continue to be associated with the theory that
good horsemanship does not involve force (McCabe 2007, 200-201). Xenophon's statement that “nothing in excess is
ever pleasing either to horse or man” (Art of Horsemanship, X.14) seems to have become a common cliche for
horsemen by this time (see McCabe 2007, 212 and n.23). In short, the Hippiatrica demonstrates that, during the fifth
and sixth centuries C.E., classical horsemanship theories were transmitted consistently, and these theories retained their
association with classical Greece. For this reason, it is reasonable to consider the teachings of Xenophon and classical
horsemanship practices and ideology when considering horsemanship representations in other periods and other
contexts, such as my discussion of the Hippika in Ptolemaic Egypt.
171 The horse motif can also foster a sense of unity, since the horse is a nearly universal symbol of power, wealth, virtue,
divine favor, and political legitimacy. Horses are valued by many cultures and equestrian imagery carries a certain
amount of universal symbolism (see Chamberlin 2006, 199-242 and Kelekna 2009).
172 For example, see Hyland (2003) and Kyle (2007) 23ff..
173 Fantuzzi (2005) 250-251, Golden (1998) 88, Kosmetatou (2004) 226-7, 231, 241-3, 246, Kyle (2007) 246-250, Ma
(2003) 181-6, Remijsen (2009), and Scheer (2003) 218ff. For the value of Panhellenic equestrian victory in establishing
the legitimacy of tyrants and kings during the Classical and Hellenistic periods, see Kyle (2007) 232-250. Ptolemaic
equestrian victories also were consistent with the pharaonic horse-racing tradition and enhanced the Ptolemies' claim
that they were the successors of the pharaohs (Fantuzzi 2005, 250-1). For more about the political symbolism of
equestrian imagery, see Landry (2008) 26-35, Tucker (2005) 273-309, and van Orden (2005) 198-222. See
Mihalopoulos (2009) esp. 278-9 for the value of equestrian images as visual propaganda. For the horse in Ptolemaic
royal images, see Ma (2003) 189-191.
174 Fantuzzi (2004a) 390, 394-5, Fantuzzi (2005) 251-2, Stephens (2004) 65-6, Stephens (2005) 234-5, and Thompson
(2005) 267ff.
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175 According to Fantuzzi (2005), equestrian victory was especially useful for establishing the legitimacy of Ptolemaic
queens (253ff.). Fantuzzi (2004a) explains that “military victory was, of course, perceived as one of the most self-
evident proofs of the qualities and claims of Hellenistic royalty, but the arena of was...off limits for women. It is for this
reason that victory in the races of the great Panhellenic festivals assumed such importance for queens who wished to
spread their fame and prove their power” (378 and see Fantuzzi 2005, 263-4). For the value of military superiority
regarding legitimacy to rule, see Ma (2003) 187-191. For the value of emphasizing royal women in establishing
Ptolemaic legitimacy to rule, see Carney (2000) 209ff. and 225-228.
176 It is reasonable to consider that non-royal women may have been influenced by the activities of Hellenistic queens (see
Thompson 2006, 96-98, Fantham 1994, 155ff.). However, equestrian activities would have been possible only for
wealthy and elite women during the Hellenistic period. For the wealth controlled by Hellenistic queens, see Pomeroy
(1984) 13ff.
177 For Callicrates' connection to the Ptolemaic court, see Bing (2002/3) and Fantuzzi (2004) 219n.21.
178 Pomeroy (1994) discusses some instances in which animals are treated as humans in Greek literature and she points out
that “anthropomorphization is the stuff of comedies” (309-310). The comic aspect seems to change somewhat in some
of the examples from Hellenistic literature. In the case of horses, perhaps this is s result of horses increasingly “standing
in” for their owners in contexts that have no comic element.
179 See note 150.
180 The mare is described as ἀ κεραίων when she picks up the rod (line 7). Austin and Bastianini translate ἀ κεραίων as “in
pure innocence.” This word can also mean “pure” or “unmixed” and it can imply “pure in blood” according to Liddell
and Scott. Perhaps ἀ κεραίων refers to the mare's bloodline. Ἀ κεραίων can also mean “guileless” and perhaps this is
intended to offset the mare's apparent intelligence and cleverness by making the mare's actions seem more playful and
less deliberate. This would prevent the mare from appearing excessively superior to the male horses in the race.
181 Such a victory, which is entirely the result of the mare's initiative, is not unprecedented. Pausanias describes a race (ca.
512 BC) in which “Aura,” a Corinthian mare owned by Pheidolas, threw her jockey but completed the race on her own
and won. Her owner received the crown and he dedicated a statue of his mare (Pausanias 6.13.9 and Miller 2004(a) 57).
There are other examples of Hellenistic epigrams that personify horses in a similar manner. One example is an epigram
(probably from the first century BCE) that commemorates a victory by Parmenion, in which his horse (a filly) throws
her jockey, but finishes the course and is victorious on her own (A.P. XIII 18 and Greek Anthology, Loeb edition, V ol. V ,
p.10-13).
182 Romero (2004) suggests that δειν ὴ θήλεια might be a variation of δειν ὸς ἀ νήρ, which was a well-known phrase with an
epic flavor. He suggests that the gender is reversed to emphasize the virtues displayed by Callicrates' mare and that the
phrase, μετ ᾽ ἄ ρσεσιν (line 9), emphasizes that her male rivals lack these virtues (79 and 79n.12-13).
183 A sharp contrast to AB 74 can be found in book 23 (407-409) of the Iliad, when Antilochus encourages his male team
of horses to work harder by warning them that it will be shameful ( ἐλεγχείην, line 408) if they lose to Aithe, who is a
mare (Α ἴ θη θ ῆλυς ἐο ῦσα, line 409). As in AB 74, there is a clear contrast between the male and female horses in this
race (23. 375-378). Like the mare in AB 74, Aithe's special qualities are emphasized: not only is Aithe “fair-maned”
(καλλίτριχος, line 525), but she also has a brave/noble spirit (μένος ἠὺ, line 524). See Romero (2004) 79. Kyle (2003)
also discusses this example from Homer (190 and 202n.77-79).
184 Romero (2004) suggests that “the image of the brave mare is somehow paralleled with the victories of the Ptolemaic
Princesses and Queens...” in the Hippika. He points out that their femininity is emphasized as well (79).
185 Animal attributes are often used by Hellenistic rulers to signify their connection with the gods (Smith 1988, 38-45).
Boundary crossing between the human and animal realms also is a common feature of Egyptian religion (Bonnefoy
1991, 219-222, 229, 249).
186 The epigram (4
th
/3rd century BCE) reads as follows: “This tomb Damis built for his steadfast war-horse pierced through
the breast by gory Ares. The black blood bubbled through his stubborn hide, and he drenched the earth in his sore death-
pangs” (A.P. VII 208 and Greek Anthology, Loeb edition, V ol. II, p.118-19, trans. Paton 1916). For more about Anyte of
Tegea, see Fantham, et.al. 1994, 166-7.
187 The epigram (4
th
/3rd century B.C.) reads as follows: “Stranger, say that this is the tomb of wind-footed Aethyia, a child
of the dry land, lightest of limb; often toiling over the long course, she, like a bird, traveled as far as do the ships” (A.P.
VII 212 and Greek Anthology, Loeb edition, V ol. II, p. 120-21, trans. Paton 1916).
188 For example, see A.P. IX 19, A.P. IX 20, and A.P. IX 21 (Greek Anthology, Loeb edition, V ol. III, p. 12-13).
189 For example, see Griffith (2006) 198 and 203-205.
190 AP. v. 202 =AB 127
191 I will refer to translations of AP. v. 202 and 203 as they appear in Cameron's text (1995, 239-240, 515).
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192 Κο ῦφα (line 4) is also used to describe Callicrates' mare in AB 74. According to Romero (2004), it is clear from AB 74
that κο ῦφα is related to equestrian activity as well as erotic activity (79 and 79 n.11). For additional discussion about
AP v. 203, see Gutzwiller (1998) 126-7, 133.
193 Πορφυρέην μάστιγα κα ὶ ἡνία σιγαλ όεντα (AP v. 202.1). Σιγαλ όεντα is a common description for reins in the Iliad
(for example, 5.226 and 328, 8.116 and 137, 11.128, 17.479). For the significance of purple, see and Cameron (1995)
242 and Smith (1988) 34 and 38.
194 The reference to Cypris does not necessarily establish an entirely erotic context for AP v.202. As Carney explains, the
cults of both courtesans and royal wives (such as Berenice I and Arsinoe II) were associated with Aphrodite. The power
of courtesans and royal wives ultimately came from their sexual relationship with the kings. Aphrodite was a popular
association for royal wives and courtesans because she highlighted their sexuality and domesticity and made the power
of these women more accessible. Carney (2000) explains the need to imagine power as both male and female (219-225,
321n.82). Pomeroy (1984) discusses additional reasons for Aphrodite's popularity, including her dual nature and her
association with territory that was controlled by the Ptolemies (30-38). For the association between Aphrodite and
horses, see Burkert (1979). Burkert discusses a temple of Aphrodite in the Hippolyteion in Troezen and a sanctuary of
“Aphrodite at Hippolytus” (Aphrodite epi Hippolyto(u)). He suggests that this refers to the place and time where horses
were unharnessed. Burkert also discusses the depiction of Aphrodite on the front pieces of horse-harnesses (112-118).
195 Philaenis is described as very warlike (πολύχαρμον, line 3).
196 According to Cameron (1995), Plango defeats Philaenus with her horse (κέλητι, line 3). In this case, it is interesting
that the horse (her lover) is simply the means by which Plango defeats another woman (240). However, in his comments
for an earlier version of this paper, Greg Thalmann pointed out that κέλητι might be a modal dative, in which case this
word simply means “in the keles (race).”
197 Cameron (1995) explains that ἡνία are always the reins yoked to chariots in Homer and he says that the image of a
charioteer “destroys the image of a woman astride a man that has so far been assumed to be the raison d'etre of the
poem” (241). Cameron points out that the erotic metaphor, which is consistent in AP v.203, fails in AP v. 202. Although
these epigrams are generally interpreted as erotic poems and not references to actual equestrian victories, Cameron
suggests that it would not be surprising if these epigrams turned out to celebrate actual equestrian victories. He points
out that we have an example of a hetaira, who won a real chariot race: Bilistiche (hetaira of Ptolemy Philadelphus) won
Olympic chariot races in 268 and 264 BCE (239-246). Also see Pomeroy (1984) 53-55.
198 Renehan (1987) also recognizes this reference to Athena's horsemanship (244). He points out that Athena's
prioritization of the care of her horses is consistent with Xenophon's recommendations (Art of Horsemanship, 4.1).
199 Throughout Greek literature and art, horsemanship (including horse care) was treated as a mark of nobility. Xenophon
expects horse owners to have a well-rounded knowledge and understanding of horsemanship (Art of Horsemanship and
Cavalry Commander). For example, active participation in horse care was not treated as menial or beneath the dignity
of heroes in Homer's Iliad (see notes 95, 141, 144, 167).
200 Stephens (2003) 75
201 For example, see Cook (1995) 144-5, 185-194, Detienne and Werth (1971), and Hubbard (1986). Also see notes 24 and
58.
202 The image of Athena as a horseman illustrates her nobility and character in a natural and simplistic manner. This is
consistent with Callimachus' style, as outlined in the prologue to the Aetia (I.1-38). Also see note 143 above.
203 Xenophon's Art of Horsemanship (4.1).
204 Gutzwiller (1998) 27.
205 See IGIX.ii.526.19-20.G and Lefkowitz and Fant (2005) 161-162.
206 Tracy and Habicht (1991) 202.
207 Polycrates of Argos was an important Ptolemaic official and the governor or Cyprus (Lefkowitz and Fant 2005,
347n.58). Polycrates won a chariot race, too (see Pomeroy 1984, 43). For more about this elite family and its connection
to the Ptolemaic royal family, see Mooren (1981) 289-301, esp. 290-294.
208 Pomeroy (1984) 23, 42-45, 51, 56 and Tracy and Habicht (1991) 229-230.
209 Pomeroy (2002) 28 and 28n.111, Tracy and Habicht (1991) 213-214.
210 Tracy and Habicht (1991) 213-214). Tracy and Habicht also mention an equestrian victory by Queen Kleopatra II (216)
in their discussion of royal Panathenaic victors (216-217, 232-233).
211 Pomeroy (1975) suggests that the prominence of Hellenistic queens enhanced the status of of non-royal, but wealthy
women. She explains that “the less-restricted movement of queens in spheres of activity formerly reserved for men set a
style that was emulated by some wealthy and aristocratic women” (125).
212 Cameron (1995) 239-246.
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213 Cameron (1995) 239-246. Some features of these epigrams are similar to those found in epigrams for male equestrian
victors. For example, in A.P. VI 246 , Charmus celebrates his Isthmian victory and lists the items that he dedicates to
Poseidon, including his spurs (κέντρα) and whip (μάστιγα) (Greek Anthology, Loeb edition, V ol. I, p. 430-31).
214 See FgrHist257aF6=Oxyrhynchus papyrus 2082.G and Pausanias 5.8.11 (also see Pomeroy 1984, 20, 53-55.) As
Pomeroy (1984) explains, Bilistiche is an unusual name for a Greek. She may have an Argive, Macedonian, or
Phoenician background (54-5). Cameron (1995) also discusses Bilistiche's ancestry, including the strong case for her
Macedonian background (245). For the suggestion that Bilistiche was a rider, see Pomeroy (1984) 20 and Cameron
(1995) 243. For additional discussion about Bilistiche, see Pomeroy (1984) 53-5, 57 and Cameron (1995) 239-246.
215 As Carney (2000) explains, royal courtesans, like royal women, were public figures and their power and wealth set
them apart from other women in the Hellenistic period (224-5).
216 The frequent reference to youth in Berenice II's victory epigrams might indicate some level of participation. AB 78 and
AB 79 refer to Berenice II as a parthenos (παρθένιος, AB 78.10 and παρθένος, 79.1). AB 80 and AB 82 refer to
Berenice II as pais (παιδ ὶ , AB 80.4 and πα ῖ δα, AB 82.4). It seems that young women may have been allowed to
attend athletic festivals (Pausanias 6.20.9, Pomeroy 2002, 22n.79) and the claim that Berenice II won equestrian
victories when she was young may have implied a greater ability to participate, even from the sidelines. Lee (1988)
also links youth to the possibility of participation (105, 113-114n.10).
217 For example, Hedea (ca. 45 AD) won the chariot race in armor at the Isthmian games. According to Lee (1988), Hedea
competed directly in the competition, but he concludes that the field was probably limited to women for this event. Also
see Scanlon (2002) 347n.79, Miller (2004) 153-4, and Pomeroy (1975) 137.
218 Herodotus 4.172-4, Clayman (2014) 16-17, 154, 157, and Pomeroy (1984) 23, 43.
219 See Hyginus's Astronomy 2.24. For the suggestion that Bernice II rode horses on the battlefield, see Fantham (1994)
146, 180n.4 and n.6 and Clayman (2014) 33, 126 and 157. As Fantham (1994) explains, “although Hyginus is not a
trustworthy source, similar stories about Macedonian and Ptolemaic queens riding in combat help to confirm Hyginus's
report about Berenice II.” Fantham (1994) also refers to the “Hellenistic Greek tradition of depicting queens on
horseback” (222), however I have been unable to confirm this tradition. According the Kostuch, “Berenice II replaced
her weakening father and mounted a horse to crush the enemy” (197). For additional discussion of Hellenistic queens in
battle, see Pomeroy (1984) 4-9, 20-23, 25, 43, 99 (esp. Ch. 1), Stephens (2004a) 163ff., and Stephens (2005) 240-3.
According to van Bremen (1996), women were praised for taking on and emulating the roles of men (298). Berenice II
also seems to have exercised real political power, such as when she governed Egypt while her husband was away during
the Third Syrian War (for example, see Fantham 1994, 144 and 148). For Berenice's active role in marriage decisions,
murder, and succession, see Fantham (1994) 145 and Clayman (2014).
220 See note 217 above for the connection between women and horses in Cyrene. For Pheretime and female rule in Cyrene,
see Clayman (2014) 28-29. In addition, Clayman (2014) also explains that the warlike Lemnian women, who appear in
Apollonius's Argonautica, have a connection to Cyrene and Berenice II. According to Clayman, “in book 4 it is
revealed, literally on the Island of Revelation, that the Argonauts' descendants will emigrate from Lemnos to Sparta,
from there to Thera, and come at last to the coast of Libya as the original Greek settlers of Berenice's own Cyrene”
(107). For the warlike nature of the Lemnian women and their appropriation of masculine roles, see Clayman (2014)
105-109. For further discussion about the Lemnian women in Apollonius' Argonautica and blurring and reversal of
gender boundaries, see Thalmann (2011) 71-75, 166, 195. For Cyrene and blurring of spatial boundaries in Apollonius'
Argonautica, see Thalmann (2011) 78-91, for example.
221 For a discussion about symbolic participation by women in battle, see Kostuch (2012).
222 As Llewellyn-Jones (2013) explains, there are several accounts of Arsinoe's involvement in the Battle of Raphia (3
Maccabees 1.1,4 and Polybius 5.83 and 5.84) and the accounts generally agree that Ptolemy IV brought Arsinoe III to
the battlefield and that she addressed the troops, encouraging them to fight bravely (765-767). According to Klotz
(2013), “Arsinoe III famously rode into battle alongside Philopater at Raphia” and, although she is not mentioned in the
Raphia Decree, Arsinoe is depicted on the lunettes of two preserved stelae (56). At the Battle of Raphia, Ptolemy IV
defeats the Seleucid king, Antiochos III. Interestingly, Antiochos's wife, Laodike III, reportedly accompanied him into
battle, as well (Klotz 2013, 56-57). Although there is no definitive proof that Arsinoe III rode into battle, the fact that
Arsinoe III's mother, Berenice II, was born in Cyrene (which had a tradition of female equestrian activity) and reports
that she (Berenice II) rode into battle, suggest that Berenice very well could have inherited the same background in
horsemanship.
223 It is unlikely that someone would ride into battle without being a competent horseman/woman. Battle situations would
have tested the horsemanship of even the most experienced horsemen.
224 As Carney (2000) explains, “Audata, one of the wives of Philip II, her daughter Cynnane, and her granddaughter, Adea
Eurydice, continued an Illyrian tradition of military action by royal women” (14). Also see Carney (2000) 28, 31, 36,
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58, 69, 121-22, 129-30, 132-134, 136-137, 267n.149 and Pomeroy (1984) 3-11 for royal women training for and
participating in warfare. For
225 For example, see Loman (2004) 34-54, Pomeroy (1984) 5-8, 12-13, 20. 122, 175n.10. Also see Mayor (2014) for
mythological and historical evidence for female warriors in the ancient world, many of whom would have had a direct
connection to horses and horsemanship. For precedent of female military participation in Pharaonic Egypt, see Carney
(2001) 25-41.
226 Much of the terminology for equestrian maneuvers is French (levade, piaffe, passage, etc), in part, because of the
abundance of French equestrian literature during the early modern period (Loch 1990, 22, 61). There is not an
equivalent Greek term for the levade, although descriptions of this maneuver and other evidence for its practice appear
in Greek art and literary descriptions.
227 For this description of the levade, see Bryant 2006, 5.
228 Art of Horsemanship XI.3. Xenophon's description of the levade has also been acknowledged by Loch (1990, 29),
Hyland (2003, 34), Anderson (1961, 123-127), and Starke (2010). Many scholars describe the horse on the Raphia Stele
as “prancing” or “rearing.” However, these interpretations do not fully consider the action in which the horse and rider
are engaged or the ideological value of the movement that is depicted. Descriptions such as “rearing” and “prancing”
are misleading, since these actions (by a ridden horse) generally indicate disobedience or resistance (see Hyland 1993,
129, 143 and Raber and Tucker 2005, 18). Literary and artistic evidence from the ancient world consistently praises the
order and discipline required for excellent horsemanship practices and the performance of complex maneuvers. Since
these qualities clearly were admired, it seems unlikely that the unflattering image of a rider on a rearing horse would be
used for self-advertisement. Certainly “rodeo moments” occurred during the training process, but these generally are
not memorialized in art from this period. Some might argue that the depiction of a man riding a “spirited” or “unruly”
horse is praiseworthy because it suggests that the man is skilled enough to stay on a difficult horse. Although reasonable
for some periods and cultures, this argument is inconsistent with the qualities that were admired in ancient Greece, for
example.

Activities such as “prancing” and “rearing” should not be confused with the controlled, collected, and
balanced maneuvers of the levade, which has a very different symbolic value (also see Loch 1990, 68-9 for the
importance of distinguishing collected maneuvers, such as the levade, from “rearing”).
229 Xenophon generally uses ὑπολαμβάνω, when he refers to collection (Cavalry Commander III.14 and Art of
Horsemanship VII.15, VII.16). A “collected” horse is in a state of perfect balance. Although a collected horse takes
shorter strides, this does not mean he is moving more slowly. As Bryant (2006) explains, “a collected horse moves with
just as much energy...but some of that energy goes into the movement itself, making the strides loftier and more
expressive....Because the strides of a horse moving in collection at the trot and canter have more air time, they take on a
certain measured and stately quality known as cadence. A correctly trained horse moving in collection is beautiful to
watch. His cadenced strides are majestic and lofty. His raised head and neck give him a proud and noble look” (95-96,
and Loch 1990, 101-3, 171). It also should be noted that collection cannot be imposed suddenly on a horse. It can only
be achieved once a horse has mastered forward movement with rhythm and relaxation, straightness, and acceptance of
the bit (Bryant, 88-96, 120-1). Collection must be established at the basic gaits (walk, trot, and canter), which can take
years of training. Only then will a horse be prepared to learn highly collected movements, such as the levade. See
Anderson (1961) 118-127, Gaebel (2002) 29-31, and Loch (1990) 26-7, 34 for the importance of collection in battle, as
well as for performance of the exercises described by Xenophon. Many of the exercises and cavalry maneuvers
described by Xenophon would be physically impossible unless the horses had been well-trained in collection. For the
difficulty of training and executing maneuvers, such as the levade, see Tucker (2005) 283-285. Literary and artistic
evidence indicates that the levade was performed in ancient Greece and Rome, along with other movements that require
collection, such as the passage and the piaffe. Passage refers to a collected and elevated trot in which there is a moment
of hesitation between footfalls. The horse takes shorter steps, but these rhythmic and suspended steps are filled with
energy and expression (Bryant 2006, 6, Anderson 1961, 117-119, and Xenophon's Art of Horsemanship, XI.11). The
piaffe, which also requires collection, is essentially the same movement as the passage, but the movement is done in
place without moving forward (Bryant 6, Xenophon's Art of Horsemanship X.15).
230 Loch (1990) 37. Other collected movements, such as the piaffe, had practical military functions in addition to their
display value. For example, the piaffe gathered the horse up, like a spring, for a sudden advance (Loch 37, 44).
231 Llewellyn-Jones (2013) 765-767.
232 This motif, and its classical associations has been discussed at length in the context of Roman art. Brilliant (1963)
points out that military prowess frequently is illustrated by the depiction of conquered barbarians or animals under the
hooves of a “rearing” horse. For the tradition of depicting a conquered animal or barbarian under the horse's hooves, see
Brilliant (1963) 154-161, 181-4, and 194-5. For the hunt as an allegory for the battlefield, see Brilliant 1963, 143-144.
233 The Dexileos Stele (fourth century BC) is a famous example. This monument depicts an Athenian cavalry member,
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Dexileos, and his horse performing the levade above a falling warrior. For details about the stele of Dexileos, see Bugh
(1988) 136ff and Spence (1993) 85-6, 112, 189, 219.
234 Although in this case, there is no enemy under the hooves of the horse, the levade image almost certainly retained its
association with military prowess. This may refer to the levade's practical function in close-combat as well as the
conventional illustration of military victory, in which defeated individuals (or animals) are depicted under the horses'
hooves. For a discussion of the ethnic markers (such as equipment and dress) of this non-royal cavalryman, see Fischer-
Bovet (2014) 129-131.
235 Although cavalry was a key element in the Battle of Raphia, the cavalry forces of Ptolemy IV and Antiochos III were
fairly symmetrical and they neutralized each other. As result, cavalry was not the decisive factor in the battle (Gaebel
2002, 301, Pollard 2010, 448). However, Gaebel (2002) explains that Antiochos III overvalued the effectiveness of his
cavalry and his “single-minded cavalry charges, not coordinated with infantry action, and his failure to engage his
phalanx aggressively probably cost him the victory” (293, also see 240-245).
236 The levade seems to have inspired a popular artistic motif that is repeated consistently throughout Greek art and the
popularity of this motif seems to have continued throughout the Roman, early Christian, and Byzantine periods, as well.
Since Greek horsemanship practices, along with Greek horsemanship ideology, were transmitted in a relatively
consistent manner throughout antiquity, it is likely that the levade would have retained a classicizing flavor for many
viewers. Although the levade most likely was practiced elsewhere (such as in the ancient Near East), this motif most
likely would have retained its associations with classical Greece horsemanship, at least for many viewers (see note 170
above). Motifs that represent collected equestrian maneuvers, such as the levade, maintain their popularity in early
modern Europe, as well, along with their traditional associations with classical horsemanship. Equestrian portraits from
this period frequently depict royal and aristocratic men on horseback, often in mid-performance of an advanced
equestrian maneuver. Many of the equestrian motifs that are used for imperial portraits are strikingly similar to those
found in Greek, Roman, and Early Christian/Byzantine equestrian art (for example, see Liedtke and Moffitt 1981 530-
531, 536, Raber and Tucker 2005, 18-21, Tucker 2005, 273-309, Landry 2009, 155). The symbolic value of these motifs
has been noted, both as references to the “Classical” equestrian tradition (exemplified by the works of Xenophon) and
illustrations of the character and virtue required for establishing legitimacy to rule (see Raber and Tucker 2005, 1-41,
esp. 20-21, Tucker 2005, 273-309, LeGuin 2005, 175-196, Van Orden 2005, 197-222, Loch 1990, 20, 24, 32, 37, 66ff.,
100-101, 204, 206, Edwards 2007, 27-30, 39, Landry 2009, 26-28, Liedtke and Moffitt 1981, 532-537). Interestingly,
this trend also coincides with the “re-discovery” of Xenophon's equestrian treatises (Landry 2009, 20-21, Raber and
Tucker 2005, 9, and LeGuin 2005, 176-7, 184).
237 For example, see Rostovtzeff (1922) esp. 167-68, Scheuble-Reiter (2012) 98-103, and Vandorpe (1997). For the
Ptolemies, maintenance of royal stables (hippotrophia) and veterinarians, see Fischer-Bovet (2014) 128 and 128n.68.
238 Vandorpe (1997) explains that, when she was reading two Greek lists of goods that included horse equipment (P .Lond.II
402 Vo. And P .Heid. G inv.no. 1320², there were a number of hapax legomena and terms that were not usually used in
connection to horses. Both papyri belonged to “the family archive of Dryton son of Pamphilos, the well-known Greek
cavalry officer who worked and lived in Ptolemaic Egypt” (984). Vandorpe discovered that Xenophon's Art of
Horsemanship provided the context for some of the terms and the Zenon archive contained some parallels. Vandorpe
concluded: “Thus the comparative material for the papyrus losts of the Greek cavalry officer Dryton (or his son
Esthladas) was found mainly in a Greek environment, not only in Ancient Greece (Xenophon's writings and
archaeological material), but also in Ptolemaic Egypt (the Zenon archive and Petrie Wills, both archives of the 3
rd
cent.
BC)” (984). Also see Fischer-Bovet (2014) 128-129.
239 For images from Pharaonic Egypt that depict chariot horses with conquered enemies underneath their hooves, see
Spalinger (2010) 439, 443, for example. Also see note 155 above for my suggestion that the chariot horses are standing
in for their drivers.
240 According to my research so far, this seems to be the case. However, I am aware that my suggestion may be incorrect.
241 The political value of the levade motif has been well-established. Throughout history, horsemanship has indicated
legitimacy to rule. For example, horsemanship motifs (such as the levade, piaffe, and passage: see notes 73 and 229
above) are popular in imperial art (during antiquity, as well as in modern Europe), since they indicate a ruler's virtue,
self-mastery, and legitimacy to rule. For the symbolic value of equestrian motifs, both as references to the “Classical”
equestrian tradition (exemplified by the works of Xenophon) and illustrations of the character and virtue required for
establishing legitimacy to rule, see Raber and Tucker (2005) 1-41, esp. 20-21, Tucker (2005) 273-309, LeGuin (2005)
175-196, Van Orden (2005) 197-222, Loch (1990) 20, 24, 32, 37, 66ff., 100-101, 204, 206, Edwards (2007) 27-30, 39,
Landry (2009) 26-28, Liedtke and Moffitt (1981) 532-537. As Raber and Tucker (2005) point out, the demonstration of
good horsemanship (actual performance or artistic depictions) had powerful political implications, since “to be seen
controlling a horse indicated one's fitness to control or rule others” (20-21). In particular, they explain that “the
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portrayal of a monarch or a nobleman on a horse in the levade suggested not only the rider's control of his mount but
also the rider's control of his Self. Anyone who hoped to manage the natural instincts of so huge and powerful and
animal first had to be able to contain and restrain his own impulses” (18 and see Liedtke 1989). The levade, in
particular, demonstrated the highest level of horsemanship and, therefore, was a powerful illustration of one's
legitimacy to rule. For the popularity of the levade in portraits of rulers from the early modern period, see Raber and
Tucker (2005) 20-21, 39-40n.43 and Liedtke (1989). Although the Culture of the Horse focuses on the early modern
period, the theories and practices of horsemanship refer specifically to classical horsemanship, as taught by Xenophon.
242 See Fischer-Bovet (2014) 129-131 and Morrison (2010) 760. For the propagandistic value of the hybrid image and
multiple languages on the Raphia Stele, see Ma (2003) 177-195, esp.189-191. For syncretism of Greek and Egyptian
elements in royal iconography, also see Fantham et al. (1994) 154-5.
243 For example, see Fischer-Bovet (2014) 86-92, 119, 133, 164-5, Pollard (2010) 448, 451, and Vandorpe (2010) 177.
244 Gaebel (2002) 240 and Vandorpe (2010) 177.
245 Gaebel (2002) 240
246 As Fischer-Bovet (2014) explains, at Raphia there were 5,000 cavalrymen (5 ethnic hipparchies and 5 numbered
hipparchies, each with about 500 men). Although each ethnic hipparchy was composed initially of mostly the same
ethnic group, Fischer-Bovet explains that “there was in fact no rigid ethnic organization” (127). The hipparchies were
given designations such as “the Persians and of [...]” and “the Thessalians and the other Greeks” (126-7 and127n.57)
and it seems that the cavalry at Raphia employed cavalry from Libya and from the country (ο ἱ ἐγχ ώ ριοι) in addition to
the cavalry of the guard (132). For a discussion about the cavalry reforms that took place around 220-160 BC, which
included reunification of the cavalry under one system, the fact that numbered hipparchies continued to identify
themselves with ethnic designations, and the gradual loss of the meaning of the ethnic designations of the ethnic
hipparchies, see Fischer Bovet (2014) 132-133.
247 Vandorpe (2010) 169-170.
248 For Arsinoe's role in the Battle at Raphia and the possibility that she rode into battle and addressed the troops, see note
222 above.
249 See, for example, Llewellyn-Jones (2013) 765-767.
250 If Arsinoe were standing in front of the horse, she would be in a submissive position as if she had been conquered by
Ptolemy. There is Egyptian precedent for Arsinoe's position on the Raphia Stele. As Carney (2001) explains (in her
discussion about images of Nefertiti), “the assimilation of a royal wife to masculine royal images of military conquest
continues in the reign of Akhenaten. Nefertiti, sometimes accompanied by one of her daughters, appears behind her
husband in scenes of enemy-smiting” (34). Carney (2001) also notes that “Nefertiti's daughter, Ankhesenamun, like her
mother, appears standing behind her husband Tutankhamun as he smites enemies, as does Nefertari, wife of Ramses II”
(35).
251 For example, see discussion by Blundell (1995) 198-9.
252 For Plato's understanding of horsemanship as a skill that benefits and improves horses, see Euthyphro 13a and 13b,
Greater Hippias 284a (author is disputed), Rival Lovers 137c and 137e (author disputed), Theages 123d and 126a-b
(author disputed), and On Virtue 378d (author disputed), Eryxias 403b-c (author disputed), for example. As I discuss
above, Plato believes that horsemanship is an essential component of education and he implies that such practices direct
the young towards virtue.
253 In addition to his inclusion of women in the practice of horsemanship, Plato includes women in his more general
discussion of who should be educated to be guardians of his ideal state (see for example, Republic V). As Annas (1996)
explains, Plato's suggestions have a utilitarian purpose and he does not claim equality between men and women. Annas
explains that Plato is not the first feminist. However, his arguments represent some advancements regarding the view of
women (3, 7, 9-10, 12, for example).
254 Critias 110b. For Plato's discussion of the importance of horses for military activity during Athens' mythical past, see
Critias 119a and b. For Plato's description of racetracks for horses at this time, see Critias 117c.
255 Laws VII 804c (trans. Trevor J. Saunders)
256 Laws VII 804e (trans. Trevor J. Saunders)
257 Laws VII 805a (trans. Trevor J. Saunders) and Laws VII 806a and b.
258 Laws VII 794c-d (trans. Trevor J. Saunders). The Athenian also uses equestrian metaphors to discuss the importance of
education. For example, see Laws II 666e and Laws VII 808 d-e. The Athenian's recommendations about educating
children in virtue also contains possible equestrian references. In particular, he says that education in virtue is “a
training which produces a keen desire to become a perfect citizen who knows how to rule and be ruled as justice
demands” (Laws II 643e, trans. Trevor J. Saunders).
259 Laws VII 813d-814a (trans. Trevor J. Saunders)
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260 Laws VIII 829b ff.
261 Laws VIII 834b-c
262 Laws VIII 834d (trans. Trevor J. Saunders). Plato also refers to the inclusion of women in horsemanship practices and
riding in the Republic (V .452b-c).
263 See J.M. Cooper's introduction to Plato's Laws (1997) p. 1319.
264 Plato does not make a feminist argument, but his writing reflects an advancement regarding the view of women (see for
example, Annas (1996) 3-12.
265 For the connection of Hellenistic queens to the library at Alexandria, see Carney (2013) 102-103, Clayman (2014) 32-
34, 45, 50-52, 81, for example. For increased educational opportunities for women during the Hellenistic period, see
Blundell (1995) 200, Carney (2013) 16-18, Clayman (2014) 9, 45, Fantham (1994) 163-8, Pomeroy (1975) 136-9, for
example. For female participation in the philosophical arena, see Blundell (1995) 200, Fantham (1994) 167-8, Pomeroy
(1975) 136-9, for example.
266 For example, Cooper (1995) explains that “two of the Essays (the Consolation to Martha and the Consolation to his
Mother Helvia) area in fact addressed to women. At the same time, Seneca was no more concerned than any other
ancient writer with 'gender-neutral' language. He always speaks of the 'wise-man', meaning nothing more specific than
'wise human-being', and he automatically treats moral agents as masculine” (xvii n.11). As Katja V ogt (2008) points out,
Stoic texts tend to discuss the path to sagehood in a gender-neutral context. Sagehood does not seem to be restricted to
men and nothing clearly indicates that the path towards sagehood is out of reach for women (for example, see 78n.29,
142 and see Asmis 2008). I am not suggesting that Stoic philosophy encouraged women to cross traditional gender
boundaries or that Stoicism encouraged gender equality. In fact, Stoicism tended to reinforce traditional roles for
women (for example, see Pomeroy 1975, 131-2).
267 Ep. 88.19-20, trans. Gummere (1920).
268 Ep. 88.20, trans. Gummere (1920). Stobaeus makes a similar statement: he says that only a wise man is a lover of
pursuits such as music (φιλομουσίαν), literature (φιλογραμματίαν), horseback riding (φιλιππίαν), and hunting
(φιλοκυνηγίαν). He also says that a pursuit such as this is “a method which by means of expertise or a part of expertise
is conducive to the domain of virtue” (Long and Sedley 1997, 26H).
269 Seneca explains that emotions (adfectus) are corporeal (corporeus), since they leave marks on the body. For example,
Seneca points out that wrath, love, and sternness (ira, amor, tristitia) “change our features, knot our foreheads, relax the
countenance, spread blushes, [and] drive away the blood” (Ep.106.4-7). Seneca explains that “any object that has the
power to mover, force, restrain, or control is corporeal” (Ep.106.9). According to Seneca, wickedness (malitia) and
virtue (virtus) are also corporeal, since “any action on our part is performed at the bidding of wickedness or virtue” and
“only a body can control or forcefully affect another body” (Ep.106.10). Seneca explains that Reason (Ratio) is
supposed to hold the reins (De Ira I.7.3), but other forces can act as well. For example, restraint (moderatio) reins us in
(refreno, Ep.106.9), reverence (reverentia) reins in (freno) the soul and checks vice (Ep.94.44), and chastity (pudicitia)
can tear off its reins (frenum, De Beneficiis I.10.2).
270 According to Seneca, passions (libido) can be bridled (freno, Ep.88.3), a bridle (frenum) can be put on rashness
(temeritas, Ep.94.23), desire (cupiditas) can be bridled (refreno, Ep.104.13), pleasures (voluptas) can be held with a
bridle (freno, Ep.23.4), and individuals should try to bridle (refreno) anger (ira, De Ira III.1.1).
271 Seneca does not claim that horses have their own emotions and impulses that are equivalent to those of humans. He
explains that impulse and emotion require Reason and, since animals do not have Reason, they do not have impulses or
emotions (for example, see De Ira I.3.4-5 and II.26.4, and Ep.76.9-10). However, Seneca acknowledges that animals
experience some form of impulse as a result of their natural survival instincts (for example, see Ep.121.21-4 and
Newmyer 2006, 25,36). The Stoics recognize that, even if animals don't experience human emotions, they experience a
sort of involuntary mental agitation (see discussion in Newmyer 2006, 27-9, 36, 59, 74, 117n.72, n.84, n.85). This is the
source of the “equestrian energy” that must be controlled in real horses.
272 Seneca discusses the destructive and fast-growing power of emotions and he advises that it is better to control emotions
from the start, since they can get out of hand quickly (for example, see De Ira I.7.2-8.3 and Ep.116.2-6). Seneca uses
bridling metaphors to describe emotions that have become unmanageable, as well as a more general lack of emotional
restraint. For example, Seneca describes a man who lacks self-control (moderatio) as unbridled (effrenata, Ep.85.4). He
refers to the part of the soul that involves spirited, ambitious, and uncontrolled passions as unbridled (effrenata,
Ep.92.8). Seneca also refers to unbridled (effrenata) hopes (De Tranquillitate Animi IX.2), as well as unbridled
(effrenata) and ungovernable (indomita) anger (De Ira I.9.3). On another occasion, Seneca describes anger as an
unbridled (effrenata) and frenzied (attonita) madness (rabies, De Ira III.3.6). As Seneca explains, anger is always an
uncontrolled and harmful emotion, it quickly becomes monstrous, and anger has no benefit (De Ira I.8.1-9.3, 11.1-2).
For this reason, Seneca says that anger is an especially dangerous emotion and he advises that harsh methods may be
78

necessary in order to gain control (De Ira III.1.1-5). Seneca also points out that if anger is restrained in any way, it is no
longer anger (De Ira I.9.2-4).
273 Ep.120.10-11.
274 Reason seems to be the horseman, but it is important to explain from the start that this metaphor is very different from
that of the chariot (Plato and Parmenides), in which the charioteer struggles to coordinate and control a pair of horses
(one good and one bad) that symbolize internal conflict (see Latona 2008 and Graver 2007, 72-75, for example). While
the chariot metaphor is often interpreted as internal division, Seneca's metaphor refers to internal unity, which is
consistent with the Stoic theory of the unity of the soul (for example, see Campbell 1985, 331, 338). Seneca's metaphor
involves a rider and a single horse. The horse's energy can be directed and transformed for good or evil, depending on
the skill and tact of the horseman. By means of self-control, give and take, flexibility, and timing, the rider can channel
the horse's natural energy and impulse so that it is positive rather than destructive. Sometimes the horse behaves and
sometimes it does not. But, the horse moves in one manner and in one direction.
275 Seneca explains that “reason (ratio) herself, to whom the reins (frenum) of power have been entrusted, remains mistress
only so long as she is kept apart from the passions (adfectus): if once she mingles with them and is contaminated, she
becomes unable to hold back those whom she might have cleared from her path” (De Ira I.7.3; also see Ep.37.4).
Seneca also points out that Reason (as long as it remains uncontaminated by the passions) will never call blind and
violent impulses (impetus) over which it will have no control (De Ira I.10.1). LeGuin (2005) also explains that the
moment a horse trainer loses impartiality and allows his passions to influence his training, he has lost the only thing that
differentiated him from other animals: “his ability to separate himself from his own reactions and desires, and by so
doing to become and independent practical reasoner. The angry trainer and his horse are “two beasts” (184).
276 De Ira I.8.2-3, trans. Basore (1928).
277 Ep.113.2, trans. Gummere (1925).
278 The Stoic sage, who has perfect virtue, experiences emotions that are natural but his actions are informed by reason
rather than emotion (Graver 2007, 85-108). For the importance of allowing reason to inform one's decisions (when
riding or training), rather than emotions (anger is especially problematic), see Steinkraus 1991, 1-6, Morris, 1971, 203-
4.
279 Seneca's equestrian examples and bridling metaphors reflect his understanding of classical horsemanship. Seneca's
bridling metaphors also refer to horsemanship skill, not just the tool of the bit. For example, Seneca mentions that a
handler's practice and skill in horsemanship can cause the same horse to be more obedient with one handler than
another (De Ira II.26.5). Also see Xenophon's statement that, if a rough bit is used, the rider's hands must be light so
that the rough bit resembles one that is smooth (Art of Horsemanship IX.9).
280 De Clementia I.16.4 (trans. Basore). According to Seneca, this horsemanship metaphor applies to relationships between
an emperor and his subjects, a father and his children, and other animals and their handlers (De Clementia I.16.2-5).
281 For a similar statement about the importance of gentleness when dealing with men, see De Clementia I.16.4 and I.17.1.
282 De Clementia I.24.2 (trans. Basore). In a discussion regarding similarities between horses and humans, LeGuin
describes “traits that human embodiment shares quite fully with that of horses: the “vegetative principle,” as Aristotle
calls it, toward growth and toward reproduction; attraction to pleasure and avoidance of discomfort; conservation of
energy (i.e., laziness); and, most interestingly from the standpoint of issues of domination and subjection in training, a
certain innate resistance to being told what to do” (LeGuin 2005, 184, 196n.22; Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics I.13.11-
19).
283 De Beneficiis I.14.2 (trans. Basore).
284 De Vita Beata 25.5-6 (trans. Basore).
285 For example, Seneca recommends that we “try to banish anger from the mind (animus), or at least to bridle (refreno)
and restrain (inhibeo) its fury (impetus)” (De Ira III.1.1). Seneca recognizes that harsh methods may be necessary to
effectively control anger (De Ira III.3.6). As he explains, anger is especially harmful and it quickly becomes
unmanageable—therefore, harsh methods of restraint may be necessary (De Ira III.1.1ff.). For the variety of methods of
controlling anger, depending on its strength, see De Ira III.1.1-5.
286 De Tranquillitate Animi 17.8-10 (trans. Basore). Seneca refers to popular statements by Plato and Aristotle regarding
the importance of allowing the mind to grow excited. Basore (1932) explains that these ideas were common in ancient
Greece and he lists examples in Plato's Phaedrus (245A) and Aristotle's Problemata (30.1) to support this (p.284).
287 Non potest grande aliquid et super ceteros loqui nisi mota mens...desciscat oportet a solito et efferatur et mordeat
frenos et rectorem rapiat suum eoque ferat, quo per se timuisset escendere (De Tranquillitate Animi 17.11).
288 De Tranquillitate Animi 17.8-12.
289 In Ep.95.68, Seneca quotes Virgil's description of the ideal horse (Georgics III.75ff.). According to Virgil, such a horse
is developed by careful training and maintenance so that the horse's energy is under control, but its natural magnificence
79

is preserved: the horse is taught by gentleness and patience to trust its rider and not to fear the sights and sounds of
battle, to travel in a circular motion, (carpere mox gyrum incipiat), to make a sound with its collected steps
(gradibusque sonare compositis), and to run swiftly “as though free from reins” (ceu liber habenis, Virgil's Georgics
III.182-192). This passage is another clear reference to the ideals of classical horsemanship and specific maneuvers that
require these practices. Xenophon also emphasizes the importance of circles (πέδη) for horse training (Art of
Horsemanship VII.13, III.5). The gyrus and the πέδη can refer to constructed training circles (riding ring or round pen)
or circular equestrian maneuvers. Compono can refer to “collection.” For the significance of a “collected” horse, see
note 229 above. It seems clear that Virgil's ideal horse has been trained. Following his description of the ideal horse,
Virgil says “such was Cyllarus, tamed by the reins (domitus habenis) of Amyclaean Pollux” (Georgics III.89-91).
290 Seneca explains that the ideal horse, which has been trained in a manner that preserves its natural magnificence,
exhibits many of the same qualities as a brave man (Ep.95.69). For the superior quality of natural animal movement (i.e.
further incentive to preserve a horse's naturally magnificent movement) and the negative consequences of using force or
compulsion to encourage this movement, see Ep.121.6-7. In this passage, Seneca explains that “bodies driven by a
compelling force move slowly; but those which move of their own accord possess alertness” (trans. Basore). Seneca
makes a similar statement about the mind (animus): “when the soul (animus) is sound and strong, the style too is
vigorous, energetic, manly (robusta, fortis, virilis); but if the soul loses its balance [i.e. the passions have too much
influence], down comes all the rest in ruins” (Ep.114.22, trans. Basore). Seneca also says that progression towards
wisdom involves encouraging the mind (animus) to move in accordance with nature (Ep.109.12-18). He says “for this is
wisdom (sapientia)—a return to Nature and a restoration to the condition from which man's error have driven us” (Ep.
94.68, trans. Basore). For movement as a reflection or mirror of the mind (animus), see Ep.114. For the horse as a
mirror of its rider, see Ackerman (1997) 17, 29, 73, Medenica (2004) 22, 53, Steiner and Bryant (2003) 7. For animals
as reflections of men, see Bonnefoy (1991) 128-131.
291 For example, see Thyestes 496. For Seneca's reference to emotions and impulses as internal forces that must be bridled
like horses, see the use of frenum in Phaedra 255-6, 574, Agamemnon 114, Medea 592, 866, and Troades 279.
292 For the expectation that women can “bridle” their emotions or impulses, see the use of frenum in Phaedra 255-6, 263,
Agamemnon 203, and Hercules on Oeta 277.
293 For example, the nurse uses equestrian metaphors when she tells Hippolytus “untie your joyless youth, now seize the
track (cursus), loosen the reins (habenas), prevent life's finest days escaping...why curb yourself and kill your true
nature...the finest natures achieve greater praise if active freedom feeds a noble mind” (Phadra 449-460, trans. Boyle
1987). The nurse also explains to Hippolytus that “love often puts bridles (frenos) on stubborn hearts and transforms
(mutat) hate” (Phaedra 574-5, trans. Boyle 1987).
294 The chorus highlights Hippolytus' skill in horsemanship when they say to Hippolytus “choose to ride on horseback and
you would handle the reins better than Castor in controlling Spartan Cyllaros (horse given to Castor)” (Phaedra 809-
811, trans. Boyle 1987, also see reference to Hippolytus' skill in lines 1259-1260). This highlights Hippolytus' poor
impulse control and subsequently his poor horsemanship “when he left the city in hostile flight dashing swiftly away
with speeding steps, he quickly yokes his high-prancing horses and bridles their fast heads with tightened reins. Then
talking much to himself and cursing his native soil...fiercely flings the reins loose and shakes the lash” (1000-1006).
Hippolytus demonstrates bad horsemanship in these lines: he reacts emotionally and he is rushed and harsh with his
horses, who are described as high-strung. Then, when the horses are frightened by a monstrous wave, Hippolytus
responds with good horsemanship. He “holds his team with tightened reins and allays their fear with the voice they [his
horses] knew” (1054-1056). Steady contact and a calming voice is appropriate for reassuring frightened horses. The
horses are described as “quivering” (1062), they defy the reins, seize the chariot, veer from the road, and rush around
frantically, and finally throw themselves into the rocks (1068-1071). In this dangerous situation, Hippolytus begins to
lose control over his emotions and he mishandles his horses. He starts to pull on his horses' mouths and lash their backs
repeatedly, which seems to make the horses more frantic and, at this point, they are “crazed with terror” (1082). When
Hippolytus falls and becomes entangled in the reins, he fights and “the more he fights, the more he binds the clinging
knots” (1085-1087). The horses feel this frantic pulling on the entangled reins (1088) and they are disturbed by the
absence of their master (1088-9). The horses are confused further by the fact that they have been subjected to intense
directions (however conflicting) from their master and suddenly they are left on their own, without any directions
except from their natural impulses caused by fear (1089). Although the monstrous wave, which frightens the horses, is
beyond Hippolytus' control, Hippolytus demonstrates poor self-control and poor horsemanship during this event. This
highlights the theme of moderation in Seneca's Phaedra. This horsemanship imagery also emphasizes the tragic fact
that, although Hippolytus is a skilled horseman, he is unable to practice appropriate horsemanship skills at critical
moments, which ultimately leads to his death.
295 Phaedra, line 413-420 (trans. Boyle 1987).
80

296 For the complex relationship between Seneca and the early Stoics, see Inwood (1993).
297 I would like to thank Greg Thalmann, Susan Lape, Christelle Fischer-Bovet, and Peter Knox for their thoughtful
comments and valuable suggestions regarding this paper. I also would like to thank these professors for their
willingness to be on my committee and for their guidance and support during my work on this thesis. Any errors or
omissions in this paper are my own.
81
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Abstract (if available)

Abstract In this paper, I will discuss female equestrian victory in Posidippus's Hippika in the context of classical horsemanship ideology and traditional gender boundaries in the equestrian realm. Posidippus's epigrams for female equestrian victors reflect increased status of women during the Hellenistic period and, in particular, changing ideas about female agency and female capacity to rule self and other. This paper also will consider the Hippika as part of a broader trend of shifting boundaries during the Hellenistic period in order to demonstrate that gender play in the equestrian realm can not be explained by royal status alone.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Ingersoll, Kristina (author)

Core Title Gender play and boundary crossing in Posidippus' Hippika: female appropriation of classical horsemanship ideology during the Hellenistic period

School College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Classics

Publication Date 09/09/2015

Defense Date 06/16/2015

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Chariot racing,Hellenistic,Hippika,Horsemanship,OAI-PMH Harvest,Posidippus,Xenophon

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Thalmann, William (committee chair), Fischer-Bovet, Christelle (committee member), Knox, Peter (committee member), Lape, Susan (committee member)

Creator Email kkristin@usc.edu,kristina@indigo.dreamhost.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-175937

Unique identifier UC11272522

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Legacy Identifier etd-IngersollK-3887.pdf

Dmrecord 175937

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Ingersoll, Kristina

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

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