A unifying vision: improvement, imagination and Bernhard Hoffmann of Stockbridge (New England) and Santa Barbara (New Spain)

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A UNIFYING VISION:
IMPROVEMENT, IMAGINATION AND BERNHARD HOFFMANN
OF STOCKBRIDGE (NEW ENGLAND) AND SANTA BARBARA (NEW SPAIN)

by

Ellen K. Knowles

______________________________________________________

A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF HISTORIC PRESERVATION

December 2011

Copyright 2011 Ellen K. Knowles

ii

Dedication
This effort is dedicated to my beloved grandparents, Jason Oak Sutton (April 13,
1911 - March 4, 1997) and Patricia Mustin Sutton (March 28, 1914 - May 1, 2002). Pat and
‘Bud’ were always a part of Santa Barbara, no matter where they were.

iii

Acknowledgements
As lonely an experience as it can be to produce a thesis one can be proud of, it is, at
the same time, very much a group effort. First and foremost, my entire family helped me
every step of the way, in ways too numerous, banal and important to ever sufficiently
acknowledge or repay. Donald and William in particular showed almost superhuman
patience in sharing me with this goal, and I could not have done it without them. As a
person who regards the lifelong study and grasp of history to be among the highest callings
in life, I would like to give special thanks to its masterful practitioners Kenneth Breisch and
Patricia Gebhard for directing me to books, articles and images that really matter, and for
setting the bar high.
Also, I will always be grateful for the humor, intellect and overall joie de vivre
provided by my knowledgeable and insightful teachers/advisors Douglas Campbell and Jay
Platt. I have been continually amazed by the professionalism and goodwill of the ever-
patient and hardy librarians Michael Redmon (The Santa Barbara Historical Museum’s
Gledhill Library), Yolanda Blue (The University of California, Santa Barbara’s Davidson
Library-Special Collections), and Judy Sahak (The Scripps College Ella Strong Denison
Library), whose expertise and kind indulgence regarding my seemingly endless questions
and curiosity “sidetracks” helped me through. And thanks also for the much-appreciated
assistance from dedicated Santa Barbara experts and civic advocates Mary Louise Days,
Naomi Kovacs, and the delightful Sam Mendes. Lastly, I have been deeply inspired by the
singular talent of my long-ago art class “competition,” Thomas Van Stein, who took the road
I did not; painting Santa Barbara as he sees it, which is to say, far more beautifully than
anyone else.

iv

Table of Contents
Dedication ........................................................................................................................ ii
Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................... iii
List of Figures ............................................................................................................... viii
Abstract .............................................................................................................................. x

Chapter 1: Overview ..................................................................................................... 1
Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1
Bernhard Hoffmann in Stockbridge and Santa Barbara .......................... 3
Research and Methodology ................................................................................ 4
A Note about Stockbridge ................................................................................... 6

Chapter 2: Imagination and the Civic Idea........................................................... 9
The Town ................................................................................................................... 9
“The Loveliest Village of the Plain” ................................................................ 12
Inventing the New England Village ............................................................... 14

Chapter 3: The Roots of Revival ............................................................................. 16
The Elm .................................................................................................................... 16
Downing, Wheeler and the Village Ideal ..................................................... 19
The Elm in Sheffield ............................................................................................. 23
Issues in Stockbridge .......................................................................................... 27
Laurel Hill Anniversary Day – The Congregation .................................... 28
The Organizational Model ................................................................................. 30
“The Invention of Twentieth Century People” .......................................... 30
“The Inland Newport” ......................................................................................... 32
Beauty and Taste .................................................................................................. 34
Home Ties and the Urban Exodus .................................................................. 35

v

Chapter 4: The Hoffmann Family of Stockbridge ............................................ 37
Ferdinand Hoffmann ........................................................................................... 37
The Ethic of Education ....................................................................................... 40
A Record of Improvement ................................................................................. 41
The Casino and Eclecticism .............................................................................. 43

Chapter 5: A Village Improved ............................................................................... 47
Century’s End ......................................................................................................... 47
Conclusion: Part I ................................................................................................. 50

Chapter 6: Santa Barbara – The First Hundred Years (1769-1869) ........ 54
The Presidio ............................................................................................................ 54
“Tierra Adorada” – Santa Barbara, California ........................................... 56
Transition – Adobes to Hybrid Adobes ........................................................ 58
The Casa de la Guerra as a Center of Civic Power .................................... 61
Architectural Americanization ........................................................................ 66

Chapter 7: Santa Barbara – Identity in Flux ...................................................... 69
Vernacular Architecture and the Casa in Decline .................................... 69
Tourism, Narrative, and the Rediscovery of the American West ...... 72
A Culture of Artistic Discernment .................................................................. 76
San Francisco Architects and the Mission Revival .................................. 78
Santa Barbara Revival I ...................................................................................... 81

Chapter 8: Santa Barbara’s Civic Society ............................................................ 84
The Progressive Era ............................................................................................ 84
Proto-Feminism and Pearl Chase ................................................................... 86
The Santa Barbara Civic League and the Robinson Plan....................... 89
The Casa de la Guerra as Catalyst (1910-1920) ....................................... 93
Santa Barbara Revival II .................................................................................... 94

vi

Chapter 9: San Diego – The Manifestation of Revival .................................... 98
East and West ........................................................................................................ 98
The Panama-California Exposition of 1915 ............................................ 100
Missions in the Press ........................................................................................ 103
The Architects ..................................................................................................... 106

Chapter 10: The Promise of the “New Spain” ................................................ 110
Pearl Chase … and Friends ............................................................................. 110
The Hoffmanns in Mission Canyon ............................................................. 112
The Impulse for Consolidation ..................................................................... 113
An Example in Ojai (1917-1919) ................................................................ 116
The Oreña Adobe and Casa Santa Cruz (1921-1922) .......................... 118
Chapter 11: Projects and Committees .............................................................. 123
Reinvention of the Plaza de la Guerra ....................................................... 123
Anna Louise Murphy Vhay / Plans and Planting (1920-1923) ....... 130
The “Better Homes in America” Campaign .............................................. 133
The Lobero Theater (1921-1924) .............................................................. 135
Lutah Maria Riggs: Artist and Architect ................................................... 138
The Santa Barbara Planning Commission of 1923 ............................... 141
The Street of Spain ............................................................................................ 145
Plans (1924–1925) ........................................................................................... 148
“Better Homes” of 1925 .................................................................................. 151

Chapter 12: Rebuilding in “The New Spain” .................................................. 153
Safety and Reconstruction ............................................................................. 153
The Architectural Board of Review ............................................................ 154
Advice from George White Marston ........................................................... 157
Arcading ................................................................................................................ 159
Dissolution of the Architectural Board of Review ................................ 160
The Legacy of the Carnegie Foundation Gift ........................................... 162

vii

A New Arts Colony ............................................................................................ 163
Resignation .......................................................................................................... 163
A Return to Stockbridge (1930-1949) ...................................................... 164
The AIA Honorary Award and the “Right-Thinking Man” ................. 166

References by Genre ................................................................................................ 170
Photographs and Maps ........................................................................................... 170
Archives ........................................................................................................................ 173
Bibliography ............................................................................................................... 175
Endnotes ...................................................................................................................... 204

viii

List of Figures
Stockbridge
Figure 1. Gervase Wheeler's "Cottage Villa," Homes for the People (1855) ....... 22
Figure 2. Gervase Wheeler's "Suburban Villa," Homes for the People (1855) ... 22
Figure 3. "The Arcade," Main Street Sheffield, Mass. (1846) ................................... 23
Figure 4. Laurel Hill, Stockbridge, Mass. .......................................................................... 26
Figure 5. Map of Stockbridge Part I: Hoffmann Residence (1876) ........................ 38
Figure 6. Map of Stockbridge Part II: Laurel Hill (1876) ........................................... 39
Figure 7. The Edwards Place School, Stockbridge, Mass. (1855-1874)............... 40
Figure 8. "At the Train Station," Stockbridge, Mass. (date unknown) .................. 42
Figure 9. Stockbridge Train Station with Canopy and Stair (1893) ...................... 42
Figure 10. The Stockbridge Casino (1886-1888) ......................................................... 44
Figure 11. Stockbridge, Main Street (1900) .................................................................... 46

Santa Barbara
Figure 12. Casa de la Guerra, Phase I (1819-1826) ..................................................... 57
Figure 13. Aguirre Adobe (1841-1842) ............................................................................ 59
Figure 14. Alpheus Thompson Adobe (1834) ................................................................ 60
Figure 15. El Pueblo Viejo Adobe and Land Ownership Distribution (1853) .... 63
Figure 16. El Pueblo Viejo Street Overlay (1853) .......................................................... 64
Figure 17. Map of Santa Barbara (1899) w/ La Casa de la Guerra ........................ 65
Figure 18. Oreña Adobe and Storehouse (1849) .......................................................... 66
Figure 19. Casa de la Guerra: Americanization Phase (1860-1880) ..................... 67

ix

Figure 20. Old City Hall (1872) ............................................................................................ 69
Figure 21. California Building, Chicago World's Columbian Expo (1893) ......... 79
Figure 22. Hacienda del Pozo de Verona (1895) .......................................................... 80
Figure 23. Charles Mulford Robinson Plan for Santa Barbara (1908) ................. 91
Figure 24. California State Building: The Plaza Facade (1915) ............................101
Figure 25. Oreña Adobe Detail (1920s) ..........................................................................120
Figure 26. Oreña Studios (1920) .......................................................................................122
Figure 27. de la Guerra Studios and Oreña Studios (1922) ....................................127
Figure 28. The Street of Spain (1922) .............................................................................130
Figure 29. Meridian Studios Plan (1922-1923) ...........................................................140
Figure 30. Meridian Studios Interior (1922-1923)....................................................140
Figure 31. The Lobero Theater (1924) ...........................................................................143
Figure 32. Structures Mentioned in this Thesis ..........................................................169

x

Abstract
“A Unifying Vision” explores the little-discussed link between two important civic
phenomena in America: the village improvement movement, which began in mid- 19
th

century Stockbridge, Massachusetts, and the imposition of Mediterranean-influenced
architecture in Santa Barbara, California, instituted a half century later. That connection
came in the form of civic activist Bernhard Martin Luther Hoffmann, born in Stockbridge in
1874. After a career based primarily in New York City, Hoffmann arrived in Santa Barbara
in 1919, immediately and directly applying the village improvement tenets his father and
community had modeled for him throughout his life. Hoffmann’s organizational work both
before and after the Santa Barbara earthquake of June 28, 1925 rendered him a kind of civic
celebrity; however, this was a designation he modestly refused to indulge.
As the idea of “improvement” was disseminated across the United States between
1830 and 1910, its basic tenets – basic sanitation, definition of land use, meaningful
monuments, planting and horticulture, and general beautification - segued into the home
economics movement before being enveloped by small-scale “City Beautiful” interventions
inspired by the Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition of 1893. These mutually-supporting
activities, bolstered by new technologies, combined with civic education to undergird the
very beginnings of the urban planning movement around 1909. Interpretations of the
Exposition’s organizational and aesthetic conventions were seen in the pioneering work of
Charles Mulford Robinson and John Nolen, among others, from that time forward. Utterly
reflective of the pragmatic, yet aspirational, nature of early American society, the ideal of
“Improvement” was advertised perpetually by relocating boosters, writers, and investors as
the railroad extended west.

xi

Nowhere, perhaps, were village improvement’s dual premises of selfless
volunteerism and the imposition of taste more directly interpreted - or more successfully
applied - than through the civic activism of Bernhard Hoffmann and Pearl Chase in 1920s
Santa Barbara. A successful professional at mid-life, Hoffmann left his historic hometown of
Stockbridge, Massachusetts to join a newly forming class of elites perfectly positioned
between San Francisco arts and culture and an increasingly Anglicized Los Angeles. One of
these elites was Miss Pearl Chase, a Yankee daughter of New England lineage who,
returning as a young woman to Santa Barbara after graduating from Berkeley in 1907,
applied herself zealously to the improvement of civic and societal conditions for the
remainder of her life, The fiercely independent Chase found a steadying, and highly focused,
counterpart in Hoffmann, as they worked effectively together (although often physically
apart) for many years.
Among the many Santa Barbara philanthropic and cultural activities with which
Hoffmann and his wife, Irene, were involved, it was the completion of three important
municipal projects: the Casa de la Guerra with El Paseo; the Meridian Studios, and the
Lobero Theater which illustrated the centrality of the evolving Spanish Colonial style in the
development of the city’s resonant paradigm. These case studies, and the events
surrounding their construction, reveal how the legacy of historical New England village
improvement contributed to Santa Barbara’s successful unity of form and image.

1

Chapter 1: Overview

Introduction
The human impulse to adapt environments to sometimes unattainable conceptions
varies only with specifics unique to each region, place and person. The seminal, socio-
cultural theory of collective memory, introduced by sociologist Maurice Halbwachs in
1925, argued that commonality in historical interpretation is nothing less than a societal
survival mechanism, and that the perception of representative historicism is a stabilizing
force for communities in transition.
1
More recently, David Lowenthal has analyzed the
impulse for preservation and the aspects of memory that influence subjective perceptions
of value, age and beauty.
2
A number of studies regarding the role of reworked imagery
have attempted to explain its power in establishing distinct cultural symbols. For example,
Phoebe Kropp has analyzed the indelible regional pictures created of the Old South and
New York City (among other iconic “memory places),” in her study of California’s uniquely
immersive Spanish dream.
3

In his own series of defining works on the Golden State, historian Kevin Starr
deconstructed the myriad influences on California, and on Californians themselves, over
the course of several generations.
4
With regard to Santa Barbara, the ocean, mountains,
polo grounds, plazas and freeway have both dominated and animated Starr’s discourse on
societal changes such as Progressive-era neo-feminism, property rights, and status
markers, among other themes. At a recent City Hall hearing, a local activist declared, “Our
location is our destiny,” and an often-heard rebuttal in any comparative discussion of other
places, policies or principles is a variation of the phrase: “But this is Santa Barbara …”

2

(emphasis mine). When it comes to the “American Riviera,”
5
the physical environment
takes center stage every time. Santa Barbara offers a compellingly sharp lens through
which such seminal analyses can be considered and compared.
Today, Santa Barbara is becoming ever more impacted by the economic and
environmental conditions of the state it stars in, even as the majority of its citizens take
pains to do the right thing by its past. Widely perceived as a center of historic
preservation, the community has long identified itself in those terms, and in January 2009
Santa Barbara was included on the National Trust for Historic Preservation’s Top 12
Distinctive Destinations.
6
This national designation is awarded annually to select cities in
which preservation plays a dominant role in development. The award is just another sign
that the precedent Santa Barbara established in the early 1920s, the embodiment of an
imagined Spanish past, has reverberated far beyond that place and time. At its centenary,
Santa Barbara’s canonization was regarded by the city’s most steadfast chronicler, David
Gebhard, as a “remarkable feat” in “laissez faire America.”
7

This accomplishment has been extensively explored in terms of the body of work
of civic activist Pearl Chase, who was active in beautification and organizational activities
for twelve years prior to Hoffmann’s arrival. However, what is little discussed is the extent
to which Bernhard Hoffmann’s background made him uniquely qualified to join Chase in
civic activism, alternating between beautification as it had evinced itself in Stockbridge
just a few years after his birth and the modern-day push for architectural controls in a
western coastal city. Enthusiastically assuming the mantle of Andrew Jackson Downing’s
“right-thinking man,” Bernhard conducted a campaign of aesthetic education while

3

spearheading the reimagining of the Casa de la Guerra, Lugo Adobe, and the old Lobero
Theater. Each of these properties acted as catalysts for the Spanish Colonial identity of
Santa Barbara, the furthest imagined outpost of the distant Iberian Peninsula.

Bernhard Hoffmann in Stockbridge and Santa Barbara
The most persistent of civic contributors, Bernhard Hoffmann was a cultured
electrical engineer from Stockbridge, Massachusetts, home of the nation’s first widely
recognized beautification organization. At the same time that Santa Barbara was turning a
dilapidated adobe settlement into a frontier town in the Midwestern vernacular,
Stockbridge was re-inventing itself as a rarified, Gilded Age retreat. Part One of this thesis
(comprising Chapters 1-6) begins by reaching back in time to compile a narrative history
of Stockbridge, with its roots in the origin of the village green and the roughshod Puritan
settlement precedent. The glorification of the New England village was supported by the
developing improvement model, which coalesced into an unprecedented national
movement. Context is provided through analysis of societal influences during the east
coast century of progress and invention. In Stockbridge, beauty and progress combined to
create the true precedent for the later development of regional identity in other parts of
the country. Pertinent activities of the Ferdinand Hoffmann family are interwoven into the
narrative in order to show the clear influence of the village as a composed setting upon his
son, Bernhard Hoffmann, its philosophical messenger. Part One concludes with a signpost
for the future of civic architecture: the breadth of creative interpretation seen in the late
19
th
century casino designs of McKim, Mead, and White.

4

Although both overcame regional isolation to become resort enclaves,
Stockbridge’s colonial beginnings and Calvinist roots served as a historical counterpoint to
Santa Barbara’s defensive presidio. Part Two (comprising Chapters 7-13) traces the origin
of Santa Barbara’s establishing city plan, as harbor-based trade and local investment
increased Anglo domestication and the decimation of the ancient Hispanic pueblo. The
centrality of the Casa de la Guerra, which decreased in relation to the ascension of
Victorian vernacular architecture, became the standard against which future development
was gauged. From the time of their arrival to the west in fall of 1919, until their gradual
withdrawal from Santa Barbara activism in the spring of 1927, Bernhard and his wife,
Irene Botsford Hoffmann, stood out even among the other generous patrons guiding Santa
Barbara’s development.
8

Lacking an architectural background, yet possessing a persuasive, likeable
personality and a passion for aesthetics and organization, Bernhard worked closely with
some of the most influential architects, engineers and civic planners of the 20
th
century as
he strove to fashion Santa Barbara in the image of Spain.
9
Hoffmann’s role as a primary
instigator of Santa Barbara’s Spanish Colonial Revival style has been largely subsumed by
the legacy of Pearl Chase,
10
calling for further academic study of his discrete contributions.

Research and Methodology
Academic research conducted for this thesis bifurcated between two overarching
foci: social-biographical and historical patterns of civic development. Primary research
subjects began with the regional development histories of Stockbridge and Santa Barbara;
and, to a lesser extent, San Diego and Santa Fe, insofar as they reflected a cross-referencing

5

of regional architectural styles. A wide range of socio-biographical information was
derived from historic newspapers, early 20
th
century digitized texts and periodicals,
articles derived from the Santa Barbara Library and Museum and Santa Barbara History
Museum’s Gledhill Library, as well as primary source material in the form of
correspondence from the Community Development and Conservation Collection (CDCC)
archive at the University of California, Santa Barbara’s Davidson Library Special
Collections archive.
11
Correspondence comprises the largest part of the CDCC archive, and
proved especially useful in reconstructing Hoffmann’s aims and attitudes in civic dealings.
Known to have been a modest man who assiduously avoided self-aggrandizement,
Bernhard Hoffmann left little behind in the area of documented information regarding his
activities on the west coast, particularly when compared to more colorful civic
contributors such as equestrian Dwight Murphy, yachtsman ‘Major’ Max Fleischmann, or
the seemingly omnipresent Los Angeleno Charles Fletcher Lummis, a frequent visitor to
Santa Barbara. While Hoffmann is mentioned in a few local newspaper accounts, direct
quotes are confined to one article concerning Santa Barbara’s 1925 earthquake and a 1929
acceptance address to the American Institute of Architects (AIA). For these reasons, a story
that inarguably needed to be told was a true research challenge.

6

The most lasting legacy regarding Santa Barbara architecture remains the body of
work of the late David Gebhard (1927-1996). Gebhard’s article archive revealing his
engrossing, perceptive thoughts on what Santa Barbara architecture means, and should
mean, to the rest of the world was very generously and cheerfully shared by the brilliant
Patricia Gebhard, author of George Washington Smith: Architect of the Spanish Colonial
Revival. Additionally, discussions with Michael Redmon, Sam Mendes, and Robert
Sweeney were invaluable in bringing alive the contributions of Pearl Chase, George
Washington Smith, and James Osborne Craig.

A Note about Stockbridge
Although Stockbridge became just one of many dignified, colonial-era New England
villages suffused with historical reminders and marked by residents of high achievement,
when it came to the ethics of historic preservation, the village stood out among the rest.
Stockbridge was a small, but distinctive, transition point between the Romantic Period’s
landscape innovations in England and France and the post-Civil War re-imagining of
smaller American towns to better reflect the societal aspirations of the young republic.
The former missionary station was among the first raw, colonial landscapes whose
caretakers took matters decisively in hand, embarking on a campaign of civic
improvement that exhibited aspects of aesthetic doctrine, multi-denominational
spirituality, progressive educational tenets, and emergent capitalism.
12

7

During the latter half of the 19th century, an extensive body of literature pertaining
to the nascent topic of civic development disseminated the accomplishments of a core
group of civic philanthropists and volunteers from this small Massachusetts village to
interested community builders across the United States. The Laurel Hill Association (LHA)
created seminal bylaws and philosophies which expanded to address broader societal
concerns such as progressive child development theory, food and water sanitation, and
institutionalized civics education. The Stockbridge Library, at the corner of Elm and Main
Streets, was chartered in 1789 and slowly grew to house 3,000 volumes by 1864,
reflecting the increasing emphasis on community education and civic patronage. Today,
the Library is the primary repository of information pertaining to the Laurel Hill
Association.
Due to the efforts of various eastern university libraries such as Cornell, Yale and
Amherst, many of these magazine and journal articles and municipal bulletins are
currently available through digitized media. However, much of Stockbridge’s finer-grained
history, including the specific activities of the Ferdinand C. Hoffmann family as reflected in
family letters and local newspaper articles, are available only in personal family archives
and in the collection of the Stockbridge Library’s historical archives. Extensive LHA
meeting minutes are similarly confined. Not all issues of the historic Berkshire Eagle (est.
1780), the paper of record for Stockbridge and environs at the turn of the century, have
been digitized. However, several hand-drawn 18
th
and 19
th
century maps from 1855, 1876
and 1908 have been made available through www.ancestry.com
13
I resolved to work
around any limitations in order to present an evocative, and accurate, characterization of a
historic culture and family.

8

In assessing pertinent resources in order to place Hoffmann within his historic
place and time, I have therefore relied greatly upon the scholarship of Richard Ross Cloues
regarding village improvement societies nationwide and their derivation from Laurel Hill’s
tenets. Focusing on the physical form of Stockbridge and the application of improvement
tenets to its streets and monuments, Cloues’s decade-long study is a definitive analysis of
the village improvement movement as it began in Stockbridge.
14
Additional information
regarding “Stockbridge’s conscience”
15
was derived from Hoffmann family member
Margaret Hoffmann, James Osborne Craig descendant Pamela Skewes-Cox, and
Stockbridge village historians Carole Owens and Joshua Hall.

9
Chapter 2: Imagination and the Civic Idea

The Town
There was only one thing dearer to him [the New Englander] than his
township – his hearth. The ‘town’ was as ancient as the neighborhood, and
older than the county; his great-grandson knows that it is much older than
the state, or the Union of the States.
16

If, as Russell Chamberlin wrote, “The town was Rome’s gift to Britain,” it left a very
uneven legacy. The ravages of 400 years of Roman rule, followed by 2,000 more of civic
evolution, made cases of direct, interpretive continuity impossible.
17
The civitas, or Roman
town, originally evolved from the defensive fortress, which had been, in turn, mostly
subsumed by British soil by the 6
th
century A.D. Designed primarily for inclusivity and
efficient replication, the Roman town plan was less reflective of, or interactive with, local
conditions than it was a dramatic backdrop for the individual’s role in society. The forum,
or town center, was set within a walled, gated, geometric grid. Primacy was shown to
institutional architecture such as basilicas and administration buildings, which reflected
superior civic management and political dominion, as well as the power to sustain belief.
In contrast to its ancestor, the administrative and political structure of the English
village was local and regional, not national; civic, rather than military, and governed by a
parish council operating within a borough. The agrarian village developed through gradual
change, entirely dependent for its continued survival on its location and topography.
Chamberlin pointed out that the primacy of the relationship to the land meant that the
colonial village “refused to provide for ceremony … [or to make] set pieces of ceremonial
buildings”
18
as the Greeks and Romans had done to such grand effect throughout history.

10
Instead, the English commons or central green was a communally owned, functional
space, originally intended for livestock grazing and other public use. Imported to America,
the Green set a precedent as a cooperative, closed system, where inward-facing homes were
organized around its perimeter and farming was conducted outside of the immediate area
with any additional land used for communal cultivation.
19
However, the form in its
American version proved to be a short-lived phenomenon.
With the foundation of Puritanical thought as their bond, New England settlers were
entirely dependent physically, economically, and politically upon one another for survival,
and while inward-facing settlements did not last long in their original form, they
constituted a historic precedent of cooperative land management in American culture.
20

As John Reps observed, “The settlement of New England was an experiment in genuine
regional planning … subject to conscious forethought and community controls. Only the
Spanish pueblo rivaled [it] in this respect.”
21
As Puritans arrived in the Massachusetts Bay
colony and elsewhere, early populations moved inexorably toward greater geographic and
economic independence almost as soon as settlement began.
22
The foremost goal of
increased land acquisition, requisite for community safety and control and encouraged by
asynchronous settlement, resulted in dispersal of many small populations outside of their
bounded squares by the late 17
th
century.
23
In this new society, direct exchanges, not
reflected identity, dictated the town form.
In The Making of Urban America, John Reps showed that, while the earliest New
England villages sometimes followed the “tightly nucleated” model, variety emanated from
two basic forms. The squared block plan, with an establishing Green, contained streets and
contiguous farmland allotments radiating outward, as seen in the early plans of New Haven,

11
Connecticut, and Cambridge, Massachusetts. While its social organization remained similar,
the second basic type was the “spined,” or linear, form seen in early maps of East Windsor,
Connecticut; Salem; Pittsfield, and Stockbridge, Massachusetts. One or more greens or
commons were created at intersections along, or leading off of, a dominant central street.
24

Whether a 17
th
or 18
th
century American village had its nascent beginning in either
of these types, its future growth was thereafter dependent upon alterations to the natural
terrain, programmatic requirements, and governmental changes, rather than the conscious
representation of a particular aesthetic. However, once established, effective plans such as
New Haven’s were contemporaneously, and widely, replicated elsewhere.
25
Joseph Wood in
particular has argued that underlying social and community connections largely remained
intact throughout these departures from the nucleated square.
26

Wood, as well as Martyn Bowden, Leo Marx, and Henry Nash Smith have studied the
ways in which America’s emerging chroniclers presented successive iterations of the
mythical land-idea and the aggrandized role of the American in nature.
27
Although concepts
of transformative panoramas were largely limited to the mind and to the page, the barren
‘Desert’ and wild ‘Forest’ yielded to the redemptive ‘Garden,’ of which Stockbridge, in
embracing village improvement with fervor, became an iconic example.
After the sustaining ‘Farm,’ (the land as an extension of the New England village),
the ‘Frontier’ became the most broadly abstracted, yet dominant, backdrop to date in
supporting the myth of man’s stature.
28
Underlying each of these adopted identities was a
deep wellspring of rationalization, as those who cast themselves in the successive personae
of what Bowden called “the saints, yeomen, and pioneers”
29
adapted to unprecedented
exposure to both the country and the world.

12
“The Loveliest Village of the Plain”
30

Stockbridge always does things a little harder than other places.
31

Stockbridge, 1739-1939: A Chronicle

Stockbridge is picturesque! It is aesthetic! Incidentally it is fashionable.
32

Charles Forbes Warner, Picturesque Stockbridge

The first Anglo-American settlers to establish the 18
th
century colonial villages of far
western Massachusetts’ Berkshire County were almost exclusively of English descent. The
majority were titular British subjects arriving from central and eastern Massachusetts as
well as from Connecticut and Rhode Island to the immediate south. These groups moved
westward through thick, mountainous woodlands toward French territory at various
junctures during the French and Indian War (1754-1755) and in the years leading up to the
Revolutionary War (1775-1783). The region had seen the establishment of Puritan society
in many cities and townships, beginning with Plymouth, Massachusetts (est. 1620).
33

Ever since the 17
th
century, when Puritans exiled themselves from their home
country in order to fulfill what Edward Johnson called “Christ’s service in the Western
World,”
34
the sect’s characteristic amalgamation of religious and political identity had been
promulgated throughout New England via an energetic proselytism. These biblical roots, in
the physical form of settlement, were epitomized by the nine-square plan of New Haven,
Connecticut (est. 1638). In their analysis of that singular site, Vincent Scully et al. showed
that in its expression of Puritan symbolism and Congregationalist ethos, the precedent of
the plan’s Green and its enclosing squares related to the biblical “garden enclosed.” Such
plans were intended from the start to be indistinguishable from the congregational body.
35

Now, a century later, the era of Enlightenment challenged Puritanism’s rigid forms as more
weight was given to subjective investigation and skepticism than ever before.
36

13
The London-based Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG)
37

established its counterpart in Boston, backing the exploration of the Berkshire region
among other areas. Once physical safety of the missionaries was tentatively established,
and attempts at the Christianization of Indians embarked upon, a transitional national
identity began to be developed in Berkshire County. Around the time that the county’s first
land grant was issued in 1722, settlements were built upon the ruins of the region’s
Algonquin/Mohican tribal culture as it had previously existed near the Hudson River of
New York State. The nearly 1,000-acre “Lake Country of America” of poetry
38
was named in
1760 by Francis Bernard (1712-1779), colonial administrator and first Royal Governor of
New Jersey (1758) and Massachusetts (1759-1769), after the county of his birth in the
southeast of England.
39
It followed that the region’s literature, architecture and oratory
were from that time forward imbued with traces of the English landscape.
Founded in 1734, the village of Stockbridge was heavily wooded and surrounded by
two rivers, several lakes and West Stockbridge, Monument, and Bear Mountains, with the
imposing Mount Greylock in the north distance. With a combined land and lake area of only
twenty-four square miles, Stockbridge reserved an iconic status, unique even among other
Berkshire villages, through its lasting reputation in print. The expression of this colonialist
appropriation fell to reverends, politicians, and authors; in lyrical narratives and pastoral
poems, their accounts covered a well-worn path of praise.
40
Over time, Stockbridge
embraced two priorities: the success of its residents,
41
and the importance its organized
citizenry placed on the act of commemoration in a natural setting.
42

14
Inventing the New England Village
The slow demise of the Spartan, environmentally-determined colonial village,
centered upon survival through agriculture and home industry, had definitively begun by
the time the Revolutionary War ended in 1783. The simple, one-story structures of the
typical village, often haphazardly placed, did not symbolize anything more than survival on
their own merits. Thereafter, an erratic, uneven regional economy struggled to find a
foothold as the federal government and its underlying political system were coalescing.
Between 1790 and 1850, New England experienced both the benefits and the social
upheaval of increased trade, income and investment, transportation, banking, business
incorporation, news, and advertising opportunities, and the first merchant-focused towns
43

began to take root.
In concert with these demographic changes came a full-blown romanticism of an
imagined architectural past, reflecting what Glassberg called “[embodiments] of the ideal,
family-centered, industrious democratic community.”
44
From this point forward,
investment in the reframing of the landscape created what would prove to be the eternal
image of “New England.” One of the first of such created places was Walpole, New
Hampshire (est. 1752), which began as a rough lumber town. Walpole’s first store opened
in 1769; a total of five commercial shops were established by 1885.
45
Walpole shifted
identities from the undifferentiated frontier town so rapidly that its meeting house was
never even finished; it instead became the site of an imposing, asymmetrical Federal-style
home.
46

15
Between 1784 and 1794, several other stately, two-story, shingled-and-shuttered
homes emerged. This so-called “Great Rebuilding Period” transformed the village model
into a commercially-determined destination, attracting its first consolidations of artisans,
investors, and professional classes along with laborers, educators and purveyors of
specialized services. The most diverse, and successful, of these “center villages” would
become viable cities; some identified primarily as mill towns or supply stops.
47
Others, such
as remote Stockbridge, Massachusetts, gentrified much more slowly and with a bare
minimum of commercialism.

16
Chapter 3: The Roots of Revival

The Elm
Alone among native trees, the elm was the primary civic element that resonated in
the New England imagination, ultimately populating the entire swath of the United States.
48

The health and quantity of trees became symbolic indicators of the progress of the new
republic in print as early as the 1820s; New England Farmer (published from 1771-1837),
49

was just one influential resource for the promotion of horticulture in the region. The noted
abolitionist Henry Ward Beecher, whose father Lyman’s sermons had inspired one of the
first organized tree plantings in 18
th
century Litchfield, Connecticut, later wrote:

[Elms are] as much a part of [New England’s] beauty as the columns of the
Parthenon were the glory of its architecture … We had rather walk beneath
an avenue of elms than inspect the noblest cathedral that art ever
accomplished.
50

The first American cities to plant masses of trees along prominent streets included
New Haven, Boston, Philadelphia, and Washington, D.C. Just as they did in urban centers,
rows of elm trees epitomized the image of the dignified village. In 1830s Massachusetts,
public trees were protected by a state law which imposed fines for vandalism and wanton
removal, revealing their emerging importance to civic development.
51

The careful planning of the bucolic Mount Auburn Cemetery in Cambridge (c. 1829),
and the Laurel Hill Cemetery of Philadelphia (c. 1836), revealed the shift in thinking about
formerly undifferentiated public space that typified the era. These intensely personal, yet
increasingly public spaces, which Dell Upton called “miniature cities,” included street

17
names and scenic lakes carved out of rough, unimproved land. As a reimagining of the
future accelerated, the environment was manipulated into a useable, but at the same time
glorified, set piece.
52

By 1840, what Russell Lynes called “The Age of the Public Taste” was underway,
made possible in part by nascent developments in the mass production of reproduction art,
furniture, carpets, and wallpaper.
53
However, such products, and their arguable levels of
quality and appropriateness, were not yet being widely advertised, or perceived, under the
collective banner of a “unified taste.” At the same time, landscape and its powerful visual
conventions were being re-imagined in literature, painting, and depictions of travel
destinations, and some fortunate Americans were experiencing European tours for the first
time. The dissemination of newly available publications allowed conditions as disparate as
street lighting, road construction, and garden design in Europe and America to begin to be
assessed and compared. These changes were easily conflated with the aspirational human
impulse to reach for the “next thing” in order to positively differentiate one town from
another.
In New England, village decision makers began to perceive what Richard Clouse
described as “a disparity in needs and wants … between ideals and realities.”
54
The rapid
urbanization and industrialization of New York and Boston cast a shadow on their roughly
formed settlements, already worn down by Revolutionary and Civil War-era scarcities,
economic depressions and lack of general infrastructure. The growing sense among
citizens that they no longer had to settle for an undifferentiated, unbefitting environment
was a societal impulse that could only be reconciled by the active reshaping of the
landscape. Although increasingly distant from realities in America, the inspiration of

18
England would continue to dictate the form of the re-interpreted New England village, and
the elm tree presented itself as the first and best vehicle to use in enacting this civic change.
Not every village could rely on academic, literary or political cultural associations to define
itself, as had happened to a large extent in Stockbridge, Lenox, and Great Barrington,
Massachusetts in recent years.
Although its year-round population numbered only a few hundred people, each
summer Stockbridge came alive with dramatic stage performances, art exhibitions, and
other group activities. In their civic history of Stockbridge, Sedgwick and Marquand
insisted, however, that “it was art with a small a.” Stockbridge, the authors insisted, was an
unpretentious town, where “talents great and small rubbed shoulders.”
55
One of several
such “greats” was novelist Nathaniel Hawthorne, who moved to Stockbridge in 1850,
56
in
between the publication of The Scarlet Letter and The House of the Seven Gables; the latter
written from his own cramped, gabled cottage overlooking Lake Mahkeenac.
57

Other literary notables claimed only visitor status. For example, Herman Melville
and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow resided in Pittsfield, fifteen miles to the north.
Iconoclastic transcendentalist Henry David Thoreau was a sporadic visitor, arriving soon
after his treatise Civil Disobedience appeared in Margaret Fuller’s short-lived journal, The
Dial (1840-1844).
58
The dramatic natural scenery of remote Stockbridge, an irresistible
setting for contemplation, was often celebrated in art, prose and poetry. “So,” mused village
chroniclers Sedgwick and Marquand, “… the distinguished visitors came, wrote their
descriptions and went away again … Stockbridge began to learn that like the dairy maid, its
face was its fortune.”
59

19
Downing, Wheeler and the Village Ideal
Bridging the gulf between “high brow” and “low brow” ideas of taste was the
landscape designer, writer and aesthete Andrew Jackson Downing (1815-1852). Downing
became America’s leading arbiter of taste through his 1846-1852 editorship of The
Horticulturalist, and Journal of Rural Art and Rural Taste, and the publication of several
influential building pattern and horticulture books.
60
Self-taught in the emerging science of
botany and in the rules of genteel society, Downing worked with the distinguished architect
Alexander Jackson Davis
61
to establish and disseminate the picturesque aesthetic
62
in
America. Their work was the latest iteration of the “Ruskinian” quest for appropriateness in
architecture.
63
Citing principles such as “fitness,” “utility,” and “harmony,” Downing echoed
not only the ideals of his English contemporary, the art and architecture critic John Ruskin
(1819-1900),
64
but also centuries of earlier analytical thinking regarding propriety in
building materials and methods, reaching all the way back to those Leon Battista Alberti
called “the learned men of the [distant] past” such as Vitruvius and Theophrastus.
65

By 1840, English manifestations of the picturesque had run the gamut from what
Henry Russell Hitchcock described as “… the Rustic Cottage, the Tudor Parsonage, and the
Castellated Mansion;” each communicated the “consciously nationalistic” image of an
“insular past.”
66
Hailing from New York’s Hudson River Valley, Downing was not beholden
to any such regionalist limitations. Together, Downing (sketches and descriptions) and
Davis (plans and detailed renderings) codified revival styles such as the Italian villa, Swiss
chalet and English Rural Gothic. Designs featured peaked roofs, generous porches and
decorative trim, set among rough-and-tumble gardens, blooming arbors, fences and flower
beds.

20
Plan books contained visions of complete worlds. As Downing trumpeted the
merits of seemingly iconoclastic designs, he managed to argue convincingly and
simultaneously on behalf of both dignified restraint and vitality in expression. For example,
the “little Greek temple” was deemed an inauthentic sham, while the “comfortable
appurtenances” of verandas and bay-windows were “… the most valuable general truths on
domestic architecture;” even if they did adorn a not-really-English cottage.
67
However,
Downing’s sincere belief in “honest” materials and his inherent sense of pragmatism left an
indelible mark on an aspirational public, answering a popular desire for a unified taste.
68

Describing the moral and spiritual cultivation of home and garden in the voice of a
teacher, Downing asserted in Rural Essays that taste lay “dormant” inside the mind of the
“dull” land or home owner.
69
A sense of proportion, scale, appropriateness, etc., could not be
perceived in a vacuum. Its activation was made possible only through persistent, and
elevating, education disseminated by the willing citizen.
70
Candidates included “selectmen,
trustees of corporations … persons of means and influence… to adorn and embellish the
external conditions of their towns.”
71

Further, it was not a secular civic education Downing had in mind. Building was
both a public and private act. If living in the country meant being closer to God, it followed
that living tastefully in the country required elevating taste to a religion.
72
In that vein,
Downing famously quoted the English poet William Cowper, who wrote: “God made the
country, but man made the town.”
73
Following his inspiration, Downing traveled to England
in 1850 where his popularity preceded him. After Downing’s death two years later, an
unattributed quote in the final issue of The Horticulturalist praised his “…tongue, eloquent
of beauty, and [a] pen, powerful of good (sic).”
74

21
Another prescriptive visionary, with immediate ties to Stockbridge and environs,
was the British architect Gervase Wheeler (1815-1899). Arriving in America in the mid-
1840s, where he created stylized domestic architecture for approximately 14 years,
Wheeler promulgated Ruskin’s concepts of “truth and fitness”
75
in the design and
construction of homes throughout Connecticut, New York, Maine and Massachusetts. Just as
Downing’s dictums had, in a sense, resembled those of the ancients, Wheeler’s books Rural
Homes (1851)
76
and Homes for the People (1855)
77
presented strictly classified categories of
styles and plans, matched to particular lifestyles and social classes in the spirit of a modern-
day Sebastiano Serlio.
78
Wheeler warned against the use of “whimsical and unreal” stylistic
applications; instead, he addressed “habitancy and durability” for “all classes of persons.”
Wheeler concluded: “The peculiarities of those architectural styles of past ages are of
practical use in domestic buildings now.”
79

In the Berkshires, the comparison between Wheeler’s “Cottage Villa” near
Stockbridge (1851-1854), with its well-balanced but unimposing floor plan
80
(Fig. 1), and
the “Suburban Villa” of the same period (Fig. 2),
81
typifies the moment just before the Gilded
Age architecture fully exploded upon the scene. “Cottages” of the 1870s rendered such
relative restraint and unified appropriateness less influential as design considerations. By
1875, wrote Russell Lynes, “The rich found neither the Gothic cottage nor the Villa elegant
enough for their taste, or ostentatious enough to suit their position.”
82
Increasing
architectural eclecticism pointed the way toward the future of civic identity.

22

Figure 1. Gervase Wheeler's "Cottage Villa," Homes for the People (1855)

Figure 2. Gervase Wheeler's "Suburban Villa," Homes for the People (1855)

23
The Elm in Sheffield
The new architecture of the Gilded Age was inspired, in part, by a new approach to
landscape. Of the few New England villages that had concentrated on tree planting by the
1840s, Sheffield, Massachusetts (15 miles to the south of Stockbridge) was the first to
create a formal, artistic “composition” in trees. Sheffield capitalized upon its singular,
century-old ‘Sheffield Elm’ as a beginning.
83
In the first such recorded improvement effort,
the community held a two-week mass tree planting intended to improve the landscape and
attract visitors.
84
The 1846 “Tree Bee” added a record one thousand evenly spaced
American elms flanking the long main street (Fig. 3).

Figure 3. "The Arcade," Main Street Sheffield, Mass. (1846)

24
What Campanella called a “column of verdure” paid homage to beauty for its own
sake. Sheffield native Orville Dewey (1794-1882) was a key figure in the creation of this
image. During his long career in the clergy, the peripatetic minister worked in Boston,
where he met Ralph Waldo Emerson, and in New York, where he befriended William Cullen
Bryant. Dewey’s career was interrupted by stints in other New England towns and in
Europe. The minister entered a rarified social circle through these contacts, and was
included in Bryant’s convivial Sketch Club
85
of New York alongside Downing, artist Thomas
Cole (1801-1848), and the engraver and portraitist Asher Brown Durand (1796-1886). As
described by Daniel Huntingdon, Dewey was “[discovering] in this crowd kindred spirits.”
86

Dewey returned to his hometown of Sheffield in the 1840s. In 1852, the year
Andrew J. Downing died, Dewey founded the town’s Elm Tree Association, America’s first
organized village improvement society. Just as Downing invoked spirituality in discussions
of prosaic building and planting activities, the minister’s aim was to incorporate societal
concerns into a unified civic ethos in Sheffield. The former Calvinist had emerged a
vehement Unitarian, and Dewey came to believe that an approximation of heaven could be
achieved on Earth through social equality set amid beauty. Dewey’s controversial 1856 Elm
Tree Oration railed against slavery,
87
concluding with the image of the tree as a bulwark
against such an evil: “Long may its brave old arms stretch themselves over this humble spot,
in a free and happy land!...”
88
After his death, Dewey was described by a fellow clergyman as
yet another super-attenuated prophet of the Romantic period: “He felt things keenly; his
sensibilities were most acute; even his thoughts [were] suffused with emotion.”
89
With such
implied authority and zeal for education, it fell to such guardians of nature as Dewey and
Downing to define the parameters of civic beauty.

25
As in Sheffield, elms were the first tool used in framing and defining the Stockbridge
landscape. In the spring of 1853, the Massachusetts state legislature passed its first village
improvement statute in order to allow improvement organizations “the same rights,
powers and privileges accorded libraries and lyceums.”
90
The following August,
Stockbridge resident Miss Mary Hopkins Goodrich (1813 or 1815-1895)
91
investigated
Sheffield’s newly chartered Elm Tree Association to the extent that she was elected an
honorary member of the male-dominated group (the reasons for this appointment are
unclear). The Elm Tree Association exerted a clear influence on Hopkins. Sculptor and
author Mary French Cresson wrote of Hopkins’ decision regarding her own town of
Stockbridge: “Mary was disgusted. ‘Somebody ought to do something about this [she said
to herself], and it looks as though that somebody is going to be me.’”
92
From that time
forward, Miss Hopkins, with her “… orderly mind and passion for neatness,”
93
worked
quickly and devotedly to establish a similar local organization to address conditions in
Stockbridge, continuing until her death forty-two years later.
94

As a newly minted activist, Hopkins called for a Stockbridge community meeting at
Laurel Hill, to the southwest of Main Street, in order to create a new improvement
organization. Laurel Hill, an ancient Indian council ground (Figs. 4 and 6), had been donated
to the town by the Sedgwick family in 1834 and was intended for use as a park. The LHA
was named after the site, referencing the shared history of the entire Berkshire region and
consecrating Stockbridge as an Anglo-American settlement. Hopkins was quoted as saying,
“Let us make Stockbridge the paradise of towns – the joy of the whole earth.”
95

26
Standing committees were created and the positions of officers, standing committee
members, and other positions were filled.
96
Appropriately, the group’s first Vice President
was a Congregationalist minister. Financing came from member dues ranging from a few
cents for children up to fifty dollars. The majority of the additional 150 or so additional
contributors, including children, lived either in the village or within a 1 ½ mile radius.
97

Based on a population of around 2,000,
98
this would indicate that at least one in ten
townspeople probably became involved; however, a number of other contributors are
mentioned in the literature from the nearby towns of Lenox and Pittsfield as well as some
who had since moved away to New York or Boston.

Figure 4. Laurel Hill, Stockbridge, Mass.

27
Issues in Stockbridge
Elms had stood in Stockbridge in small clusters dating back as far as 1786, but it
was the lack of sidewalks, curbs, or grading which created potholes and undifferentiated
views along roads and between buildings. Years later, writer Mary Caroline Robbins
reminisced about the condition of Stockbridge at mid-century: “… rough, shabby … with a
bare common and a dreary cemetery all brambles and weeds.”
99
Targeted as one of the
group’s first projects, the Stockbridge Cemetery’s (est. 1813) broken fencing and
dilapidated headstones were an affront to civility. Most dispiritingly, its hallowed ground
stood directly across the road from the town common, visible to all.
The solution, as applied to the cemetery, established a precedent of village
improvement which would be expanded upon and refined in future situations.
100
First,
attendance to construction or repair; citizens rebuilt the gate and created fencing using
quarried-stone posts and iron railings. Second, definition of the area using the intelligent
placement of natural plantings; in this case a Norway spruce hedge was installed and
carefully trained. Third, facilitation of egress: paths, sidewalks, and drainage cuts were
installed where necessary. Organized street tree planting, turf and lighting installation
added to the list of interventions, and the final and most expensive elements were the
bridges, monuments and buildings that firmly established a village as a civilized success.
101

However, it all started with the simplest of changes:

Then individuals, not to be outdone by the society, began tidying up their
own premises. They cut the grass in their yards and made lawns and paths
and flower-beds. Set trees and shrubs, took down division fences, and finally
screwed up courage to remove the fences bordering the street.
102

28
Laurel Hill’s “juvenile auxiliary”
103
required responsible participation as outlined in
bylaw #10. Interested youth members over age 14 planted and cared for trees “under the
direction of the executive committee,” or donated one dollar per year in lieu of that
responsibility.
104
In addition to increasing the number of “hands on deck,” children’s
engagement in beautification, sometimes administered through village public schools, was
seen as an important lesson in civics which supplemented formal education.
105
Peer
pressure played a part as well; prizes were conferred on participants who kept the cleanest
sidewalks. Festive pageants were held, and trees were named after their caretakers. Other
community organizations which integrated improvement into their activities included
boards of trade, fraternal organizations and relief agencies. In fulfilling a role in civic and
even personal development, village improvement served societal functions that went
beyond the obvious, addressing deeper concerns of the times.

Laurel Hill Anniversary Day – The Congregation
Village improvement supported an increasingly modern way of life by shifting the
public’s focus toward the outside world. As sidewalks became more prevalent and streets
were graded, paths and views extended outward from the village center, and adjacent areas
such as the train station led more pleasingly into the village as well.
106
Regular tree
plantings along the streets accentuated the newer form as seen from a distance, imbuing
dignity reflective of Downing’s resonant dictums.
107

Similar in tone to the oratorical styles of Beecher, Downing and Dewey, Reverend
N.H. Eggleston’s description of the annual Laurel Hill Anniversary Day, held in late summer,
was imbued with a sense of permanence and principled communion. A “forum” was

29
created there, as Stockbridge’s sylvan setting evoked democracy, spirituality, and
ecclesiastical feeling. Emotionally charged oration by elite dignitaries took place in the
church-like atmosphere underneath the trees:

Once a year, the association invites its friends, and all of the world that will,
to its annual festival … upon the eastern border of this plateau … the eye
looks out from under the arching oaks and elms. Prayer is offered. A band
of music stirs the branching trees with its strains. The talking is in varied
strains, from the liveliest to the most sedate; but all is simple and natural. It
is the village festival … here, all are equal.
108

Likewise, author Parris Farwell argued that the formation of the “natural amphitheater”
itself, affected by the hand of God, lent the group not only legitimacy and salvation, but a
mandate to civic action as well:
109

…shall we relax our vigilance to bring beauty to the homes of huddled
thousands? Something very like a religious fervor can be put into the zeal
for city beauty, sustaining it through long patience and hard work… If we are
looking for religious sanction for our love of beauty and our desire to create
and foster it everywhere in the service of men, we may find it in the glorious
reminder that ‘strength and beauty’ are marks of God’s sanctuary.
110

This event, inculcating Stockbridge’s Congregationalist history, was a powerful
mixture of civic business meeting, oration, picnic, and, in some cases, family reunion.
Fraternalism enhanced the physical act of improvement; reminiscent of the communal
farming and land management upon which the village was based. As more area groups
emulated Laurel Hill, Anniversary Day invited improvement society members from other
regions of New England and the Mid-Atlantic states.
111

30
The Organizational Model
Despite its outward, spiritual connotations, the Laurel Hill group operated within a
tightly organized structure reflective of any other small-scale, professional business model.
The business portion of the public program included annual updates by the Secretary and
Treasurer and the choice of officers for the next. Beginning in 1853, with over $1,000 in
initial donations from the community, members planted 423 trees during its first year.
112

By 1888, the group had spent only $8,000 in outlays over its 33 year history. In the process,
members had planted 2,000 trees and secured a state charter in order to legally take
receipt of donated land as well as cash,
113
allowing for gifts such as David Dudley Field’s
58 donated acres being converted into Stockbridge’s beloved, rustic public park, “Ice Glen.”
By 1895, the number of newly planted trees had increased to 4,000.
114

The Laurel Hill Association met on the fourth Wednesday of every August to
commemorate its accomplishments and values. Throughout, dedicated townspeople
vigilantly enforced what a local observer described as the “refinement of the community
and educated common sense,”
115
carefully maintaining structures such as the marble Cat
and Dog Fountain. Dual precedents were created, as the village and the improvement
organization both became templates for the future.
116

“The Invention of Twentieth Century People”
117

Laurel Hill’s formal organization emerged contemporaneously with a watershed
period in American publishing. Two of the most prominent market segments - daily
newspapers and seminal literary publications - established markets by 1850,
118
and a litany
of high-minded literary periodicals, banal government directives and everything in between

31
soon followed.
119
In addition to appearing in monthlies such as The New England Magazine
(est. 1831), Scribner’s (est. 1870), and the educational journal The Chautauquan (est. 1880),
Laurel Hill’s charter constitution and bylaws were eventually widely reprinted and re-
interpreted in educational journals, government bulletins, and gardening manuals as an
ideal organizational model for many years to come.
120

The expansion of local organizations, modeled on the premise of Laurel Hill and
adapted to regional needs, was encouraged through the mass publication of feature articles
and inexpensive, mail-order booklets.
121
Topics soon extended to areas such as local library
development, children’s playgrounds, and insect control, among many other quality-of-life
concerns. Interest in literature was affected in many small towns across America as
periodicals such as Harper’s New Monthly Magazine of 1850 (whose literary and cultural
focus aimed at elite, eastern tastes); and Putnam’s Monthly Magazine of 1853 elevated
American authors to an unprecedented degree,
122
beginning what Edward Chielens
referred to as the “regional consciousness that fostered distinct and separate literary
traditions and attitudes.”
123

Equidistant from New York (150 miles), the unofficial American capital whose
population shot up by almost 70% between 1840 and 1850,
124
and Boston (167 miles),
which ascended from the 5
th
largest U.S. city to the 3
rd
with an almost 50% population jump
in that same time period,
125
tiny Stockbridge was one of the first to benefit from a fast-rising
upper class with its attendant demand for escape from the cities. The primacy of Laurel
Hill’s ongoing, incremental village improvement efforts over the past quarter century now
receded, becoming a backdrop to unprecedented displays of country opulence.

32
“The Inland Newport”
126

What would eventually be termed the “Second Industrial Revolution,” considered by
many historians to span the years 1860 to 1920, was inseparable from rapid growth in
wealth from industry and trade.
127
Vaclav Smil has characterized the number and import of
new inventions and technologies emerging during the last three decades of the 19
th
century
as nothing less than “… the fundamental means to realize nearly all … 20
th
century
accomplishments;” a galvanizing phenomenon so unique, Smil referred to it as a “profound
technical singularity.”
128
A truncated list of 1880s inventions included reliable incandescent
electric lights, steam turbines, electricity-generating plants and electric motors and trains.
The 1890s were no less transformative, introducing diesel engines, x-rays, and the wireless
telegraph, among many other innovations.
129
The rising manufacturing class contributed to
the infusion of wealth in Stockbridge, a phenomenon exemplified by the accomplishment of
resident Cyrus West Field in 1858, when he and a group of partners completed the first
successful transatlantic cable installation between Newfoundland and Nova Scotia.
130

The construction of imposing summer villas for the business, legal, and political
titans of Boston and New York completely redefined the formerly insulated Stockbridge as
“the Inland Newport”
131
beginning in the mid 19
th
century. The process began
incrementally, with the construction of Samuel Gray Ward’s Highwood of 1844 (straddling
Stockbridge and Lenox) and Charles Butler’s Linwood of 1859. The construction of such
grand designs reached its apex by the 1880s with Joseph Hodges Choate’s Naumkeag of
1884.
132
Ultimately, around 100 of these extravagant, often contextually audacious, homes
were built in Stockbridge, Lenox, Pittsfield, and Great Barrington. The Sunday New York
Tribune and others regularly advertised these rural redoubts on their front pages.
133

33
Influenced by science, nature, and aspiration, and approaching their Centennial year
as a nation, what historian Richard Cloues characterized as an “impressionable public” was
fully engaged in an ongoing search for identity through architecture and landscape.
134

The reputation of the invented New England town was, by 1875, indistinguishable from the
popular writings, art, and rhetoric which glorified it. Reverend Eggleston was invited by The
New York Tribune to describe the precedent-setting civic beautification work conducted by
the Laurel Hill Association over the past quarter century. What had begun very modestly
with a simple, straightforward program of clearing and planting had led to changes in
architecture and self-image. A more dignified, and marketable, identity had been realized in
Stockbridge. Eggleston characterized the nation’s model chartered village improvement
group
135
as nothing less than transformative; creating a bridge from the past to a more
amenable, and hopefully timeless, present:

The Stockbridge of today [is] quite a different place from the Stockbridge of
twenty years ago. Travelers passing through it are apt to speak of it with
admiration as a finished place.
136

An ‘Environmental Awakening’ percolated throughout New England, inspiring ordinary
people to improve their corner of the world. Stockbridge’s agrarian beginnings had been
transformed into an expression of beauty for its own, elevating sake. Over time, this
phenomenon was also widely reflected in the popular culture.

34
Beauty and Taste
The impact of magazines greatly increased during the next half century.
137

Coinciding with the growth of retail and its own need for advertising, the 1890s saw a
dramatic increase in the number of publications, driving subscriber prices down and
accelerating the new consumer culture.
138
By 1893, well over half of the U.S. population
lived in farm communities outside of major cities. Artistic images were also widely seen on
advertising chromo cards and calendars disseminated by businesses and door-to-door
salesmen. The U.S. Postal Service began experimenting with “rural free delivery,”
139
a
development that would lead to mail order catalogs exploding onto the American scene
after wider implementation of the program in 1902. As periodical page space was
dominated by product promotion from the very beginning, America’s first advertising age
helped to finance an inexorable trend of democratization and cultural assimilation.
Exposed to new visions of beauty and armed with a deluge of discoveries, the nascent
consumer culture experienced a new desire for beauty as the century advanced.
As advertising comprised more publication page space and periodicals increased in
sophistication, romantic imagery and the societal pressure to live up to its promise became
the dominant themes of popular late 19
th
century writing and pictorials. In her study of the
causes and manifestations of the Gilded Age aesthetic movement occurring between 1876
and 1900, Mary Blanchard analyzed the deeply felt need among the general populace for a
kind of psychic relief from the unrelenting hardship, uncertainty, and self-denial of the era.

35
An answer of sorts came in 1882 when Oscar Wilde, the provocative English social
observer, introduced the mandate Blanchard called “an otherworldly vision” while
presenting influential speeches in America’s major cities. The “new religion of beauty”
140

was a credo of artistic discernment. Wilde’s message, more directive than philosophical,
gave public sanction to the purely decorative. The animating principles of “the aesthetic”
made a profound shift during this period from concepts of morality, soul and spirit (as
espoused by Ruskin)
141
to specificity, quality and detail in the work itself; artistic values
that comprised their own, self-reinforcing context.
142

These instructive and inspirational dictums on fashion, interiors and furnishings
from “The Apostle of Aestheticism” (Wilde) and others became commercialized, fast-
growing trends. As the middle class focused on home beautification, art and architecture,
the upper classes were becoming wildly inventive in their baronial pretensions. ‘Knock-off’
reproductions of fine art pieces proliferated on store shelves. An 1882 issue of the popular
magazine Harper’s, featuring a profile on pre-Raphaelite artist Dante Gabriel Rossetti,
proclaimed in an article on “Certain New York Houses” that “…we stand in the full flood tide
of modern art improvement and beauty, as applied to household art. People furnish their
rooms now according to their caprices. The personal comes out.”
143

Home Ties and the Urban Exodus
In an era of suburban exodus to fast-growing urban centers, concern grew
regarding the preservation of multi-generational continuity. David Glassberg pointed to the
underlying tension inherent in this seemingly sudden change, later captured in the
painting; Breaking Home Ties by Thomas Hovendon (1890)
144
and other works.

36
Improvement could, House Beautiful assured its readers, “… furnish such opportunities for
children as should prevent them from rushing city-ward as soon as the apron-strings are
broken, or untied.”
145

Well removed from the post-colonial invention of idealized village forms, the post-
Civil War impulse for tangible tradition emphasized nature’s fundamentally transformative
influence. The impulse to revere nature would only intensify as the power of the modern
capitalist society asserted itself. As civic planner Patrick Geddes (1854-1932) later wrote:

It is for lack of this touch of first hand rustic experience that we have forced
young energy into hooliganism … with reconstructive opportunities and
vigorous labours; we shall next make of him a veritable Hercules.
146

The inherent social tension between an unspoiled life of rural freedom and the
character-defining rigor of established educational traditions was, according to
architectural historian Vincent Scully, reflected in the state of American architecture as
well; torn as it was during the 1860s and 70s between the ‘natural’ urge for
experimentation and an assured reliance on imported Beaux Arts classicism.
147
The
struggle for independence was both literal and symbolic, as Stockbridge, the former
missionary station of the Housatonic Indians, had become, by this time, reliant on its image
as an established arts colony - a point of escape for captains of industry and invention.
148

It was against this background that the case study of the Ferdinand Hoffmann family begins,
revealing the deep commitment to community involvement that culminated in Santa
Barbara.

37
Chapter 4: The Hoffmann Family of Stockbridge

Ferdinand Hoffmann
The respected educator Dr. Ferdinand C. Hoffmann would be a living link between
Stockbridge and Santa Barbara through the life’s work of two of his four sons, Bernhard
Martin Luther Hoffmann and his older brother, Ralph Arthur Hoffmann. Ferdinand, born in
modern-day Hungary in 1827, studied law at the universities of Bonn, Heidelberg, and
Berlin.
149
Throughout the later 18
th
and early 19
th
centuries, the volume of German
immigration to the United States was steadily and rapidly escalating from about 1830 to
1860.
150
As a part of the Kossuth Emigration of 1848, Hoffmann was a “forty-eighter;” one
of approximately 4,000 idealistic political refugees who left Europe that year for the United
States. These individuals were abandoning failed revolution attempted in the cause of
religious freedom and human rights.
151
In 1851, Ferdinand was sponsored by Stockbridge
clubwomen avidly concerned about the fate of Hungary’s émigrés.
152

One of the strongest emphases for many German-speaking immigrants of the era
was on education. The establishment of schools was seen by many as a duty; the value of
school attendance and performance considered on a par with religious instruction (a co-
curriculum commonly taught in German village schools).
153
Seeking to support himself in
Stockbridge, Dr. Hoffmann announced his availability as a tutor in a variety of subjects, with
personal references provided by novelist Catherine Maria Sedgwick and minister David
Dudley Field.
154
The next year, Hoffmann and a fellow teacher from Newport, Rhode Island,
acquired an existing boarding school for boys
155
near the village center. One of its buildings
was the former home of Calvinist minister Jonathan Edwards (est. 1734; seen in Fig. 5).
156

38

Figure 5. Map of Stockbridge Part I: Hoffmann Residence (1876)

N

39

Figure 6. Map of Stockbridge Part II: Laurel Hill (1876)

40
The Ethic of Education
As headmaster of Stockbridge’s Edwards Place School from 1855 until its closing in
1874, Ferdinand Hoffmann established a reputation for exactitude; his priority was the
continual improvement of “educational progress and personal deportment.”
157
Tellingly, his
school prospectus conceded that “boyhood is naturally an imperfect state;” however, “… the
situation of the school could present no incitement to wrong, while the taste must be
cultivated by the beauty of the surrounding scenery.”
158

Figure 7. The Edwards Place School, Stockbridge, Mass. (1855-1874)

41
Ferdinand married Caroline Dickinson Bullard, niece of abolitionist and author
Harriett Beecher Stowe, in 1867. The couple’s four sons and one daughter were born
between 1868 and 1878;
159
peak years in the architectural re-invention of the colonial
throughout New England. Immersed in their town’s history during what Carole Owens
called Stockbridge’s post-1830 “literary era,” the Hoffmanns were the proud owners of the
century-old Jonathan Edwards home, with its original clapboards, hand-wrought nails, as
well as the revered desk upon which Edwards wrote his theological masterwork, The
Freedom of the Will, in 1754.
160
As Stockbridge capitalized upon its own, “Gardenesque
mix” of defined landscape elements and naturally rusticated beauty in order to dignify itself
and to attract tourists, the visual and economic impact of such a carefully composed
aesthetic could not have been lost on the Hoffmann family, whose home and school fronted
Stockbridge’s mile-long Main Street Decades before Ralph Arthur Hoffmann (1870-1932)
and Bernhard Martin Luther Hoffmann (1874-1949), worked to transform the culture of an
emerging resort city on the opposite end of the country, their formative years were spent
rooted in the past while at the epicenter of the newly instituted leisure residences of the
Gilded Age.
161

A Record of Improvement
Anecdotal and archival evidence suggests that Mary Hopkins and Ferdinand
Hoffmann worked together through the Laurel Hill Association for the beautification of
their community.
162
Although Ferdinand was not listed on the initial slate of officers filed
only a year after his arrival, he eventually became one of its Vice Presidents.
163

42

Figure 8. "At the Train Station," Stockbridge, Mass. (date unknown)

Figure 9. Stockbridge Train Station with Canopy and Stair (1893)

43
Ferdinand Hoffmann was actively involved in beautification and preservation
activity of importance to his adopted hometown, supporting the fledgling Jackson Library
(c. 1862).
164
Records of the Stockbridge and Pittsfield Railroad, chartered in 1847, show
that the former educator was also on the Board of Directors of the regional railway for
years after his retirement,
165
spearheading the rebuilding of the Stockbridge railroad depot
in local stone after fire consumed the earlier wooden structure.
166
The tasteful depot, set
within a manicured park setting, lent definition to the village.
167
A radiating path (seen at
left in Fig. 8, previous page) ran directly into town toward the northeast, crossing the
Housatonic over a new truss bridge.
168
These elements provided an aesthetically appealing
approach to Stockbridge, reminiscent of Chamberlin’s description of English precedent in
which “…a powerful, long-established landowner … preserved an area of green just outside
the town, permitting the illusion that the town still retains its ancient shape.”
169

The Casino and Eclecticism
What Aline Saarinen called a “proud, somewhat florid American plutocracy” of
newly wealthy, untaxed Americans in “… a floundering, formless new Society”
170
looked for
new architectural expression to combine leisure and civic status. A modified typology
developed most successfully by the firm of McKim, Mead, and White,
171
casinos met an
unprecedented need in an artful way during a brief period.
172
From about 1876, American
casinos developed as hubs of social activity (which did not, as a rule, yet include gambling),
playing a transitional role in public life between vernacular architecture and what Richard
Guy Wilson called “… new attempts at social stratification.”
173

44
In addition to his work with his boy’s school, the railroad and the library, Ferdinand
Hoffmann served as the first Vice President of the Stockbridge Casino Company. The
organization was formed in order to develop the town’s eponymous social hall of 1887-
1888, designed by architects Charles F. McKim and Stanford White.
174
In comparison to its
rather monumental predecessors at Newport, Rhode Island,
175
Narragansett and Short
Hills,
176
the Stockbridge Casino was smaller and strictly symmetrical; a staid, reverential
18
th
century Georgian design in keeping with the religious foundations of the former
missionary village.
177
Expressing what Richard Guy Wilson called “a greater historical
presence” than the others due to its revivalism, the Casino became the fulcrum of
Stockbridge social life.
178

Figure 10. The Stockbridge Casino (1886-1888)

45
Painted light yellow with crisp white trim, the Casino façade featured a projecting,
triple-arched loggia. The roof was punctuated with a traditional, centered cupola and
projecting gables. As the center of Stockbridge’s firmly entwined social and intellectual life,
the Casino was less associated with promenading and more with informal plays, art
exhibits, musical performances and educational activities.
179
Nonetheless, the structure
represented a step in increased formality. McKim, Mead, and White’s approach to buildings
of related, but distinct, functions illustrated the marked shift in possibilities for American
architecture toward the more localized, rational response of an adaptive academic
eclecticism;
180
through their work, Stockbridge became a transition point of architectural
revivalism.
In their varied projects (the Casino was designed contemporaneously with the
Boston Public Library),
181
McKim, Mead, and White continued to look backward and
forward at the same time. Yet their work could also express a static timelessness when
appropriate. For example, Stockbridge’s first Episcopalian church (c. 1844) had a Gothic
tower “in the sweet tradition set by Anglican churches in Kent and Sussex.”
182
Its
destruction by fire called for more permanency. McKim’s antiquarian St. Paul’s Episcopalian
Church (c. 1883-1885), the very image of a western European parish chapel, was financed
by local resident Charles E. Butler and built of locally quarried stone. St. Paul’s design
acknowledged both Stockbridge’s 150-year history of imparting Christianity as well as its
previous century of predominant Episcopalianism.
After the demise of its establishing neo-Calvinism, amid the steadiness of its
minority Unitarianism and its flirtation with Transcendentalism, most of Stockbridge held
to the “middle way;” the moralistic belief in a benevolent God. St. Paul’s reflected the very

46
image of a beautified Stockbridge. Butler, a Unitarian, insisted that the church express an
“extremely enduring character,” and “meet every aesthetic standard.”
183
The model citizens
of a fledgling nation deserved nothing less.
184

Figure 11. Stockbridge, Main Street (1900)

47
Chapter 5: A Village Improved

Century’s End
An improvement coming-out party of sorts occurred just before Anniversary Day
1893, a few weeks before the closing of the Chicago Exposition. Stockbridge held its first-
ever daytime boat parade on the winding Housatonic. ”The most delightful of outdoor
sports” drew 2,000 spectators. Ralph Hoffmann and his brother Bernhard each directed a
boat among the fifteen or so lavishly decorated vessels. Boaters’ costumes were carefully
coordinated with such spectacles as the “Cleopatra barge.” Silk and satin boat liners held
the masses of wild carrot, clematis, and green vines crowding the hulls. James B. Cutler of
Harvard Medical School delivered the speech, “Reminiscences of Berkshire County,” at the
Laurel Hill community meeting. Like stage actors in the landscape, the people of
Stockbridge reveled in their beautified environment.
185

Amid a rebounding national economy, Bernhard Hoffmann went to work for the
New York Telephone Company as a field engineer after his 1895 graduation from Cornell, a
period interrupted by his service U.S. Naval Reserve during the Spanish-American War of
1898.
186
In October 1903, Hoffmann married Irene Botsford, a former Chicago debutante, at
Stockbridge’s Overbrook Orchard, the home recently built and presented as their wedding
gift from her father, Henry Botsford. (Hoffmann would lose his own father, Ferdinand, just
three years later). Also that year, the educational journal Social Service dedicated its entire
March issue to Laurel Hill’s accomplishments, reflecting a previous half century of selfless
service. In its pages, longtime Laurel Hill Association Secretary Agnes W. Canning wrote:

48
In the year 1853 Stockbridge was a small village for which nature had done
much, and man had done little … The valley had a charm rarely equaled, a
picture that lingered long in the mind. But the residential portion of the
village was unattractive and depressing. The main street was wide, affording
ample room on each side for weeds and litter, with a narrow, irregular
footpath running along by the ugly fences … [a passing team of cattle] filled
the air with dust from the dry, sandy road. The whole aspect was unkempt,
uninviting, ugly.

Then individuals, not to be outdone by society, began tidying up their own
premises. They cut the grass in their yards and made lawns and paths and
flower beds. Set trees and shrubs, took down division fences, and finally
screwed up the courage to remove the fences bordering the street.

Stockbridge is today one of the most cleanly and attractive communities. A
pretty and artistic stone building has replaced the ugly wooden railroad
station that was providentially burned, and the Laurel Hill Association
bought a tract of land adjoining it, laid out a small but tasteful park planted
with vines and flowering plants and shrubs, evergreens and deciduous trees,
and assumes the entire care of it.
187

Recounting these changes, Canning focused on their human benefits: a sense of
safety, optimism, and simple decency. Converting the Indian burial ground into a park
honored “…the Stockbridge Indians, the friends of the fathers.”

Such are a few of the many good works of the Laurel Hill Association. But as
a means of educating public sentiment in Village Improvement, who can
estimate its power? It is largely through its influence that the village has a
supply of pure and abundant running water, and the Waring system of sand
filtration for sewerage. That our little river has been rescued from the doom
of being the village cesspool and general dump, its banks cleaned and
restored to their natural condition; its waters rendered innocuous for
boating and all proper purposes.

The gospel of Village Improvement is preached day by day to all of the
people of our glorious land.
188

49
During these early years of the century, many such articles appeared, describing the
shift in concentration of village improvement from issues pertaining to hygiene and tree
planting to broader municipal enhancements concerning infrastructure. Because this next
step often involved the creation of, and cooperation from, local government committees, the
mode of suggested persuasion was much discussed in various articles. Francis G. Ford
warned that “some more forceful methods have yet to be employed to get rid of the ugly
objects...”
189

By 1913, Hoffmann was in business for himself as a successful consulting engineer
in New York City, consistently maintaining ties to his hometown.
190
Following in his father’s
footsteps, Bernhard continually performed the role of what Kurt Helfrich called a
“persistent guardian” of the village ideal in Stockbridge.
191
In that spirit, Hoffmann and his
good friend Walter Prichard Eaton began a monthly publication simply entitled Stockbridge
(1914-1916). Content centered on “Bernhard’s ideas for village improvement” as well as
local news and history.
192
Recalling the effort years later, Eaton felt that Stockbridge served
to maintain a sense of normalcy and dignity during the years leading up to the Great War:

It was an era when almost unlimited improvement still seemed possible, and
the way to bring it about was to work outward from one’s own dooryard,
neighborhood, and town…We tried to maintain a pride in the past, a sense of
place, and at the same time a sense of need for the future. I say we did;
really, Bernhard Hoffmann did, with me as a mouthpiece.

Though [Hoffmann’s] interests were Catholic, they were keenest, perhaps, in
conservation, especially the conservation of aesthetic and social values in his
native Stockbridge, in the Berkshires, and in Santa Barbara, where he later
lived in winter… Stockbridge was already built, but not in Bernhard’s eyes,
finished. There was always something that might be done.
193

50
In closing, Eaton lamented the demise of the “little magazine,” as “the war engulfed
us as it engulfed the rest of the world.” As part of the war effort, Bernhard served under
then-U.S. Food Administrator and War Cabinet member Herbert Hoover as a volunteer
Assistant Director of the New York Federal Food Board (an arm of the newly created United
States Food Administration), as the country strained to produce and disseminate sufficient
resources throughout 1917 and 1918.
194
In Stockbridge, local volunteer service in
fundraising and the production of “care packages” swelled in response to the cause through
both the Red Cross and Congregational Church. An unnamed writer reported that 149 area
men enlisted on June 5, 1917,
195
“’to do and die’ for God:”

Our life has been in common with that of our country. If we have not
ornamented, so much the town, we have sent men, and contributed largely
to their support, as they have gone to the help of our suffering land.
196

Conclusion: Part I
Researcher Richard Cloues determined that the most striking features of the Laurel
Hill Association were the foundation it provided for future improvement. The LHA was
marked by its equal attention to both aesthetic and pragmatic aspects of improvement, and
its “clear organizational purpose … unhampered by conflicting priorities and shifting
loyalties.”
197
The group’s continuance would not have been possible without the
enthusiastic, generous support from people of every socioeconomic level in “reform-
oriented and organization-oriented”
198
New England.

51
All of these aspects were combined in a uniquely impactful way as Stockbridge
citizens cleared away undergrowth, smoothed out imperfections in the lay of the land, and
punctuated the landscape with monuments, curbs and walkways. The improvement of
Stockbridge came to define regional identity throughout New England, ultimately
expanding into a nationwide movement. Such community-based activism sustained itself as
a model for half a century. However, as Josiah Gilbert Holland wrote in Scribner’s in 1876,
the need was still great:

There are thousands of villages scattered over the country in which there
has never been a public spirited attempt to reduce their disorder to order,
their ugliness to beauty … every man takes care, or does not take care, of his
own. There is no organic or sympathetic unity, and the villages, instead of
being beautiful wholes, are inharmonious aggregations…
199

Because of the overall societal demand and the broad applicability of the idea of
“improvement,” its growth would prove to be exponential. By the turn of the century, the
dividing line between village development and the broader phenomenon of professional
civic improvement constituted a blurred boundary.
200
In 1882, a conference of village
improvement societies met in Greenwood, New Jersey;
201
in October 1900, the National
League of Improvement Associations assembled in Springfield, Ohio for its first national
conference. Changing its name the following year to the American League for Civic
Improvement, the group drew more than 1,000 municipal improvement associations and
numbered approximately 100,000 members by the time its second conference convened in
August 1901
202
(the same year in which planner Charles Mulford Robinson’s seminal work,
The Improvement of Towns and Cities, was published).

52
By 1919, there existed over two hundred town and village improvement organizations in
the state of Massachusetts alone.
203
In addition, throughout the first decades of the century,
elm planting spread from New England all across the United States, “to shade tender
homesteads on treeless plains, or to serve as a keepsake of a life and landscape left
behind.”
204

As mobility increased in the late 19
th
century, and the “face” was matched to the
“fortune,” city and country came together through tourism and celebration.
205
The
development of landscape theory and practice had, indirectly, created a new civic paradigm,
and from that time forward visitors would be among those disseminating the lessons of
Stockbridge across the country. Through the philanthropy, volunteerism, and self-discipline
of both part and full time residents, Andrew Jackson Downing’s aesthetic directives
reverberated long after his death. In each case of a “graceless village,” a particular type of
citizen activist was needed to stimulate the effort:

There must be at least one right-thinking man in every such Sodom. Let him
set vigorously at work, and if he cannot induce his neighbors to join him, he
must not be disheartened – let him plant and cherish a few trees, if only half
a dozen.
206

Downing believed in “the principle of imitation;”
207
a self-fulfilling cycle of replication. A
teacher at heart, he emphasized that both advocacy and education were necessary in order
to bring a cohesive vision to fruition:

The object of these associations is to do precisely what nobody in particular
thinks it is his business to do, that is, to rouse the public interest in the
importance of embellishing the streets and towns and villages …
208

53
After the Great War, the improvement movement’s historic reputation remained
intact, but its organizational methods would be unevenly applied due to conflicting
municipal policies and the concept of private property rights. Nowhere, perhaps, would this
phenomenon be better illustrated than in the case of Bernhard Hoffmann’s work in Santa
Barbara, California, which impelled the town’s emergence as “the New Spain.”

54
Chapter 6: Santa Barbara – The First Hundred Years (1769-1869)

The Presidio
Approximately three hundred years elapsed from Santa Barbara’s first sighting by
Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo from the bridge of the galleon San Salvador in 1542 to its nascent
status as an Anglo-American town.
209
During the last hundred years of that span, three
difficult and deeply transformational periods of cultural domination occurred. The first
involved the forced Christianization by Franciscan missionaries acting on behalf of the
Spanish crown of approximately half of the indigenous Chumash population. Spanish and
Mexican settlement was based upon the near-total demise of the tribe through disease,
mistreatment and other causal factors throughout the early decades of the 19
th
century.
210

From its founding, Santa Barbara’s demographic, economic, and architectural
development experienced some of the same conditions as the historic New England village.
Early on, both were beset by material privations, transportation challenges, and isolated
political and military skirmishes. Each was created through an ardent evangelicalism which
became the precursor to improvement and preservation. However, California’s more
individualistic, motile society was built upon a much more intimate and prolonged
usurpation of Native American life and labor than had been seen in the static Berkshire
hills. Later, the state drew from Mexican labor in the barrio society of Los Angeles, Santa
Barbara, and San Diego.
211
Despite these distinctions, creative interpretation and critical
comparisons between these two parts of the country would be made well into the future.

55
Beginning in San Diego, Spanish settlers conquered not only the land but the people
of California through the sufficiency and defensibility of the replicatable mission system.
212

Despite what has been described as efficient mail delivery under Spanish and Mexican
rule,
213
as well as extensive cross-currents of migration, Monterey, Santa Barbara, Los
Angeles and San Diego each developed as its own, discrete world. In Santa Barbara as
elsewhere, the combination of the presidio, pueblo and Franciscan mission (constructed
1815-1820)
214
established the post-Indian, pre-Anglicized identity of an isolated, self-
sufficient outpost in what Albert Camarillo called “Mexico’s borderland frontier.”
215

In Santa Barbara, the presidio site, surrounding adobes spanning both sides of what
would become State Street above the 600 block, and the discontiguous Mission area to the
north, were collectively named El Pueblo Viejo; “the old town.”
216
The adobe pueblo beyond
the presidio walls was insular, with almost non-existent growth; its dominant, intractable
Spanish-speaking population was described as “so Hispanic in ownership and ways of life,
that it was not receptive to rapid Americanization.”
217
Interdependent mercantile and
familial relationships thrived among the multi-generational Californio families living in and
around the presidio. Catholic tradition played out in Santa Barbara’s pueblo and mission;
the power of patriarchy, ceremonial baptism, and the institution of campadrazgo (the
public commitment to one’s godchildren) interconnected pueblo families of varying
ethnicities and classes, even as the makeup of the population shifted from within between
the 1780s and the 1860s.
218
Ultimately, even these deeply held religious touchstones could
not stem the tide of change. Maritime trade in cattle hides and tallow increased during the
early years of the 19
th
century, establishing a new, trade-based economy and changing
Santa Barbara’s predominant social structure.

56
“Tierra Adorada”
219
– Santa Barbara, California
The construction of the Casa de la Guerra, ‘retirement home’ of Don José Antonio
Julian de la Guerra y Noriega
220
from 1819-1826, soon followed the Mission. Compared to
the predominant rectangular or “L” shaped adobe of one or two rooms, sometimes
accompanied by a rough lean-to, the Casa was markedly expansive. Facing the coast, the
home joined State Street businesses to the west and City Hall to the east. Importantly, the
exact details of its original design remain unknown
221
(Fig. 12 shows an approximation
based upon resent archaeological investigation conducted by the Santa Barbara Trust for
Historic Preservation).
222
Second only to the Mission, the Casa became Santa Barbara’s
symbolic and literal town center due to the prominence of the resident family.
The lack of hardwood growth in native trees of California’s southern coast, and a
dearth of construction skills among the earliest Indian, Mexican and Spanish populations,
made wood construction rare in California prior to Anglo colonization.
223
Wood building
techniques were introduced for the first time to Santa Barbara by maritime sailors, who
floated logs in at the undeveloped shoreline.
224
In 1827, the Casa’s center roof beams were
delivered to Don José aboard a French vessel commanded by Auguste Bernard Duhaut-Cilly,
author of an early account of California.
225
This much is known regarding other materials:

Door lintels and a few beams were fashioned from sycamore logs brought up
from Mission Canyon, where the sycamores were hundreds of years old.
Indian labor provided the whipsawing and adzing necessary to convert the
logs into timbers … The patio was paved with fired tiles; the walls were of
adobe quarried near the present site of the Alhecama Theater… Some of the
materials, especially metal … were salvaged from the wreck of Don José’s
goleta or schooner, La Joven Angustias, which had been run aground on the
Goleta Sandspit … Some of the larger roof timbers were of pine and
redwood, shipped from Santa Cruz and floated ashore...
226

57

Figure 12. Casa de la Guerra, Phase I (1819-1826)

The expansive Casa, which used wood extensively for its supports and finished detailing,
was tied to the land and the people of Santa Barbara. Yet it must also have expressed a
rarefied quality to observers.
Mexico’s long domination by Spain ended with 1821’s Treaty of Córdoba. From the
presidio, territorial comandante José de la Guerra held local authority on behalf of Mexico.
The first organized Santa Barbara government was established in 1826 with a mayor and
ayuntamiento (city council).
227
As the centuries-old memory of Spanish town-making and
superior military prowess ceded to Mexican nationalism, the de la Guerra family moved
from the Presidio into the Casa de la Guerra on January 1, 1828, as California land grants
were issued for the first time and Santa Barbara transformed to a new economy.
228
Another
factor in future development arrived when the Lugo Adobe was constructed in 1830 at
what is now 114 East de la Guerra,
229
immediately to the southeast of the Casa.

58
Transition – Adobes to Hybrid Adobes
Santa Barbara’s second critical developmental period began with mission
secularization. The land grant era spanning the early 1830s to the 1860s encompassed the
rise and fall of the economically and culturally successful Californio society and its
widespread expansion of cattle ranching.
230
Santa Barbara’s nexus of power shifted
outward, beyond the pueblo, to land designees.
231
The presidio-mission complex continued
its inexorable decline; by the end of the decade an observer noted that the mission’s
“splendor had departed, and with it its usefulness.”
232
The watershed secularization year of
1834, wrote Camarillo, “…marked the death of the Presidio and the birth of the municipality
of Santa Barbara.”
233

Large increases in wealth among a relative few politically powerful individuals and
families, most notably the de la Guerras, surrounded California’s 1850 statehood and
overall political Anglicization. Original adobes and missions had deteriorated statewide;
those that avoided destruction were generally looked upon with distaste.
234
Newer
combinations of masonry adobe and wood construction continued for thirty years after La
Casa de la Guerra in response to the needs of a changing population. A few Santa Barbara
adobes can be singled out as particularly good examples of distinct transitions toward a
new architecture.

59

Figure 13. Aguirre Adobe (1841-1842)

As economic activity increased, trader Don José Antonio Aguirre relocated from San
Diego to Santa Barbara near the corner of present-day Carrillo and Anacapa streets.
Aguirre’s imposing nineteen-room marital home was a transitional structure, blending
Spanish-American and Anglo-American elements. Rough, thick, adobe walls contrasted
with refined details including carved wooden posts supporting exterior and interior
covered porches. The quadrangular plan completely enclosed the courtyard. Adjacent
“apartments” opened directly onto the continuous, interior porch surrounding the interior
space. This protected area could be covered by a moveable canopy, creating a romantic
enclosure “…reminiscent,” according to Mary Haggland, “of patios in Spain.”
235

60

Figure 14. Alpheus Thompson Adobe (1834)

Anglo-American military dominance of Santa Barbara began in August 1846 with a
short-lived takeover of the town by a small contingent of United States Marines led by
Robert F. Stockton of the U. S. S. Congress. By now, Santa Barbara’s town center contained a
destroyed relic of a fortress, set amid approximately one hundred
236
randomly placed
adobes housing a few hundred people.
237
The one-level, tile-roofed adobes were built on
low, stone foundations. Some doubled as stores for merchants who sold goods from the
premises.
238

Fittingly, and symbolic of the shift in economic power to come, the American flag of
Stockton’s conquest was fixed not to the dilapidated Santa Barbara Presidio but to a
recently constructed, “hybrid” adobe. The marital home of “Yankee” Captain Alpheus B.
Thompson, originally of Maine,
239
constituted Alta California’s first, definitively non-
Hispanic architecture. Sited on the northwest corner of the future State and De la Guerra
Streets, the building was defined by its continuous, elevated, exterior veranda; a shingled

61
and peaked roof, and, in later use as a hotel, bold signage.
240
Upon completion, it was the
only two-story structure in the original Santa Barbara pueblo. Its architecture, and the
concurrent development of the similar Monterey style to the north, boldly signaled the
growing influence of ocean-going immigrant traders.
241

In addition to the de la Guerra, Aguirre and Thompson examples, a handful of other
prominent townspeople such as Daniel A. Hill,
242
Don Dominguez Carrillo,
243
and Raphael
Gonzales
244
had established larger-than-average domiciles well before 1846, expanding
upon the basic adobe form with features such as lighting, window glass, and white-
plastered walls.
245
Chapter 11, Santa Barbara: The Beginning of the “New Spain,” will show
how each of these adobes, as well as more the more modest Cañeda Adobe,
246
were
ultimately purchased for restoration and/or relocation during the early 1920’s, coinciding
with Bernhard Hoffmann’s purchases and redevelopment in conjunction with the
Community Arts Association of the Casa de la Guerra/El Paseo complex, the Lugo Adobe,
and the Lobero Theater. These projects were not the very earliest interventions in historic
adobes;
247
however, they were highly representative of conscious image-making. The craze
for all things Spanish, which resonated among elites of the day, pointed directly toward
Santa Barbara’s future as the “New Spain.”
248

The Casa de la Guerra as a Center of Civic Power
Although the most influential families received outsized allotments of their choice
(for example, the de la Guerra and Carrillo families ended up with twelve separate grants
each), secularization often resulted in haphazard land allocation, opening up an era of legal
wrangling complicated by extensive migrations and vague title provisions as the Mexican-

62
American War approached. Predictably, cultural tensions only increased. By the late 1840s,
Santa Barbara County landholdings ranged from a few thousand to 100,000 acres each.
Reminiscent of the precedent of the New England village green, family agricultural plots
were situated beyond the town core.
249
José de la Guerra lent a kind of gravitas and
trustworthiness to the insular Santa Barbara community as he amassed his fortune through
extensive ranching operations and land investment.
250
From his influential base at the Casa,
de la Guerra controlled his interests in the production of beef jerky, tallow, and hides; sales
increased exponentially when cattle derivatives became better known worldwide with
increased travel and trade. Eventually, de la Guerra owned one half million acres extending
from San Luis Obispo south to today’s Los Angeles County line, in addition to large swaths
of the Sacramento and Marin regions.
251

In Santa Barbara County, land was king as the cattle business surged along with the
Gold Rush. Wealth was displayed primarily through ornament and dress rather than
through residential architecture; the simplest of adobe forms remained the standard for the
majority of residents, and interior appointments were minimal.
252
The changes which
would be made to the Casa and its surrounding structures from this time forward
expressed the localized consolidation of wealth and the earliest signs of revival references
in Santa Barbara. José de la Guerra, by now a Californio delegate to the Constitutional
Convention in Monterey, constructed an adobe mercantile storehouse to the east of his
home in 1849,
253
at what is now the corner of Anacapa and De la Guerra Streets. On April 9,
1850, the same day that California was admitted to the Union, Santa Barbara was
incorporated by city charter.
254
(Red circles in Figs. 15-16 denote the Casa de la Guerra).

63

Figure 15. El Pueblo Viejo Adobe and Land Ownership Distribution (1853)

During the 1840s, Anglos comprised only about 20% of the Santa Barbara
population, but their push for a political toehold was relentless.
255
A signpost of future
change Santa Barbara’s first commercial business licenses were issued in the fall of 1850.
256

A survey of the city was conducted with a view toward imposing a street grid, and streets
were named by committee.
257
Captain Thompson built his second home, the first in Santa
Barbara to be built entirely of wood, followed by Captain John Smith’s fully framed home.
258

Vitus Wackenruder prepared Santa Barbara’s first two official maps based on Haley’s
survey, depicting both planned streets and old adobes as seen in Fig. 16.
259

64

Figs. 15 and 16 show that Santa Barbara’s town core formed in alignment not with
the coastline, but with the city’s symbolic heart, the Casa de la Guerra.
260
This canted the
entire street grid in a northwest/southeast orientation. From mid-century, the weathering
and removal of various adobes combined with the creation of rigidly right-angled, graveled
streets to realign the area. The new town center was bounded by Victoria to the northwest,
State to the southwest, Laguna to the northeast, and Gutierrez to the southeast.

Figure 16. El Pueblo Viejo Street Overlay (1853)

65

Also in the mid- 1850s, de la Guerra sold his storehouse to his nephew, Gaspar
Eugenio de Oreña, with whom he had gone into business.
261
The storehouse, to the
immediate northeast of the Oreña Adobe (indicated with a red arrow in Fig. 18) was set
back from the Casa’s south-facing facades.
.262
The future direction of the de la Guerra site
was predicted when the new, five-member city council officially retained the large area in
front of the Casa for a formalized park through passage of Ordinance 37, “An Ordinance
Designating Public Squares and Promenades of the City.”
263

Figure 17. Map of Santa Barbara (1899) w/ La Casa de la Guerra

66

Figure 18. Oreña Adobe and Storehouse (1849)

Architectural Americanization
José de la Guerra’s death in 1858 transferred the Casa de la Guerra to his four sons,
marking the beginning of the city’s architectural “Americanization” phase. This second
generation Californio family went on to become transitional figures in their own right
through active public service.
264
Three served as Santa Barbara mayors, and one of these,
Pablo, also became state senator and a district court judge. By 1860, Spanish-Mexican
dominance had come and gone, and Pablo entered a much less certain economy than José
and the patriarchs of other regionally prominent families had enjoyed. Surrounding small-
scale farms and home-based mercantile shops faded. The Casa de la Guerra relinquished its
role as Santa Barbara’s open community center; its presence became mainly domestic in
nature as changing family dynamics resulted in its subdivided ownership.
265

67

Figure 19. Casa de la Guerra: Americanization Phase (1860-1880)

During his time in Sacramento and in sophisticated, booming San Francisco, Pablo
de la Guerra purchased imported furniture and accessories reminiscent of Colonial America
for his family home. Eastern precedents were the height of domestic style when the Casa
affected what Donaldson called a “Classical-Italianate vocabulary” in its 1860s-era exterior
remodel (Fig. 19). Donaldson’s Historic Resources Report (HSR) noted that Italianate
features were the first Revival elements seen in the Spanish-Mexican “American Period.”
266

The earlier “heavy adobe pillars” were replaced with slender wooden posts, and red brick
chimneys and wooden roof sections were added.
267
The Casa’s first Americanization phase
could be seen as either cultural capitulation or as a proud assimilation; either way, the
family’s impulse to achieve what Helen Pubols called a “cultural transformation” was
significant.
268

68
As his political and financial successes increased,
269
José de la Guerra’s nephew
Gaspar Oreña added an adjacent, 1 ½ story adobe directly to the west of the storehouse for
use as a family home.
270
Next, in 1860, Oreña constructed another in-line structure
immediately to the west of his adobe. Breaking slightly with tradition, the basic adobe form
was combined with simple, Italianate detail in the design of its arched windows.
271
This last
structure came close to filling in the remaining space between the Casa and the newer
buildings, showing an incremental consolidation of form and image. The cluster of
structures would later become perceptually united with the Casa after Hoffmann and
architects James Osborne Craig and Carleton Winslow together created El Paseo in the early
1920s.
As immigration increased into Santa Barbara, newer buildings became an
agglomeration of a rough, eastern vernacular.
272
Oreña and others made small but
necessary improvements to accommodate new businesses. Only traces of the original
adobes existed among the unimproved, rutted lanes.
273
Santa Barbara’s first architectural
transformation peaked around 1875; an arc which began with the introduction of the so-
called “hybrid” adobes, followed by increased commercial building near State Street, and
ending with a proliferation of Revival styles. Transitional Victorian and vernacular
structures favored by those from Western Europe, the American East and Midwest
dominated, as they had in San Francisco. Although the roads would not be paved for
another decade, the new town center of Santa Barbara was set for perpetuity.

69
Chapter 7: Santa Barbara – Identity in Flux

Vernacular Architecture and the Casa in Decline
Twenty years after the land was first reserved by the common council, Santa
Barbara’s first City Hall was constructed in the high Victorian style in the center of the Plaza
immediately to the South of the Casa de la Guerra. The new building, awkward and ungainly
to begin with, joined an agglomeration of other buildings to directly block the Casa’s view
orientation toward the ocean. City Hall also seriously mitigated the Plaza’s role as a
heterogeneous public gathering space (viewed from the rear of the Casa in this southeast-
facing view, the first City Hall is seen just behind the U.S. flag at the center of Fig. 20).
274

Figure 20. Old City Hall (1872)

70
Even more imposing were architect Peter Josiah Barber’s three-story, ninety-room
Arlington Hotel and the Roman-domed, pedimented Courthouse bounded by Anacapa,
Anapamu, Figueroa and Santa Barbara Streets which further rejected any hint of Hispanic
influence.
275
Located at the northern terminus of the new streetcar line, the Arlington
became the primary Anglo-American center of commerce and socialization in its role as
both a business center and a long-term home for many visitors. Many of its guests shopped
for real estate for investment or relocation while in residence.
276
The Arlington’s features
were floridly Italianate Victorian, with simpatico touches such as billiard rooms and ornate
chandeliers. Despite its grandeur, the Arlington’s conformance to Eastern convention was
such that an 1884 tourist guide referred to it as “… really a magnificent house.”
277

Another example was the 1,300-seat performance hall in the still-forming center of
Santa Barbara. Italian immigrant José Lobero opened the Lobero Theater, Southern
California’s first opera house and Santa Barbara’s first dedicated cultural center, on
Washington’s Birthday 1873. Lobero grafted a framed, brick exterior, hipped roof, and tall,
arched windows under projecting cornices onto a large, existing adobe at what would
become 33 East Cañon Perdido between State and Anacapa Streets. Although the exterior
was unexceptional,
278
the interior was praised as “… attractive and appropriate” and as
having an “… air of quiet elegance.”
279
Some of the Lobero’s unique interior architectural
features, in common with de la Guerra’s specially-hewn support beams, were delivered by
ship from northern California.
The theater curtain, with an image of “… a busy scene on the Golden Gate,” had
previously hung in the proscenium of a San Francisco theater.
280
The horseshoe-shaped
balcony hung from the ceiling from iron rods in order to achieve clear sightlines to the

71
stage. As with so many other Santa Barbara buildings of the period, the Lobero’s
Italianate/Eastlake façade contained visual references commonly seen in the booming gold
rush city to the north.
281
Only its relatively sophisticated interior differentiated the large
space as an exceptional locale for the times.
Throughout the last half of the century, many other private and public buildings
were constructed in Santa Barbara with Gothic Revival, Eastlake, Italianate and Queen Anne
details (or some combination thereof); a far lesser number contained Craftsman or Tudor
elements.
282
The largest buildings lining State Street tended toward Revival influences.
Smaller, “in-line” buildings were often a more generic vernacular. Hermann, et al. described
the majority of the structures:

[State Street] was architecturally composed of a variety of box-frame,
wooden and brick buildings. They were neither original nor well-built …
usually taken from mail order catalogues, erected by the local carpenter or
craftsman. There were many wooden awnings, canvas porch covers, and
sheds built over the sidewalks.
283

The Casa de la Guerra had, by now, been split up internally through various familial
ownership agreements, and the southernmost two rooms of the west wing would be dealt
with separately from the remainder of the structure until 1943.
284
As the News-Press
lamented at the start of this process in 1874:

The old landmarks and the most charming characteristics of Santa Barbara
are disappearing before the march of ‘improvements;’ [our practical people]
are doing all they can to despoil the quaint beauty of the place and make it
just another commonplace American town.
285

72
Tourism, Narrative, and the Rediscovery of the American West
Beginning in 1870, the symbols of Spanish dominion were reframed not only by a
simple nostalgia but by archaeological discovery and popular narratives; and their rescue
became an avocation of elites longing for homogeneity – and profits - in a society in which
virtually everyone was a newcomer.
286
With the lone exception of the Mission, very little of
Santa Barbara’s original, organically-derived character remained when, more than a decade
before the 1887 arrival of the Santa Fe Railroad, self-appointed town representatives began
to actively solicit tourism for investment, health and leisure. Early boosters and
commemorators alike capitalized upon a unique set of circumstances: the economic
devastation of the traditional Californio culture, the potent aura of historical authenticity in
both the ruined pueblo and stately Mission, and the area’s singular natural beauty.
A fundamental contributor to an Anglicized Santa Barbara was newspaperman
Joseph A. Johnson, a pragmatic Midwesterner who relocated to California in pursuit of a
healthier climate.
287
Johnson’s editorializing cannily mirrored the interest of his readership
in land investment and tourism as he conducted “… a personal campaign throughout the
eastern United States” citing the town as the “Italy of America.”
288
Similarly, an
unprecedented interest in Santa Barbara tourism, capital investment and land use began
with the publication of the Press’s E. N. Wood’s Guide to Santa Barbara Town and Country
(1872)
289
and Charles Nordhoff’s California for Health, Pleasure and Residence: a Book for
Travellers and Settlers (1873),
290
which compared Santa Barbara’s Mediterranean climate to
the French and Italian Rivieras, establishing for the first time demand for a unified civic
image to replace the bare outline of the former presidio.
291

73
At this time, the societal impact of the work of Helen Hunt Jackson (1831-1885) was
also beginning to be felt throughout California. The daughter of a Calvinist minister, Jackson
was born in Amherst, Massachusetts;
292
the product of a stringent Northeastern education.
Jackson’s combined interests in writing, culture and travel led her, after producing various
regional pieces on New England life,
293
to travel extensively throughout the United States in
an ongoing series of research trips.
Jackson biographer Kate Phillips described the “mixed emotions” with which the
socially conscious Jackson viewed the westward expansion of American financial interests
via the nascent railroad system. Soon after her revealing work A Century of Dishonor (1881)
exposed the “causes for national shame in [America’s] treatment of the Indians,”
294
Jackson
collaborated with illustrator Henry Sandham to compile the evocative Glimpses of California
and the Missions (1883), parts of which would be quoted in future preservation appeals.
295

Jackson’s best-known work, Ramona (1884), placed its characters in a thinly veiled
Californio-era ranchero; a pastiche of several different locations Jackson had visited.
Ramona sold 15,000 copies in its first 10 months, and its widespread popularity
unintentionally promulgated an irresistible, commercialized image of a Southern California
climate and lifestyle redolent of “three-day fiestas.”
296
Sites associated with the story,
including Rancho Camulos, Rancho Guajome, and San Diego’s Casa de Estudillo became
tourist meccas as part of the omnipresent “Ramonamania” phenomenon.
297
In Santa
Barbara, The Ramona Shop opened at 729 State Street, advertising the sale of toys and
books on its façade sign.
298

74
The impulse for preservation through commemoration would continue to animate
this search for identity well into the future. Kevin Starr relates the example of the Mission
Centennial of 1886, in which pageantry combined symbols of the Spanish founding and
American domination:

The [grand parade] proceeded down State Street under the arch, then out to
the Mission itself where the priests gave speeches in English and Spanish. On
each of the following two days there were rodeos and athletic contests and
grand balls in the evening. An antiquarian degree of historicism pervaded
the celebration, in which boosterism wedded itself to scholarship in a way
that pointed directly to the future Santa Barbara formula of coalesced
history, boosterism, and politics.
299

The Mission Centennial exemplified the statewide enactment of history through
public commemoration, literature and archaeological inquiry funneled through commercial
concerns, the only vehicle that could render them viable influences. Archaeological
discoveries also provided entrée for historicism in architecture. Santa Barbara’s first revival
modes emerged contemporaneously with the institutionalization of natural history through
archaeological and other scientific expeditionary findings. Two such efforts, instigated by
naturalist Spencer Fullerton Baird (1823-1887)
300
in the years leading up to his roles as the
head of government exhibits at the 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition and founder of
the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum, were the George M. Wheeler Expeditions
from 1875 and 1879. Among other exploits, Wheeler’s teams extracted urns and other
vestiges of Chumash life from the burial mounds of coastal Rancho Dos Pueblos,
301
to the
northwest of the former Santa Barbara presidio in present-day Goleta. Also in 1875,

75
William H. Holmes discovered the cliff dwellings of the San Juan Valley as part of Ferdinand
V. Hayden’s U.S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, resulting in the
popularization of the irregular, ancient housing form as a literary device and object of
popular fascination.
302

Another prominent effort was the aborted Hemenway Expedition of the 1880s,
directed by ethnologist Frank Hamilton Cushing (“The New England Indian”)
303
and
intended to form the beginnings of a Salem, Massachusetts natural history museum
centering on Southwestern Zuni culture. In their survey of the Expedition and its societal
repercussions, Wilcox and Hinsley traced the career of the Expedition’s chronicler,
Sylvester Baxter (1850-1927), who was soon to become a Progressive urban reformer in
his own right, notably in the development of the Boston park system.
304

As described by Wilcox, Baxter was shaping a narrative
305
“strongly flavored by
nostalgia…” [his] usual strategy for resolving aesthetic conflicts”
306
was a job for which the
idealistic and adventurous Baxter was uniquely suited. Wilcox continues; “a decade before
Charles Lummis began advertising the Southwest as the “land of poco tiempo,”
307
Baxter
described “a [region] of heat, drowsiness and stasis, and verbally painting scenes of
peaceful, rhythmic pueblo life.”
308
Although Baxter was a remarkably adept writer, it was
Lummis who would became more widely known through his popular chronicles,
promotional skills, and outsized personality; disseminating a mélange of images pointing
directly toward “Pueblo” or Mission architecture.
309

Although presented within an anthropological context and with the gravitas of
firsthand experience, the respective narratives presented by Jackson, Baxter and Lummis
were major contributors to what Matthew Bokovoy called “Euro-American stereotypes of

76
Indian complacency and passivity, nobility and savagery.” The ‘idea’ of the Indian among
consumers of such images, created in fictionalized chronicles and public ritual, would be
lastingly institutionalized through “the Museum of New Mexico (est. 1909), the Santa Fe
Railway, and the tourist economy.”
310
Discussing the subjective viewpoint of New Mexicans
regarding the marketing of the civic image, Chris Wilson cites the deep ambivalence
surrounding the 1886 construction of the Santa Fe courthouse as a turning point in the
formation of the town’s identity.
311
Stanford White’s design for the unrealized Ramona
Industrial School for Girls (1886-1887) was the next incremental step in the pursuit of
regionally appropriate elements. Just as George Washington Smith and James Osborne Craig
would “improve” upon the raw materiality of Santa Barbara’s original adobes in their artful,
interpretative work, White “found Mediterranean and Italian sources more appropriate for
Santa Fe.”
312

Wilcox and Hinsley, Chris Wilson, Phoebe Kropp and William Deverell are among
those who have shown that the power of such ethnographic contexts, combined with the
vested interests of the railroad, drove the re-invention of the Southwest as a tourist
destination, creating an indivisible connection between Santa Fe and Los Angeles.
313
In
Santa Barbara, as elsewhere in the region, the brevity of Spanish dominance added an
element of exoticism to the invented image.

A Culture of Artistic Discernment
Both the New England village and the west coast trading center were now impacted
by the professional accomplishments of those from the nation’s powerhouse cities of
Boston, Chicago and New York; creating an expectation of cultural amenities. Aside from

77
the operatic performances held at the festive Lobero Theater, one of the first efforts to
celebrate artistic discernment in Santa Barbara was the “Art Loan Exhibition,” an 1881
fundraiser intended to boost the public treasury. Citizens donated fine art, jewelry and
ephemera for sale. A chronicler noted the “most observed” to be a portrait of the late José
de la Guerra;
314
revealing the lure of the family’s legacy.
Writing in 1893, just a decade into Santa Barbara’s definitive “Americanization,”
chronicler Jesse Mason went far beyond calling for a Wildean commodification of beauty
and taste in the Age of Aestheticism. California’s distinctive geography and climate, and the
sense that only a better man than had previously existed merited its promise, led directly to
comparisons with great societies throughout history:

…when, in after years the student, in the search for the sources of
civilization, shall read of the wonderful virtues of the far-off coast of
California, he will not compare the story unfavorably with that of the
development of poetry, painting, sculpture, and architecture among the
Greeks, civil and military law among the Romans, or even the wonderful
development of all these among the rude Anglo-Saxons. We must attribute
much to the traditions and memories of Spanish grandeur … and much to the
climate, which, especially in Santa Barbara, was so conducive to the growth
of physical perfection.
315

After assuming editorship of the regional booster’s journal Land of Sunshine
(referenced in the following citations as LOS) in January 1895,
316
Charles F. Lummis and
architect Arthur B. Benton formed the Landmarks Club
317
with the goal of repairing,
stabilizing, and ultimately restoring missions and other historic landmarks statewide. Its
first fundraising effort centered on Mission San Juan Capistrano; by 1901, a contributor

78
reported that the Club “has secured a long lease on the noble ruin,” allocating $1500 for
“most urgent repairs,” including re-roofing and buttressing.
318
Lummis asserted that the
Club’s efforts had national implications,
319
regularly publishing fundraising totals and
donor’s names from that point forward. The “traditions and memories of Spanish
grandeur” so admired by Baxter, Lummis and Mason were only seen in a small, distinct
number of Santa Barbara structures aside from the looming Mission. Santa Barbara had just
begun to embrace an image of its brief Spanish-colonial past in earnest through Mission
Revival architecture. In part due to the success of an exhibition building from the 1893
Chicago Exposition, Mission Revival became recognized as a commercially desirable
form.
320

San Francisco Architects and the Mission Revival
In terms of its cultural aspirations, late 19
th
century San Francisco was positioned to
compete with other major American cities by devising a commensurately distinctive
architecture. Richard Longstreth surveyed the careers of a few, select Beaux Arts-trained
architects who convened in San Francisco and who best expressed this new spirit of
experimentation: Bernard Maybeck, Ernest Coxhead, A. C. Schweinfurth and Willis Polk.
321

Of this group, Schweinfurth and Polk in particular, as well as Arthur Page Brown, would
first create important, although short-lived, precedents in Mission architecture. In early
1892, Brown’s office secured the commission for the California Building at the Chicago
World’s Columbian Exposition. Although the project emanated from Brown’s office;
according to Longstreth, Schweinfurth was the architect responsible for its final design.
322

79

Figure 21. California Building, Chicago World's Columbian Exposition (1893)

Longstreth conveys the prevalent feeling that the California Building’s mélange of
mission tropes were “the instant resurrection of a vocabulary that had been ignored for so
long.”
323
In its easily understandable literalism, the festive hall was deemed architecturally
representative of the entire state. Balanced between pragmatism and exoticism, and
arriving in the midst of a historicism craze, the California Building (Fig. 21) became “a
paradigm for (the Mission Style).”
324

Mission Revival proved to be an “easy sell;” its basic forms applied to everything
from schools to bathhouses. As the Chicago Exposition began in May 1893, the San
Francisco Chronicle assured readers that the Santa Fe; San Diego and Ventura missions
evoked “an Old America over which hangs a mist as romantic as any ruined chateau ever
offered.” The commodification of missions as “demonstration models” for new, Spanish-
inflected architecture was a natural next step:

80
Why should not California purchase some of the finest specimens of Spanish
residences and preserve them for purposes of historical instruction … There
is a hopeful sign at present [the California State Building] in the revival of
Spanish architecture … The peculiar fitness of this type for the California
landscape is at last being recognized. If we deem the old adobes worthy of
imitation the originals should receive a cordial appreciation.
325

Unimpeded by precedent, Brown, Schweinfurth and others soon pursued more
sophisticated ideas in the interest of regional character. Moving toward increasing
synthesis of detail as well as increasing professional independence, Schweinfurth created
his highest-profile commission yet: William Randolph Hearst’s Hacienda del Pozo de Verona
(c. 1895-1896) near Pleasanton, California. (The home was later acquired by Hearst’s
mother, Phoebe Apperson Hearst). The Hacienda made that break in both a literal and a
symbolic way (Fig. 22).

Figure 22. Hacienda del Pozo de Verona (1895)

81
Hearst’s sprawling compound combined Mexican, Spanish, Italian, Indian and even
Classical influences, playing with scale through unexpected variations in massing. However,
it was the Hacienda’s highly abstracted Pueblo elements of projecting vigas and broad
expanses of plaster which most set the structure apart; the first, overt blend of Mission and
Pueblo references to be used in the typology of a luxury home.
326
Notably, however, the
Pueblo Revival was generally not repeated in Bay area residential architecture. The limited
vocabulary of the Mission or Pueblo Revival simply did not take hold of Northern California
architects’ imaginations; rapidly assuming a novel quaintness. Like Schweinfurth, who
brilliantly expressed a worldlier vision of revival in the pursuit of a regionally appropriate
architecture before his premature death in 1900,
327
San Francisco’s creative class were
already looking ahead to the next thing.
328

Santa Barbara Revival I
Having become a stop on the Southern Pacific line in 1887,
329
the same year the
railroad turned Mission San Juan Capistrano into an easily accessible tourist destination,
330

Santa Barbara did not share San Francisco’s high-minded qualms about the Mission Revival
during the last decades of the 19
th
century. However, the ‘style’ was first introduced to
Santa Barbara in a piecemeal fashion; largely due to a stubbornly individualistic
commercial community.
331
Rail service was finally extended from Santa Barbara to San
Francisco in 1901, uniting the two cities a decade before the arrival of the automobile.

82
In addition to the influence of transportation, landscape would be an integral part of
Santa Barbara architecture from this time forward, as an unprecedented array of
horticulture was developed to support artistic expression. In 1893, Emanuele Franchesi, a
dedicated nurseryman from Florence, Italy, consolidated the widest-ever variety of native
and imported plants in Santa Barbara just as the days of the great estates began. One of the
first such associations Franchesi made was also the most lasting, with Montecito estate
owner Charles Frederick Eaton; an artist with an intense interest in the avocation of botany.
Together the men developed a botanical garden on Eaton’s property, Riso-Rivo (later named
El Mirador), including a tranquil lotus pond with a floating bamboo tea room.
332

Together, Franchesi and Eaton developed the Southern California Acclimatizing
Society on-site, cultivating hundreds of species new to the region. By the turn of the
century, a wide variety of imported species of palm trees, conifers, bamboo, and vines
created what Charles Moody called “a display of vegetation that [has] no rival anywhere
else.”
333
These species formed the basis of, and inspiration for, the Far Eastern and
European-inspired gardens which distinguished early Montecito estates into the future.
These began with Bertram Goodhue’s design of the thirty-three acre James Waldron
Gillespie estate (1903-1905), also known as El Furiedis, Arabic for “pleasant place.”
334

Santa Barbara’s early, Mission-influenced designs included “Crocker Row” by Arthur
Page Brown; a group of five consecutive homes on upper Garden Street leading to the
Mission from its southern approach (c. 1894-1895; extant); the beachfront recreation

83
complex Los Baños del Mar by Francis W. Wilson, near the Plaza del Mar park at the corner
of Castillo Street and West Cabrillo Boulevard (c. 1899-1901; destroyed 1913); and the
massive Potter Hotel by John C. Austin (c. 1901-1902; destroyed 1921), a Moorish-Mission
edifice just two blocks to the east of the park. Also, the railroad’s arrival in 1887 ushered in
several incarnations of Southern Pacific train depots. The fourth of these was designed in
the Mission Revival style by Francis W. Wilson in 1905, near the similarly themed Hotel
Neal by J. W. Bagley (c. 1905-1906) at the southernmost end of State Street. These few
examples, sited at the southernmost and northernmost edges of the town at key
intersections of commercial and recreational activity, provided indelible images to the
visitor.
335

84
Chapter 8: Santa Barbara’s Civic Society

The Progressive Era
During the first decades of the 20
th
century, the establishing language, system of
jurisprudence and developing pedagogy of America, predominantly derived from English
precedent, undergirded a dramatic increase in immigration from countries outside of
northwestern Europe.
336
Just as the U.S. government had both solidified and expanded in
the decades since the American Revolution, the progression of democratic thought from the
late 19
th
century to the ‘teens had culminated in unprecedented levels of social awareness
and welfare activism. This change was based on factors such as an expanding press,
scientific rationalism born of academic advancement, and a visceral perception of
substandard living conditions as a metaphor for (relatively recently abolished) slavery, the
most pernicious of social ills.
337

By the time the U.S. entered World War I in the spring of 1917, its cities had long
since outgrown - in size, maturity, and complexity - the purely pragmatic forms dictated by
the Laws of the Indies or New England agrarianism, and expansion was omnipresent.
Analysts noted that both the U.S. and England, to whom it would continue to compare itself,
had similarly severe, longstanding housing shortages and deficits only highlighted more
starkly by the war effort.
338
Researcher Edith Elmer Wood estimated that by the late ‘teens,
an estimated one-third of Americans were living in “subnormal” housing (defined as being
“below minimum governmental standards”), while one-tenth were deemed to be housed in
“severely unacceptable” conditions, judged to be “at risk of disease and/or subject to violent
behavior.”
339

85
Two years earlier, Scottish biologist and urban planner Patrick Geddes (1854-1932)
published Cities in Evolution: an Introduction to the Town Planning Movement and the
Planning of Cities. Geddes surveyed planning examples from both sides of the Atlantic,
including Edinburgh, Washington, D.C., and Boston. The opening chapter cited the
consumption of the village grid of ancient Salisbury (c. 1220) as a point of departure in
Geddes’ assertion that the “veritable garden city”
340
was the ideal template for any country,
but one all too easily corrupted by unrestrained and incoherent development.
341
With
regard to notions of style, Geddes criticized architecture’s doctrinaire “unity of conception
… becoming only too severe,” while acknowledging the difficulty inherent in navigating “the
confused jostle of modern individualism.”
342

As many early planners across the country embraced the basic tenets of the garden
city form in various combinations with Beaux Arts-derived City Beautiful plans,
343
the
housing crisis was overlaid by widespread demographic shifts - issues prompting broader
social questions regarding the nature of democracy and cultural self-image.
344
Geddes, like
other visionaries of his time, understood that the best planning was inherently site-specific
and a reflection of the citizen.
345
Stressing the importance of a commonly held set of values,
Geddes equated the suppression of “extremist,” “hard-shell” individualism to the
attainment of morality itself.
346
The concept encompassed the societal values of religiosity,
“Citizenship,” “Justice,” and “Hygiene,”
347
used in the service of social integration.
348
While
the last category emanated from the fact that advances in housing design, development, and
materials mirrored scientific discoveries in public sanitation beginning in the mid- 19
th

century, it also connoted an internal ‘cleanliness,’ or purity of purpose.

86
Such sanction characterized the ideal civic self; one capable of an Aristotelian,
holistic view of circumstances. In hindsight, it was a particularly poignant aspiration for the
times, as the Great War was raging. In Santa Barbara, the person who would work the
hardest to bridge the gulf between the sanguine promise of the resort town’s future as a
garden spot and the harsh realities of the nation’s coming-of-age was a woman named Pearl
Chase.

Proto-Feminism and Pearl Chase
Several authors have explored the late nineteenth century phenomenon of women
adopting the role of custodians of cultural memory and preservation practices; a trend
which Phoebe Kropp called a “proper avocation … [helping to] create favorable
constituencies for suffrage.”
349
Financial interests and risk taking also gave women a stake
in civic identity. In her study of women’s roles in California municipal development
between 1880 and 1940, Lee Simpson detailed several case studies of female-centered
voluntary associations and real estate investment plans in the smaller-than average cities of
Redlands, Riverside, Oakland, and Santa Barbara.
350

To varying degrees, these developing cities distinguished themselves as noted
destinations by offering what Simpson characterized as “superior services” and cultural
amenities, at the same time that volunteer activists negotiated desired levels and types of
civic commercialization and industrialization. For example, Oakland defined the parameters
of its growth and the nature of its “comfortable bedroom community” identity in relation to
hectic San Francisco from the start,
351
while agricultural Redlands coalesced around elite

87
image of business acumen and staunch morality.
352
By contrast, Santa Barbara was freed
from the pressure of a nearby city with which to directly compete in the arena of identity;
here, elites consciously chose beautification and the arts as its primary springboards for
development. Santa Barbara seemingly competed against no one other than itself in
achieving excellence in lieu of growth.
As women of sufficient education and ambition dedicated themselves to voluntary
associations, they were able to bridge the gulf between their traditional identities as moral
arbiters and what Simpson termed the “language of capitalism.”
353
Such groups sanctioned
women’s entry into areas such as fundraising, municipal activism, and business
investment.
354
In their various capacities, clubwomen worked alongside men in a quasi-
professional setting, constituting a step forward toward personal independence for many.
Building upon the successes of the village improvement, women’s clubs often drove the
creation of civic identities through the establishment of beautification projects, park and
playground development and library foundations, among other endeavors. In Santa
Barbara, the first two of these civic organizations were the Fortnightly Club (est. 1889) and
the Santa Barbara Woman’s Club (est. 1892).
355

Born in Boston, Pearl Chase (1888-1979) moved to Santa Barbara with her family at
the age of twelve. Simpson has shown that Chase became immersed in civic affairs through
the combined influences of her pragmatic nature, family real estate business, and extensive
social connections, becoming a socially committed female activist with a personal stake in
the outcome of her own betterment efforts.
356
Areas such as Lower State Street, within view
of the train depot, illustrated the problem. Returning to Santa Barbara on a school break
from Berkeley in 1907, Chase recognized that she wanted to be at the center of the next

88
phase of city-making; as Mary Hopkins of Stockbridge had done six decades earlier, Chase
made a personal commitment to improve her hometown, later telling the News-Press
“…how ashamed I was of the dust and dirt and ugly buildings here and I resolved to do what
I could to improve Santa Barbara.”
357
Chases’ impulse marked the very beginning of a truly
profound career in Progressive volunteer activism which spanned the next half century.
358

In her contextual biography of Chase, Roseanne Barker echoed Simpson in noting
that by working within Santa Barbara’s basically inward-looking culture (largely brought
about by its relative geographic isolation), Chase brought core coalitions together to
address broad national improvement ideas and enact them at the local level. Various park,
housing, and cultural improvements reflected the Progressive values of the nation’s urban
centers, values supported by a contingent of Santa Barbara society women.
359
One of many
women across the country who adopted custodial roles with regard to historical memory,
Chase built upon sympathetic individuals and networks to single-mindedly pursue a
thematic Spanish identity for Santa Barbara.
In the early 1900s, while architects were setting standards of luxury in elaborate
local estates, early subdivisions were being planned in the area. The need for small,
affordable homes was beginning to be evinced. Pearl’s father, Hezekiah G. Chase, an early
real estate broker and land subdivider, largely encouraged Pearl in her independence and
civic interests. Hezekiah Chase worked with his son, Harold Stuart Chase, in buying and
selling real estate; originally operating a real estate office at 730 State St.
360
Four years
later, Hezekiah moved his business to 1012 State, just as the first real estate and sales
licensing act was passed in California.
361
This placed the Chase family financial interests in
the literal center of the city. More than ever before, the investing class sought to protect the

89
value of its assets and control prices as much as possible, and the push for increased quality
in the single family home would come to reflect this. A great deal of experimentation
accompanied this shift.

The Santa Barbara Civic League and the Robinson Plan
Among the architects who would affect Santa Barbara’s new direction in Revival,
Long Islander Francis Townsend Underhill (1863-1929) was one of the first to arrive,
settling permanently in 1884. David Gebhard has characterized Underhill as part of an
unofficial group of Santa Barbara aesthetes who, in the studied casualness of their lifestyles,
mediated between the outsized gentrification in Montecito and the democratizing Arts and
Crafts craze which had permanently rooted itself in Pasadena.
362
At the very start of the
Post-Victorian era, around 1880, Underhill designed several Queen Anne residences in
Carpinteria. Underhill married into the extended de la Guerra family through Carmen
(Carmelita) Dibblee (granddaughter of Pablo; 1886-1964);
363
his close-to-nature aesthetic
resulted in the well-publicized La Chiquita (1903-1904), the “perfect bungalow.”
364

Underhill spearheaded the creation of the Civic League of concerned Santa Barbara
elites in late 1907,
365
becoming its first Vice President. By this time, the village
improvement movement had taken hold and efforts at broader, infrastructural civic
improvement were being put forth across the state and the country at large.
366
Ostensibly
created to “spruce up the town” for the impending visit of Theodore Roosevelt’s naval fleet
in 1908, the Civic League also held a longer view, which was to “promote good roads,
boulevards, parks, preservation of objects of romantic and historic interest, [and]
beautification of the city and its environs.”
367

90
This broader view of civic identity was being mirrored in San Diego, where civic
father George White Marston took advantage of a suddenly soaring economy to pursue the
restoration of the Mission San Diego de Alcalá in conjunction with the Civic Improvement
Committee,
368
and also began to plan for the long-term use of the 1,400-acre City Park. To
that end, the city of San Diego requested that planner John Nolen, a promising graduate of
both Wharton and Harvard who was just beginning his professional career; submit a master
plan addressing both infrastructure and beautification.
369
This plan would presage a new,
commercialized identity of San Diego which would influence the direction of California
architecture in just a few short years.
In Santa Barbara, the Civic League made a similar decision, hiring the noted planner
Charles Mulford Robinson to create a master plan (Fig. 23).
370
A tireless educator and
promoter of the emerging profession, Robinson had already produced plans for Buffalo,
New York (1902), Detroit, Michigan (1905), Oakland, California (1907) and Columbus, Ohio
(1908).
371
Addressing the need to adapt the city to tourism, the Robinson Plan laid out what
Gebhard called a “sympathetic environment”
372
for the Mission (including a formal, tree-
lined approach to the site); speaking to the broader goal of establishing a unified identity.
373

Robinson’s phased scheme was quite modest when considered in relation to The
City Beautiful; but by Santa Barbara’s standards, its targeted changes were quite
extensive.
374
Geographic expansion was not at issue; instead, Robinson focused on making
the core function better and actually defining the “urban edge.” His characteristic focus on
street design, realignment and extension afforded planned views, easier access to services,
and a clear route to the beach.
375

91

Figure 23. Charles Mulford Robinson Plan for Santa Barbara (1908)

1

1
1

1
1
1
1a
1b
1c
2
3
5
6
7
4

92
An admirer of Camillo Sitte and Vienna’s Ringstrasse, Robinson created a boot-
shaped “loop road” using small extensions to existing streets (1). The drive connected the
city’s northernmost edges, Mission site (1a), Riviera (1b), Sycamore Canyon route heading
in from Montecito (1c), and the oceanfront area. Various new intersections were intended
to increase efficiency. The plan also introduced one major diagonal thoroughfare (2),
breaking up the rigid grid, yet separated from the primary reference points of the Mission
and the Plaza de la Guerra (3). In addition to the formalized approach to the Mission (4),
several principal nodes included a tripartite road arrangement diverting traffic from State
Street to a newly planted oceanfront intersection (5), a planted median and circular, “turn-
around” connecting the Arlington Hotel (6), public library and church across State Street;
and a major Civic Center grouping of City Hall, courthouse and post office (7), enclosed by
park space and signaled by a clock tower directly to the west on Upper State Street.
376

Despite its attractiveness and logic, the Robinson plan was not adopted by Santa
Barbara; a result that was more the norm than the exception at the time.
377
Smaller
municipal governments frequently balked in executing the plans of artistic, visionary elites.
(The same reality of municipal government quagmires also forged the career of Robinson’s
contemporary, John Nolen, into smaller-scale interventions; for example, Bokovoy has
shown how Nolen’s 1907 plan for a formalized, San Diego park-to-coast span proved to be
too much of an imposition on private property rights for the Chamber of Commerce and
other entities to accept).
378
Despite the economic and political realities which prevented its
adoption, the importance of the formalizing Santa Barbara’s Mission and Plaza sites as
primary destinations was underscored by Robinson’s vision, remaining a goal from that
time forward.
379

93
The Casa de la Guerra as Catalyst (1910-1920)
Once, Santa Barbara civic life had centered upon the Casa de la Guerra in its roles as a
financial entity, employment center, and a marriage and festival site. Although extended de
la Guerra family members remained in the Casa continuously since 1828, at its centenary,
the home adopted an insular character brought on by the death of family members and a
substantial loss of assets. The Casa showed an obvious lack of maintenance, and tension
existed in the family’s relationship with the community itself. While some local residents
still retained relationships with the de la Guerras, the site retained a level of
social/mythological interest among tourists.
380

In sharp contrast to the ramshackle city center, these first years of the century saw
many grand expressions of creative revival in Montecito villas, including George Owen
Knapp’s Arcady (c. 1911-1912); Frederick Forrest Peabody’s Solano (c. 1914-1916)
designed by Frances Underhill; and the Norton family’s Delgosha (c. 1918).
381
Just a few
years later, the vocabulary expanded even further to satisfy a more demanding clientele. In
one of several American townscapes which would base its plans for the future on the
physical representation of an appropriated history, by the mid- 1910s, Santa Barbara
architects expanded their influences through world travel, cultural expositions and
international publications. The introduction of Spanish and Moorish design features was
seized upon as “The California Style” as soon as it started, to be written about in a raft of
articles, sourcebooks, portfolios and opinion pieces.
382
The movement coincided with Santa
Barbara’s nascent identity as an arts colony; as painters such as Alexander Harmer, Edward
Borein, Carl Oscar Borg, John Marshall Gamble, Clarence Hinkle and Fernand Lungren
arrived from San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego and other cities.
383

94
In some cases, artistic creativity would intersect with the consolidation of the remaining
adobes in Santa Barbara, as the city claimed its brief Spanish history as a lasting vision. The
memory of the pueblo was soon to be polished in what Conard and Nelson referred to as
historical “self-consciousness,” a search for identity synonymous with art creation:

Bit by bit, the Hispanic language of adobes and of the mission churches was
enriched by landscape and architectural images inspires by Mexico, Spain,
Moorish North Africa, and of the Mediterranean shores of France and Italy …
the city of Santa Barbara fully participated in this regional desire to create a
distinct geographic personality … the city itself would be a designed
artifact.
384

Santa Barbara Revival II
The urge to control a greater part of the city’s appearance, function and
marketability in the most overarching way possible led to a new civic ideal: a kind of
aspirational identification of the town’s New Guard with the gravitas of the deposed
Californio elites.
385
The Santa Barbara Mission was inviolate when it came to re-
interpretation; instead, memories of its central role in the community and its adjacency
with the Plaza made the Casa de la Guerra the obvious choice. In addition to his street and
green space recommendations, Robinson sought to create a diverse mix of “historic and
newly constructed adobes…around a restored Plaza.” The Civic League agreed with
Robinson’s recommendation of creating a museum or arts center within the Casa.
386

Stylistically, the Mission Revival tradition seen at the train depot moved from the
edges into Santa Barbara’s town center as the century progressed. The original, Victorian-
era Arlington Hotel burned to the ground in 1909 and was replaced with Arthur B. Benton’s

95
grand, Hispanic design. The Arlington’s dual “bell towers” flanking the central entry façade
mirrored those of the Old Mission itself. What Miss Weekes-Wilson called “…a modified
Mission style of architecture” in a tourist guide dutifully referenced the Hispanic past while
“…fitting into the scenery like a jewel.”
387
The lavishly landscaped setting, in which the
Cabrillo Fountain, “jungle” garden and giant rosebush were just as important as the
architecture, hinted at the lushness of the early Montecito estate designs.
388
In 1911, the
Mission Theater was constructed with its own, miniature ‘bell towers’ on the roof at 618
State Street.
389
Outside of a few of these examples, however, State Street remained as
stubbornly Midwestern in appearance in the early years of the century. Business turnover
along the street was high, and the bulk of investment money was going into basic
infrastructure and public works projects rather than into a revitalized business district.
390

In 1911, an attempt to map Santa Barbara’s ancient traces for posterity was
conducted by Walter Hawley. Hawley hoped to capture as much of the original adobe-
strewn plan as possible, but it was already too late to garner a truly accurate
representation. Relying on people’s remembrances and traces of the past, he later wrote:

In disregard of the historic value of the old buildings of the Mission, Presidio,
and Pueblo of Santa Barbara – precious monuments sacred to the memory of
men who will be remembered for generations to come … tiled roofs have
been destroyed, walls allowed to crumble, and foundations effaced. Already
some of the most interesting buildings have gone. Even their former
locations are known to few.
391

In this same spirit, artist Ernest Peixotto penned Romantic California, in which he evoked
the historic authenticity of the pueblo:

96
Even in the town itself, in streets that still bear melodious Spanish
appellations, you will find little clusters of old adobes, thick-walled, earthen
houses … “and de la Guerra Square “has also retained a time-worn air, with
its line of old adobes, crumbling though whitewashed, slumbering in a row …
Long may they remain, they and their fellows, to shed the glamour of the
past, with its mistakes and traditions, its idealism and its paganism, over the
new spirit of California.
392

Francis Underhill, in the midst of showing his adaptability in Revival styles, was the
first architect to alter the Casa de la Guerra. Underhill completed a Mission Revival/Spanish
Colonial hybrid in 1906,
393
a half-timbered European chalet in 1913, and other homes with
Italian and Spanish influences which soon became key to Santa Barbara’s institutionalized
image.
394
Donaldson described the Casa as “Italianate Victorian” in its post-Pablo de la
Guerra incarnation. This indicates that, before Underhill’s renovation, the Casa fit to an
extent with the appearance of the Oreña Adobes to the immediate east. Donaldson’s
Historic Structures Report cites two separate phases to the Underhill work: the main and
east wing in 1910 and a part of the west wing in 1911. During these phases, the home was
“boxed in” with wood siding, small multiple-paned windows were added, and the veranda
posts were rebuilt.
395

Also in late 1911, construction began in San Diego’s former City Park, renamed after
Vasco Núñez de Balboa to become Balboa Park. Interest regarding the Panama-California
Exposition; the first American fair “dedicated to the memory of Amerindian and Spanish
culture in the Americas,”
396
greatly intensified over the next two years. In joining many
different architectural and landscape forms within a regularized, formal plan, organizers
planned a new expression of the City Beautiful idea.

97
James C. Williams showed that in Santa Barbara, Lower State Street (defined as the
span intersected by Gutierrez to the south and by Ortega to the north; the 400, 500 and 600
blocks) had served as a thriving, immigrant-driven business community for almost half a
century. Significantly, this commercial focus was about to make a definitive shift to the
north above the 600 block, beginning around1915 and continuing into the 1920s. Hotels
and jewelry stores catered to tourists who increasingly avoided the grittier lower blocks.
397

By 1913, the Santa Barbara and Suburban Railway Company was in the midst of
construction on a double-track streetcar system to augment its existing lines,
398
and the
automobile had also arrived.
399
Over the next two years, movement away from the city
charter and elected council form of government (established in 1898) occurred as a
response to growth. The ‘modern’ concept of centralized, managerial city government,
headed by “a more expert set of men,” had already been established in cities such as
Galveston, Texas (1900) and Dayton, Ohio (1913). A 1915 election established City
Manager-controlled government in Santa Barbara; granting police powers to a City
Manager, whose Building Department’s inspector, engineer and Board of Health in enforced
compliance with city ordinances.
400
Amid these economic and political changes, Santa
Barbara, it seemed, was poised for a broader Revival.

98
Chapter 9: San Diego – The Manifestation of Revival

East and West
In Alta California, San Diego was the first point of departure for migration
throughout the state. In his 1908 history of San Diego, land developer William Ellsworth
Smythe (1861-1922) compared the settlement of “The Southwestern Gateway to the
Republic” to Plymouth, Massachusetts, the oldest continually inhabited English settlement
in the United States. Linking Point Loma to Plymouth Rock (“…each the offspring of
religious zeal…”) was not without merit. The romantic allusion to the sixteenth century
Spanish explorer-as-colonizer was as potent as the violent and harrowing quest for
religious freedom evinced by the Puritans; in both cases, the first contact with a native
population by Europeans would remain the most evocative of legends.
Places of historical transcendence often could not credit permanence, or even
sequentially progressive development, for their reputations. With so many vagaries
involved, the only hope of long-term success came with a “strategic location” combined
with a prominent, salable identity. As Smythe wrote:

Western cities do not patiently await the slow accretions of time. They
reckon in decades where the older cities of the East measure their growth by
centuries. Their effort at advancement takes the form of fierce competition
among themselves in seeking to attract the attention of the outside world as
a means of reinforcing their capital and recruiting their citizenship.
401

99
Another commonality among successful cities was the use of artifice. By the end of
the 19
th
century, the eclecticism of Chicago’s 1893 Exposition had transformed America’s
ideas of the possible in architecture and city form. Just as the re-invention of the New
England village bore little resemblance to the face or form of rough, colonial times, the late
19
th
century application of a Spanish overlay to Santa Barbara would have little to do with
the reality of actual crumbling, dirt-floored adobes. A distancing from ancestral, self-
denying Calvinist dictums had accompanied Stockbridge’s incremental improvements,
resulting in the genteel sanctification of a designed landscape. Similarly, Santa Barbara’s
alignment as the “New Spain” used highly abstracted visual allusions to the very Spanish
conquest which Anglo society was straining to supersede. These fundamental departures
from historical realities were characterized by Roberto Sagarena as reactions to unfolding
economic opportunity and religious identity, as well as the residual upheaval of war and
cultural relocation.
402

David Streatfield recently wrote that the unprecedented choice of environments
afforded California residents and visitors during the later part of the 19
th
century created a
need for “ordering principles … to guide new developments.” Deeming California
inadequate when it came to evincing a suitable vision of picturesque ruin, Streatfield noted:

Part of the cultural meaning of the (mythical view of the past) is a
suppressed desire to feel comparable significance in the ruined world of the
Californios … There was no site in California comparable in age, historical
significance or physical condition (to any New England colonial gardens).
403

100
The Panama-California Exposition of 1915
Of the four establishing California towns, the first to be populated by Spanish
soldiers and missionaries was the last to develop such a marketable identity. As if to
overcompensate for California’s lack of gravitas, its interpretation of revival would differ in
the breadth of its geographical influences, and historical accuracy would prove to be of little
concern.
404
Through the work of architects open to invention, existing historical remnants
of the true Californios, European precedents, and new practical planning tenets were freely
combined to create a replicatable, marketable, resonant set of conventions.
In mid-January 1911, architect Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue was hired as head
architect for San Diego’s developing “Panama-California Exposition.” Already tied to the
Santa Barbara area through his work on the extravagant El Fureidis, whose axial
arrangement and formal, Italian-inspired gardens set a new standard in Montecito,
Goodhue’s appointment in favor of competitor Irving Gill is thought to have hinged in part
upon the publication of two lavishly illustrated sourcebooks, Goodhue’s own Mexican
Memories (1892)
405
and Spanish Colonial Architecture in Mexico (1901) by Sylvester Baxter,
with drawings by Goodhue.
406

Goodhue biographer Richard Oliver has shown that the architect was uniquely
qualified for this singular commission due to his eclectic portfolio of work. Having
alternated between monumental, ecclesiastical designs (emphasizing axial and
proportional relationships); dignified library designs, and estates featuring the fantastical
imagery of Italian Renaissance palaces and Persian water gardens, Goodhue masterfully
combined “maverick romanticism and diligent scholarship.”
407
These qualities were all

101
revealed in the final representation of a newly historicized vision of California
408
realized by
the firm of Cram, Goodhue and Ferguson over the next four years.
Oliver pointed to the Exposition’s contrasts in light and shade, organic feeling, and
departure from a singular focal point as a few of its many innovations. Amid a series of
broad promenades, enclosed plazas and culminating vistas, the most drama occurred along
the site’s entrance approach, El Prado. With its series of smooth arches graphically
represented against the surrounding verdure, the 1,000-foot long bridge spanned a deep
arroyo.
409
El Prado led to a formal grouping of “theme buildings” in the Plaza de California;
anchored by the clustered, exuberant masses of the California Building.

Figure 24. California State Building: The Plaza Facade (1915)

102
The key to what Richard Oliver called an “idealized Mediterranean city,”
410
the
California Building proved to be the most iconic element of the Exposition. Goodhue’s
famed portal illustrated the story of California’s discovery, its founding missionaries and its
cultivated bounty. The expression in ornament was evocative and original at the same time;
showing the way forward to the uninspired municipal decision maker:

Its ecclesiastical format, a Greek-cross plan with shallow transepts, was
modeled on various Mexican churches. The plain, 200-foot tower, placed in
the angle formed by the south and east transepts, burst into flamboyant
ornament at the top; an exuberantly Churrigueresque front façade displayed
a profusion of carved figures depicting events in California history … the
dome was covered with blue, green, yellow, black and white tiles and the
inscription: “a land of wheat, and barley, and vines, and fig trees, and
pomegranates; a land of oil olive (sic) and honey; an Old Testament
description of the Holy Land and a prescription for California.
411

The combination of powerful, visual imagery; admixture of aesthetic influences, and
stunning transformation of a formerly moribund site made its mark. Harold Kirker called
the Exposition, in combination with John Bakewell and Arthur Brown’s majestic San
Francisco Civic Center plan, ‘the apogee of the American Renaissance.”
412
As Clarence Stein
wrote the following year, “The architectural style of our fairs in the past has had no
particular significance … [however] the San Diego Fair is the glorification of the romantic in
city planning as the Gothic Cathedral was in building.”
413
(Ironically, the Exposition’s
strongest architectural legacy - the expert massing of plain surfaces to offset ornament and
landscape – proved to be the very motivation that moved Goodhue toward a greater
simplicity of form in the future, as will be seen in Chapter 11). The Exposition’s reason for

103
being - beyond the ostensible celebration of the Panama Canal opening - was to improve
San Diego’s economy after a 1907 -1909 recession.
414
However, from the time of this
widely influential event, both San Diego and Santa Barbara clung to their respective visions.
Both worked harder at securing their Spanish heritages for public consumption in the
aftermath of World War I.
415

Although the majority of the Exposition buildings were demolished, the Natural
History Museum (rebuilt in 1917 and again in 1933) and other public buildings developed
from its structures.
416
Scientific collections were preserved and consolidated, and roads and
streets were developed from the former fairgrounds. In the same way that the Panama-
California Exposition resulted in the establishment of the city’s first cultural institutions,
the incremental movement of investors and citizen architects would support the
maturation of Santa Barbara’s arts and educational institutions.

Missions in the Press
Critical analysis and historical approbation of missions statewide continued to
appear in the popular press and museum collections. In the spirit of the earlier work
conducted by the Native Sons of the Golden West and Landmarks Club, historian Harry C.
Peterson (1876-1941), acting as curator of the Stanford University Museum and later as a
freelance feature writer for the Oakland Tribune, documented hundreds of old and new
historic sites from the 1910s to the 1930s.
417
These included San Juan Capistrano, Sonoma
and Santa Barbara missions, as well as Monterey’s Customs House and Washington Hotel.
418

As the century continued, architects such as Elmer Grey, Irving F. Morrow, and Samuel
Gideon built upon these hard-won precedents through writings that brought the issue to

104
the public forefront. Their well-meaning exhortations combined meaning with marketing
beauty and appropriateness of “California style” residential architecture.
For example, in March 1919, architect Elmer Grey authored “Southern California’s
New Architecture,” featuring his and partner Myron Hunt’s design of the sprawling J. H.
Peshine house. Although the project was intended to evoke architecture of the “Franco-
Italian coast”
419
rather than Seville, it featured both Mission archways and stripped-down
Corinthian columns. Such doctrinaire distinctions were likely immaterial to many
observers; many projects of the ‘teens were referred to as “Spanish” regardless of their
details.
420
Grey reminded readers that Spanish influences had begun long before the turn of
the century through the use of Mission forms, emphatically crediting San Diego’s 1915
Panama Pacific Exposition for a revitalized infusion of the “Spanish.”
421

Irving Morrow’s “San Juan Bautista” provided much more specificity with regard to
historical perspective, detailed observation of form and materials, and preservation
advocacy. Bringing his readers into the decaying Mission and its grounds, Morrow quoted
an evocative description of a courtyard in Helen Hunt Jackson’s Glimpses of California and
the Missions: “… a little green-locust walled plaza - the sleepiest, sunniest, dreamiest place in
the world.”
422
In this first in a series of articles “in line with the Native Sons’ efforts to
restore some of the old missions of California,”
423
Morrow honored “…the authentic relic of
a bygone age;” warning readers that “…our obligation toward it becomes the more
serious.”
424
Adopting the voice of a preservationist, Morrow caromed from sanguine
historical insights to sharp criticism of the chapel’s various additions and remodeling over
previous decades, compensating for the lack of explanatory documentation of the changes
with detailed observation and educated supposition. Morrow wrote:

105
I can see this Plaza in my mind now as it will then appear … There will be
then felt that happy continuity of past and present which only intelligent
reverence is able to achieve. The buildings surrounding the perimeter will
then be as true to form and spirit of their original selves as rational use and
sympathetic care can have made them…Here of a noontime or an evening a
few loiterers will stroll or rest, while on Saturday nights, with band playing,
the townspeople will promenade about the square and buy
refreshments…there may even be pavements where people can dance.

There will also be carnival days, when the surrounding population will come
in, and confetti and streamers will fly. All this, which I presume appears
fantastic and impossible; I have seen myself in Spain and Italy and France.
We are now displaying unusual eagerness to emulate the affectations under
which these countries labor; why might we not throw equal zest into
adopting some of their advantages instead?
425

Morrow’s second article in the series, “The Restoration of the California Missions,” revealed
a much stronger sense of urgency, carefully outlining the philosophical differences in
approaches to restoration and providing a partial list of missions requiring repair.
426
The
architect gave the clarion call: “I believe that all structures should be preserved that it is at
all practicable to save.”
427
Architect Samuel E. Gideon contributed a similar article entitled,
“The Preservation of a California Landmark,”
428
concerning the degradation in Monterey of
both adobes and wood-framed buildings. Gideon underscored the effects of close to a
century of neglect on “the first frame house in California,” the headquarters of General
Sherman, and the Larkin House on the very way of life they represented. In 1919, a young
architect from Scotland by way of Flagstaff, Arizona named James Osborne Craig echoed
Gideon’s comments on Monterey, whose architectural decline both regarded as an affront
to the entire state of California.

106
The Architects
In Santa Barbara: the Creation of a New Spain in America,
429
David Gebhard
chronicled the localized shift away from Mission architecture, instituted by estate building
in Montecito. The predominant revival option became an admixture of regional Italian,
North African, and Spanish influences in both homes and gardens. The increase in travel,
quite naturally, created a commensurate desire for more visual and material variety among
both clients and architects. By the mid ‘teens, as laypersons and ‘citizen practitioners’ were
beginning to invest in the remaking of old adobes, several distinctive architects were ready
to contribute to the new architectural direction taking place in Santa Barbara.
Taking lessons from European travel and from Goodhue’s instantly iconic California
Building, Philadelphian George Washington Smith (1876-1930) came to architecture later
in life than many of his contemporaries, making his genius in the discipline that much more
surprising. After living in Belle Époque Paris for several years and touring Spain prior to the
Great War, the urbane Smith came to Santa Barbara via New York and San Francisco in
1914. Abandoning an unsatisfying painting career to develop a new indigenous
architecture, Smith talked about his views of the built form using the language of
representational art as he created a new residential standard in Santa Barbara and
Montecito.
430
David Gebhard was one observer who considered Smith’s first project in the
area, his own Rustic Andalusian-inspired home on Middle Road in Montecito (1916),
alternately referred to as El Hogar, Casa Dracaena, or Heberton House. David Gebhard
considered Smith’s first house to be the creative wellspring of all that came after.
431

107
James Osborne Craig (1888-1922) was born in Newton Mearns, Scotland in 1888.
His lifelong interest in Spanish elements of design emanated from childhood trips to
southern Spain. Craig arrived in America for the first time in 1905, living for a time in
Colorado and Arizona before settling in Santa Barbara, where he registered for the draft in
1917.
432
South Dakotan Mary McLaughlin migrated first to Pasadena, California; later
investing in a Santa Barbara home site. McLaughlin married Craig in 1918.
433
From this
time until his death just a few years later, Craig worked with new arrivals Bernhard and
Irene Hoffmann on several of their properties, beginning with their expansive home, Casa
Santa Cruz; the project Kevin Starr called a “primary statement of the new Santa Barbara
style.”
434
Craig’s inspired work showed a deft simplicity perfectly expressive of certain
Santa Barbarans’ emerging view of their city as an artistic composition. This representation
was often characterized as evocative of a more “peaceful” time; a vision clearly at odds with
the tumultuous reality of the difficult Spanish period.
435

The overlapping careers of Craig and Smith reached their respective high points in
the Santa Barbara area at about the same time. Craig would achieve lasting fame for his
work on El Paseo, although he did not live to see it finished. His wife, Mary Craig, went on to
craft a successful career of her own in architecture and interior design.
436
A talented
architect who died in his prime, Craig would be most remembered for the El Paseo project.
Around the same time, George Washington Smith transitioned from his by-now-famous first
home on Middle Road to 17 Mesa Road; building upon his initial impact to achieve the
artistry and cohesion of the spectacular Casa Del Herrero (1922-1925). A list compiled by
David Gebhard contains over 170 projects the architect completed prior to Smith’s death in
1930; over 90 of them in the Santa Barbara and Montecito areas.
437

108
As the decade came to a close, James Craig was designing a range of beach cottages
and Montecito farmhouse villas from his office in the Oreña Adobe; E. Keith Lockard was
newly certified to practice with an office in the San Marcos Building at 338 State Street; and
the firm of Soule, Murphy and Hastings worked out of 116 East Sola Street. Winsor Soule
hosted the July 1920 meeting of the Southern California Chapter of the AIA in Santa
Barbara.
438
Some of its members, although professionally active in Santa Barbara, remained
in the Los Angeles area. Carleton Winslow, who had contributed to the Panama-California
Exposition, designed the plateresque Santa Barbara Clinic, and later contributed to the
completion of El Paseo after Craig’s sudden death, had an office at 1134 Van Nuys
Boulevard.
439
Myron Hunt worked out of the Hibernian Building in Los Angeles, but spent a
great deal of his time in Santa Barbara.
Aspiring architect and Berkeley graduate Lutah Maria Riggs (1896-1984) joined the
San Francisco Draftsman’s Union in July of 1919, prior to securing her first professional job
in Susanville, California. At the same time, a competition was being conducted to replace
Santa Barbara’s dome-topped Courthouse on Figueroa Street,
440
and the various Santa
Barbara volunteer organizations that formed the basis of the Community Arts Association
were forming. It was in Susanville that Riggs came across George Washington Smith’s
groundbreaking first home featured in the October 1920 issue of Architectural Record.
441

Riggs’ desire to work with Smith set her on a trajectory that would lead her to become a key
figure in the re-invention of Santa Barbara after her arrival in 1922.
442

109
The evolution of Bertram Goodhue’s work from the time of the Panama-California
Exposition was seen in Santa Barbara five years later. Goodhue quickly moved away from a
reliance on heavy ornamentation and historical allusions to a freer interpretation of
modernity in the Santa Barbara Country Club (1917); Montecito’s Henry Dater House/Val
Verde (1915-1918),
443
and his own residence, the remodeled La Cabaña (1920).
444
The
often-published Major J. H. Peshine house of 1918-1919 by Myron Hunt and Elmer Grey
reflected a similar simplicity of form.
445
Each of these projects was highly influential; due to
the relative sophistication of their patrons, these early-century architects worked in a
veritable “design laboratory,” with a freedom rarely seen up until that time.
The “internationalization” in form unleashed by the Panama-California Exposition
became central to Santa Barbara, as the free interpretation and conflation of Mexican,
Moorish and Spanish elements comprised the Spanish Colonial Revival. According to
Patricia Gebhard, Smith first began to draw widespread attention through articles including
the April 1920 Architectural Forum and other popular publications.
446
Underscoring the
reciprocity of influences between America and Europe during this highly creative period,
projects by Hunt, Smith, Reginald D. Johnson and Willis Polk were compared with regional
Italian landscapes in the periodical Architecture and Decorative Art (L’Architettura et Arti
Decorative, est. 1922).
447
The setting for Hunt’s “villa” (likely the Peshine House),
448
was
likened to Italy’s volcanic Colli Laziali. The “small, plain house” of George Washington Smith
(his own, 1918 home on Montecito’s Middle Road, itself modeled after a 12
th
century
Andalusian farmhouse);
449
was compared to the “rustic Abruzzo” region of the east.
450

Through the architects of Santa Barbara’s Spanish Colonial Revival, a small town became
known across the world.

110
Chapter 10: The Promise of a “New Spain”

Pearl Chase … and Friends
David and Patricia Gebhard, Kevin Starr and many others have written eloquently
about the pull of fantasy and nostalgia that pervaded the 1920s.
451
Yet Santa Barbara’s
decision makers, practical-minded people who in many cases came from humble
circumstances before rising up in the world, tempered their receptiveness to art - used to
depict and realize such fantasy - with roll-up-your-sleeves pragmatism in support of the
architectural revival. In the end, the success of any artistic enterprise depended upon
education. In their community activism, Pearl Chase and Bernhard Hoffmann lived this
ethos.
Pearl Chase built upon earlier life experiences, including teaching home economics
and supporting the suffrage movement,
452
to become involved in yet another social issue of
her time, housing. Chase, who spoke of settlement house founder Margaret Baylor with
unabashed admiration,
453
embraced her role as chair of the newly forming Americanization
Committee. Under the auspices of the Woman’s Club, the Committee began the first area
study of its kind: the Housing and Social Survey of 1919-1923, which began with a census-
like survey phase revealing crowded conditions among (primarily Italian and Mexican)
immigrants. It was this experience that Barker credited with directing Chase into targeted
civic improvement; from this time forward, “Chase’s dream of improving the living
conditions of Santa Barbara’s poor through the construction of attractive, yet affordable,
small homes, began slowly to take shape.”
454

111
As had happened on a more modest scale after the Civil War, the end of the Great
War brought with it a renewed emphasis on the arts, particularly in pursuit of tourism.
Similarly, the laypersons that had driven the village improvement movement now had more
highly educated and better-traveled historical counterparts. In Santa Barbara as in other
emerging resort towns, new arrivals making their mark in America’s major cities brought a
level of sophistication in business and negotiation to their “adopted hometowns.”
455
In the
spring of 1919, a seminal meeting of local residents including Pearl Chase, Frederick
Forrest Peabody, Samuel M. Ilsley and painter John M. Gamble resulted in the creation of a
small theater group of volunteer community members, The Community Arts Players.
Next, in the fall of 1919, the Civic Music Committee came into being for the purpose
of bringing live performances to Santa Barbara. Among the original organizers was David
Gray, Sr. (1870-1928), a prominent Santa Barbara benefactor who would become a close
friend of Bernhard Hoffmann’s. With no other suitable locations in town,
456
the Potter
Hotel’s 1,100-seat theater was selected as the performance site. Three performances during
February and March 1920 comprised the CMC’s inaugural season, the last of which featured
the newly formed Los Angeles Philharmonic. Pearl Chase was a frequent attendee at the
Potter Theater’s productions, socializing with potential allies in the fight for a better Santa
Barbara.
457
The Community Arts Players presented two plays in purpose-built outdoor
theaters in the spring and summer of 1920,
458
but financial overextension led the group to
disband within months. The Santa Barbara School of the Arts was formed at the same time;
yet like the Civic Music Community and by-now-defunct Arts Players, the school suffered
from insufficient private donations to accomplish its ambitious plans.
459

112
The Hoffmanns in Mission Canyon
In 1919, Bernhard and Irene Hoffmann’s only daughter, Margaret, was diagnosed
with diabetes. In seeking care for her the Hoffmanns followed Columbia University’s Dr.
Nathaniel Bowditch Potter as he relocated his Carnegie Foundation-funded research clinic
from New York City to Santa Barbara.
460
At some point prior to 1921, the Hoffmann family
moved from temporary lodgings at the Siamasia Cottages on El Bosque Road in
Montecito
461
to purchase the former home of U.S. Navy Rear Admiral Bowman Henry
McCalla, a veteran of both the Spanish-American and Civil Wars and an esteemed local
resident from 1906 until his death in 1910.
462
The Bowman H. McCalla Estate was located
on the canyon-side stretch of upper Garden Street (the rustic “Upper East” neighborhood),
backing up to Mission Creek. Landscape architect Stephen Child paid tribute to the
topography of the area in an article on estate gardens, writing that the McCalla home was
“perched upon the edge of a bluff overlooking the famous Mission Creek,”
463
which flowed
all year long. The site was a painstakingly composed interpretation of the Japanese:

Stepping-stone paths set with rare skill lead from home to tea-house, and
lighted by rare old lanterns pass cunningly devised springs, and crossing
little pools lead on down to the slope of the canyon to the stream itself,
which is crossed by rustic bridges, beyond which under the live oaks are
other gardens with rare collections of ferns and palms.
464

The Japanese garden setting Child admired was an extraordinarily picturesque
composition, as distinctly exotic as the predominantly formal Italian and Persian-inspired
gardens of the estates in nearby Montecito. Although this Asiatic garden design would soon
change under the supervision of landscape designers Florence Yoch (1890-1972) and

113
Lucille Council (1898-1964),
465
the cascading, irregular design of the undulating area
topography was reminiscent of Stockbridge’s most distinctive natural formation, Ice
Glen.
466
Because of its rustic, natural beauty, the enclave attracted writers, artists, and
naturalists in the same tradition of old Thoreau, making its appeal to the horticulturally -
oriented Hoffmanns a foregone conclusion.
467
Over the next few years, Bernhard and Irene
Hoffmann of Stockbridge came into extended contact with each of the aforementioned
architects. The Hoffmanns’ patronage would allow for some of Smith’s, Craig’s and Riggs’
best-known works to be created in the center of town.

The Impulse for Consolidation
By 1920, clustered examples of unified architecture had been constructed on a few
Santa Barbara streets; however, the impulse toward further consolidation was strong in the
city. Arthur Page Brown’s Crocker Row homes of 1894 set an early example of unity at the
top of Garden Street, as did the Spanish-influenced Junipero Plaza subdivision (1904-1905)
at Laguna and Garden and the Granada Cottages on Nopal (1917).
468
Although they were
never realized, in September 1919, Bertram Goodhue planned a row of commercial
structures on the north side of Carrillo between State and Anacapa intended to “harmonize”
with Myron Hunt’s plan for the County National Bank directly to the west, which would
open in 1921. The land acquisition for the Goodhue project was made possible through the
Bank itself and a small group of private investors, including the all-female Little Town
Club.
469
In the end, the creation of a continuously arcaded span, set well back from the
sidewalk, never materialized; the County Bank’s arcaded southern flank ended abruptly
with the building. Carrillo Street architecture remained mildly diverse, including the

114
century-old “hybrid” Hill-Carrillo Adobe at 11-15 East Carrillo (1825-1826); the Monterey
Revival Mihran Studio next door at 17-21 (1922); and the Little Town Club headquarters at
27 East Carrillo. The latter most closely fit the profile of the invented Spanish tradition,
having already been remodeled in the arcaded style by George Washington Smith in
1915.
470

In addition to the efforts of visionary architects, a series of adobe purchases,
relocations and restorations made by non-architects began the transitional, Anglo-led
consolidation of El Pueblo Viejo. In several cases, intermarriage between Hispanics and
Anglos led to expansion of the simplest adobe form, but it was the west coast version of the
Arts and Crafts aesthetic that drove later, picturesque architectural changes, disregarding
meaningful historical representation altogether. For good and for bad, these imposed the
priorities, tastes and new functions of a few investors upon what had been an indigenous
cultural base.
One of the first examples of this phenomenon was the reworking of the Hill-Carrillo
Adobe (1825-1826 or 1827) at 11 East Carrillo. Its original owner, the Boston sailor Daniel
Hill, built the “hybrid” home for himself and his new wife, Rafaela Luisa Ortega,
granddaughter of José Francisco Ortega. Later it was owned by Joaquin Carrillo. The Hill-
Carrillo adobe was a high-profile structure, located at the center of the community
immediately to the east of the corner of what would become 1000 State Street. By 1851 (the
year the grid was first established), the adobe had become a painting studio for the itinerant
Italian portraitist Leonardo Barbiera (alternately spelled ‘Barbieri’), who moved on to
Mexico in 1853. The adobe was acquired in 1917 by another Bostonian, Esther Fiske (Mrs.
Gardiner) Hammond of the Hammond Organ fortune, who settled on the coast in 1912.

115
Hammond converted the historic adobe into a combination art studio and tea room,
responding to the needs of elites of the day. After her husband’s death in 1922, Mary Craig
established an interior design and architecture studio here).
471
The Hill-Carrillo Adobe’s
final civic institutionalizations came in 1928, when Major Max C. Fleischmann purchased
and preserved the structure for use as the philanthropic Santa Barbara Foundation,
472
and
in 1937, when it was entered into the Historic American Building Survey (HABS) under the
name ‘La Casa de Joaquin Carrillo.’
473

The oldest adobe in Santa Barbara was also reworked as a part of this piecemeal
image consolidation. The Cañedo Adobe at 121 East Cañon Perdido (listed as being built in
1760 by Conard and Nelson, and in 1792 by David Gebhard in its HABS report) was once a
part of the northern edge of the Presidio; so named for the soldier who received it in 1850
as payment for his service. In 1920, Mr. Elmer H. Whittaker proceeded to build an addition,
replace the roof, and redesign the interior. These major changes were typical of the design
accommodations Anglo investors made to their historic homes in order to make them more
comfortable for modern living.
474
The production of hand crafted adobe bricks resumed at
the Mission to supply such reconstructions.
475

Another of the smaller sites to be transformed by Anglo investment was the
Covarrubias Adobe (1817) at 17 Santa Barbara, built by Dominguez Carrillo for himself and
his new wife, Concepción Pico, sister of California Governor Pio Pico. Three years after
statehood, in 1853, José Maria Covarrubias took the adobe over; however, its final
disposition took place in 1921 or 1922 when author John Reginald Southworth bought it
and moved another structure to the site. A “long, low, unpretentious” (and unnamed) adobe
of 1836, originating at the corner of State and Carrillo, was dismantled and moved to the

116
opposite corner of Carrillo and Anacapa at an unknown date to become a natural history
museum. Southworth then oversaw its final dismantling and reconstruction on Santa
Barbara Street, to the rear of Covarrubias, where it became the home of the Rancho
Vistadores, an informal social group. Together, these structures formed the Santa Barbara
Historical Society complex. Both the Covarrubias and “Historic” adobes were also entered
into the HABS record in 1937.
476

An Example in Ojai (1917-1919)
A small-scale precursor to the larger transformation that lay ahead was
demonstrated in tiny, unincorporated Ojai, California, approximately 40 miles to the south
of Santa Barbara. Established in 1874 as Nordhoff, the town changed its appearance soon
after it changed its name in 1917. An illustrated account of the project appeared in Architect
and Engineer’s August 1919 issue. The ragged condition of Ojai’s compact business center
contrasted sharply with its attractive setting and the growing expectations of nearby estate
owners. Architect Richard Requa of the San Diego firm Mead and Requa cited the ubiquity,
by this time, of civic improvement and planning being conducted in larger cities, and the
importance of “ …unifying and transforming … ugly and jarring elements.”
477
An
undifferentiated small town without municipal revenue, Ojai necessitated the Progressive-
era intervention of a citizen activist with what Frederick Jennings called “…the idea of
giving a man good clothes and seeing him live up to them.”
478

117
The Mission/Spanish revival was instituted along Ojai’s dreary main street when
winter resident Mr. Edward D. Libbey of Toledo, Ohio stepped in, purchasing a run-down,
ten-acre site directly across from Ojai’s business row and spearheading a shared-expense
plan among merchants to enact uniform façade replacement. The demolishment of
dilapidated properties and installation of continuous, arcaded plaster storefronts, a park
grandstand, and rustic pergola (alternately described as “Spanish” and “Italian”), created
new unity and dignity. Mead and Requa’s Post Office bell tower provided a terminating
vista at one end of the main street, and the 575-foot long arcade became an aspirational
model which Bernhard Hoffmann would soon strive to realize in Santa Barbara. Touting
Ojai’s success, Jennings revealed the era’s reliance on the Hispanic image:

The Spanish Colonial, or the so-called Mission style, was decided upon as the
logical and best adapted treatment for the regeneration … The local benefits,
however, are insignificant compared with the example and the incentive
given other towns to improve and beautify their surroundings.
479

A trip to Monterey, California made a particularly deep impression on architect James Craig.
Profoundly inspired by mission architecture, Craig produced a series of perspective
sketches of Solvang’s Santa Ynez Mission in October of 1919. As Craig later wrote:
480

I was transported by what I saw to be old world prototypes … the simple
grandeur of the expression of Spain’s influences was satisfying, but what a
discordant note is struck in the work since American occupation.
481

118
The Oreña Adobe and Casa Santa Cruz (1921-1922)
Thus inspired, Craig began two important projects which presaged his success with
El Paseo (the so-called Street of Spain). In what is frequently referred to in print as a
“restoration” of the Oreña Adobe on East de la Guerra Street; Craig biographer Robert
Sweeney has indicated that the precise extent and nature of the changes to the Adobe
remain unconfirmed today.
482
Craig’s handwritten notes on the single extant drawing at the
University of California, Santa Barbara’s University Art Museum imply that alterations
planned for Gaspar’s former family home were intended for conversion to a rental. These
changes included the removal of a wooden building at the rear of the structure as well as
replacement of the existing wooden flooring. Although Craig specified brick for all of the
new flooring, planned a 24’ by 31’ studio space on the lower floor, and cited new woodwork
on behalf of the owner, the most visual impact may have been gained by what the architect
referred to as “tinting and sizing” of all plaster surfaces. (Although snippet photographs of
the adobe published in Architect and Engineer allude to the purity of the completed forms,
several representative historic photographs of the Adobe in its context before and after this
date exhibit arguably imperceptible changes to the exterior).
483

Reportedly commissioned by Irene Hoffmann at about the same time, Craig
designed an expansive, Rustic Andalusian-influenced residence to replace the McCalla
house at 2420 Garden Street, including a separate gardener’s cottage and a guest house
with second story, ‘Monterey’ veranda.
484
Craig produced drawings for Casa Santa Cruz
throughout 1921.
485
The home site abutted the property of St. Anthony’s Seminary
immediately to the east, and lay kitty-corner to the future site of the Hazard Memorial
Museum of Comparative Oology, designed by architect Floyd E. Brewster and under

119
construction in 1922.
486
The Museum would be under the directorship of Bernhard’s
brother Ralph Hoffmann by 1923, as the ornithologist and botanist from Stockbridge,
Massachusetts presided over an “almost continuous period of expansion” continuing until
his death in 1932.
487
Similarly important work would be conducted at the Santa Barbara
Botanical Garden, when renowned plant ecologist Frederic Edward Clements (1974-1945)
came to Santa Barbara in 1925 under the auspices of the Carnegie Institution’s Coastal
Laboratory project.
488

The importance of “plastering” as the primary technique in the Spanish Revival
style was underscored by the program requirements for Casa Santa Cruz, which were very
specific with regard to surface finishes. The lime putty content was to include the “best
quality, freshly burned white lime,” and the finish coat of Keene’s cement was to be “pure
white,” and “well and exhaustively troweled” to a hard, glossy surface throughout baths,
kitchens and pantries. By contrast, the living spaces and exterior called for an “irregular or
wavey” application with rounded corners; “The texture of the finish coat shall be as
obtained in the Old Missions.”
489
Casa Santa Cruz and its related buildings across Mission
Creek comprised a naturalistic composition, set among gardens which did not compete with
the area’s existing flora. The Hoffmann home was completed in 1922, and was by all
accounts a successful project.
490
The Hoffmanns retained Casa Santa Cruz as a beloved, but
part-time, home for many years.
491

120

Figure 25. Oreña Adobe Detail (1920s)

An evenly distributed surface of a smoothly plastered surface rendered an old
adobe a smoothly defined, abstracted form, standing out against the mountains in the
distance as well as acting as light-reflecting backdrop itself to the brightness of nearby
foliage and the ruddiness of red tile roofs. Certainly, the precedent for such simplified forms
outside of Santa Barbara could be seen in Irving Gill’s “white buildings” created after
1906,
492
rendering a structure almost a negative void and about which Gill said, “An artist is
known rather by what he omits.”
493
Importantly, Gill saw in the reductive, light-reflecting
stucco walls he engineered the expression of a timeless past; what Hamlin called “a type of
society that (Gill) thought had existed in California’s early days.”
494

121
While the brilliant, proto-modernist Gill was, ultimately, unable to outrun the
advancement of the baroque Spanish Colonial from the time of his professional rejection
from the Panama-California Exposition,
495
Craig and Smith (as well as Lutah Riggs) found
their greatest successes with such profoundly simplified forms. In their work, the interplay
of line, scale, and proportion combined with the ever-changing element of nature to
produce an irresistible accessibility. In the severity of what Gebhard called the “neo-
rational” or “stripped” design of Francis Underhill’s Peabody House (1917), Underhill’s
previous Queen Anne and Tudor work could be forgotten.
496
The most dramatic shift among
these architects may have been Goodhue’s “working backward” from the very Spanish
Colonial excesses he had used to transform the concept of California architecture in the first
place; in what his biographer Richard Oliver called “that search for a greater freedom of
expression which engaged the best of his peers.”
497

Rusticity came as the result of carefully controlled design decisions. In the Los
Angeles area, architect John Byers was distinguishing himself by reviving natural adobe
forms in projects in Brentwood and Beverly Hills.
498
Components of the “natural” look were
being sought out in junk yards; broken roof tiles and warped woods lent authenticity.
499

122

Figure 26. Oreña Studios (1920)

The reworked, Oreña Storehouse, Oreña Adobe and Store now clustered “like”
structures together at the east end of de la Guerra Street, presaging the city-wide
transformation to come. The area comprising the Casa de la Guerra, City Hall and Plaza
were soon to be remade into a cohesive town center, after many years of what Donaldson
called “stylistic stasis.” A property deal instituted by the Hoffmanns soon allowed James
Craig to “join” the eastern set of adobes with a modern shopping and business center;
creating the centerpiece of Santa Barbara’s second stage of reinvention - the most evocative
locale the city had ever seen.

123
Chapter 11: Projects and Committees

Reinvention of the Plaza de la Guerra
Through two years of hard work, fundraising and skillful leveraging of working
relationships, Pearl Chase and a few other Santa Barbarans established the foundational
groups which would comprise the Community Arts Association.
500
Over 12,500 permanent
residents were added to Santa Barbara’s population between 1900 and 1920.
501
This
constituted a 34% increase in town comprising just over 18 square miles, and the postwar
rise in purchasing power and rapid growth of automobile-related businesses connected
Santa Barbara more than ever with outlying regional economies.
Compared to life in staid Stockbridge and later in teeming New York, where
Bernhard worked in a new and massively expanding industry and volunteered for the war
effort immersed in a city where large-scale municipal problems demanded large-scale
solutions, the sense of Santa Barbara as a “blank slate” for artistic civic possibilities must
have been palpable.
502
The key difference in Santa Barbara were the close working
relationships the Hoffmanns formed with a wide variety of architects now working in the
“new” local idiom of the interpreted revival. Shortly after their arrival, the Hoffmanns made
several social contacts which directed the course of their civic volunteerism. Irene
Hoffmann reportedly took Spanish lessons from an elderly Delfina de la Guerra at the
Casa,
503
and Bernhard immediately resumed the role of the ardent civic activist he had lived
and breathed in Stockbridge, succeeding the Community Arts Association’s first President,
James R. H. Wagner. Irene and Bernhard then spearheaded the purchase of the Casa de la
Guerra in September 1921.
504

124
A succession of related events during this period reflect the strong sense of urgency
and an increased level of assertiveness Hoffmann brought to the remaking of Santa
Barbara.
505
The Plans and Planting Committee, a beautification organization operating
within the auspices of the Community Arts Association, was formed by Hoffmann and Chase
in early 1922. The stated mission of “Plans” included “…the sale of small-house designs,
entry in architectural competitions, circulation of publicity, participation in the Better
Homes Movement, and general striving toward improvement.”
506
In a time of postwar
economic recovery and reminiscent of contemporaneous Garden City movement concerns,
the group also strived to “facilitate the achievement of prospective builders of distinctive as
well as adequate and sound buildings.” (For their part, “planting” volunteers concerned
themselves with “competitions, flower shows, advice and publicity,” intersecting with
“plans” in holding garden tours of everything from modest homes to grand estates). This
clearly delineated, dedicated group - and the high public profile it achieved – was the first of
its kind in the country, a more sophisticated village improvement organization than had
previously existed:

To supply an American community with those artistic elements which shall
genuinely enrich its life is a worthy task but a long one. Indeed one of its
chief virtues is that it can never be completely finished. The immediate aim
of the Association must be to evoke such a spirit and such support from the
community and visitors that this work will be guaranteed in perpetuity … as
a beacon-light to the country at large.
507

125
Bernhard and Irene Hoffmann immersed themselves completely in the Spanish
dream. The Morning Press announced the deal struck between the couple and the de la
Guerra family in which the Casa was put in trust and the rights obtained to revive the home
and to construct El Paseo, “a quaint little street in the south of Spain.”
508
The deal ensured
that residing de la Guerra family members were allowed to remain in place in the east wing;
with the front rooms of the opposing west wing already similarly restricted, the center
section containing the sala was made available for renovation and rental.
In the agreement, the Hoffmanns also gained the right to construct additions to the
rear and side of the building, which would make possible an enclosed patio and more
rentable space for commercial offices, studio apartments and a restaurant. Reported costs
include a property price of $50,000,
509
and the combined project total of $100,000 (equating
to over $1,200,000 in 2010 dollars).
510
The “coordinated scheme” combined investment
from the Hoffmanns with the proceeds from municipal bonds to be sold to community
members. The Hoffmanns hired James Craig to design the redevelopment project.
511
Given
that Craig would be planning what could accurately be described as one of the country’s
first pedestrian shopping malls, it is telling that Helfrich credited the “additive,”
“residential” nature of Craig’s work as the reason for his hiring.
512
In fact, today’s concept of
the “outdoor living room” would be reflected in Craig’s scale and orientation of spaces
surrounding the Casa.

126
Craig’s conceptualizations, evolving from September 1921 to February 1922,
embraced broad changes in the Casa and surrounding spaces. Plans included two primary
courtyards and several important new buildings. Included were a new City Hall designed to
fit tightly into the composition; the formalization of the Plaza directly across de la Guerra
Street as a park, and a distinct addition to the existing Oreña structures: the de la Guerra
Studios. According to Helfrich, Craig’s plans were formally presented the Santa Barbara City
Council by Bernhard and newspaperman Thomas More Storke of The Daily News on
February 4, 1922.
513
Helfrich described the Street of Spain concept this way:

Craig proposed an arcaded passage to run from State Street to the Plaza on
its Western side, and converting the rear portions of the building between
the plaza and State Street into shops whose facades would simulate the
irregular massing of Spanish examples … Craig argued that such a
restoration was not an exact one, but rather an effort to strive for an “effect
that will reveal the early Spanish influence expressed in a manner that will
harmonize with present-day conditions.”
514

James Craig died in March of 1922, as construction of Casa Santa Cruz was being
completed and the Casa de la Guerra/Street of Spain work was beginning. As Chairman of
Plans and Planting, Bernhard continued to exert control over the project, keeping Craig’s
vision in the public’s mind through a public exhibit of his drawings (see ‘Anna Louise
Murphy Vhay,” below); as well as leveraging the newly formed Architectural Advisory
Committee (AAC) to bring in George Washington Smith, Lutah Riggs and other architects for
the creation of further studies.
515
Throughout the spring, Smith and Riggs produced an
iconic assemblage of exuberant renderings in watercolor and charcoal depicting Plaza de la
Guerra as a Mexican “barrio analco.”
516

127
As described by Helfrich, Carleton Winslow (1876-1946) and Mary Craig (1889-
1964) were instrumental in the completion of the project, and both contributed valuable
additions to the plan. The focus of the work centered on the north and east ends of the
structure as Hoffmann, et al., on behalf of the CAA, had no control over the disposition of the
western wing. The Casa’s rear altito, or counting house, was removed and replaced with a
smoothly plastered, blocky tower; a breezeway was installed just to the right of center in
the north span, for easy access to the rear court. The focus remained outside of the Casa
itself; most impactful to the overall design was the pedestrian walkway along the home’s
east side. The alley was described by Donaldson as having been “created by the construction
of the two and three story de la Guerra Studios” (left of center, Figure 27).
517

Figure 27. de la Guerra Studios and Oreña Studios (1922)

128
The de la Guerra Studios, perhaps the first “mixed use” building in Santa Barbara,
now joined the Oreña Adobes in structuring the city block. Similarities in the design of the
Street of Spain can be easily traced to a sourcebook photograph: Cuernavaca’s “Gallery in
Patio,” in Louis La Beaume and William Booth Papin’s The Picturesque Architecture of
Mexico of 1915.
518
However, as Donaldson observed in his HSR, many of the changes to the
Casa de la Guerra were erratic and/or untraceable; El Paseo too resembled Craig’s
illustrated vision more in spirit than in replication. Carleton Winslow designed changes to
the Casa and El Paseo into the future. What began on the page as one man’s vision truly
reflected a community undertaking.
519

The earliest stage of El Paseo construction, Restaurante Del Paseo, was completed in
May 1923. While Robinson emphasized the lingering residencies of Delfina de la Guerra and
Herminia de la Guerra Lee as they affected ownership, Daniel Hartfeld has shown the ways
in which the restaurant became a center-within-a-center of Spanish immersion, combining a
spacious interior (including second-story veranda) overlooking diners; Spanish music and
dancing; and, of course, food served by costumed waiters. Once opened, the restaurant
immediately became a high-profile ‘society spot.’
520
This identity indivisibly tied in to the
annual Old Spanish Days Fiesta, which would begin in August 1924.
Also in 1923, the austere plasterwork of the Daily News building, designed by
George Washington Smith and Lutah Maria Riggs, replaced aging adobes to anchor the
southern end of de la Guerra Plaza. To that end, Riggs created several sketches from
January to April 1923 for the News building’s decorative ceilings. The striking designs
combined geometrics and abstracted florals, drawn primarily in greens, corals and golds.
521

129
The Daily News Building was completed in 1923; its somewhat stark, but graceful, design
punctuated by simply decorated windows, contrasting with its colorful interior.
A Spanish-inflected City Hall by Keith Lockard and Roland Sauter, surrounding an
inner courtyard, was repositioned to a chaste corner of the public plaza directly across the
street from the Oreña Studios. City Hall was rendered an actual part of the street through
the use of covered walkways, transforming the role and
522
the image of civic Santa Barbara.
Remaining was the Italianate McKay Building, fronting the west side of de la Guerra Plaza
and the last Victorian vestige of the composition. Following its destruction in the
earthquake of June 1925, the Bothin philanthropy of San Francisco funded a Spanish
Colonial Revival office structure in its place. Despite the positive response by the public to
City Hall and the “Street in Spain,” sharply conflicting visions of the Plaza itself ensured that
the central expanse remained unchanged.
523

It is difficult to overstate the degree to which elite observers tied the El Paseo
project to Santa Barbara’s future fortunes. Upon its completion, a core group of
philanthropists including Hoffmann, Max Fleischmann, and Dwight Murphy were among
those who established offices surrounding the rear court; what Hartfeld called “the focal
point of the Progressive Renaissance.”
524
In its separate-but-equal relationship to City Hall,
re-assertion of its privileged position facing a generous plaza, and implied confidence in the
future economic prosperity of Santa Barbara, the revitalized Casa de la Guerra again
encapsulated every facet of the municipality: commercial, cultural, administrative,
residential, historical and aesthetic. Architect Winsor Soule described the project in its
totality:

130
[The Casa de la Guerra/El Paseo project is]…notable for the informal novelty
and interest of its plan; the incident and charm of its various parts. These
buildings as a group embody to an unusual degree the romance and quality
of the architectural tradition associated with the early years of California,
one well adapted to this arid climate with its bright sunshine and deep
shadows. There is an inspiration here that should have great effect in the
development of a truly Californian architecture.”
525

Figure 28. The Street of Spain (1922)

Anna Louise Murphy Vhay / Plans and Planting (1920-1923)
Writer, architect and artist Anna Louise Murphy Vhay (Mrs. David Vhay) (1881-
1964) also contributed greatly to Santa Barbara’s architectural tradition and to the ascent of
its arts colony begun forty years before. A native of Michigan who arrived in town in 1920,
Vhay became another transitional figure as Hispanization became institutionalized in civic
buildings. Vhay’s first adobe restoration, considered to be the most faithful to the original,
was the Gonzalez-Ramirez Adobe (1825) at 825 Laguna. As Hill and Carrillo had done,

131
Rafael Gonzalez originally constructed the home for his bride, and was later elected alcalde,
or mayor, of Santa Barbara. Beginning in 1922, a potential restorer of an adobe such as Vhay
had a new resource to turn to, the Architectural Advisory Committee.
526

Under the auspices of the Hoffmann-led CAA, the AAC appointed T. M. Hastings as its
Chairman until 1923, when he was succeeded by H.L. Wass until 1924. Determined to reach
both the client and builder before ‘unsuitable’ designs were begun, the Committee “placed
itself in a position to give advice and suggestions to home or commercial structure builders
upon application.” Photographs and drawings of Mediterranean-inflected architecture
“holding unusual inspirational value and authentic detail” were compiled though donations
and were “…always at the disposal of any in need of this service.”
527
Despite this
characterization of a purely voluntary arrangement, in the summer of 1922, local architects
Roland Sauter and E. Keith Lockard met with the committee (which included George
Washington Smith) to gain approval for their new City Hall plans. In addition, Sauter and
Lockard promised to remit an amount to the AAC not exceeding $500.00 for the approval.
528

Vhay, as a member of the Plans and Planting Committee and co-Chairman
529
of its
Library and Exhibit Committee, worked on several public exhibitions throughout 1922 and
1923. These included the El Paseo exhibit of the work of James Osborne Craig, presented
soon after his death in March, and a Small Homes design competition which drew eight
hundred people to the de la Guerra site.
530
A presentation of “Mexican Photographs” and the
First Annual Architectural Exhibit established their own precedents.
531
Like the
Architectural Committee, Library and Exhibits “acted as a clearing house in disseminating
(exemplars and information).” The first CAA book of small home designs was planned, “for
people of moderate means:”

132
…to aid those intending to build houses, especially in Santa Barbara, [by]
collecting the working drawings of a number of selected designs, and (sic)
hopes with the cooperation of the competitors to place these at the disposal
of the general public for a nominal fee … it constitutes an effort to make data
available which would enhance the aesthetic building effects in this quaint
California community.

The intensity of effort among Plans and Planting committees combined exposure to
architectural references with societal pressure to conform to the new standard of beauty. In
the process, the CAA created a structure through which Santa Barbara’s later, post-
earthquake reinvention of June 1925 would take hold.
In addition to these visual presentations, the first in a series of lectures was
presented in March of 1922: “The Expression of Personality in Cities” by architect William
Templeton Johnson.
532
Series topics moved from the general to the specific: “An Architect’s
Rambles through Spain” by Winsor Soule (December 5, 1922); “Little Gardens” by Frances
Johnston, (June 16, 1923); and “Aspects of City Planning” by noted civic planner Charles
Cheney (July 6, 1923).
533
Lacking a meaningful city plan other than one it was creating, and
determined to impose stylistic change at every available opportunity, Plans and Planting set
out to “manage the city’s growth” to the extent that it could on its own. In his determined,
persuasive way, Bernhard Hoffmann presented the city with only one clear choice:

Fortunately the fact is recognized that the city cannot expect to become a
great industrial center, nor can it expect to attract big business in any
direction, and therefore there should be no temptation for any business
enterprise to erect structures in which beauty and harmony with the
surroundings will be sacrificed for utility… Therefore, the main problem is
with the homes, and it is by such a movement as this that the homedwellers
of the city may have opportunity to avail themselves of the talent and
knowledge of those who by instinct and training are fitted to offer plans and
suggestions which will insure the best results.
534

133
Bernhard’s remarks revealed his dual concerns for a unified image and the
development of attractive housing. In 1923, as the City Hall and Daily News buildings were
taking shape, Santa Barbara saw its area housing starts exceed their pre-war high for the
fourth consecutive year. A total of 5,376 building, electrical and plumbing permits were
issued that year, almost 1,000 more than in 1921-1922.
535

Amid this escalating growth, Anna Vhay went further than most in creating a
localized concentration of a desired image. Investing in the Gonzalez-Ramirez Adobe was
just the beginning of her renovation, design and collaboration on several sites within Block
#171 from this time until the mid- 1950s. Although Vhay added interior corner fireplaces in
the cuarto (bedroom), sala (parlor), alcoba (den), and despacho (anteroom), placed tile over
the hard-packed earthen floor, and added two baños (bathrooms) on the east side, the
Gonzalez-Ramirez project was still deemed less invasive than the Casa de la Guerra
“restoration.”
536
The Gonzalez-Ramirez Adobe was designated an historical landmark by the
Native Daughters of the Golden West Parlor #126; and, according to Conard and Nelson, the
high quality of its restoration merited inclusion in the 1937 HABS group, where it is listed as
‘Mrs. A.L.M. Vhay House’ in the record with an address of ‘835 Laguna.’
537

The “Better Homes in America” Campaign
With regard to housing, an effort had begun during the latter part of the Warren G.
Harding administration (with Calvin Coolidge as Vice President and Herbert Hoover as
Secretary of Commerce), to structure an overarching federal government response to the
problem of inadequate housing nationwide. The first Better Homes campaign of July-

134
October 1922 was coordinated by the National Better Homes Advisory Council; headed by
Coolidge and Hoover and involving almost 1,000 municipalities in an educational
demonstration competition.
538

The Better Homes campaign, made possible through cooperative agreements
between government and industry, continued throughout the Coolidge presidency of 1923-
1929 and spread across the United States, Alaska and the Philippines in just a few years.
’Better Homes’ had three main goals: 1. Fostering home ownership; 2. Distributing product
and technical information to prospective builders; and 3. Controlling building material
prices and encouraging product standardization. From a municipality’s perspective,
benefits to participation included education and community involvement, as well as the
publicity that came with the lure of a safe, affordable, well-planned home.
539

Participation in Better Homes brought design, construction, landscaping and
marketing together under one overarching program. In conceiving, constructing, judging
and publicizing their own projects, The Plans and Planting branch of the Community Arts
Association would leverage its involvement in the Better Homes Campaign over the next
several years to advance the cause of a unified image for Santa Barbara. Hoffmann tacitly
acknowledged that the only way to obtain the unified architecture he and his fellow
activists desired was to exert control over every aspect of the process.
Carnegie Foundation representative Henry S. Pritchett was a Santa Barbara
resident, and it happened that the city had previously received a modest amount of funding
from the endowment for the Santa Barbara Library. Pearl Chase applied for Carnegie
Foundation funding to continue Community Arts Association operations, making a
convincing argument in citing the group’s coordination and activities to date.
540
Chase’s

135
efforts were well received; beginning in the fall of 1922, the Community Arts Association
would receive $25,000 per year for the next five years to further its activities. Pritchett
wrote up a positive endorsement of the group in the Carnegie Foundation’s Annual Report
of September 1923,
541
and, after two years in operation, the CAA filed articles of
Incorporation.
542

Community-based arts organizations were a relatively new category for Carnegie
support, which had previously focused on art education from an instructional perspective
as well as “formal museums.”
543
Pritchett explained the exception made in Santa Barbara:

The various divisions of the Santa Barbara Community Arts Association
appeal so directly to various groups that one may well hope that this
experience will constitute a demonstration of what can be done in enlisting
the interest of a whole community in the cultural possibilities of art.
544

The Lobero Theater (1921-1924)
The Lobero Theater, located at 33 East Cañon Perdido on the corner of Anacapa,
served the Santa Barbara community for twenty years before its owner, José Lobero, died in
1892. As time went on, the theater’s condition and future gradually became untenable. In
the 1920s, a wave of both movie and live theater construction was taking place in cities
such as Seattle, San Francisco and Los Angeles,
545
made possible in part by advancements in
concrete arch construction. The existing performance space at the Potter Hotel could not
accommodate further growth, a point rendered moot when the hotel was destroyed by fire
in 1921.

136
The acquisition of a permanent theater for live performances was considered long
overdue ever since the University of California’s theater director, Samuel J. Hume, had
delivered a compelling speech to local performing arts supporters in the summer of
1919.
546
Additionally, the CAA was by now operating out of several different locations and
required a permanent home for its frequent meetings and other events. Since August 1920,
Drama and Music branches within the group had presented performances approximately
every four weeks; each of these seen by an estimated 1,500 to 1,800 people.
547

Having secured the Carnegie grant commitment, the CAA engaged architect George
Washington Smith to determine the viability of remodeling the theater, and the architect
prepared working drawings and consulted with outside contractors on a wide variety of
issues. In late 1921, Smith and Lutah Maria Riggs had begun the process of measuring the
structure, preparing working drawings extending into 1922 while contemporaneously
working on the Daily News building.
548
Ultimately, in consultation with Lansburgh, the
decision was made by Peabody, Price, Black and Hoffmann to construct a new theater.
549

In February of 1922, just as James Craig’s plans for the “Street of Spain” were being
unveiled to the City Council, the purchase of the theater was finalized, and The Lobero
Theater Company was incorporated. The initial Board of Directors included Frederick
Forrest Peabody (the founder of Arrow Shirts); industrialist Clarence A. Black, and attorney
Francis Price. The purchasing group consisted of Bernhard Hoffmann, David Gray, Black
and Peabody. Hoffmann was also appointed Chairman of the Building Committee; in this
capacity Bernhard communicated with Smith throughout the process.

137
The Lobero financing involved subscription purchases of stock totaling well over
$100,000, a task accomplished through a fundraising drive led by Pearl Chase.
550
The
purchase of the theater made news.
551
The balance required for the building was acquired
through a bank loan obtained by the purchasing team. However, as in so many ventures,
costs exceeded expectations, and November 1922 marked the beginning of a difficult series
of negotiated compromises with regard to the new design and the number of seats, which
the Lobero Theater Company group initially wanted to total 1,200. Almost a year later,
agreement was reached:

It seems the opinion of all that it would be better to have a full house than
empty seats; that the people were discouraged that nothing has been done;
and that too many plans have been proposed; that everyone must make
sacrifices … We recommend that George Washington Smith, Architect, be
authorized to alter the plans to seat a maximum of 750 people, making it as
beautiful and well equipped a theater as possible, using the money now on
hand.
552

Although the Lobero’s lines, materials and detailing would, in the end, be quite
elegant, documentation reveals that the project overall was approached with pragmatic
economy at every phase. In fact, the size and scope of the job were reduced several times
due to cost. At the Lobero’s public opening, many components such as chairs and draperies
were “borrowed,” and “provisional,” and the theater was still in need of scenery storage and
a rehearsal hall.
553
As the process continued, an additional $75,000 in additional stock was
required to be sold to conduct reconstruction and improvements.
554

138
Lutah Maria Riggs: Artist and Architect
Lutah Riggs had begun working for Smith upon graduation from Berkeley’s
architecture school, established in 1903 and under the leadership of architect John Galen
Howard since 1906. Berkeley’s intense, multidisciplinary curriculum, presented under the
overarching structure of the École des Beaux Arts, had launched Riggs as a highly
competent draftsperson and illustrator committed to a career in architecture. A year after
measuring the Lobero Theater for its rebuilding, Riggs made her first trip out of the
country, accompanying Smith and his wife, Mary, on a research/study tour of Mexico in
October 1922. The focus of the trip was the recordation of details and flourishes in
vernacular architecture such as ironwork, tile, and balconies. Smith’s strengths in massing,
the manipulation of space, and what Gebhard described as “romanticism and abstraction of
historic forms” were already well established.
555
The drawings and measurements
produced by Smith and Riggs were intended to comprise a decorative sourcebook of the
type so much in demand at the time. Although this project was never completed,
556
Riggs
was an assiduous student and archivist, retaining and organizing 227 evocative images,
many of which she used in future projects.
557

One of Riggs’ sketches for the Lobero interior was a dramatic perspective
emanating from behind the proscenium arch. The drawing featured a series of towering,
Classical columns with highly stylized, deeply projecting Corinthian capitals, connected by a
continuous architrave encompassing the audience. Surnames of legendary performers were
incised into the vertical spans of the architrave.
558
In Lutah Maria Riggs: a Woman in
Architecture, 1921-1980, David Gebhard cited the sourcebook from which these “columns
and capitals” were derived: Andrew N. Prentice’s Renaissance Architecture and Ornament in

139
Spain (1915).
559
Its illustrations include detailed drawings of the 16
th
century Renaissance
palace La Casa de Miranda (c. 1545); today part of the Burgos Museum.
560
A perusal
renders a close match in Vol. 1, Plate 16; the elevations and capital detail from La Casa de
Miranda’s patio are distinctly similar to those seen in Riggs’ semi-circular enclosure.
561

In May of 1923, in addition to her work on the Daily News building and Lobero
Theater, Lutah Riggs was preparing drawings for the entrance gate and iron grill designs for
“Mrs. Bernard Hoffman’s Studios” (sic) in conjunction with the architecture of George
Washington Smith. The Hoffmanns had purchased the decaying Lugo Adobe at 114-118 East
de la Guerra Street with plans for further civic transformation. Responding to Santa
Barbara’s burgeoning status as an arts colony, the pair engaged Smith to create a series of
light-filled artist’s studios standing towards the rear of the street lot. The studios would be
enclosed by a columned pair of concrete fences separated by a centered, towering gate.
The low walls, intricate gates and flanking columns that made up Smith’s and Riggs’
composition were virtual mirror images of the silver gelatin print “Unidentified Gate,
Puebla, Mexico” (1922), reproduced in an museum catalog for a 2004 exhibit of Riggs’ work
(Carleton Winslow also worked on the renamed “Meridian Studios” project in its later
stages). In order to achieve its unusual orientation, a wood framed building adjacent to the
adobe was moved further to the south. The two clusters of three studios each are shown in
plan (Fig. 29). An interior elevation (Fig. 30) shows one of several distinctive fireplaces
which individualized the units.

140

Figure 29. Meridian Studios Plan (1922-1923)

Figure 30. Meridian Studios Interior (1922-1923)

141
The Santa Barbara Planning Commission of 1923
In late 1923, the Lobero Theater was being planned, the Meridian Studios were
under construction, and the Plaza de la Guerra had been “opened up” for public use.
562

Change was happening faster than ever before. In the midst of individual efforts at
restoration and beautification, the work of CAA became enmeshed with that of city
government; establishing several successful baselines. According to Boba and Weare, the
existing City Manager-directed Building Department worked closely with the advisory arm
of CAA’s Plans and Planting (Hoffmann) “in advocating a policy of planned growth;” that is,
until the structure of city government was again transformed in 1926 (See Chapter 13). On
August 27, 1923, the City of Santa Barbara created an official Planning Commission by the
passage of Ordinance 1170, which was intended to manage virtually every aspect of the
city’s rapid growth.
Hoffmann arranged for the retention of Charles H. Cheney as the Commission’s paid
consultant. Cheney was a seasoned professional; nonetheless, he had only begun the
previous year, according to Akimoto, to “(realize) his vision of the ideal city” through the
tightly controlled, unified designs in Palos Verdes Estates.
563
Dr. Rexwald Brown was named
President, and Bernhard Hoffmann was appointed Secretary. Cheney articulated the first
goals of the Commission’s two-year plan for the city’s development beginning with two
long-overdue cornerstones: a comprehensive zoning or districting ordinance and a major
traffic and street plan. Along with these overarching goals, the Commission addressed
challenges regarding “consultants, sidewalk material, budgets, civic center, fountains, oil
drilling, subdivision rules, etc.”

142
The group adopted only an advisory role in relation to the City Council and other
officers, but pushed for Cheney’s zoning recommendation, Ordinance 1203, which primarily
addressed separation of uses. Adopted by the City Council on May 16, 1924,
564
the
suggestions were repealed just two months later, leaving Santa Barbara without a
comprehensive zoning ordinance until Ordinance 2585 was passed in 1930.
565

Also in 1923, fifteen years after Charles Mulford Robinson presented his carefully
thought-out street and green space interventions to a private group without the means to
implement them, the new commission charged itself with creating a street plan and
expansion of parklands, a modest amount of which was accomplished just a few years later
through bond issuances. In February 1924, Cheney and the Olmsted brothers submitted
their report, the Major Traffic Street Plan, Boulevard and Park System for Santa Barbara,
California, which, among many other interventions, dignified the Plaza de la Guerra with
regular plantings and fountains.
566
Unfortunately, its fate resembled the previous zoning
ordinance, and it was rejected by the City Council. Lastly, the Commission was to “present
plans and recommendations for the general improvement of the architecture and of the
general attractiveness of the city.”
567
As shown in these pages, what David Gebhard called
the “Montecito Squiredom”
568
had already been hard at work at this goal for several years.
For the time being, volunteer and municipal entities worked effectively together as Chase
and Hoffmann pressed their plans forward.

143
Construction on the Lobero Theater spanned the winter of 1923 and spring of 1924.
Smith, Riggs, and consulting architect Gustave Albert Lansburgh (1876-1969)
569
created a
three-tiered, stepped-back design, culminating in the 70-foot high stage house at the
northern elevation. Slightly sweeping lines of the top two roof sections created subtle
curves, which when combined with the step-backs reduced the vertical bulk of an imposing
façade as seen in the former building. Bricks from the original theater were reused in wall
construction; however, any substantive similarities to the original building were non-
existent. The abstraction and massing of the Lobero removed it completely from the realm
of an imposing architectural statement; the theater was now so much lighter on the land.
570

Figure 31. The Lobero Theater (1924)

144
The 630-seat
571
Lobero’s abstracted Spanish design, along with the
contemporaneous City Hall, News-Press, and de la Guerra and Meridian Studios, firmly
established the direction of the Hispanization of Santa Barbara in the 1920s. Its cornerstone
was laid on April 8, 1924, and the founders’ pride was implied in the description of the
proceedings. The past was represented by the contents of the stone, placed by theater
director Nina Moise, Mrs. William Carrington, Irene Hoffmann and George Washington
Smith:

In the cornerstone were placed a history of the Lobero Theater movement, a
pamphlet in which the plan to restore and improve the Old Lobero Theater
was given, photographs of the old Lobero, scrap of an old poster for a bill
given at the playhouse, a folder showing exterior and preliminary interior
view … a list of directors, officers and stockholders in the company, and a
silver coin.
572

Hosting the first-ever Old Spanish Days Fiesta in conjunction with to promote its re-
opening,
573
the Lobero’s role after 1924 was as a setting for all manner of plays, dances and
concerts, the backdrop to a wide range of broadening cultural associations. Like Santa
Barbara itself, the Lobero’s character now derived its importance from the world’s culture,
fulfilling Bernhard and Irene Hoffmanns’ dream of an “artistic” community.
574

145
The Street of Spain
Santa Barbara had a day-dream – not of a castle in Spain – but of Spanish
houses in California. Great dreams sometimes carry blueprints with them.
Ours are the De la Guerra Studios, that street in Spain wrought by the white
magic of the Bernhard Hoffmanns.
575

Over the weekend of October 4-5, 1924, Spanish nobleman Don Jacobo Fitz-James
Stuart, the 18
th
Duke of Alba of the Duques de Alba de Tormes, was introduced to the people,
art and architecture of Santa Barbara, California on an official visit that had begun days
earlier in San Francisco. The Duke was accompanied by his brother-in-law, Don Fausto de
Saavedra y Collado, the second Marquis de Viana. Bernhard Hoffmann, a bi-coastal
property investor, civic booster nonpareil and president of the city’s Community Arts
Association, personally escorted the noblemen and their party in seeing the sights. The
Santa Barbara Morning Press society column reported on the group’s visit to the Old
Mission, the Riviera, and the recent addition to the Casa de la Guerra site, an enveloping
shopping arcade reached by a new and picturesque alley leading off of de la Guerra Street to
the north.
576

On the first evening, the writer, raconteur, and civic booster Charles Fletcher
Lummis hosted a dinner party in the courtyard of El Paseo de la Guerra in honor of the Duke
and Duchess of Alba and their entourage. Lummis’ tract, Stand Fast, Santa Barbara!,
released the previous year, had popularized the Plans and Planting mission through the
pages of the Daily News, which reprinted it with regularity. Members of the group attended
a Community Arts Association presentation of The Circle at the nearby Lobero Theater. The
Lobero had reopened just eight weeks earlier,
577
after a complete demolition of the original

146
1873 wood frame structure led to a re-imagined interpretation of the Spanish idiom by
architects George Washington Smith and Lutah Maria Riggs.
578

Finally, on Sunday morning, the noblemen’s itinerary continued with mass at the
Mission followed by an automobile trip south to Los Angeles continuing across the country
to New York.
579
Upon his return to Spain, the Marquis sent Hoffmann a collection of
illustrations of his home, the latest iteration of the 14
th
century Palace of Cordova. The
Andalusian Palacio de los Marqueses de Viana, with its arcaded walkways, formal gardens,
and multiple art galleries,
580
had long been evocatively described in print in the United
States. An 1893 Chicago Columbian Exposition women’s compendium called the Palacio
“the Delphi of the (Iberian) peninsula … a center of culture and refinement,”
581
and its
“oriental splendor” was cited in an 1899 article regarding Phoebe Apperson Hearst’s
Pleasanton, California estate Hacienda Del Pozo De Verona (1898), designed by San
Francisco architect Albert Cicero (A.C.) Schweinfurth and, later in the process, Julia
Morgan.
582

Earlier in the century, a related imagery was formally introduced to Santa Barbara
residential architecture by Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue (beginning in 1906) and George
Washington Smith (beginning in 1914). Both architect’s work shared Palacio features such
as austere, white stucco exteriors, stripped-down arcade columns in support of graceful
arches, and semi-enclosed garden courtyards with colorful fountains. In many cases, these
elements were combined in many romantic permutations with popularized Southwestern
elements such as battered walls, vigas and stepped-back parapets to affect a marketable
style for Santa Barbara. By the first decade of the 20
th
century, the lure of Spain had already
begun to mold its built identity into permanent postcard imagery.
583

147
In a continuing correspondence with the Marquis throughout the spring of 1925,
Bernhard noted “… the attractiveness of the country which so many of our townsmen look
back to as the home of their ancestors.”
584
Bernhard requested a commemorative coat-of-
arms in the form of a ‘tile’
585
to install in the Casa de la Guerra’s outer east wall of El Paseo,
the austere shopping and dining complex he had spearheaded three years prior. The Street
of Spain implemented the 1922 design of architect James Osborne Craig, and was completed
by Carleton M. Winslow after Craig’s death that same year. The commemorative gifts would
be “properly set and cheerfully unveiled … with the appropriate ceremony.” Hoffmann also
noted the grandees’ “… sympathetic understanding of the aim we have in treasuring our
many tie-lines with Spain, the country of the settlers … so well-laid in Colonial days.” While
likening Santa Barbara’s first outdoor shopping mall to a expansive royal palace may seem
quixotic, the Sunday, October 5
th
Morning Press reported the Duke’s effusive response to the
Santa Barbara experience: “Honestly, when I went through (the Street in Spain), I thought I
was back in Seville. After all, our civilization did start you off here.”
586

The Marquis’ tile, citing ‘Bernardo’ Hoffmann as a “worthy champion of Andalusian
architecture,” arrived in May 1926; the Duke of Alba’s in August. These flanked the Casa’s
inaugural tile depicting a schooner navigating choppy seas with its sails unfurled, in honor
of Bostonian adventurer Richard Henry Dana, Jr. (1815-1882). Dana, author of the
evocative 1840 bestseller Two Years before the Mast, had spent several months as a
“common sailor” heading from Boston to Alta California on the Pilgrim;
587
a formidable
accomplishment and perhaps the best-known link to date between Massachusetts and
Santa Barbara. Ultimately, eight such plaques were embedded in El Paseo, continuing a
tradition in a city ever more aware of the narrative power of historical interpretation.

148
Plans (1924–1925)
Several different methods were used by CAA to publicize their architectural
accomplishments to date, as well as their plans for the future. Prominent Santa Barbarans
took every advantage in presenting the changes in repackaged narratives directed at
Californians and far-off easterners alike. One example was the often-cited article by Mabel
Urmy Seares, “A Community Approaches Its Ideals;”
588
part of an arrangement with
California Southland Magazine to dedicate two pages per month to CAA news and
photographs. Two thousand CAA members would receive the magazine monthly as a
donation premium for the duration of 1925; all were urged to disseminate the issues “to
interested friends in Eastern cities.”
589
However, it was the publication of pictorials with
home plans which brought Santa Barbara to doorsteps all across the world, and
participation in the Better Homes campaign associated Santa Barbara with the imprimatur
of the highest offices in the land.
The Committee handling Santa Barbara’s 1925 ‘Better Homes’ competition entries
met on November 3, 1924 at the Casa de la Guerra. Present were Pearl Chase; Secretary Roy
L. Soules; Robert Morrison; Lockwood de Forest, Jr; T. Mitchell Hastings, and Bernhard
Hoffmann. Other participating cities for the year’s campaign included New Haven,
Connecticut; Lawrence, Kansas; and Salem, Oregon.
590
Since its inception in 1922 with 521
demonstration homes in 961 towns and cities, to the 1923 campaign with over 1,000
locations, the breadth of the program had widened. The 1924 program exceeded 1,500
municipalities, experiencing unprecedented cooperation between speculative builders and
the national organization; both maximized their respective interests by coordinating their
plans to conform to the latest recommendations of various member institutions.
591
BHIA

149
had by now evolved into a joint effort of the Departments of Agriculture (Bureau of Home
Economics), Commerce (Division of Building and Housing), Interior (Bureau of Education),
and the U.S. Public Health Service; and of national organizations such as the American
Home Economics Association; the Architects Small House Bureau; the Chamber of
Commerce of the United States, and the General Federation of Women’s Clubs.
592

As Secretary of the City Planning Commission (since 1923), President of the
Community Arts Association (since 1920); and Chairman of its Plans and Planting group
(since 1922), Hoffmann had appointed the Better Homes competition jury from a short list
of architect-nominated candidates. Those chosen were Elmer Grey, David C. Allison,
Pierpont Davis, and laymen Fernand Lungren and William H. Conklin. The jury named the
County National Bank, part of an extensive feature on Santa Barbara architecture the
previous summer, one of ten “most notable examples of architecture” for the year.
593
The
role of arbiter Hoffmann adopted with the CAA and Plans and Planting reflected his primary
concern of educating the public to good taste. Architect Winsor Soule later noted the
combined role of the CAA and Better Homes as a catalyst for “the merchants of the principal
business streets (to awaken) to an appreciation of good architecture...suitable to the
locality.”
The CAA entered the County National Bank, Daily News Building, El Paseo complex
buildings at 21-23 de la Guerra Street, and the Bernhard Hoffmann Guest Cottage, among
many other projects, in what records refer to as the “Better Architecture Competition” of
1924. The winners were publicized in Winsor Soule’s article, “Santa Barbara Architecture”
at the end of the year.
594
The ten “most notable examples” of general architecture within
five miles of the entrant’s city limits were chosen, as well as five best gardens and five best

150
small houses. Between the County National Bank and the Masonic Temple, it was Hunt’s
more rhythmic bank design, likened by Soule to a ‘basilica or ancient law court,’ which
landed in the “top ten.”
According to Barker, Pearl Chase compiled the first of two booklets of small house
designs in 1924 under the imprint of CAA’s Plans and Planting. “The Book of Small House
Designs” featured plans and blueprints donated by various architects. Appropriately, the
first book was dedicated to Bernhard Hoffmann; “…in recognition of his devoted, farsighted
and generous leadership in promoting development and enhancing the attractiveness of
Santa Barbara.” These booklets made their way to interested parties as far away as Costa
Rica and Havana.
595
With the completion of El Paseo, Daily News, Meridian Studios, and the
Lobero; among many other designs of Hispanic influence and new beauty; “The Book of
Small House Designs,” and the creation of Old Fiesta Days, 1924 was a banner year for the
coordinated work of the Community Arts Association.
The Lobero Theater doubled as a venue for a monthly CAA meeting and exposition
of talents from the CAA branches. One particularly festive evening was hosted by Bernhard,
whose manner, a reporter insisted, “dispelled any lurking shadow of formality.” A small
room off of the lobby had been reserved as a meeting room or lounge; the “Green Room
Club” of donors, Association members and friends gathered there. Dozens of prominent
attendees were listed in the society column. Through its beauty, symbolism and utility, the
Lobero demonstrated all that the CAA had to offer.
596

151
“Better Homes” of 1925
On New Year’s Day 1925, the newly established Better Homes Executive Committee
convened to discuss Santa Barbara’s entries in that year’s Small Home Construction
category. The philanthropic (Bernhard Hoffmann); commercial (Charles Pressley and E.F.
MacDonough); social welfare (Pearl Chase); architectural (Lockwood De Forest, Jr., Henry
D. Minot and Charles Frederick Murphy) and educational (Charlotte Ebbets and Frances B.
Linn) interests of the city were all represented in the endeavor. Even the Reverend Samuel
Hughes, President of the Ministerial Union, weighed in; the May proclamation “Better
Homes Sunday,” kicking off “Better Homes Week,” promised to “strengthen and improve
the family life of Santa Barbara.” As such, the event was inextricably conflated with home
economics matters; a litany of compilations such as “Detailed Costs of a 6-Room Frame
House,” “Music in the Home,” and “Labor Saving Devices under $5.00” were submitted.
By the end of the month, a $2,000 lot in the Ambassador tract and the pro bono
services of architect Charles Murphy were secured. A 6-room demonstration house at 108
West Yanonali Street became the first of five such planned sites, at least one of which was
required to be built “in the Spanish type.”
597
Hoffmann, ever on the lookout for educational
opportunities, presented a cash prize for the best plans submitted by students of both the
State Teacher’s College and Cooperation High School. The “purity of the [Spanish Colonial]
style,” the school competition rules outlined, “will be one of the governing factors in making
the awards.”
598
Twenty-six plans were submitted and prominently exhibited in the
community. An overt allusion to Stockbridge’s Laurel Hill commemoration came in the tree
planting that was also a part of the festivities as “a Redwood, three Acacias and two Lemon
Trees” were installed with the reading of “appropriate verse.”
599

152
Weeks later, a Better Homes event was held at the Lobero and the Recreation
Center that brought together all of the civic entities with which Bernhard Hoffmann had
been involved since his arrival. The Santa Barbara Conference on the City Beautiful had as
its goal “to advise the people means for the beautification of the City of Santa Barbara.”
Present were representatives from the Plans and Planting Committee of the Community
Arts Association; the City Planning Commission, the Park Commission; the Better Homes
Committee, as well as the Mayor, City Manager and City Engineer. Exhibits included “Parks
and Playgrounds of Southern California,” and “Landscape Architects and Architect’s
sketches, photographs, slides and moving pictures.” Subjects of discussion encompassed
every concern of the City Planning Committee; “Museums, theaters, schools, stores and
organization buildings … roads and boulevards, paving, street planting and billboards;
better architecture and landscaping for small homes.”
600

The Santa Barbara campaign was conducted with considerable zeal for the
remainder of the spring. On June 9, 1925, a 6.3 earthquake shattered the morning calm in
Santa Barbara, forever changing lives and destroying property, primarily along State Street.
One week after the earthquake, the city learned that it shared the First Place, $500 “Better
Homes” prize with Atlanta, Georgia. After this first success, the combined efforts of Pearl
Chase, Bernhard Hoffmann and the Community Arts Association, Santa Barbara won a
singular first prize in the 1926 and 1927 competitions.
601
Without a conformance of in-
town residential architecture commensurate to its civic and commercial buildings, Santa
Barbara’s architectural imprint would have been ‘all icing and no cake.’ Every year
thereafter until 1941, Santa Barbara was entered into the Better Homes campaign, winning
the highest awards.
602

153
Chapter 12: Rebuilding in “The New Spain”

Safety and Reconstruction
The Committee of Public Safety and Reconstruction were appointed immediately
after the earthquake by the Santa Barbara City Council. The Committee produced an
itemized Preliminary Report on the damages. Of 411 inspected properties, 74 were
deemed totally destroyed; 11 were slated for further inspection before condemnation, and
64 were completely safe; with no repairs required. The majority of damage occurred on the
discontiguous majority of 14 blocks of State Street. Residential damage, centered to the
immediate east and west of State Street, mainly affected only chimneys and plaster. Only a
few homes were moderately or severely damaged.
603
Through the Subcommittee,
Hoffmann effectively implemented services which supplemented and assisted the
overburdened City Building Department, and, with the Department’s official approval,
enlarged the existing Architectural Advisory Committee.
A Relief Fund was also appointed by the City Council, established to take in
donations and to provide operational and administrative support. This group set up
headquarters at 1408 Chapala Street. Members included Hoffmann, Henry S. Pritchett,
Harold S. Chase, F. F. Peabody, C. M. Anders, General E. B. Babbitt, Dr. Rexwald Brown, and
George Edwards. The advice of technical advisors was also sought. Vern D. Hedden was the
Chief Engineer and Building Code Consultant for the City Building Department, Community
Drafting Room and Engineer’s Committee. Also, Stanford University’s Dr. Bailey Willis, a
prominent seismologist, frequently advised Hoffmann and the City on seismic issues,
building codes and departmental procedures.

154
Among the buildings which emerged from the quake with little or no damage, the
Lobero Theater became perhaps the most prominent exemplar in the new conflation
between style and survival. Reviewing Santa Barbara’s renaissance, H. C. Nickerson wrote:

Now comes an opportunity which, like all great responsibilities, involves a
tremendous task. That the commercial section of the city has been cruelly
scarred … may afford an opportunity for even greater cultivation of its
assets. The citizens of Santa Barbara must realize that the reconstruction
will make Santa Barbara a joy to its residents, a refuge for the traveler and a
center of culture.
604

The fact that El Paseo, the Lobero Theater, City Hall and the Daily News building
sustained no appreciable damage was credited to hollow tile and concrete girdle
construction; however, from the very beginning, “better building” was conflated with the
Spanish idiom itself. Immediately after the quake, Hoffmann began organizing the
Architectural Board of Review (the first unelected, decision making entity of its kind in the
country) and the Community Drafting Room (which would support the ABR with
immediate, responsive design services).
605

The Architectural Board of Review
The eight-month lifespan of Santa Barbara’s Architectural Board of Review (June
1925-February 1926) proved to be the fulcrum of the “Santa Barbara image.” The
practicality of imposing such uniformity likely would have been impossible without the
quake-generated police powers of the Board’s dictates. Based upon the urging of the
Architectural Advisory Committee of the Plans and Planting Branch, on July 16, 1925 the
Santa Barbara City Council adopted Emergency Ordinance #1256, establishing the

155
Architectural Board of Review as a sub-division of the Building Department. The Board was
chaired by J. E. White of the City Planning Commission, with whom Hoffmann had already
been working since August of 1923. Hoffmann was named Secretary, and the lead architects
were George Washington Smith, Carleton Winslow and William A. Edwards. Bernhard and
Irene Hoffmann made a “substantial contribution” to establish ABR operations, and David
Gray and G. O. Knapp each donated $10,000 to the board.
606
H. C. Nickerson reported that
“(The ABR’s) Chairman is Bernhard Hoffmann, formerly President of the Community Arts
Association and Chairman of the Plans and Planting Committee, which has long had this
movement in hand … the entire City Plan is under consideration.”
607

The ABR differed greatly from the AAC in the scope of its powers and in the drafting
room, operating from the local high school. (According to Sian Winship, the CDR later
moved to the Mihran Studios at 17 East Carrillo Street due to its proximity to City Hall).
608

Moving well beyond an “exhortative” role, Hoffmann’s ABR simply appropriated the power
to grant or refuse building permits on a case-by-case basis:

Each application for building permit, together with plans and elevations,
must go through the hands of this board. The opinion of the board must be
returned in writing to the inspector of buildings. The report will comment
on the character of design, the appropriateness, safety, and sanitary
arrangements and general construction. If approval of the full board is
secured, the applicant may go ahead with his plans. If not, the board’s report,
recommending changes in design or construction, must go to the inspector.
If, after conference, the applicant refuses to make the changes, the report
and application are referred to the city council and a public hearing with due
regard to the legal aspects will be held. No move or change in a building
structure, fountain, monument, wall or arch can be made without first
receiving the written approval of the Architectural Board of Review.
609

156
In addition to such arbitrarily derived decision making powers, Santa Barbara
benefitted from its own, nascent “publicity machine.” Unlike other towns and cities, Santa
Barbara had an almost unfair advantage in the sophistication of its publicity-minded elites,
who, unlike their counterparts in Salem, Massachusetts or San Antonio, Texas had the
existing apparatus of a small-scale film industry, well-connected writers and publicity
hounds right at their doorsteps. From the time of the quake, Hoffmann was in continual
contact with architects, chambers of commerce, vendors and publications all across the
country. In the fall of 1925, an article regarding reconstruction appeared in the
Seismological Society bulletin. Hoffmann seemed not so much surprised as resolute in his
duties responding to the quake damage:

“… for some time, community consciousness as to its proper architectural
expression has been becoming more definite and informed. It was realized
that, considering the local climatic and architectural traditions, many of the
styles which had been hastily and thoughtlessly copied from the former
place of abode of recent settlers were not fitting, and that by ignoring the
traditions for which Southern California had become so justly famous an
asset of great value was being overlooked.

During September following the quake, Hoffmann told Architect and Engineer
magazine that of the 74 structures destroyed, all but one were “slated to be rebuilt along
the lines of Spanish or Santa Barbara architecture.” An additional 100 were waiting decision
from the ABR.
610
During its tenure, the ABR approved approximately 2,000 sets of plans
comprising $5,500,000 in permits. However, its broad power in directing the type and
amount of development throughout Santa Barbara would not last long.

157
Advice from George White Marston
Dozens of letters in the CDCC collection of the University of California, Santa
Barbara Special Collections archive indicate that from the time of the earthquake, Bernhard
Hoffmann was the beneficiary of advice from many quarters. According to Myrick,
philanthropist David Gray was in Nantucket when the quake hit, but returned to Santa
Barbara as quickly as possible to assist. Somewhat ironically, San Diego city father George
Marston, Chairman of the Panama-California Exposition during 1910-1911,
611
was staying
at Santa Barbara’s El Encanto Hotel and experienced the quake. Days later, the 75-year old
Marston wrote to the 50 year-old Hoffmann, offering what many prominent men of his time
did - civic planning advice:

Your problem of rebuilding greatly interests me … the engagement of
engineers, architects and builders for careful surveys and reports is a sound
initial policy … but it may not be presumptuous to comment on the
architectural style of your new buildings.

The building committee of the San Diego Exposition … decided to build in
the Spanish-Colonial style. The world well knows the result … a group of
buildings that expresses the tradition of our Southwest country and presents
a picture of harmony and beauty.

Although most of these buildings were of temporary construction, they have
so captivated the people of our city that they use every possible means to
preserve them as long as possible. It is also their intention to replace them
with similar permanent structures. This illustrates, does it not, the value and
joy of building beautifully?

The San Diego Exposition achieved success because there was community
spirit, wise planning and the leadership of experts … Your committee can be
of invaluable service if the builders whom you are trying to assist are not too
rampantly individualistic.
612

158
In his varied roles, Bernhard continued in the organizational capacity in which he
had been serving for four years. However, judging by the nature and the volume of his
correspondence over the next few years, his focus expanded as an explosion of publicity
regarding Santa Barbara and its architecture became national preoccupations. In addition
to Marston’s supportive letter, dozens of editors, feature writers and would-be Santa
Barbarans deluged Hoffmann with requests for information, announcements of future
visits, and examples of historic architectural precedents.
613

The man who perhaps wrote the most glowingly about Santa Barbara throughout
the early 1920s, Irving Morrow, said that preparation and leadership made the crucial
difference in the legendary rebuilding following the earthquake: “The program of
preserving Santa Barbara’s Spanish character and associations had already been clearly
formatted and essentially accepted.” Much in the same way he had objectified the missions
of yesterday as models for the future, Morrow described the Casa de la Guerra and El Paseo
as “propaganda” in the education of the public taste.
614
“The program was ready; the spirit
for its realization was alive…the ideal had been exemplified, and its practicality
demonstrated,” he wrote. Morrow lauded the “courage,” with which the CAA had taken “a
realistic attitude” to development, resisting the urge to expand regardless of need. Given
Hoffmann’s apparent conservative nature, it seems that this was an ethos that emanated
from his leadership. In reviewing scores of his letters, the most audacious plan Bernhard
proposed in Santa Barbara was probably the arcading of the entire length of State Street.

159
Arcading
In addition to approving plans for small house designs and State Street
reconstructions, the overarching goal of the ABR was a full arcade treatment of the business
blocks (devised by the CDR). The change, it was thought, would solve several problems at
once. By eliminating heterogeneous signage, equalizing the shady and sunny sides of State
Street, and installing outdoor lighting, the image would transform into something more
befitting of “Calle Estado.” The method proposed involved voluntary relinquishment on the
part of business owners of fifteen feet of space from their store fronts in order to provide a
fully unified streetscape and an increase in street widths. Arcading was a prime concern of
Hoffmann’s; the source of his inspiration was not Barcelona but the Barclay-Vesey Street
Building (The New York Telephone Building) in New York City (Ralph T. Walker, 1926).
In a characteristic move, Hoffmann inquired of Arthur S. Tuttle, New York City’s
Chief Engineer for Municipal Building, regarding details of sidewalk construction, arcade
dimensions and scale, easements, and outdoor lighting requirements. Tuttle had “proposed
the construction of an arcade 17 feet wide and 18 feet high” for the Vesey Street Building.
Correspondence indicates that Hoffmann intended to apply the treatment to the Hitchcock
and Durkee blocks along State Street;
615
and that he was frustrated with the inability to
install regularized, reliable outdoor lighting along the blocks. Hoffmann proposed that the
property owner assume the cost of the arcaded sidewalk in front of his or her business
within nine months, and that once 250 feet of frontage was achieved the City would “match”
the span “for the balance of the block.”
616
Given the necessary abridgement of property
rights, Bernhard was only partially successful in convincing tenants and owners to relent to
arcading.

160
By the late 1920’s, a raft of publications trumpeted the existence of a fully formed
“California architecture;” a “developed” mélange of Mission Revival, Spanish, Andalusian,
and Mediterranean forms.
617
If the original impulse of the 1890’s had been to underscore a
sense historic continuity, the introduction of modernism as a competing identity now called
for an equally streamlined concept, with the emphasis shifting to a purer interpretation of
the impact of climate and setting.
618

Dissolution of the Architectural Board of Review
Looking back many years later, Pearl Chase reviewed the arc of Bernhard
Hoffmann’s contributions in a much-reprinted article, “Bernhard Hoffmann, Community
Builder.”
619
As someone who knew him well, Chase described the end of the ABR, proud
that “in October (1925), a report states (sic) that no appeals had been carried to the City
Council, although authorized in the Ordinance.” In conclusion, Chase reported:

The Board passed on hundreds of sets of plans … during the following eight
months, before a political change ended the City Manager form of
government and, to Mr. Hoffman’s sorrow, the existence of the Architectural
Board of Review.
620

The Santa Barbara Daily News of January 9, 1926 contained the front-page warning,,
“Sweeney Backs Plan to Oust Review Board.” City Councilman H. L. Sweeney backed Santa
Mayor H. A. Adrian’s push to dismantle the ABR, citing its “illegal” nature, “lack of
discipline” and soaring costs, which had taken the Building Department’s former budget of
$3,600 per year to $30,000. The political push against the ABR and the Planning

161
Commission greatly intensified throughout the month; in an open letter, Hoffmann’s
colleague Rexwald Brown, President of the Planning Commission, wrote: “In 50 years the
citizen then living would pay us homage, but at present we are 10 years ahead of our
time.”
621

In a letter to the Mayor, Bernhard reflected on the accomplishments of an entity he
founded by building upon the successes of the previous four years, as well as a lifetime of
village improvement in Stockbridge:

The Board has received many expressions of the value of its work to
Santa Barbara. These expressions have been emphasized by many inquiries
from other communities and have encouraged the Board to carry on through
days that were already very full and in the face of conditions that were not
normal. In many particulars the work of Santa Barbara’s Board of Review is
pioneering for, while subdivisions in Santa Barbara and privately controlled
communities – such as Palos Verdes or Coral Gables, etc. – are able to
capitalize such assets, this has not been done to any extent by any
municipality in the country.

The Board feels that it owes it to the municipalities which are
following in Santa Barbara’s lead in the plan to raise the standard of and
harmonize with the architecture of the city … Santa Barbara is a resort city;
and in order that such phases of its harmonious architectural development
as seem best and proper may be most advantageously effected we wish to
assure you of our willingness and desire to cooperate in any way that the
City Council may deem best, whether by reorganization of this board, by
redrafting a new ordinance or otherwise.
622

“An Ordinance No. 1286, Relating to Building Permits, Establishing an Architectural
Board of Review and Prescribing the Duties Thereof” was repealed on February 5, 1926.
Belatedly, as work was completed and scaffolding was removed along State Street, the
result of the ABR’s iron-fisted control was more apparent than ever.

162
The Legacy of the Carnegie Foundation Gift
In June 1925, just days after the earthquake, Henry S. Pritchett, President of the
Carnegie Foundation, spoke to members of the CAA convening at the Lobero. Pritchett
explained that in making a categorical exception in devoting grants to an arts association,
the Foundation hoped that CAA’s work might serve as a replicatable model for other
communities, involve citizens in constructive educational activity, and become “an agent for
social integration … without reference to class prejudice or social distinction.”
623
Pritchett’s
hope for the CAA to bring disparate people together in pursuit of a shared goal was echoed
by Pearl Chase, author of the original proposal:

The constant agitation of the branch of the association had borne
appreciable fruits, even before the earthquake. The beautiful white Daily
News Building facing the Plaza, the Little Town Club, the Lobero Theater,
where the offices of the association are now located … and a dozen or more
adobes remodeled by merchants had begun to change a little the face of the
city. Many private houses had followed the Spanish Renaissance architecture
and were studded all over the valley, on the winding roads and among the
hills and knolls of Montecito, sitting with red roofs backed to the mountains
or the sea, with the live oaks making shadows on their pure walls.
624

Although philanthropy and investment had always been a part of Santa Barbara,
activity greatly increased after the earthquake. The five-year Carnegie award to the CAA
was due to expire in 1927; however, upon re-applying, the organization was granted a final
extension of five more years granting another $100,000, in addition to a $25,000 “bonus”
for earthquake relief. Encouraged by the spirit of improvement as championed by
Bernhard, and fulfilling the promise of the Cheney and Olmsted Plan,
625
the late 1920s saw a
dramatic increase in Santa Barbara city appropriations and private philanthropy.

163
A New Arts Colony
In the midst of establishing an arts colony in the vicinity of the Old Presidio,
626
Anna
Vhay went on to design at least one demonstration house in the 1925 Better Homes effort; a
simple, graceful design pictured in Plans and Plantings’ “Supplement to the Better Homes
Prize of 1925.” The publication, released in August 1926, included an excerpted reprint of
Irving Morrow’s “New Santa Barbara” article from the July 1926 issue of Architect and
Engineer; a more extensive array of photographs; and an article by Pearl Chase on the
Better Homes campaign.
627
The totality of accomplishment after the earthquake of June 29,
1925 was announced in the introduction:

Judicious pride in accomplishment is a factor in progress. Santa Barbara has
many reasons to be proud of her reconstruction work – as proud as is
compatible with future striving … The Plans and Planting trusts it may, in all
modesty, claim a measure of credit for its influence in bringing about the
accomplishment of today. In the hope that it shall continue to be a factor in
the ambitious future, the Committee offers this review, named for and
dedicated to “New Santa Barbara.”
628

Resignation
After his success in ascribing new beauty to Santa Barbara, Bernhard Hoffmann
resigned from the general chairmanship of the Plans and Planting Committee in 1927,
ceding the post to Pearl Chase. (Chase steadfastly continued to enforce the standards she
and Hoffmann instituted until her retirement in the 1970s). According to Hartfeld,
Hoffmann was experiencing health problems and frustration regarding the City Council’s
“resistance to change.”
629
Two years later, he and Irene left for an extended trip to Europe,
and from that time forward no longer spent the bulk of their time in Santa Barbara.
However, Hoffmann’s commitment to the city did not flag; for example, he arranged for

164
photographs to be produced of the Lobero after nearby overhead wires were finally buried
in early 1928.
630
Herbert Hoover’s connection to Santa Barbara was also ongoing; the
candidate made a campaign stop in the city on August 18, 1928, on his way to a landslide
Presidential victory.
631
Unfortunately, the Lobero suffered from mortgaged indebtedness
and required tens of thousands of dollars for expansion.
632
Hoffmann’s withdrawal from his
former, all-encompassing role in Santa Barbara was gradual; he gave up the Directorship
and Vice Presidency of the Lobero Theater Company when it disbanded in January of 1929.
The non-profit Community Arts Association dissolved as an entity after the Depression, but
statistics compiled at its ten-year mark reveal its accomplishments.
633
CAA’s gross turnover
totaled $200,000; its net capital assets totaled $225,000 (the equivalent of about $2.9
million in 2009); and the organization had provided “education, entertainment and service”
to an estimated 25,000 among 150,000 contacts.
634

A Return to Stockbridge (1930-1949)
Characteristically, Bernhard Hoffmann’s civic dedication continued throughout the
1930s. A 1932 New York Times article indicated that Herbert Hoover, for whom he had
volunteered in the run-up to the Great War, offered Hoffmann a governmental appointment
“investigating housing conditions.”
635
In Stockbridge, Hoffmann re-assumed committee
membership in the Laurel Hill Association. Anticipating the dedication of Stockbridge’s Old
Indian Mission House as a museum on the Massachusetts Day tercentenary, Bernhard and
his sister, Freide Hoffmann Ohle, donated the now-200 year old Jonathan Edwards desk
from their childhood home to the care of the museum’s curator, Mabel Choate.
636
The cause
of beautification came full circle in 1931 when Bernhard attended the 78
th
annual ‘Friday

165
convocation’ on historic Laurel Hill, where author Frank Parker Stockbridge addressed the
state of “The American Village.”
637
Similarly, Bernhard presided over the 1932 George
Washington Bicentennial celebration, ceremoniously planting an oak tree on the Hill.
638

The Hoffmanns made their primary residence in Stockbridge around this time,
639
moving
into Brookside, a Cape Cod home on property they had purchased in 1920, not far from
their original residence, Overbrook.
While the family was in residence at Stockbridge, the Hoffmann’s beloved daughter,
Margaret, died at the age of 21 on October 24, 1933 at the House of Mercy Hospital in
nearby Pittsfield, Massachusetts.
640
Subsequently, Irene and Bernhard established the
Margaret Hoffmann Memorial Book Fund and an outdoor reading room adjacent to
Stockbridge’s Jackson Library in their daughter’s memory.
641
As time went on, Bernhard’s
efforts to increase and broaden local tree species intensified;
642
and his leadership in
planning, beautification and code enforcement continued to be the force that drove him.
643

As dedicated to garden development as they were to architectural beauty, the
Hoffmanns donated 8 ½ acres of Brookside in 1934 for the establishment of the Berkshire
Garden Center (later renamed to reflect its focus on herbs). The garden was dedicated to
experimental cultivation of many species. Additional land and outbuildings were later
donated by Irene for its expansion.
644
As Virginia Small observed in Great Gardens of the
Berkshires: “(Unlike) other public gardens; created to enhance private residences, (the
Berkshire Botanical Garden) emerged on a grass-roots level to meet the needs of a regional
community.”
645
In Santa Barbara for what may have been his last trip, Hoffmann wrote to
his hometown newspaper regarding the scarcity of post- World War II housing:

166
To The Editor of the Eagle: I have received a copy of the Pittsfield Housing
Survey Report.
646
I am glad to have it because a group out here is struggling
with the same problem. The excellent Pittsfield study will not only serve as a
helpful model but will give them cheer in the feeling away across on the
other coast the problem is being tackled with such technical efficiency.

The question of human relations that make for such problems is the big,
“$128 question” here, and; I suppose, everywhere. It will take a whole
library of books like “The Grapes of Wrath” to break the seal coat of
selfishness and self-sufficiency.
647

Bernhard Hoffmann died at Brookside in Stockbridge on July 6, 1949, while
preparing to attend an evening of music at the Tanglewood Music Festival. Due to inclement
weather, Hoffmann’s memorial service, planned for Laurel Hill, instead took place in the
historical room of the Stockbridge Library where he had served as Chairman of the
eponymous committee.
648
At the time of his death, Bernhard Hoffmann was 75 years old;
the same age George Marston had been when he sent that long-ago letter advising the
younger man to “build beautifully.”
In her later years, Irene Hoffmann authored The Book of Herb Cookery for Houghton
Mifflin in 1950, as well as the retrospective Berkshire Garden Center: the First Twenty Years
in 1955. After spending her final summer in Stockbridge, Irene returned to Santa Barbara,
where she passed away on February 16, 1960.
649

The AIA Honorary Award and the “Right-Thinking Man”
In April 1929, the work of the “most informed meddler”
650
had combined with the
financial investment of other philanthropic donors to establish the baseline of visual
coherence in civic design for future generations. Bernhard Hoffmann was awarded

167
honorary lifetime membership in the American Institute of Architects (AIA), nominated by
Pasadena architect and Allied Architects of Los Angeles founding member Myron Hunt.
651

Hoffmann delivered his acceptance speech to assembled members of the Southern
California Chapter of the AIA.
652
At this same meeting, Chapter President Pierpont Davis
announced the creation of a new AIA chapter encompassing San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara
and Ventura Counties. Hoffmann’s remarks served as a summarization of his past approach
and his view toward the future. If he saw himself as anything with regard to his civic work,
it was as a friend to the architects.. In an age in which the architect’s singular contribution
was still understood by few and properly valued by even fewer, Hoffmann closely echoed
the philosophies of Downing, the rural gentleman gone for three quarters of a century.
In The American Home, author David Handlin characterized Downing’s challenge in
delineating of the qualities of a beautiful home for the benefit of both architects and an
interested public newly exposed to the aspirational ethos of home religion. Despite
Downing’s incremental refinement of his theory of architecture, the qualities the young
horticulturalist pointed to were largely unspecific and, therefore, subsumed by time. His
dictums remained subjective; closely tied to the imaginative plates of his books: “ample
accommodation,” and “agreeable size and proportion” did not take certain shape elsewhere.
“Nevertheless,” Handlin stressed, “many of the problems that [Downing] tried to solve were
perennial ones, and architects could not avoid addressing them.”
653
Aside from the elusive
definition of beauty, the overarching and immediate ‘problem’ was to define ordering
principles in residential architecture. Internal organization had become the focus of several
quasi-scientific books and theories on the relationship between the house and occupants
throughout the late 19
th
and early 20
th
centuries.
654

168
In Stockbridge, Hoffmann grew into the role of community development.
655
Building
upon the example his father set with the creation of the railroad depot and Casino, two of
the key points of identity, he blended exhortation and education in the value of architecture
to elevate economic and artistic expression in Santa Barbara. Hoffmann believed in
elevating the profile of the architect, as he had seen the work of McKim, Mead and White
elevate his own hometown. His generation lived through the rise of the profession itself.
David Handlin observed that Downing “did not waver in his conviction that
architecture was a fine art.”
656
Neither did Hoffmann. Very much the clear-eyed observer
and with a passion for education, Hoffmann had served as “the right man” Downing called
for so many years earlier. Believing as much as ever in “the artist and the vision;” Hoffmann
provided Santa Barbara with central, lasting symbols of a cultured society by elevating its
defining architectural talents, James Osborne Craig, George Washington Smith and Lutah
Maria Riggs. As Hoffmann wrote in 1925, the year the earthquake permanently altered the
direction of Santa Barbara architecture:

Trystan Edwards in his “Things which are seen,” rates architecture as the
highest of our so-called Fine Arts; his thesis is that Art is of little account
unless it benefits society and that the judge of art should be the average
man.
It is the architect’s privilege to come in contact with the individual when he
is expressing himself. The counsel the architect can give the owner, the
education he must aid him in acquiring, all come at a time when they are
most likely to be apprehended and followed.

I look forward to the day when the architects will be willing to sign their
work, a practice which would seem to me a fitting tribute to the architect
and a real stimulus to appreciation and interest. In this commercial day, the
layman’s interest seems to center more on the number of acres of floor
space or the millions of cost than in the artist and the vision which has
beautified the community.
657

169
After a decade of effort in encouraging a more discriminating taste, Bernhard
Hoffmann was nominated for AIA designation by Pasadena architect and Allied Architects
founding member Myron Hunt, with whom he had worked closely in Santa Barbara for
many years. The award, granted for Hoffmann’s outstanding leadership and “rare
discernment,” was the culmination of one man’s singular, and heartfelt, contribution to
Santa Barbara.

Figure 32. Structures Mentioned in this Thesis

1. Hill-Carrillo Adobe
2. Lobero Theater
3. Cañedo-Whitaker Adobe
4. Casa de la Guerra
5. The Street of Spain
6. The de la Guerra Studios
7. Oreña Adobe and Storehouse
8. de la Guerra Plaza
9. City Hall
10. Daily News Building
11. Meridian Studios
12. Covarrubias Adobe
13. Tiers-Peake-Schott House*
14. Vhay-Hyde and Pedotti Houses*
15. Gonzalez-Ramirez Adobe*
16. More projects of A. L. M. Vhay
17. Vhay Studio*

*Projects of A. L. M. Vhay
1
2
3
4
5
.
7
.
6
8
9
10
11
12
13
14 15
16
17

170
References by Genre
Photographs and Maps

1. “Cottage Villa,” Gervase Wheeler, architect. Gervase Wheeler, Homes for the People
in Suburb and Country: The Villa, the Mansion, and the Cottage, Adapted to American
Climate and Wants, with Examples Showing how to Alter and Remodel Old Buildings
in a Series of One Hundred Original Designs (New York: Charles Scribner, 1855)
Google Books, http://tinyurl.com/3c5m4no (accessed July 12, 2011), 180.

2. “Suburban Villa,” Wheeler, Homes for the People, 170.
3. “The Arcade: Main Street,” Sheffield, Massachusetts. Frank Arthur Scott, Sheffield in
the Berkshires (Sheffield, MA: W. D. French, 1904) Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/4x4jpht (accessed March 17, 2010), 4.

4. “Laurel Hill,” Stockbridge, Massachusetts. Harriette Merrick Hodge Plunkett, “The
Evolution of Beautiful Stockbridge” in The New England Magazine: an Illustrated
Monthly New Series 25 (Boston: America Company, September 1901-February
1902), 208.

5. “Map of Stockbridge – Part I” (1876) Courtesy Joshua Hall, Stockbridge Library,
Museum and Archives (Stockbridge Library Association, 2011); and “U.S. Indexed
County Land Ownership Maps, 1860-1918: Record for F. Hoffmann (1904); Collection
Number G&M_3, Roll Number 3” (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2010).
Original Data: Various Publishers of County Land Ownership Atlases. Microfilmed
by the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. www.ancestry.com (accessed February
4, 2011).

6. “Map of Stockbridge – Part II” (1876) Stockbridge Library, Museum and Archives;
and “U.S. Indexed County Land Ownership Maps, 1860-1918”

7. “The Edwards Place School” (1855-1874). Stockbridge, Massachusetts. Maria L.
Carr, ed., “Ferdinand Hoffmann and Edwards Place,” in Now and Then 11
(Stockbridge, MA: Stockbridge Library, Museum and Archives, November 2010), 2.

8. “At the Train Station,” (Date unknown; probably 1870s). Stockbridge,
Massachusetts. Harriette Merrick Hodge Plunkett, “The Evolution of Beautiful
Stockbridge” in The New England Magazine: an Illustrated Monthly New Series 25
(Boston: America Company, September 1901 - February 1902), 205.

171
9. “Stockbridge Train Station,” (1893). Frank Walker, architect. E. A. Benjamin,
Glimpses of Stockbridge and Vicinity: Photo-Gravures (Brooklyn, NY: 1900). Internet
Archive, http://www.archive.org/details/glimpsesofstockb00stoc (accessed July
12, 2011), 11.

10. “Stockbridge Casino Exterior,” (1886-1888). Charles Follen McKim, William
Rutherford Mead and Stanford White, architects. Historic postcard image; possibly
from 1915. Courtesy Stockbridge Library, Museum and Archives (Stockbridge
Library Association, 2011).

11. “Stockbridge Main Street,” (1900). E.A. Benjamin, Glimpses of Stockbridge and
Vicinity: Photo-Gravures (Brooklyn, NY: E.A. Benjamin, probably 1900) Internet
Archive, http://www.archive.org/details/glimpsesofstockb00stoc (accessed July
12, 2011), 11.
12. “La Casa de la Guerra,” Santa Barbara, California (1819-1827). The Casa’s original
configuration as determined by archaeology. Sketch reprinted by The Santa Barbara
Trust for Historic Preservation. From www.sbthp.org/PDF's/Casa%20brochure.pdf
(accessed July 1, 2011).

13. “Aguirre Adobe,” (1841-1842). Historic postcard reprinted in Mary H. Haggland,
“Don José Antonio Aguirre: Spanish Merchant and Ranchero” Journal of San Diego
History 29, no. 1 (Winter 1983), 61.

14. “Alpheus Thompson Adobe,” (1834). Conard and Nelson Santa Barbara: a Guide to
El Pueblo Viejo (Santa Barbara, CA: Capra Press, 1986), 80.

15. “El Pueblo Viejo Adobe and Land Ownership Distribution,” (1853). Derived from
Vitus Wackenruder Map of 1853. Map access courtesy Michael Redmon, Santa
Barbara Museum: Gledhill Library Archives. Hand-drawn by E. Knowles.

16. “El Pueblo Viejo Street Grid Overlay,” (1853). Derived from Santa Barbara city map
of 1899 reprinted in David F. Myrick, Montecito and Santa Barbara I: from Farms to
Estates (Glendale, CA: Trans-Anglo Books, 1988). Hand-drawn by E. Knowles.

17. “Map of Santa Barbara,” (1899) w/ La Casa de la Guerra. Reprinted in David F.
Myrick, Montecito and Santa Barbara I: from Farms to Estates (Glendale, CA: Trans-
Anglo Books, 1988). Overlay indicating location of El Pueblo Viejo by E. Knowles.

18. “Oreña Storehouse,” (1849). (Original source unknown, date of photograph
unknown; probably between 1849 and 1860). Exterior, South Front. Library of
Congress American Memory: Historic American Buildings Survey (HABS); Gaspar
Oreña House, HABS no. CA-246/HABS CAL 42-SANBA, 23-2. Photocopied and Indexed
by Jack E. Boucher, October 1960. Includes view of the Oreña Adobe (1858), also
pictured in Library of Congress American Memory: Historic American Buildings
Survey (HABS); Gaspar Oreña House, HABS no. CA-246/HABS CAL 42-SANBA, 23-2.

172
19. “Casa de la Guerra,” (1860-1880). (Original source unknown; date of photograph
unknown). Historic postcard. Santa Barbara Historical Society: Gledhill Library
Archives.

20. “Old City Hall,” (1874). Historic postcard reprinted in Walker Tomkins, Santa
Barbara: Past and Present (Santa Barbara, CA: Schauer Printing, 1975), 51.

21. “California Building,” (1893). The Final Report of the California World’s Fair
Commission: Includes a Directory of All Exhibits from the State of California; Collected
and Maintained under Legislative Enactments, at the World’s Columbian Exposition,
Chicago 1893 (Sacramento, CA: A. J. Johnston, 1894), Frontispiece.

22. “Hacienda del Pozo de Verona” (1895). “The Luncheon at the Cliff House,” in
California Architect and Building News 20 (September 1899), 107 (106-108).

23. “Charles Mulford Robinson Plan for Santa Barbara” (1908).

24. “California State Building: Plaza Façade,” (1915). From The Architecture and the
Gardens of the San Diego Exposition: a Pictorial Survey of the Aesthetic Features of the
Panama California International Exposition (San Francisco, CA: Paul Elder and
Company Publishers, 1916), 31.

25. “Oreña Adobe Detail.” (1920s).

26. “Oreña Studios,” (1920). From John Reginald Southworth, Santa Barbara and
Montecito: Past and Present (Santa Barbara, CA: Schauer Printing, 1920). 149.

27. “de la Guerra Studios and Oreña Studios.” (1922). Historic Postcard. Collection E.
Knowles.

28. “Street of Spain.” Historic Postcard. Collection E. Knowles.

29. “Meridian Studios Plan.” (1922-1923). GWS, Hoffmann Studios, Santa Barbara, Calif.
(1922-1923) portfolio. (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara
University Art Museum Art and Design Archive).

30. “Meridian Studios Interior Elevation.” (1922-1923). GWS, Hoffmann Studios, Santa
Barbara, Calif. (1922-1923) portfolio. (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California,
Santa Barbara University Art Museum Art and Design Archive).

31. “Lobero Theater.” (1924). The Lobero Foundation: History.
http://www.lobero.com/foundation/history/.

32. “Structures Mentioned in this Thesis.” Map adapted from Conard and Nelson, p. 65.

173
Archives

1. Community Development and Conservation Collection (CDCC). University of
California, Santa Barbara Donald C. Davidson Library Department of Special
Collections. Subsection SBHC Mss 1. Contact: David Seubert, Department Head.
http://www.library.ucsb.edu/speccoll/research/sbhc.html

Plans and Planting Committee (1920’s-1970’s). Includes Bernhard
Hoffmann, City of Santa Barbara (Architectural Advisory Committee: 1925-
1926, Architectural Board of Review: 1925-1975), Fiesta (General: 1919 and
1925, Committee Records: 1926), “H” File, Lobero Theater, Meetings,
Scrapbooks (Architect’s Resumes and Earthquake: 1925).

Subseries B: Organizations and Smaller Holdings. Box 2 Architectural Board
of Review: 1958-1975, Arlington Hotel: 1890, Associated Charities: 1914-
1934 California Botanical Society: 1900-1940 Box 6 Community Arts
Association: 1912-1974, Community Arts Music Association: 1928-1948
Box 7 De La Guerra Studios, El Paseo de la Guerra: 1933, El Paseo de la
Guerra: 1933 Box 10 Lobero Theater Foundation 1926-1963.

Series II: Clippings. Box 11 Chase Family, Box 43 Lighting 1926-1931, Box
50 Publicity 1925.

Series III: Subject Files. Box 1 Architecture and Architects, California Cities.

Series IV. Local History Essays Box 1, Folder 12 “Civic and Commercial
Architecture in Santa Barbara-Awards,” 1926; Box 4, Folder 4 “The
Architecture of Santa Barbara” by Jane Mason 1966, Box 4, Folder 12 “New
Santa Barbara” by Irving Morrow and Pearl Chase 1926, Box 5 Folder 13
Riggs, Lutah Marie 1984 Box 5 Folder 17 “Santa Barbara: The Case for
Unified Architecture” 1933 Box 6 Folder 2 “Santa Barbara’s Pearl” by Frank
F. Taylor Box 6 Folder 7 “The Reconstruction of State Street” by Tracy
Raymond 1970.

Series V. Personal and Family Files People: Hoffmann, Bernhard and the
Marquis de Viana. Dated Correspondence.

Series VI. Photographs Box 1 Casa de la Guerra (6), de la Guerra House (53),
de la Guerra Plaza (36), de la Guerra Street (1) Box 2 El Paseo (125) Box 7
San Diego (46) Box 25 Folder 13 Houses in Santa Barbara (21) Box 27
Folder 13 Community Arts Association Drama Branch (18) People-Box 42
Bernhard Hoffmann (1) Public Buildings-Box 44 Lobero Theater (61)
Santa Barbara-Box 57 Garden Street, Bernhard Hoffmann.

174
2. Santa Barbara Historical Museum: Gledhill Library Archives. 136 E. de la Guerra
Street, Santa Barbara, Calif. 93101. Contact: Michael Redmon, Director of Research.
http://www.santabarbaramuseum.com/Gledhill_Library.html

Subject Titles: Bernhard Hoffmann, Zoning, Casa de la Guerra Photograph
Files, Santa Barbara Earthquake, Vitus Wackenruder Map (reproduction),
Historic Santa Barbara Morning Press: July 7-11, 1949.

3. University of California, Santa Barbara: University Art Museum. 552 University
Road, Santa Barbara, Calif. 93106. Contact: Jocelyn Gibbs, Curator.
http://www.uam.ucsb.edu/about/index.html

Subject Files: GWS Series - Hoffmann Studios: Santa Barbara, Calif. (1922-
1923) (Portfolio); Mary M. Craig Project Files: J.O. Craig Additional
Materials; Photographs and Negatives (August 1921) (Boxed File); DG: IILD
California Architects Research Files: Craig, James O.; Casa Santa Cruz
(Portfolio); James Osborne Craig: De la Guerra Adobe Residence Remodeling
(1922-1923) (Portfolio); 268 IV.E: Lobero Theater Associates; Santa
Barbara, Calif. (1922) (Portfolio); and Lutah Maria Riggs: Decorative Ceiling
Design of Daily News Building in GWS IV.E: GWS Daily News Building, Santa
Barbara, Calif. (1922-1923) (Portfolio).

4. Stockbridge Library, Museum and Historical Archives. 46 Main Street, Stockbridge,
Massachusetts. 01262. Contact: Katherine O’Neill, Staff Director.
http://stockbridgelibrary.org/

Subject Files: Laurel Hill Association Records; Stockbridge Casino Records;
Stockbridge Planning Board Records; Ferdinand Hoffmann Family Papers;
Stockbridge Map Collection.

5. San Diego Public Library, California Room Research Archives. 820 E. St., San Diego,
Calif. 92101. Contact: Mary Allely, Librarian.
http://www.sandiego.gov/public-library/catalog-databases/

Subject Files: San Diego Park Commission Collection, Folder 7, Box 1 (SDPL).

175
Bibliography

Adams, Jerry. “G. Albert Lansburgh: an Architect from the Golden Era.” In San
Francisco Examiner Pictorial Living, August 13, 1961.

Aguirre, José Antonio. Accounts in the Name of Aguirre. Santa Barbara, CA: The Santa
Barbara Trust for Historic Preservation.
http://www.sbthp.org/PDF's/Glenn%20Price%20finding%20aid.pdf (accessed February
12, 2011).

Akimoto, Fukuo. “Charles H. Cheney of California.” Planning Perspectives 18.
July 2003, 266-270 (263-275).

Allaback, Sarah. “Craig, Mary: 1889-1964.” The First American Women Architects.
Champaign, ILL: University of Illinois Press, 2008, 70-72.

Alberti, Leon Battista. On the Art of Building in Ten Books. Translated by Joseph
Rykwert, Neil Leach, and Robert Tavernor. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988.

The American Institute of Architects. Proceedings of the Sixty-Second Annual
Convention of the American Institute of Architects. Washington, D.C.: Board of Directors of
the American Institute of Architects, April 1929.

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204
Endnotes

Chapter 1: Overview
1
Maurice Halbwachs, On Collective Memory: Heritage of Sociology Series, ed. and
trans. Lewis Coser (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). Work translated from Les
Cadres Sociaux de la Mémoire (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1952), originally
published in Les Travaux de L’Année Sociologique (Paris: F. Alcan, 1925); and from La
Topographie Légendaire des Évangiles en Terre Saint: Etude de Mémoire Collective (Paris:
Presses Universitaires de France, 1941).

2
David Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Country (Boston: Cambridge University
Press, 1999).

3
Phoebe S. Kropp, California Vieja: Culture and Memory in a Modern American Place.
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006), 2-4, 8, 15, 274-275.

4
Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California through the 1920s (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1990).

5
“The 2009 List of America’s Dozen Distinctive Destinations,” National Trust for
Historic Preservation http://www.preservationnation.org/about-us/press-center/press-
releases/2009/national-trust-for-historic-7.html (posted January 13, 2009; accessed May 7,
2010); and Shannon Switzer, “Santa Barbara Honored as “Distinctive Destination:” National
Trust Applauds City’s Unique Character,” The Santa Barbara Independent, Thursday, January
15, 2009.

6
Ibid.

7
David Gebhard, Santa Barbara: The Creation of a New Spain in America: In
Celebration of the Bicentennial of the City of Santa Barbara, California, 1782-1982; An

Exhibition Organized for the University Art Museum: University of California, Santa Barbara, 3
November through 12 December, 1982 (Santa Barbara, CA: University Art Museum, 1982),
10.

8
Another influential figure was Bernhard’s brother, naturalist Ralph Arthur
Hoffmann, who would become Director of the Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History.
Ralph worked within the context of the late-nineteenth century dawn of environmental
awareness. Sons of a civic-minded Prussian immigrant, both Bernhard and Ralph created
lasting impressions upon Santa Barbara’s culture which continue to this day.

205

9
This effort coalesced after the historic June, 1925 earthquake. Since this study will
confine its view of Hoffmann’s Santa Barbara activities to the years 1919-1925, its intention
is to provide a wide range of resources for further research into his later civic work.
Hoffmann died in Stockbridge, Massachusetts on July 6, 1949.

10
Michael Smith, “Tales of Hoffmann,” in Santa Barbara Magazine: Our Living Past
Issue 26, no. 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: Smith Publishing Group, Winter 2000), 73-79. Born in
1874, a signal year in the unofficial “Americanization” of Santa Barbara, Hoffmann remained
very much a part of Stockbridge even after his family’s arrival to the central west coast of
California in 1919, traveling back and forth for the remainder of his life; and Pearl Chase,
“Bernhard Hoffmann: Community Builder,” Noticias Earthquake Issue (Santa Barbara, CA:
Santa Barbara Historical Society 1, no. 2, Summer 1959), 15-23. For a thorough, contextual
study focusing on Pearl Chase’s education, family life and career as a civic activist, see
Rosanne Barker’s “Small Town Progressivism: Pearl Chase and Female Activism in Santa
Barbara, 1909-1929” (dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara, June 1994);
Chase’s work, realized within the proto-feminist context of clubwomen’s municipal
involvement and real estate investment, is also explored in Lee M. A. Simpson’s Selling the
City: Gender, Class, and the California Growth Machine, 1880-1940 (Stanford, CA: Stanford
University Press, 2004). Chase’s initial decision to work to beautify Santa Barbara is
described on page 217.

11
Community Development and Conservation Collection (CDCC), University of
California, Santa Barbara Donald C. Davidson Library/Department of Special Collections,
Santa Barbara, CA. http://www.library.ucsb.edu/speccoll/research/sbhc.html; and “Pearl
Chase and the Community Development and Conservation Collection,” In the Library 2, no. 2
{Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara, March 1989}, 2-3. Chase
donated this vast collection of material to the Davidson Library in 1970. The collection
comprises nearly 1,100 linear square feet of manuscript, printed, and photographic material
representing a lifetime of civic service at the local, state, and national levels.

12
H. M. Plunkett, “The Evolution of Beautiful Stockbridge,” in The New England
Magazine: an Illustrated Monthly 25 (Boston: America Company Publishers, September
1901-February 1902), 205-219. Google Books, http://tinyurl.com/3codd6r (accessed
March 11, 2010).

13
See full citation of the 1876 version in Back Matter, Figures 5 and 6.

14
Richard Ross Cloues, “Where Art is Combined with Nature: Village Improvement
in Nineteenth-Century New England, Volumes I - III” (dissertation, Cornell University,
1987), 388. The few academic works produced between 1966 and 1987 on landscape
gardening within the context of village improvement appear on page 81 of Cloues’ study.
Cloues included detailed descriptions of specific civic interventions in Stockbridge, a
chronological history of landscape gardening precedents in Europe, and a lengthy section
regarding the life, work and impact of Andrew Jackson Downing.

206

15
“Town Pays Tribute to Bernhard Hoffmann,” The Berkshire Eagle, Monday, July 11,
1949. (Stockbridge, MA: Stockbridge Library/Bernhard Hoffmann File). Additionally,
Stockbridge historian and author Carole Owens authored a three-part series of essays on
the Hoffmann family for The Berkshire Eagle (Pittsfield, MA): “Ferdinand Hoffmann of
Stockbridge,” Saturday, September 4, 2010; “Stockbridge’s Bernhard Hoffmann,” Saturday,
September 18, 2010; and “Irene Completes the Saga,” Saturday, October 2, 2010.

207

Chapter 2: The Civic Idea in the Imagination
16
Eben Greenough Scott, The Development of Constitutional Liberty in the English
Colonies of America (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1882), 179-180. Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/3zvq92y (accessed May 1, 2011).

17
Russell Chamberlin, “The Heritage of Rome” and “The Birth of England,” in The
National Trust: The English Country Town (London: Webb and Bower, 1983), 15-17, 21, 31-
33.

18
Ibid., 11.

19
John W. Reps, The Making of Urban America: a History of City Planning in the
United States (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965), 117-137; Joseph S. Wood,
“Village and Community in Early Colonial New England,” Journal of Historical Geography 8,
no. 1 (October 1982), 334. Wood pointed out that the nucleated form showed regional
variations in the “home country” of England, and that the southeast region (from which
many displaced textile workers immigrated) “ranged from compact, to linear, to widely
dispersed neighborhoods.”

20
Joseph S. Wood, The New England Village, ed. Gregory Conniff, Bonnie Loyd,
Edward K. Muller, and David Schuyler (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press,
1997), 2-4, 12-14.

21
Reps, Urban America, 54, 115-121, 124-125. Reps hypothesized that, in common
with English precedent, the pueblo derived from Spain’s own feudal land tenure system;
Benjamin Keene and Keith Haynes, A History of Latin America, 8
th
ed. (New York: Houghton
Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 2009), 93-94. Late-17
th
century Spain was weakened
by a loss of control over its far-flung foreign interests and outmaneuvered by competing
entities. Spain’s mostly rural society was “dictated by small mercantile and aristocratic
cliques,” with “labor systems based in varying degrees of servitude and coercion.” Its
colonial economy, Keene and Haynes concluded, was feudal in virtually every aspect; John
Nolen, “Town Development: Historic and Modern Examples,” in New Towns for Old:
Achievements in Civic Improvement in Some American Small Towns and Neighborhoods
(Amherst, MA: The University of Massachusetts Press in association with Library of
American Landscape History, 2005), 22-24. Architect/planner John Nolen made a similar
observation in 1927, comparing the “courthouse square” allowed by intersecting New
England streets of equal or comparable width to the open plaza of “Spanish America,”
framed with “monumental buildings.”

208

22
Reps, Urban America, 51, 54, 115-127, 146. Reps cited the precedent-setting
dispersal of Plymouth, Massachusetts as the beginning of this phenomenon; Wood, New
England Village, 2-4; Wood, “Village and Community,” 333-336, 339, 341-343. Wood cited
Lynn, Massachusetts, which sought to expand just nine years after its founding; Martyn J.
Bowden, “The Invention of American Tradition,” Journal of Historic Geography 18, no. 1
(January 1992), 17-20; and David Glassberg, Sense of History: the Place of the Past in
American Life (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2001), 133-137.

23
Wood, “Village and Community,” 339-340; and New England Village, 13-15. Wood
argued that strict adherence to such a strictly bounded form was impacted by several
primary influences. As “pre-American” settlement increased in the 17
th
to 18
th
centuries,
changes had already begun to occur in the “home country” of England as agricultural
commercialization and land subdivision encroached on medieval settlement patterns,
leading to more independence in thought with regard to New England land use. Also, the
newness of the environment, physical disconnection from English cultural institutions, and
differing socio-economic conditions in the New England landscape invited more varied
interpretation.

24
Reps, Urban America, (Salem, 124, 126), (linear town form, 126, 138-140); Wood,
New England Village (East Windsor, 28-29), and (Pittsfield, 104); and Richard Clark and E.
M. Woodford, Plan of the Towns of Stockbridge and West Stockbridge: Berkshire County,
Massachusetts (Philadelphia, PA: 1855) in Cloues, “Village Improvement.” In some cases,
other important, but unplanned, public spaces formed along naturally-occurring hills or
viewsheds, as happened in Stockbridge.

25
Reps, Urban America, 127-140, 146; Wood, New England Village, 108; and Cloues,
“Village Improvement,” 82.

26
Wood, New England Village, 15, 41-48, 53-67.

209

27
Wood, New England Village, 12; Bowden, “American Tradition,” 3-23. Bowden
characterized the overarching idea of conquerable Nature as a “substitute” vision for a
country newly divorced from England’s heritage and dominion. The development of
geographic identities, used to underscore an image of exceptionalism, involved the “… mass
producing of myths and traditions between 1825 and 1895,” which became “… fixed in the
American mind.” These often inconsistent yet powerful images served as a kind of
shorthand; encompassing the political and religious conquest, cultural realignment, and
conflicted feelings common in 17
th
to 19
th
century post-settlement periods as the population
“realized westward.” Bowden described the stages of image creation: a. An initial, diffuse
image formation emanating from a conflated set of symbols; b. Myth creation, in which
symbols are chosen and discarded during an interactive exchange between elite chroniclers
and their readers; c. Internalization, during which invented tradition becomes codified and
firmly established; and d. Universalization, in which the established tradition becomes
inseparable from accepted history, regardless of its actual veracity. This last stage, in
particular, is subject to academic re-approbation, which can reveal that “the tradition is a
product of art and artifice”. With this process as a backdrop, and emphasizing the
persuasive power of the written word, Bowden examined early 17
th
century literary
references as they disseminated such composited images as the largely metaphorical
“Daesert Wildernesse,” and the “English Garden” (“a second England”), which served as a
biblical metaphor among Puritans. The pre-colonial invention of the “primeval forest”
contained inherent gravitas and flexibility, which continued to be emphasized in poetry,
painting, and fiction well into the 20
th
century. The specter of the wild forest as an
impenetrable world overlapped with many scientific developments, including the 1859
publication of Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species: by Means of Natural Selection,
discoveries in botany, and the establishment of professional forest management; Henry
Nash Smith, Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth, 1
st
edition (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1950), 123-126 (123-263). Of these traditions, it was the
“master symbol” of the Puritan garden (expanded, during the 18
th
century, into the
Jeffersonian, “pastoral ideal”) which produced what Smith called the “heroic figure of the
idealized frontier farmer…“ See also Leo Marx, The Machine in the Garden: Technology and
the Pastoral Ideal in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 73-97, 104, 114,
133-134, 142-143, 227-229. Marx, who devoted a large part of his treatise to
“Transcendental pastoralism” as interpreted by Emerson, Thoreau and Walden, described
the Arcadian, “model” setting for this indomitable American: “A farmhouse or a neat white
village … in the foreground a pasture, a twisting brook with cattle nearby …”

28
Bowden, “American Tradition,” 12-17; Bowden argued that the vision of the
‘Desert’ served the myth of the ‘Frontier’ between 1870 and 1920; making its recollection
possible; Martyn J. Bowden, “The Great American Desert and the American Frontier, 1800-
1882; Popular Images of the Plains,” in Anonymous Americans: Explorations in Nineteenth
Century Social History, ed. Tamara K. Hareven (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1971);
and Wood, “Village and Community,” 333-343.

29
Bowden, “American Tradition,” 15.

210

30
John DeWitt and Jonathan Edwards, Union Meeting of the Berkshire North and
South Conferences: Stockbridge, Massachusetts; October Fifth, 1903 (Berkshire, MA:
Berkshire Conferences, 1903), 9.

31
Sarah Cabot Sedgwick and Christina Sedgwick Marquand, Stockbridge, 1739-1939:
a Chronicle (Great Barrington, MA: The Berkshire Courier, 1939), 273.

32
Charles Forbes Warner, ed., Picturesque Berkshire: Part II – South; Complete in Two
Parts, with 1200 Illustrations (Northampton, MA: Picturesque Publishing Company, 1893),
34-35.

33
David Dudley Field, Chester Dewey, and The Berkshire Association of
Massachusetts, The History of the County of Berkshire, Massachusetts in Two Parts: the First
Being a General View of the County; the Second, an Account of the Several Towns (Pittsfield,
MA: Samuel W. Bush, 1829), 7, 11. Google Books, http://tinyurl.com/3uf7plt (accessed
March 5, 2010).

34
Edward Johnson, “Wonder-Working Providence of Soins Savior: The Sad
Condition of England, When This People Removed,” in Puritans: a Sourcebook of Their
Writings, eds. Perry Miller and Thomas Herbert Johnson (Toronto: General Publishing
Company, 2001), 146.

35
Vincent Scully, Yale in New Haven: Architecture and Urbanism, eds. Catherine Lynn,
Erik Vogt, and Paul Goldberger (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), 37-51. In
their classic analysis of the Yale campus and its environs, Scully, et al. identified many
parallels between the physical organization of the Green-centered Puritan village and an
ancient churchyard, as well as symbolic connections to the Garden of Eden of the Old
Testament; Bowden, “American Tradition,” 15-17. Bowden traced the geographical
metaphor of the Garden back to Hesiod and Virgil; and Miller and Johnson, Puritans, 181-
182.

36
Miller and Johnson, Puritans, 3; Louis Billington, “The Perfect Law of Liberty:
Radical Religion and the Democratization of New England, 1780-1840,” in Religious and
Secular Reform in America: Ideas, Beliefs and Social Change, eds. David Keith Adams and
Cornelis A. van Minnen (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 29-34, 128-129; and
David E. Shi, “Transcendental Simplicity,” in The Simple Life: Plain Living and High Thinking
in American Culture (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2007), 126-127. The
Enlightenment had the effect of dividing Puritanism into two directions: radical evangelical
revivalism and proto-Unitarianism. The latter view, rejecting predestination and embracing
personal agency, was expressed through the liberalizing writings of Reverend William
Ellery Channing. Channing’s ideas were, in turn, adopted and greatly amplified by the
Transcendentalists.

211

37
Charles Frederick Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of the S.P.G.: an Historical Account of
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1701-1900 (London: The S.P.G.
Office, 1901), 7, 96, 142, 349. This chartered missionary organization, founded in London in
1701, expanded the reach of the Anglican Church throughout the British colonies. The
effort involved direct competition with emerging Congregationalist churches, the financing
of missionaries, and the introduction of the English steepled church form, which became the
typological standard of the New England village. Other prominent SPG histories include
Henry Paget Thompson’s Into all Lands: the History of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1701-1950 (London: S.P.C.K., 1951) and Carson I. A. Ritchie’s
Frontier Parish: an Account of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and the Anglican
Church in America (Cranbury, N.J.: Associated University Presses, 1976). The bulk of SPG’s
archives are held at London’s Lambeth Palace Library; a finding aid and list of materials are
available at http://www.lambethpalacelibrary.org/ and
http://www.mundus.ac.uk/cats/12/254.htm (accessed December 7, 2010).

38
Raymond DeWitt Mallary, “The Berkshire Hills,” in Lenox and the Berkshire
Highlands (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, June 1902), xiii.

39
James Baker, The Life of Sir Thomas Bernard, Baronet (London: L. Murray, 1819),
1; and Arthur Lawrence, “Origin of the Name ‘Berkshire,’” in Collections of the Berkshire
Historical and Scientific Society (Pittsfield, MA: Berkshire Historical and Scientific Society,
1894), 79-80.

40
Warner, Picturesque Berkshire: Part II, 7. Just two of many examples are
Stockbridge notable Henry Ward Beecher’s Star Papers and Frances Anne Butler’s “The
Berkshire Jubilee: An Ode; Written for the 22
nd
of August, 1843,” in The New Monthly
Magazine and Humorist 76, ed. W. Harrison Ainsworth (London: Chapman and Hall, 1846),
127-130.

41
Warner, Picturesque Berkshire: Part II, 24. Warner wrote: “Judges half a score;
congressmen, divines, authors, artists, and in fact, all the walks of life have come from
Stockbridge.”

42
Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 7-13, 21. Representative Indians were
ministered to by “… clergy … genuinely concerned over the plight of this pathetic remnant of
a great nation stranded in the rising tide of white civilization.” Increasingly hemmed in by
encroaching settlements, the “remnant” consisted of approximately twenty or thirty Indian
families. Yale-educated tutor John Sergeant of Stockbridge acknowledged that Indian
folkways would be “hard to uproot.”

212

43
Wood, New England Village, xii-xiii, 102-108. Economic diversity developed in
select 18
th
century New England towns wherever commercial business joined the central
meetinghouse as the focus of the community through accretion. The development and form
of this type of commercial center, catering to both the immediate and outlying areas, were
distinguished by Wood from the insularity and comprehensive planning models of company
towns. In addition to Walpole, Wood discussed similar evolutions of merchant-driven towns
such as Meriden, Connecticut (c. 1780) and Dedham, Massachusetts (c. 1782).

44
Glassberg, Sense of History, 133, (additional citations, 249).

45
Ellery Bicknell Crane, Historic Homes and Institutions and Genealogical and
Personal Memoirs of Worcester County Massachusetts: with a History of Worcester Society of
Antiquity 2 (New York: Lewis Publishing Company, 1907), 402. Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/3bcvb8e (accessed May 1, 2011); and Walpole Historical Society,
Walpole, Images of America Series (Charleston, S.C: Arcadia Publishing, 2009), 21, 25, 28.

46
Walpole Historical Society, Walpole, 21, 29-30.

47
Bowden, “American Tradition,” 18-23; and Wood, New England Village, xiii, 74-76,
98-108.

213

Chapter 3: The Roots of Revival
48
Thomas J. Campanella, Republic of Shade: New England and the American Elm
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003).
49
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 302-309; and Porter Gale Perrin, The Life and
Works of Thomas Green Fessenden, 1771-1837 (Orono, ME: University Press, 1925). Cloues
traced the evolution of New England Farmer as it progressed from promoting “the general
value of trees” toward a more nuanced, Romantic editorial stance, quoting Byron and
Wordsworth with a “poetic logic.” By 1835, the “great Romantic dialectic of art and nature”
infused the publication. Its publisher, Thomas Green Fessenden, was the author of the
popular New American Gardener (1828) and Complete Farmer and Rural Economist (1834).

50
Henry Ward Beecher, Star Papers, or Experiences of Art and Nature 3 (New York:
J.C. Derby, 1855), 134-136; and Norwood or Village Life in New England (New York: Charles
Scribner and Company, 1867). Beecher wrote about the Elm and Oak as symbols of morality
and democracy in these and other works.

51
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 304-307.

52
Dell Upton, Architecture in the United States, (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press,
1998), 114-115; and Aaron V. Wunsch and Catherine C. Lavoie, “(Philadelphia’s) Laurel Hill
Becomes the First Landmark Cemetery,” in National Historic Landmarks Network II, no. 1
(Atlanta, GA and Washington, D.C: National Park Service, United States National Historic
Landmarks Program, Summer 1999), 1, 15.
http://www.nps.gov/history/nhl/publications/Network/network3.pdf (accessed January
17, 2010). From the 1830s, cemeteries were desirable to municipalities as dramatic
backdrops for statuary and were crucial to the self-image of prominent families and
individuals. These more attractive, safer sites were separated from town centers due to
hygienic concerns. Upton, Wunsch and Lavoie are just some of the writers who have pointed
to the role such cemeteries had in the development of urban parks for public use. The
Laurel Hill Cemetery of Philadelphia (est. 1836) was the second prominent example (after
Mount Auburn in Cambridge, Massachusetts) of the carefully designed, park-like burial
ground.

53
Russell Lynes, The Tastemakers (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1949), 5-9.

54
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 91, 93, 300-301, 333-352.

55
Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 238, 265, 271-273. In contrast to the more
serious Stockbridge, the authors cited nearby Lenox to the north as the town where “money
with fashion in its wake” settled - with comparatively more ostentatious residential
architecture. Homes included “Swiss Chalets, Tudor and Elizabethan castles, and even an
imitation of the Petit Trianon [at Versailles].”

214

56
James Tucker Cutler, “The Literary Associations of Berkshire” in The New England
Magazine: an Illustrated Monthly 15, no. 1 (Boston: America Company Publishers,
September 1893), 18. Cornell University Making of America Collection,
http://tinyurl.com/4yexxjs (accessed May 12, 2010).

57
Warner, Picturesque Berkshire: Part II, 11-12.

58
Edward E. Chielens, ed., American Literary Magazines: the Eighteenth and
Nineteenth Centuries (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), ix, 3-7, and 127-132. In his
analysis of Transcendentalist literature, Chielens cited the indivisible relationship that
existed between such eccentric thought and The Dial; one literally did not survive without
the other. At its peak, the publication had a subscription list of three hundred, revealing the
movement’s exclusivity during its short duration. Chielens’ extensive research into the
publishing careers of Fuller, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and pioneering educator Elizabeth
Palmer Peabody, among other contemporaries, is appended by two valuable bibliographies
on the subject on pages 6-7 and 130-132; and Shi, The Simple Life, 125-153.

59
Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 224. Stockbridge’s “face,” epitomizing
stately beauty and an inherent order, would later be immortalized by resident artist
Norman Rockwell as the penultimate example of the American town.
60
Upton, Architecture, 116-118; Lynes, Tastemakers, 21-36, 53; and Andrew Jackson
Downing, ed., The Horticulturalist and Journal of Rural Art and Rural Taste: Devoted to
Horticulture, Landscape Gardening, Rural Architecture, Botany, Pomology, Entomology, Rural
Economy, etc. 1 (Albany, NY: Luther Tucker, July 1846-June 1847). Other works included A
Treatise on the Theory and Practice of Landscape Gardening Adapted to North America with a
View to the Improvement of Country Residences (New York: Wiley and Putnam, 1841);
Andrew Jackson Downing and Alexander Jackson Davis, Cottage Residences, or A Series of
Designs for Rural Cottages and Cottage-Villas and their Gardens and Grounds, Adapted to
North America (New York: Wiley and Putnam, 1842); Andrew Jackson Downing and George
William Curtis, eds., Rural Essays (New York: Leavitt and Allen/G. P. Putnam and Company,
1853); and The Architecture of Country Houses: Including Designs on Interiors, Furniture, and
the Best Modes of Warming and Ventilating (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1850).
Between 1847 and 1850, Downing published four key articles on the success of
improvement in Massachusetts (listed in Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 334-337).

61
Lynes, Tastemakers, 28-31.

62
The picturesque movement originated in the 18
th
century. Humphrey Repton and
Richard Payne Knight wrote about “characteristic-ness” of a building when considered with
its purpose. A concurrent and newly espoused concern expressed by Uvedale Price urged
planning with full consideration of the views and vistas from within. “Modes” were simply
mediums for expressing the picturesque. These ideas provided inspiration to
horticulturalist John Claudius Loudon.

215

63
Henry Russell Hitchcock, “The Picturesque and the Gothic Revival,” in
Architecture: Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Pelican History of Art, 4
th
ed. (Boston: Yale
University Press, 1977), 143, 148-149, 600. In relating the transmission of the picturesque
from England to America, Hitchcock cited A.W.N. Pugin’s influential Contrasts, or a Parallel
between the Architecture of the 15
th
and 19
th
Centuries, published in 1836, as a model of
applied authenticity in the resurrection of the Gothic form. Hitchcock also cited the
subsequent formation of the Cambridge Camden Society (est. 1839), and publication of The
Ecclesiologist journal (1841-1869) as having “... notable influence on architectural
development in the English-speaking countries in the forties and fifties and even later.”

64
Lewis Herbert Chrisman, John Ruskin: Preacher and Other Essays (New York: The
Abingdon Press, 1921), 7-12. Ruskin authored The Seven Lamps of Architecture in 1849 and
The Stones of Venice in 1851.

65
Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, trans. Joseph Rykwert,
Neil Leach, and Robert Tavernor (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988), 38-43, 60. Alberti
referenced the august wisdom of those ancients who had “made the most diligent
observations on the matter,” contending that “knowledge is better gained through long
experience than through any artifice of invention.” While Downing’s sometimes florid
designs were the epitome of architectural “artifice,” his moral imperative and evocation of
God echoed Alberti, who pledged “…to undertake our work in a holy and religious manner”
and “to make a … devout offering.” Each expounded on the role of assiduously composed
architecture as the visual expression of man’s civic principles and humanity.

66
Hitchcock, Architecture, 161, 167-168; and Lynes, Tastemakers, 23, 32. Just as
Downing’s primary interest shifted from horticulture to rural, domestic architecture in the
later 1830’s, Pugin’s influence led to ”a new and more serious phase of the Gothic Revival”
in church building throughout England and France, sparked by a revival of Catholicism. This
phenomenon was described in detail in the following works: James F. White, the Cambridge
Movement: the Ecclesiologists and the Gothic Revival (Cambridge, UK: Syndics of the
Cambridge University Press, 1962); and Christopher Webster and John Elliot, eds., ‘A Church
as it Should Be:’ the Cambridge Camden Society and its Influence (Lincolnshire, UK: Shaun
Tyas, 2000). However, Hitchcock observed, the “Late Romantic disintegration … of cultural
unity” in England was exacerbated by the increasingly universalizing effects of the
Industrial Revolution on architecture.

67
Lynes, Tastemakers, 24-26.

68
Ibid., 27-32.

69
Downing and Curtis, Rural Essays, 230-23, 554.

216

70
Andrew Jackson Downing and Frank A. Waugh, eds., “Our Country Villages” and
“On the Improvement of Country Villages,” in Landscape Gardening, 10
th
ed. (New York: John
Wiley and Sons, 1921), 323-332 and 333-339, respectively. Downing called for “preaching”
as though delivering a “sermon;” adding, “… that seems the only way of making proselytes
now, whose duty it should be to convert people living in the country towns to the true faith,
that it is immoral and uncivilized to live in mean and uncouth villages…” Downing’s
metaphor for the minister/educator/arbiter was of an “apostle of taste,” (elsewhere
ascribed to the writer and social commentator Oscar Wilde). By contrast, Bernhard
Hoffmann’s civic work conducted between 1919 and 1926 typified the early 20
th
century
version of such persuasion, using his expansive social network of professionals, rather than
published writings, to affect a unified taste.

71
Downing and Waugh, Landscape Gardening, 326.

72
Lynes, Tastemakers, 24-25; and Upton, Architecture, 114. Upton noted the
necessary artifice at the heart of the picturesque: “Americans are often urged to benefit
from the immanence of divinity in nature unspoiled by humanity, but they find these
qualities in picturesque landscapes shaped by human agency.”

73
William Cowper, in Downing and Waugh, Landscape Gardening, 323-324; William
Cowper, “The Time Piece” and “The Winter Evening,” in The Task: a Poem in Six Books
(Philadelphia: Bennett and Walton, 1806), 34-35 and 101-102. Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/3qwf4oq (accessed February 2, 2010); and Edward Townsend Booth,
ed., God Made the Country (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1946), 151-154. Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/3erdvuc (accessed March 1, 2010). Downing used this excerpt from
Cowper’s 1785 poem, The Task, as a comparative pejorative in the context of untended New
England villages in order to promote improvement. However, the phrase as actually used
within the poem is instead a refutation of the value of such progress, as “… health and
virtue” are “… least threatened in the fields and groves.” In his analysis, Booth argued that
Cowper (1731-1800), a hermit and more than a bit of a purist, was much less sanguine
about the practice of aspirational rural construction than Downing. Booth wrote:
“Unhappily, this small world of snobs … drags its chains of vulgarity, malice and emulation
into the countryside in Cowper’s as in all times,” and “The country (housed) envious minds
that might just as well have stayed in town.” As Cowper sardonically wrote in Book III, the
Garden, “Improvement too, the idol of the age, is fed with many a victim. Lo, he comes!
Down falls the venerable pile, th’ abode of our forefathers – a grave whisker’d race, but
tasteless.”

217

74
Downing, The Horticulturalist, 538; and Becky M. Nicolaides and Andrew Wiese,
eds., “The Emergence of Suburbia, 1750-1940” in The Suburb Reader (New York: Routledge,
2006), 14. Downing’s work resembled, and overlapped chronologically, that of his
philosophical predecessor, the Scottish horticulturalist John Claudius Loudon. Loudon’s
Encyclopedia of Plants had debuted in 1822, and by the time of his death in 1843, Loudon
had built an unprecedentedly distinguished and influential career in landscape design and
writing. Loudon’s influence lived on through Downing as trees became the focus of small-
scale improvement in Massachusetts villages such as Northampton, Sheffield and
Stockbridge. Downing differentiated himself by interpreting English country living through
“the American ideology of republicanism,” conflating design with good citizenship and
freedom of expression. The authors argued that, despite its reliance on European models,
this gave Downing’s work a nationalistic aura that related to a new perception of
individualism, an aspect missing from Loudon’s work. Note: Quote written as published.

75
Renée Elizabeth Tribert, “Gervase Wheeler: Mid-Nineteenth Century British
Architect in America” (master’s thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1988), 1, 123.

76
Gervase Wheeler, Rural Homes; or Sketches of Houses Suited to American Country
Life with Original Plans, Designs, etc. (Auburn, NY: Alden, Beardsley and Company, 1853).
Typologies in Wheeler’s first treatise included: the Homestead, the Suburban Villa, the
Parsonage House, Southern Homes and Cottages. Instructions for designing a home on
paper and sizing its elements were also outlined. Wheeler defended the standards of
“convenient arrangement,” “facility of construction or repair,” “perfect protection from heat
and cold,” “adequate means of heating and ventilating,” and “congruity with the scenery
around.”

77
Gervase Wheeler, Homes for the People in Suburb and Country: the Villa, The
Mansion, and the Cottage; Adapted to American Climate and Wants, with Examples Showing
How To Alter and Remodel Old Buildings, in a Series of One Hundred Original Designs (New
York: Charles Scribner, 1855), iv-v, vii-x. In his second treatise, Wheeler added two new
overarching categories: the Mansion and the House on a Farm. As he had done with Rural
Homes, each broader category contained sub-types, and singular floor plans, such as the
“Large Villa,” were shown with differing façades.

78
Sebastiano Serlio, Seven Books on Architecture (I Sette Libri dell' Architettura). In a
series of treatises beginning in the mid-16
th
century, the Italian Renaissance architect Serlio
analyzed methods of construction, canonized the Classical orders of architecture, and
created specific typologies for various socio-economic classes.

79
Wheeler, Homes for the People, vii.

80
Trilbert, “Gervase Wheeler,” 115, 134, 157, 170. Tribert cited the Stockbridge
Library and the Berkshire Athenaeum in Pittsfield as containing documentation on other
Wheeler designs realized in the Berkshires.

218

81
Trilbert, “Gervase Wheeler,” 103, 115-116; and Wheeler, Homes for the People,
145-155, 171, 178-180. The Suburban Villa is alternately referred to as the “Country
Mansion in the Venetian Italian Style” or the “Italian Villa.”

82
Lynes, Tastemakers, 98.

83
James Raymond Simmons, The Historic Trees of Massachusetts (Boston: Marshall
Jones Company, 1919), 94. The Sheffield Elm, the original inspiration for the mass planting,
was cut down in 1926.

84
Campanella, Republic of Shade, 83-86; and Frank Arthur Scott, Sheffield in the
Berkshires (Sheffield, MA: W. D. French, 1904), 32. Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/4x4jpht (accessed March 17, 2010). Scott included an image of “The
Arcade” on Main Street (See Figure 3).

85
Campanella, Republic of Shade, 84-85; Gilbert H. Muller, William Cullen Bryant:
Author of America (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2008), 84-86; John
Hamilton Gourlie, the Origin and History of “The Century” (New York: William C. Bryant and
Company, 1856), 23. Google Books, http://tinyurl.com/5u9l8l4 (accessed March 2, 2010);
and William Cullen Bryant II and Thomas G. Voss, eds., The Letters of William Cullen Bryant,
1849-1857, 3 (New York: Fordham University Press, 1981), 123. The Sketch Club of New
York was founded by poet William Cullen Bryant in 1829, bringing together a variety of elite
writers, artists, philanthropists and journalists in a series of insular salons. According to
Bryant biographer Muller, its purported raison d’être was “the promotion of a metropolitan
culture,” but in fact “… there was nothing unduly serious or lofty about the meetings,” which
featured drawing, parlor games, intellectual conversation and comic banter. The club
continued unabated for almost two decades through changing locations and membership,
and was renamed “The Century” in the mid-1840s.

86
Campanella, Republic of Shade, 84-85. Campanella referenced Durand’s iconic
1849 landscape painting of the same name. Bryant’s expansive personality, intellect, and
social agility, as well as the animating spirit of the friendship between he and Cole, were
alluded to in the dramatic perspective, vibrant colors and expressive detail of Kindred
Spirits. The painting perfectly captured the carefully constructed, picturesque vision of
man’s immersive, reverential relationship with nature. See also Daniel Huntingdon, Asher B.
Durand: a Memorial Address (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons Publishers, 1887), 32-33.
Internet Archive, http://www.archive.org/stream/asherbdurand00huntrich# (accessed
March 2, 2010). According to Huntingdon, for several years after his own overseas tour of
1840-41, Durnad was heavily influenced by “European images still hovering in his brain.”
However, by mid-century the impressionable artist recaptured an American identity of
sheltering nature, returning to “…the wild freshness of our American forests, lakes and
mountains,” as expressed in Kindred Spirits.

219

87
Orville Dewey, An Address Delivered Under the Old Elm Tree in Sheffield: with Some
Remarks on the Great Political Question of the Day (New York: C.S. Francis and Company,
1856), 5; James Dunwoody Brownson DeBow, ed., “Dr. Dewey and his Elm Tree Oration: a
Review” in DeBow’s Review and Industrial Resources, Statistics, etc, Devoted to Commerce,
Agriculture, Manufacturers, Internal Improvements, Education, Political Economy, General
Literature, etc. 22 Third Series (Washington City, 1857), 149-166. Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/6xwab6h (accessed March 3, 2010).

88
Campanella, Republic of Shade, 85-86. This kind of passionate public oration
would soon be replicated in Stockbridge.

89
Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Recollections and Impressions, 1822-1890 (New
York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1891), 176-178. Google Books, http://tinyurl.com/43cfwhv
(accessed March 10, 2010). For a list of Dewey’s works, see Mary E. Dewey, “Orville Dewey,”
in Heralds of a Liberal Faith: the Preachers 3, ed. Samuel Atkins Eliot, (Boston: American
Unitarian Association, 1910), 89. Internet Archive, http://tinyurl.com/3mv3vz6 (accessed
April 9, 2010).

90
Campanella, Republic of Shade, 86.

91
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 5. Goodrich was Miss Hopkins’ married name;
she is alternately referred to in the literature as Miss Mary Hopkins or Mrs. J.C. Goodrich.
Herein I use the name Hopkins for consistency as her date of marriage does not appear in
the reviewed literature.

92
Margaret French Cresson, The Laurel Hill Association, 1853-1953 (Pittsfield, MA:
Eagle Printing and Binding, 1953), 9-14.

93
Ibid.

94
Campanella, Republic of Shade, 83-87; and Simpson, Selling the City, 66. Hopkins’
activities were representative of the social and economic role of women of the time.
Another half-century would pass before the phenomenon of organized women’s clubs
would reach maturity as a full-fledged juggernaut of a movement, expanding into the worlds
of business and finance and coinciding with efforts to achieve women’s suffrage. In the
meantime, improvement work, with its educational, social, and moral themes, was a natural
point of entry into the world outside of the home for a woman at mid-century. Civic
involvement provided women the opportunity to influence the economic value of their
family’s property, writing about those efforts in national publications. The role of women as
moral arbiters transformed over the next fifty years into what Simpson called “the public
arena of city development … the work of building and selling their cities” through property
investment and influential women’s clubs. See also Jessie M. Good, Home and Flowers
(Springfield, OH: The Floral Publishing Company, April 1901), 12.

220

95
William Thomas Stead, ed., “Woman as a Town Beautifier,” in Review of Reviews
24 (London: Horace Marshall and Son, July-December 1901), 499.

96
The minutes of this meeting are contained in the 1853 Laurel Hill Association
Account Book and Records of the Laurel Hill Association 1, Part 1, housed at the Stockbridge
Library, and are described in detail in Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 355-361.

97
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 392.

98
Jones, Stockbridge, 254.

99
Mary Catherwood Robbins, “Village Improvement Societies” in The Atlantic
Monthly 79, no. 472 (February 1897), 217. Cornell University Making of America Collection,
http://tinyurl.com/3znygmv (accessed May 11, 2010).

100
“The Birthplace of the Village Improvement Association,” in The Village: a Journal
for Village Life 1, no. 1 (New York: The Village Life Publishing Company, December 1906), 7;
and Upton, Architecture, 113-114 and 116. Stockbridge’s roughly formed cemetery (located
at the corner of Church and Main) predated the redefinition of the cemetery as a bucolic
retreat by two decades.

101
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 27, 77; “Birthplace,” 3, 6-8; Agnes W. Canning,
“The Laurel Hill Association of Stockbridge, Mass.,” in Social Service: a Monthly Review of
Social and Industrial Betterment 7, no. 3 (March 1903), 49-50; and Agnes W. Canning,
“Village Improvement in Stockbridge,” Delineator 96 (April 1920), 90.

102
Canning, “The Laurel Hill Association,” 49-50.

103
Jessie M. Good, “Village Improvement and Civic Improvement” in Cyclopedia of
American Horticulture: Comprising Suggestions for Cultivation of Horticultural Plants,
Descriptions of the Species of Fruits, Vegetables, Flowers and Ornamental Plants Sold in the
United States and Canada; Together with Geographical and Biographical Sketches, in Four
Volumes, Vol. IV-R-Z, ed. Liberty Hyde Bailey, Wilhelm Miller, et al. 6
th
ed. (New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1902) 1931 (1931-1933).

104
“Village Improvement,” reprinted in the Pennsylvania School Journal 24, no. 5
(Philadelphia: Philadelphia Department of Public Instruction, October 1895), 156. Laurel
Hill Association Bylaws 1-18 are included. Membership for children younger than fourteen
cost twenty-five cents per year or the equivalent value in labor.

105
Good, Cyclopedia, 1931; and “What the Lowthorpe School is Doing,” The School
Journal: a Weekly Journal of Education 66 (New York: E.L. Kellogg and Company, June 27,
1903), 775.

106
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 7-12.

221

107
Andrew Jackson Downing, “On the Improvement of Graceless Villages,” in Rural
Essays (New York: Leavitt and Allen, 1860), 230-233.

108
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 155.

109
Parris Thaxter Farwell. Farmer’s Practical Library: Village Improvement, ed.
Ernest Ingersoll (New York: Sturgis and Walton Company, 1913), 26. Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/3u8fdb2 {accessed June 17, 2010}; Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 91;
and Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 245-246.

110
Farwell, Farmer’s, 29.

111
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 61.

112
Stead, “Woman as a Town Beautifier,” 499.

113
Jessie M. Good, Cyclopedia, 1931-1932. Good reported that by 1909, donations to
Laurel Hill (inclusive of land), totaled over $100,000. Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/3okrsj9 (accessed February 7, 2010).

114
“How a Village was Beautified,” New York Times, March 14, 1895, 8.

115
Clark W. Bryan, The Book of Berkshire: Describing and Illustrating its Hills and
Homes (Great Barrington, MA: Clark W. Bryan & Company, 1887), 69. Internet Archive,
http://tinyurl.com/3vhrsq2 (accessed March 21, 2010).

116
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 74-76. A wide range of public improvements
were made using the Stockbridge model, varying depending upon commercial, residential
and budgetary considerations. All were pursued in the service of civility, efficiency and
long-term economic benefit. Despite the incremental nature of most projects, the idea of
the consolidated “New England village” became a well-known convention through the
pursuit of improvement. The Village contained familiar elements: the green, the clock
tower, the fountain, etc. To establish specificity, its form was subject to limits: “… not a city
or even a large town, and not in the rural hinterland … from a few hundred to a few
thousand people including a broad cross-section of America’s developing middle class.” The
New England village was a microcosm of America; a “seemingly simple but complex place”
otherwise known as the middle landscape.

117
Richard Malin Ohmann, Selling Culture: Magazines, Markets and Class at the Turn
of the Century (London: Verso Books, 1996), 8-9. The phrase was used to describe the
creation of consumer culture through the interrelationship between sales, advertising,
consumption, and identity in American life.

222

118
Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines: Vol. I, 1850-1867 (Boston:
Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1930), 3-7. Mott estimated that approximately
2,500 periodicals other than newspapers were established between 1850 and 1865. These
establishments were unevenly distributed over those years due to the war and economic
‘panic’ of 1857.

119
Chielens, American Literary Magazines, xi.

120
A review of late 19
th
and early 20
th
century popular and governmental
publications containing some version of the Laurel Hill constitutional charter includes: The
Pennsylvania School Journal 24 (Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania Dept. of Public Instruction,
October 1895), 116-117, Franklin Benjamin Howe, The United States Forest Service Report
upon Forestry 1, (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1878), 218, and
Frederick Noble Evans, Town Improvement: a Review of the Principles by which Physical
Improvement in the Town or City May Be Accomplished (New York: D. Appleton and
Company, 1919), 235-243, among many others; the specific aims and activities of the Laurel
Hill Association, and the growth of the movement across America as it built upon European
precedents, are found in Cloues, “Combined with Nature, 79-80.

121
Jessie M. Good, “Interest throughout the Nation: Widespread Attention to Work
for Civic Beauty,” in Home and Flowers: an Illustrated Monthly Magazine Devoted to the
Home Beautiful (Springfield, OH: The Floral Publishing Company, April 1901), 12.

122
Chielens, American Literary Magazines, 328-329.

123
Ibid., xii. This phenomenon was also analyzed by Ohmann, vii, 2-7, 19-21.

124
Benjamin Clarke Marsh and George B. Ford, “1905 New York: 5 Boroughs, 94
Suburbs,” in An Introduction to City Planning: Democracy’s Challenge to the American City;
with a Chapter on the Technical Phases of City Planning (New York: Benjamin Clarke Marsh,
1909), unpaginated frontispiece. Marsh included later New York City population numbers,
provided by the Federation of Churches and Christian Organizations. These were as follows:
1890 (3,326,998); 1900 (4,612,153); 1905 (5,404,638).

125
John Philip Jenkins, A History of the United States (London: MacMillan Press LTD,
1997), 25-26; and Richard F. Selcer, Civil War America, 1850-1975 (New York: Infobase
Publishing, 2006), 281-283.

126
James C. Massey and Shirley Maxwell, “Second Homes and Summer Homes,” in
Old House Journal 21, no. 4 (Gloucester, MA: Dovetail Publishers, July/August 1993), 29 (28-
34). Use of the term was confined to descriptions of Stockbridge; and Greg King, A Season of
Splendor: the Court of Mrs. Astor in Gilded Age New York (Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley and Sons,
2008), 271. In light of this moniker, King described the majority of Stockbridge citizens as
“… merchants and members of the nouveau riche, whose recent fortunes and lack of
ancestral pedigrees” precluded their being considered true peers of the Newport set.

223

127
Patrick Geddes, Cities in Evolution: an Introduction to the Town Planning
Movement and to the Study of Civics (London: Williams and Norgate, 1915), 46-108. Internet
Archive, http://tinyurl.com/3gjscyb (accessed May 7, 2011). A brilliant polymath, Geddes
was, arguably, the first to use the term “second Industrial Revolution,” a phenomenon
roughly spanning the later 19
th
century to the 1930s. A dynamic series of discoveries in
steel manufacturing, gas engine technology and the electric lamp; among many others, as
well as the introduction of widespread railroad construction and chemistry applications
after 1860 constituted an “industrial aggregation” building upon the “first” Industrial
Revolution. Geddes applied the quasi-anthropological term “Paleotechnic” to the first wave
of iron, steam, and production innovations, and “Neotechnic” to the second. With his focus
on industry’s impact on urban form, primarily in a European context, Geddes alluded to the
development of the company town; James P. Hull, “From Rostow to Chandler to You: How
Revolutionary Was the Second Industrial Revolution?” Journal of European Economic
History 25, no. 1 (Spring 1996), 191-208 and "The Second Industrial Revolution: The
History of a Concept," Storia della Storiografia History of Historiography 36 (Milan, Italy: Jaca
Books, 1999), 81-83 (81-90). Hull attributed the first use of the phrase to Geddes, and
traced varying applications of the term to historians such as Lewis Mumford, Joseph
Schumpeter and others, continuing well into the 20
th
century; and Vaclav Smil, Creating the
Twentieth Century: Technical Innovations of 1867-1914 and their Lasting Impact (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2005), 18-25. Citing several sources placing the momentous period
between 1860 and 1920, Smil dated the ‘second industrial revolution’ period (“The Age of
Synergy”) to a slightly different time span.

128
Smil, Twentieth Century, 5-6.

129
Ibid., 25.

130
Warner, Picturesque Berkshire – Part I, 61.

131
Massey and Maxwell, Old House Journal, 29 (28-34); and King, A Season of
Splendor, 271.

132
Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 239-240; Cleveland Amory, The Last
Resorts (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1952); Carole Owens, Pittsfield: Gem City in the
Gilded Age (Charleston, SC: The History Press, 2008); and Carole Owens, The Berkshire
Cottages: a Vanishing Era (Stockbridge, MA: The Cottage Press, 1984), (Highwood, 15),
(Linwood, 103, 214).

133
“Berkshires Only Four Hours Away” and “Where to Find Summer Pleasure,” New
York Daily Tribune (June 7, 1908). Such articles included items as gentlemen’s farms for
sale, photos of pristine lakes and elms, and an assortment of massive new homes captioned
with their owner’s names and professional titles.

224

134
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 143-144. Without a history of established
traditions, Americans of the late 18
th
and early 19
th
centuries were susceptible to examples
of European landscaping to the extent that it had evolved into a mature art form in England,
Germany and France. Images of romance, power and order, as expressed through verdancy,
were powerful exports whether the theory and practice were fully understood by the
reader or not. Inundated with ideas and visions, Americans looked to interpreters of style
such as Andrew Jackson Downing, who equated the condition of the rural New England
landscape with the region’s capacity for decency and citizenship; Linda E. Smeins, Building
an American Identity: Pattern Book Homes and Communities, 1870-1900 (Walnut Creek, CA:
Alta Mira Press, 1999), 13-18 and 26-41. Newly-developed late-19
th
century suburbs served
as the first major foci in the ongoing search for an architectural identity, as a representative
architecture was intended to be reflective of the nation as a whole. This pursuit occurred
along with factors such as the professionalization of a range of academic disciplines in
addition to architecture, the juxtaposition of America’s youth with its size and political
import, and the gradual realization of agreed-upon “middle class values” as expressed
through the design of the American home.

135
B. O. Northrop, “Rural Improvement,” Educational Courant: a Monthly Dedicated
to Educational, Social, and Literary Topics of the Day 1, no. 1 (Louisville, KY: Kentucky State
Board of Education and the Kentucky State Teacher’s Association, June 1884), 182. Google
Books, http://tinyurl.com/3zjvwwr (accessed February 12, 2010). Northrop claimed New
Haven as home to the country’s first improvement group, the Village Green Association,
founded by James Hillhouse in 1799. Its primary concern was elm planting; hence the
town’s nickname, “Elm City;” Jessie M. Good, “Village Improvement and Civic Improvement,”
in Cyclopedia of American Horticulture in Four Volumes 4, eds. Liberty Hyde Bailey and
Wilhelm Miller (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1909), 1932. Internet Archive,
http://tinyurl.com/3okrsj9 (accessed February 7, 2010). The reputation of Stockbridge’s
Laurel Hill as the very first such society in the United States was further challenged by
Newton Center, MA, which claimed to have been formed in 1852. The issuer of this
challenge, Jessie M. Good, was the organizer of the League of Improvement Associations
from 1901-1904; and Campanella, Republic of Shade, 83-87. Campanella traced the first New
England village improvement society to 1852 in Sheffield, MA; I have focused on this entity
due to its contemporaneous and direct emulation by Mary Hopkins in Stockbridge.

136
Reprinted in “Notes on Village Improvement I,” The Pennsylvania School Journal
24, no. 4 (Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania Department of Public Instruction, November
1875), 155. Google Books, http://tinyurl.com/3r6k5y4 (accessed February 13, 2010).

137
Mott, American Magazines, 3.

138
Ohmann, Selling Culture, 7-8, 19-21, 27-29, 65-78. Ohmann called advertising
“…the lived experience – pictorially represented.”

225

139
“Delivering the Mail and More” Washington, D.C.: The United States Postal
Service (May 2007): 1-3 http://www.usps.com/postalhistory/_pdf/RuralFreeDelivery.pdf
(accessed June 4, 2010).

140
Mary Warner Blanchard, Oscar Wilde’s America: Counterculture in the Gilded Age
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), xii, 178. The flippant Wilde rather
impudently scolded his host country for their “… bronze generals on horseback,” suggesting,
“Suppose you try the motives that peace will give you now.”

141
Chrisman, John Ruskin, 7-12.

142
Blanchard, Oscar Wilde, 137.

143
Mary Elizabeth Wilson Sherwood, “Certain New York Houses,” in Harper’s New
Monthly Magazine 65, no. 389 (October 1882), 680-681.

144
Glassberg, Sense of History, 134-135.

145
Georgiana Bowen Withington, “Forming a Village Improvement Society,” The
House Beautiful 36, no. 3 (August 1914), 68.

146
Geddes, “Ways to the Neotechnic City,” in Cities in Evolution, 99.

147
Vincent J. Scully, “Design and Theory” in the Shingle Style and the Stick Style:
Architectural Theory and Design from Downing to the Origins of Wright (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1955), 66-67. It is in his discussion of “the new commercial architecture of
Chicago” that Scully implies that “strength” can be derived only from the former.

148
A figure that would embody the integration of the experiential and the
intellectual, Charles Fletcher Lummis, was born in nearby Lynn, Massachusetts, north of
Boston, in March of 1859.

226

Chapter 4: The Hoffmann Family of Stockbridge
149
“Dr. Ferdinand C. Hoffmann,” Publisher’s Weekly: the American Book-Trade
Journal 70 (New York: The Office of the Publisher’s Weekly, July-December 1906), 324
(Whole no. 1802, August 11, 1906) Google Books, http://tinyurl.com/3ejjyu6 (accessed July
6, 2010).

150
Klaus J. Bade, “From Emigration to Immigration: The German Experience in the
Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” in Central European History 28, no. 4 (London:
Cambridge University Press on Behalf of the Conference Group for Central European
History of the American Historical Association, 1995), 510-513. JSTOR Stable URL:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4546551 (accessed December 4, 2010); and Albert Bernhardt
Faust, The German Element in the United States: with Special Reference to its Political, Moral,
Social, and Educational Influence II (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1909) Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/436opbp (accessed January 3, 2010).

151
Georg Von Skal, ed., “The Forty-Eighters,” in History of German Immigration in the
United States and Successful German-Americans and their Descendants (New York: F.T. and
J.C. Smiley, 1908), 28-34. Google Books, http://tinyurl.com/3dnambg (accessed January 10,
2010). Other, often-referenced accounts of the phenomenon include Carl F. Wittke, Refugees
of Revolution: the German Forty-Eighters in America (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1900); and Adolf Eduard Zucker, ed., The Forty-Eighters: Political
Refugees of the German Revolution of 1858 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950).
Unlike other immigrant groups throughout history, a disproportionate number of the
“forty-eighters” were highly educated. Many, like Hoffmann, were intellectuals from various
elite occupations including academia, journalism, music, and medicine.

152
Owens, “House in the Hollow,” 11. Hoffmann’s sponsorship was part of a wider
concern. In her account of historic Stockbridge, Owens quoted from Hoffmann’s own
journal: “The ladies of Stockbridge sympathized with the Hungarians and their attempts to
free themselves from the Austrian yoke.” Electa Fidelia Jones related details of Hungarian
leader Lajos Kossuth’s visit to Stockbridge and related issues in Stockbridge, Past and
Present; or, Records of an Old Mission Station (Springfield, MA: Samuel Bowles and Company,
1854), 224-227 and 274-275. Internet Archive,
http://www.archive.org/details/stockbridgepastp02jone (accessed June 15, 2010).

153
Ruth Vernette McKee, Hoffmans in America in the 18
th
and 19
th
Centuries: a
Sourcebook about People Bearing the Name of Hoffman, Huffman, Hofmann, etc., with
Emphasis on Those who Resided in Virginia, West Virginia, Indiana and Ohio 1-2 (University
of Wisconsin, Madison: Surname Sources, 1989). Hoffmann’s former classmate Carl Schurz’s
wife, Margarethe, with her sister Berthe von Ringe, adapted the German conceptual
framework of progressive educator Friedrich Froebel, bringing the kindergarten concept to
America in 1853.

227

155
Maria L. Carr, ed., “Ferdinand Hoffmann and Edwards Place,” in Now and Then 11
(Stockbridge, MA: Stockbridge Library, Museum and Archives, November 2010), 2.
http://www.stockbridgelibrary.org/wp-content/uploads/.../Issue-11-word97PDF3.pdf
(accessed July 12, 2011). Carr cited various historical names for the school, including The
Berkshire Family School and Edwards Hall; however, it is most commonly referred to in the
literature as Edwards Place.

156
Owens, “House in the Hollow,” 12. The address was 25 Main Street, near the
corner of Sergeant Street.

157
Ibid.

158
Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 233.

159
Owens, “House in the Hollow,” 38.

160
Warner, Picturesque Berkshire: Part II, 24; Carole Owens, Berkshire Cottages, 13;
Owens, House in the Hollow, 2; and “Mission Becomes Choate Memorial: Daughter of
Diplomat Furnishes Old Stockbridge (Mass.) House with Early American Pieces; Indians
Helped Build It,” New York Times, February 9, 1930, 17. Edwards’ table would become a
treasured Hoffmann family heirloom, remaining in the family until 1930, when Bernhard
donated it to the Stockbridge Old Indian Mission House museum in honor of his parents,
Ferdinand and Caroline Hoffmann.

161
Owens, Berkshire Cottages, 10. Owens called these denizens “… the American
aristocrats, the power elite, and the robber barons … the arbiters of taste, the purchasers of
civilization, (and) the power brokers.”
162
The intellectual Hoffmann was also a small-scale farmer; both his home and
garden were prominently located on the north side of Main Street, slightly to the west of the
town center. By the 1890’s, Main Street would be among the village streets that were
“evenly graded and smoothly graveled, (with) grassy medians and neat, wide sidewalks
bordering [it] on either side.” Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 72; and “Bernhard
Hoffmann: Restored Quake City,” New York Times (July 8, 1949), 19. ProQuest Stable URL
http://tinyurl.com/3by6dzz (accessed June 12, 2010).
163
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 365-370.

164
N. H. Eggleston, “A New England Village,” in Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 43
(June-November, 1871), 829 (815-829).

228

165
“Records of the Stockbridge and Pittsfield Railroad Company” (Boston:
Massachusetts Board of Railroad Commissioners, 1885, 1893, 1902, 1904, and 1905). In
operational reports from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Ferdinand Hoffmann is
listed as one of several managing directors of the Stockbridge and Pittsfield Railroad
Company, which was operated under lease from the Housatonic Railroad Company of
Connecticut beginning in 1836. For the year ending September 30, 1875, the S&P division
controlled 25.25 miles of track, with the railroad generating a respectable 5.8% return on
investment; “Annual Report of the Stockbridge and Pittsfield Railroad Company,” in Annual
Reports of Various Public Officers and Institutions for the Year 1875 IV, nos. 18-29; Public
Document 29: Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Railroad Commissioners; The
Commonwealth of Massachusetts (Boston: Wright and Potter, January 1876), 167, 311-313.

166
Canning, “The Laurel Hill Association,” 50; and Carr, “Ferdinand Hoffmann and
Edwards Place,” 2.

167
Robbins, “Village Improvement Societies,” 217. A ‘Miss Catherwood’ indicated
that the Laurel Hill Society paid one-half of the expense in creating the park adjacent to the
railroad station. Presumably the remainder came from larger donations, such as the
$10,000 contributed by Stockbridge resident David Dudley Field to construct the Mission
Tower with Children’s Chimes.

168
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 47. One of three iron spans was constructed
between 1871 and 1882.

169
Chamberlin, National Trust, 8.

170
Aline Saarinen, “The Splendid World of Stanford White,” in Life 61, no. 12
(September 16, 1966), 87-92; and Aline Saarinen, “He Saw Architecture as the Permanent
Stage Set of an Age,” in Life 61, no. 12 (September 16, 1966), 103-104, 106, 108.

171
Vincent J. Scully, The Shingle Style Today or The Historian’s Revenge (New York:
George Braziller, 1974), 66; Vincent J. Scully. “McKim, Mead and White: Originality, Order,
and Academic Reaction 1880-1887” in the Shingle Style and the Stick Style: Architectural
Theory and Design from Downing to the Origins of Wright (New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 1955), 146; and George William Sheldon, Artistic Country-Seats: Types of Recent
American Villa and Cottage Architecture, with Instances of Country Clubhouses (New York: D.
Appleton, 1886), 116, in Richard Guy Wilson, ed., Victorian Resorts and Hotels: Essays from a
Victorian Society Autumn Symposium (Philadelphia: The Victorian Society in America, 1982),
111, 116. Stanford White joined the firm in 1879, having completed a fifteen-month
European tour. See also: Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 253. In Stockbridge, as
elsewhere, “culture meant Europe,” by the 1870s.

229

172
The term derived from the smaller villa, or pavilion, set on the grounds of a
larger Italian villa or palazzo. David Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1979), 281-285, 302; and Peter J. Murray, The
Architecture of the Italian Renaissance (London: Batsford Publishing, 1963), 240. Early
examples of these pleasure houses include the 16
th
century Roman Villa Giulia by Giacomo
Barozzi il Vignola
172
and the Villa Farnase by Giacomo del Duca and Giorlamo Rinaldi.

173
Wilson, Victorian Resorts, 111.

174
Ibid., 111-116. Wilson indicated that the Stockbridge Casino was designed and
constructed contemporaneously with the Boston Public Library. “Drawings of the Casino
are archived at the New York Historical Society’s Map and Print Room in the McKim, Mead
and White Collection. The drawings are dated April and May 1887, and one is signed,
McKim, Mead & White-Boston Office, 53 Beacon Street. This is the office McKim set up for
the Boston Public Library project.”

175
The firm’s Newport, Rhode Island Casino of 1880 was one of the first of its kind
in the United States. The Casino became part of an impressive commercial street following
the completion of Richard Morris Hunt’s 1871 Travers Block section immediately to the
north. Saarinen, “Permanent Stage Set,” 103; Wilson, Victorian Resorts, 111; Scully, The
Shingle Style Today; and Richard Longstreth, On the Edge of the World: Four Architects in San
Francisco at the Turn of the Century (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1983), 360.
Longstreth cited the opinion of Richard Guy Wilson that the Centennial year of 1876 was
the beginning of academic eclecticism’s dissemination, but disagrees with Wilson’s
conclusion, noting that Victorian tropes remained the norm until at least 1880.

176
The Newport Casino was one of at least four area projects expressing McKim,
Mead, and White’s bold reconciliation of their Colonial-era architectural study tour of 1877
with a view toward modernity in American architecture. The achievement was attributed
by Longstreth to the marriage of Stanford White’s absorption of the “post-medieval
vernacular architecture” of western France and Charles McKim’s expertise in Beaux Arts,
ordered formality. The firm’s recreational spaces also included the Casino at Narragansett
Pier of 1881-1884, the Short Hills Casino of 1882, and, later, White’s 1902-1905 design of
John Jacob Astor IV’s cavernous residential sports complex, Ferncliff on the Hudson in
Rhinebeck, New York. What Scully called the “double movement” of McKim, Mead and
White’s work together during this period – “on the one hand disciplined order, on the other
hand toward representational eclecticism” – was initially most evident in their construction
of the casinos, perfectly suited to both their environments and their requirements while at
the same time creating new benchmarks of privacy and artistic discernment.

177
Longstreth, Edge of the World, 23.

178
Wilson, Victorian Resorts, 114-115.

230

179
Wilson, Victorian Resorts, 114-115; and Florence N. Levy, ed., American Art
Directory 11 (New York: American Federation of the Arts, 1914), 158. Wilson dated the
opening of the Stockbridge Casino to 1886 (other sources indicate that it was not begun
until 1887). Beginning in 1909, the Casino hosted public art exhibitions during the third
week of September, coinciding with the Laurel Hill Association meetings. The exhibits
featured the work of local Berkshires artists. By 1914, attendance was averaging 1,500
people every two weeks, with sales of around $5,000. Bernhard Hoffmann served as Vice
President of the Casino Board, under the Presidency of artist Frederick Crowninshield, then
Director of Daniel Burnham’s American Academy in Rome. Despite Wilson’s description of
its architecture as having “… a greater historical presence and more of an elite image,” the
Casino’s informality in attitude was evidenced by the following excerpt from “Theatrical
Gossip: The Fete Mi-Careme,” New York Times, March 24, 1892, 8: “Saturday afternoons at
the Casino are given up to children … the foyers are used to romp in, and the buffet floor will
soon be fitted up with toys and other devices to amuse the children between the acts.” In
1927, the by-then-dilapidated Casino was purchased for rehabilitation and reuse and
moved into the heart of Stockbridge, to East Main Street and Yale Hill Road. The rebuilt
structure, now an architectural and artistic centerpiece to the community, has retained
many of its original features (most notably the distinctive triple arch and roof cupola) as it
was renamed the Berkshire Playhouse, reopening in June of 1928. The Stockbridge Casino
was listed on the National Register of Historic Places on August 27, 1976.

180
Longstreth, Edge of the World, 17-39. This shift, spearheaded by the work of
McKim, Mead, and White throughout the 1880s and 90s, is described by Longstreth in its
context; Richard Oliver, Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue (New York: The Architectural History
Foundation and Boston, MA: The MIT Press, 1983), 51-53, 251. Oliver included valuable
bibliographies reflecting Longstreth’s and others’ views on the subjects of academic
eclecticism and, more specifically, the work of Charles Follen McKim, William Rutherford
Mead, and Stanford White.

181
Wilson, Victorian Resorts, 116.

182
Anne Ashburner quote in Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 226.

183
Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 239-240.

184
Susan K. Harris, introduction to Catharine Maria Sedgwick, A New-England Tale
(London: Penguin Books, 2003), x-xiv; and Lynes, Tastemakers, 147-162. Contemporaneous
with the design and construction of the Stockbridge Casino, McKim, Mead, and White
expanded their vision in the Agricultural Building at the Chicago Columbian Exposition and
the European-inspired Boston Public Library (1887-1895).

231

Chapter 5: A Village Improved

185
“Boat Parade at Stockbridge: Many Spectators Watch the Fleet on the
Housatonic.” New York Times (August 20, 1893), 13; and Ellen Eddy Shaw, “What the
Neighbors Did at Stockbridge and Oldham,” in Country Life in America 25 (April 1914), 63,
90.

186
To the extent that the United States was successful in ousting longstanding
colonial Spanish outposts in Cuba and Puerto Rico during the war, it is perhaps ironic that
Hoffmann would eventually lead an effort to revive the spirit of such cultural architecture at
the site of Santa Barbara’s “Called de Estado” and his own Spanish adobes, twenty-six years
later and thousands of miles removed.

187
Canning, “The Laurel Hill Association,” 49-50. Other articles appearing in the
March 1903 issue of Social Service are noted in Citation #210, below.

188
Ibid.

189
Francis G. Ford, “What Village Improvement Societies are Doing,” Social Service: A
Monthly Review of Social and Industrial Betterment 7, no. 3 (February 1903), 47 (46-49). See
also Josiah Strong, ed. “Village Improvement and the Social Conscience,” 45-46.

190
“Bernhard Hoffmann,” in History of Santa Barbara County, 104-105 (unattributed
pamphlet, Santa Barbara Historical Museum: Gledhill Library Archives); and John Rae and
Rudi Volti, The Engineer in History (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2001), 123-126, 138.
Hoffmann’s engineering activities as an innovative inventor and contributor to the boards of
railroad, hydraulic, and telephone utilities reflected the variety of roles American engineers
often played in the early years of the profession’s systemization and regulation.

191
Kurt G. F. Helfrich, “Site Work 4: Plaza de la Guerra Reconsidered; the History of a
Public Space,” in Plaza de la Guerra Exhibition and Symposium (Santa Barbara, CA: Santa
Barbara Trust for Historic Preservation, 2002), 12 (11-30). Helfrich’s essay is the only
source I have been able to locate which directly connects aspects of Hoffmann’s Stockbridge
experiences with his civic activism in Santa Barbara.

192
Walter Prichard Eaton, “Our Berkshires: Bernhard Hoffmann,” The Berkshire
Eagle (Wednesday, July 13, 1949).

193
Ibid.

232

194
George H. Nash, The Life of Herbert Hoover: Master of Emergencies, 1917-1918
(New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1996); and “The United States Food Administration
and the United States Fuel Administration: Messages from the President of the United States
for the Year 1917,” in United States House of Representatives, 65
th
Congress, 2
nd
Session,
Document no. 837 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1918), 8-15. The
temporary enactment on August 10, 1917 of a group of United States Food and Fuel
Administration agencies was intended to manage (through conservation, inspection, and
licensure) the transportation and distribution of the country’s resources during World War
I. The agencies depended upon appointees and other volunteers from across the country to
serve as inspectors and accountants. The New York Federal Food Board was just one of
many state and federal administration agencies created to target waste and inefficiency. The
NYFFB conducted extensive investigations into “fair margins of profit” among retail stores
in New York City. Results of the research studies were retained for future commercial
application, and reported to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Hoffmann served as an Assistant
Director to the NYFFB from 1917 to 1918, according to a notation on his World War I draft
registration at www.ancestry.com (accessed May 1, 2011). A personal and/or professional
relationship between Hoffmann and Hoover is implied through this appointment;
particularly when considered in combination with a 1928 photograph of both men at the
dedication of Hoffman’s El Paseo project in the heart of Santa Barbara during Hoover’s
successful presidential campaign, and then-President Hoover’s offer to Hoffmann of a
position in the Housing Administration. However, I have not been able to substantiate this
inference more extensively, and suggest that further research may uncover additional ties
between the two contemporaries. Certainly, Hoffmann’s approach to civic redevelopment in
Santa Barbara mirrored Hoover’s multifaceted attempts to institutionalize what Nash called
a “vigorous philosophy of voluntarism” by leveraging alliances between government and
business “for the duration of the war” and beyond.

195
Sedgwick and Marquand, Stockbridge, 273.

196
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 556-557.

197
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 362-364.

198
Ibid.

199
Josiah Gilbert Holland, “Village Improvement Societies,” in Scribner’s 12
(September 1876), 750-751.

200
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 80.

201
Raymond DeWitt Mallary, Lenox and the Berkshire Highlands (New York: G. P.
Putnam’s Sons, 1902), 282.

233

202
“The Twentieth Century City: A Record of Work Accomplished for Civic
Betterment: The American League for Civic Improvement.” In The Home Florist 4, no. 4.
Springfield, OH: October 1901, unpaginated; and Nationwide Civic Betterment: a Report of
the Third Annual Convention of the American League for Civic Improvement. Chicago: The
American League for Civic Improvement, 1903, 96-103.

203
Parris Thaxter Farwell and Ernest Ingersoll, eds., Farmer’s Practical Library:
Village Improvement (New York: Sturgis and Walton Company, 1913), 27.

204
Campanella, Republic of Shade, 1. Campanella reported that by 1937, more than
25 million elms existed across the United States.

205
Don B. Wilmeth, ed., “Summer Stock” in The Cambridge Guide to American
Theater, 2
nd
ed. (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 7, 629. The
phenomenon of summer stock theatricals, proliferating from the 1920s through the 1960s,
was an outgrowth of increasing rural resort living and the advent of annual paid vacations
for urbanites. As repertory groups were formed throughout the early years of the century,
Stockbridge was just one of many New England towns that became nationally known for its
summer theater during the annual entertainment season, spanning June through
September. The aging Stockbridge Casino was relocated and rebuilt as the Berkshire
Playhouse in 1928, maintaining much of its original appeal. Referencing the gradual growth
and reach of the performing arts into formerly isolated regions, Wilmeth argued that
“America’s first truly regional theater … had a major effect on the cultural, economic, and
sociological development of the U.S.”

206
Downing and Curtis, Rural Essays, 305; and Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 343-
344.

207
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 344-346; and Downing and Waugh, Landscape
Gardening, 323-324, 333-335.

208
Cloues, “Combined with Nature,” 65.

234

Chapter 6: Santa Barbara - The First Hundred Years, 1769-1869

209
Albert Camarillo, Chicanos in a Changing Society: from Mexican Pueblos to
American Barrios in Santa Barbara and Southern California, 1848-1930, (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1979), 3, 109-110, 134-135, 250-251. In using the term Anglo-
American, I have adopted Camarillo’s definition as seen in his Endnote 1. Similarly, my
usage of Californio comports with Camarillo’s: “ranchero or land-grantee group of Mexicans
in nineteenth-century California.” Regarding Chicano populations in Santa Barbara, Los
Angeles, San Diego and San Bernardino, Camarillo contended that their lower-skilled
occupational status at the time of California’s 1848 annexation thrust them too abruptly
into a capitalistic Anglo-American economy, an event which determined their educational
and economic trajectories for decades to come. Camarillo concluded that the socio-cultural
history of Chicanos in relation to Anglo-Americans in Santa Barbara, “… the socioeconomic
and political stronghold of Mexican southern California,” was to a large extent a focused
distillation of statewide trends.
210
Carol A. Bidwell, The Conejo Valley: Old and New Frontiers (Chatsworth, CA:
Windsor Publications, 1989), 16-18; and Camarillo, Chicanos, 6-8. Bidwell related a
suspected pandemic, originating in Mexico, which had already decimated at least fifty
percent of the native Chumash territorial population by the time the Portolá expedition
entered California, resulting in an estimated 72,000 extant from San Diego to San Francisco,
with 30,000 to 40,000 of that number disbursed between Los Angeles and San Luis Obispo.
Of this number, Camarillo cited a total of 8,000 Chumash within the coastal areas between
Los Angeles and the regional Santa Barbara/Goleta/Channel Islands region. When
colonization ended in 1821, the statewide Chumash population had dropped to 18,000. By
1878, when the study of their lost culture became an emerging topic of interest to
anthropologists, only a few hundred Chumash survived; a “few dozen” of these in the
environs of Santa Barbara.

211
Camarillo, Chicanos, 123-126. Camarillo’s study of 19
th
century cultural, economic
and occupational stratification between California’s Anglos/Anglo-Americans (those the
author defined as being “of European descent, excluding persons of Hispanic origin,” and
Mexicans/Chicanos, including people with familial roots in Latin America, Mexico or Spain)
interchangeably invokes the terms “barrioization” and “proletarianization” to depict “…the
creation of an un- or underemployed, displaced Chicano working class,” an outgrowth of the
combined phenomena of Anglo-owned service and manufacturing businesses, newly
developed infrastructure, and increasing demographic ascension. While acknowledging
both the validity of these subjective, socio-political terms in characterizing such changes, as
well as the reality of a self-sufficient Mexican pastoral economy predating the end of the
Californio era, here I instead use the term commercialization in keeping with the focus of the
paper - the role of infrastructure and architecture in regional development.

235

212
William Ellsworth Smythe, “The Historical Pre-Eminence of San Diego,” in History
of San Diego: an Account of the Rise and Progress of the Pioneer Settlement on the Pacific
Coast of the United States 1: Old Town (San Diego, CA: The History Company, 1908), 21-22;
Hubert Howe Bancroft, The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft 18; History of California 1, 1542-
1800 (San Francisco, CA: A.L. Bancroft and Company, 1884), 486-487; and George Wharton
James, In and Out of the Old Missions of California: an Historical and Pictorial Account of the
Franciscan Missions (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1905), 89-90, 97-100. In 1769,
Catalonian soldier Gaspar de Portolá commandeered a land expedition, initially landing at
San Diego and continuing northward to Monterey, on behalf of Spain’s King Carlos III. The
final location of the San Diego Presidio was established in 1775, and the third and final
iteration of the settlement’s Franciscan Mission was constructed in 1813. These institutions
provided the nascent beginnings of California’s civic society, a jumping-off point for the rest
of the state as trade, exploration and military activity extended to Santa Barbara, Monterey
and San Francisco through the mission/presidio system. A definitive shift in the condition
and direction of the mission system coincided with the severe earthquake of 1812, its
epicenter near Lompoc’s La Purisima Mission. In combination with weeks of aftershocks,
the quake destroyed several other original California missions in addition to La Purisima. In
just one example, its force shattered the church tower of Mission San Juan Capistrano 150
miles to the south. At this important juncture, isolated, inward-looking Santa Barbara
proceeded to build a permanent Mission, crucial to both the pueblo and Presidio as a central
church, working farm, and glorifying work of art. Other missions statewide, already on the
wane, were not rebuilt or repaired during this early part of the century.

213
Jesse D. Mason, History of Santa Barbara County, California: with Illustrations and
Biographical Sketches of its Prominent Men and Pioneers (Oakland, CA: Thompson and West,
1883), 108-109.

214
Irving Berdine Richman, California under Spain and Mexico, 1535-1847 (Boston,
MA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1911), 140; Walker A. Tompkins, Santa Barbara Yesterdays:
Unusual Stories and Dramatic Sidelights from the Exciting “American Era” of Santa Barbara’s
Historic Past (Santa Barbara, CA: McNally and Loftin Publishers, 1962), 5-6. Tompkins, Past
and Present, 11-15, 17; James, Old Missions, 72, 84-86, 89; and Hartfield, Dwight Murphy, 48.
Three years after the quake, construction on the present-day Santa Barbara Mission began;
overseen by La Purisima’s Father Antonio Ripoll. Its siting comported with the Laws of the
Indies guidelines for churches in coastal settlements. Although the structure didn’t face the
main plaza within the Presidio, it stood about a mile to the northwest, with the Santa Ynez
Mountains as a backdrop. The mission’s bright white walls and broad façade could easily be
seen from the harbor, and it was close enough to the fort to be deemed defensible. Spain’s
last gasp of mission dominance, Mission Santa Barbara was finally dedicated in September
1820, seven years after San Diego’s. Tompkins described the public celebration as “the
finest fiesta of Santa Barbara’s true old Spanish days.” Proselytization of the native Chumash
met with a baptismal success rate of around fifty percent, despite Junipero Serra’s bold
prediction that “(the Indians) would fall shortly into the apostolic and evangelic net.”

236

215
Camarillo, Chicanos, 8. Landscape architect Douglas Campbell has likened the
logical and interdependent relationship between Santa Barbara’s Mission, Presidio, and
Plaza de la Guerra to the harbor to that of a Roman castrum; John W. Reps cited “ …
castrametation theory and practice” as a probable influence on the town planning
provisions of the Laws of the Indies (alluding to earlier conclusions made by architectural
historian Turpin Chambers Bannister, first president of The American Society of
Architectural Historians), in The Making of Urban America: a History of City Planning in the
United States, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965), 31-32. In discussing the
Presidio, Mission, Pueblo and Casa de la Guerra, I have relied on Michael R. Hardwick, El
Presidio Real de Santa Bárbara (Sacramento, CA: California State Military Department and
California State Military Museum) http://www.militarymuseum.org/PresidioSB.html
(accessed January 16, 2010); Laurance L. Hill, Santa Barbara: Tierra Adorada; a Community
History (Santa Barbara, CA: Security First National Bank, 1930), 4-6; Walker A. Tompkins, in
Santa Barbara Past and Present; an Illustrated History (Santa Barbara, CA: Walker A.
Tompkins, 1975) and Rebecca Conard and Christopher H. Nelson’s Santa Barbara: A Guide
to El Pueblo Viejo (Santa Barbara, CA: City of Santa Barbara and Capra Press, 1986). See also
James C. Williams, et al., eds., Old Town, Santa Barbara: A Narrative History from State Street
to Gutierrez to Ortega, 1850-1975 Public History Monograph 1 (Santa Barbara, CA:
University of California, Santa Barbara Department of History, 1977). Williams’ foci in this
inaugural monograph for the University of California, Santa Barbara’s Graduate Program in
Public Historical Studies were the sociological, economic and political aspects of city
growth, honing in on the evolution of State Street from the perspective of various business
owners and political decision makers. (As of this writing, this study has not yet been
digitized, but one copy is available for reference purposes in bound form at the University of
California, Santa Barbara’s Davidson Library).

216
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, vii, 7.

217
James C. Williams, et al, eds., Old Town Santa Barbara: A Narrative History from
State Street to Gutierrez to Ortega, 1850-1975, Public History Monograph 1 (Santa Barbara,
CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Department of History, 1977), 4-6. Williams
argued that the Californios, as a general rule, assiduously avoided reacting to political
developments affecting the state until the static way of life of the rancheros was seriously
threatened several years after the close of the Mexican-American War (1846-1848). Even
then, the response was limited to a select few individuals; and Karen Louise Schultz, The
Santa Barbara Presidio and Surrounding Community: Continuity and Change, 1840s-1880s
(Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara, March 1985), 27.

218
Camarillo, Chicanos, 6-9, 12-13, 24-25, 116. Experiencing stable population
numbers, Santa Barbara’s pobladores (townspeople) saw their Chumash population almost
entirely decimated by 1860, only to be replaced to an extent with an increase in Sonoran
Mexicans and other Hispanics migrating from the south. (Santa Barbara’s Chinese and
“Negro” inhabitants were first counted in the U.S. Census of 1870); and Hartfield, Dwight
Murphy, 52-53.

237

219
Hill, Santa Barbara: Tierra Adorada, 4-6.

220
Don José Antonio Julian de la Guerra y Noriega, otherwise known as “El Capitán,”
may be considered the penultimate transitional figure of the Californio era.
220
Born in 1779
into a prominent family in the northern Spanish port city of Santander, de la Guerra
immigrated to Mexico City in 1792 under the tutelage of his wealthy uncle. Assuming a
great deal of responsibility at a young age, the young Spaniard trained under the first
paymaster general of the Spanish presidial troops of the Californias at age fourteen, quickly
rising through the ranks in military administration throughout his 20s and 30s. De la
Guerra served as a cadet at the Presidio of San Diego in 1798 and later as a young officer at
the Presidio of Monterey from 1801-1807, where he married the daughter of Captain José
Raimundo Carrillo (1749-1809) of Loreto, Baja, (himself a member of Gaspar de Portolà’s
1769 expeditionary team; see Citation 218, below). Promoted to Captain (Habitado General)
in 1810, De la Guerra served as Quartermaster General of both Upper (Alta) and Lower
(Baja) California for almost three decades. He was posted in Santa Barbara as a lieutenant in
December 1815, becoming Captain and Comandante in 1817. After a series of geographical
relocations, de la Guerra began construction of his “permanent” family home two years
later.

221
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 80, 105; and Casa De la Guerra: an Historic
Structure Report; Prepared for the Santa Barbara Trust for Historic Preservation (Santa
Barbara, CA: Preservation Planning Associates and Milford Wayne Donaldson, January 15,
1991), 7-8. The Casa’s uncommon shape was mistakenly thought to be “prototypical” of the
Mission era when the Spanish Colonial Revival style came to fruition. However, even this
footprint is not definitively known to be the original plan. See also D. Gebhard, De la Guerra
House, 2-7 and 9-13. David Gebhard’s 1965 supplemental Historic American Buildings
Survey (HABS) report stated: “There does not exist in the record a specific or general
description of the Casa as it was originally built” with regard to either outward appearance
or interior organization. Similarly, while it is presumed that the Casa contained glass
windows from its inception, the “original character” of the windows and doors is
unconfirmed. Materials such as floor and roof coverings along the three porch spans are
also unknown. The Casa’s earliest (pre-“restoration”) depictions range from the simplest
abstraction of an 1852 plan outline to a 1910 etching of its south elevation by the famed
Western artist Edward Borein.

222
Pubols, Casa de la Guerra, 17-26.

223
Harold Kirker, Old Forms on a New Land: California Architecture in Perspective,
(Niwot, CO: Roberts Rinehart Publishers, 1991), 8-10, 15-19.

238

224
The first, limited instances of milled timber use, begun around 1826, involved the
installation of plank flooring and cedar shingle roofs on existing adobes. See images dating
to 1880 of the Daniel Hill Adobe (c. 1826) and Alpheus B. Thompson’s St. Charles Hotel (c.
1834); in Walker A. Tompkins, Santa Barbara Past and Present: an Illustrated History {Santa
Barbara, CA: Schauer Printing, 1975}, 17-18.

225
Auguste-Bernard Duhault-Cilly, “Duhaut-Cilly’s Account of California in the Years
1827-1828,” Quarterly Journal of the California Historical Society 8, nos. 2-4, trans. Charles
Franklin Carter (June-December 1929), 157-158.
http://www.americanjourneys.org/texts.asp (accessed May 5, 2011).

226
“Today’s Adobe Heritages,” Santa Barbara News-Press, Sunday, August 5, 1973.
46. The News-Press speculated that De la Guerra was “… assisted in the erection of the casa
by Daniel Hill, the town’s leading stonemason and carpenter, and by ship’s carpenter Daniel
Call … Santa Barbara’s first permanent Yankee settler;” and David Gebhard, “Photographs,
Written Historical and Descriptive Data,” in Historical American Building Survey (HABS): De
la Guerra House; La Casa de la Guerra, HABS no. CAL-313 (San Francisco, CA: The National
Park Service Western Office, Division of Design and Construction, August 6, 1965), 2-3 (1-
13). Regarding builders, the Gebhard lists only “…the aid of Indian labor,” citing Clarence
Cullimore’s “Historic De la Guerra Adobe,” in Architect and Engineer 152 (San Francisco, CA:
March, 1943), 25 (24-25). The descriptions of materials, however, are similar in all three of
these accounts.

227
Maynard F. Geiger, “The de la Guerra Collection: History of the Santa Bárbara de
la Guerra Family Documents,” Southern California Quarterly 54, no. 3 (Santa Barbara, CA:
Santa Barbara Mission Archive Library, Fall 1972), 2 (1-353). As a congressman, Don José
de la Guerra represented Santa Barbara at the junta, or legislative conclave, in Monterey,
voting to break present-day California’s ties with Spain and become independent under
Mexico. His retirement from the military in 1852 and death in 1858 closely followed the
annexation of Santa Barbara by the United States, underscoring his transitional role.

228
“Today’s Adobe Heritages,” 46.

229
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 120; and Herb Andree, Noel Young and
Patricia Halloran, Santa Barbara Architecture: from Spanish Colonial to Modern, ed. Bob
Easton and Wayne McCall (Santa Barbara, CA: Capra Press, 1995), 23.

230
This phenomenon was covered in Robert Glass Cleland, The Cattle on a Thousand
Hills: Southern California, 1850-1880 (The Huntingdon Library Press, 1941); and Edward A.
Hartfield, California’s Knight on a Golden Horse: Dwight Murphy, Santa Barbara’s Renaissance
Man (Santa Barbara, CA: The Dwight Murphy Memorial Project, 2007), 60-64.

231
Mason, “Employments of the People: Land Grants,” in History of Santa Barbara
County, 49-50.

239

232
J. T. Farnham, “The Old Mission,” in Mason, History of Santa Barbara County, 52,
53.

233
Camarillo, Chicanos, 8-9; and Richman, California under Spain and Mexico, 140,
286.

234
Roberto Lint Sagarena, “Building California’s Past: Mission Revival Architecture
and Regional Identity,” Journal of Urban History 28, no. 4 (May 2002), 431 (429-444).

235
Mary H. Haggland, “Don José Antonio Aguirre: Spanish Merchant and Ranchero,”
The Journal of San Diego History 29, no. 1 (Winter 1983).
http://www.sandiegohistory.org/journal/83winter/aguirreimages.htm (accessed February
7, 2011).

236
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 105. This date is in dispute; see HABS Report
in Citation 222.

237
Ibid., 80.

238
Kirker, Old Forms, 13; and Camarillo, Chicanos, 10-12.

239
Tompkins, Past and Present, 16-17. The Alpheus Thompson adobe was later re-
purposed as the St. Charles Hotel. A Descriptive Summary of Thomas’ business dealings,
“The Glenn Price Papers MS16;” is archived at the Santa Barbara Trust for Historic
Preservation/Presidio Research Center. Records indicate that Thompson traded with the de
la Guerra family. His name also appears on a list of accounts from San Diego along with
those of Abel Stearns and Thomas Oliver Larkin of Monterey, as well as in a separate
document issuing payment to José Antonio Aguirre. (Santa Barbara, CA: The Santa Barbara
Trust for Historic Preservation)
http://www.sbthp.org/PDF's/Glenn%20Price%20finding%20aid.pdf (accessed February
12, 2011).

240
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 17.

241
Walter Augustus Hawley, The Early Days of Santa Barbara, California: From the
First Discoveries by Europeans to December, 1846 (Santa Barbara, CA: Schauer Printing
Studio, 1920), 85; and Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 80.

240

242
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 127. “Hill-Carrillo Adobe,” 11-15 E. Carrillo St.
(c. 1825-1826); and “Today’s Adobe Heritage,” 46. See also Edson T. Strobridge,
“Californians and the Military: Captain Antonio Maria de la Guerra” in La Campana (Santa
Barbara, CA: Santa Barbara Trust for Historic Preservation, Summer 2000); Smythe, History
of San Diego, 81, 97, 170, 162; and Joseph A. Thompson, OFM, El Gran Capitan: José de la
Guerra; a Biographical Study (Los Angeles, CA: Cabrera and Sons, 1961), unpaginated.
Carrillo was de la Guerra’s elder counterpart throughout the latter’s military career; both
served at the Presidios of Monterey, Santa Barbara and San Diego during the early 1800s.
Carrillo was assigned to the Presidio of San Diego in 1806 and became its comandante from
1807 until his death two years later; he was buried on Presidio Hill in 1809.

243
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 143. “Covarrubias Adobe,” 715 Santa Barbara
St. (c. 1817); and Henry F. Withey, “Photographs, Written Historical and Descriptive Data:
District of California no. 3,” in Library of Congress American Memory: Historical American
Building Survey (HABS); Covarrubias House, HABS no. CAL-26/HABS CAL 42-SANBA 7 (Los
Angeles, CA: Historic American Buildings Survey, June 1, 1937), 1-3.
http://tinyurl.com/3ctrkzy (accessed May 5, 2011).

244
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 145, also 144, 146-148. “Gonzalez-Ramirez
Adobe,” 825 Laguna St. (c. 1825); and Edan Hughes, “Biography for Anna Vhay,” in Artists in
California, 1786-1940. Ask Art: the Artist’s Blue Book.
http://www.askart.com/AskART/artists/biography.aspx?searchtype=BIO&artist=1100774
8 (accessed July 2, 2011). Vhay designed her own studio at 1998 Laguna herself (1928).

245
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 80; Tompkins, Past and Present, 16-17; and
Haggland, “Don José Antonio Aguirre.” After mid-century, Aguirre’s former home served a
growing population as a post office, district attorney’s office, and store before being
demolished in 1884.

246
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 123. “Cañedo-Whittaker Adobe,” 123 E.
Cañon Perdido St. (c. 1788); “Today’s Adobe Heritage,” 46; and David Gebhard,
“Photographs, Historical and Descriptive Data,” in Library of Congress American Memory:
Historical American Buildings Survey (HABS); Cañeda (Presidio) Adobe, HABS no. CAL-
242/HABS CAL-SANBA 42 (San Francisco, CA: The National Park Service Western Office,
Division of Design and Construction, August 6, 1965), 1-7. http://tinyurl.com/44gddws
(accessed May 5, 2011).

247
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 142. “De la Guerra Court (site of Arrellanes
Adobe),” 800 Santa Barbara St. (Arrellanes, c. 1795). Considered to be one of the first adobe
restorations (c. 1910), the structure was destroyed in the June, 1925 earthquake and
completely replaced in a similar appearance to the original.

241

248
Kirker, Old Forms, 16-19. The following year, Thomas Oliver Larkin began
building a similar residence in Monterey. It was this structure that would come to be most
identified by the eponymous style. Using locally sourced redwood, the carpentry of
shipwrights, and the importation of additional materials and furnishings from Boston, the
style referenced both the pragmatism of the eastern seaboard - from which many area
traders and landowners originally hailed - and a sense of open-air romance derived from
the more distant architecture of the American South.
248
Gabled roofs with tile or wood
shingles, partial or continuous front balconies with unadorned railings, and symmetrical,
double-hung windows flanking a centered entry door were typical. The straightforward
approach to materials and indoor/outdoor orientation were both achievable and
appropriate to the whaling and sea trade environment of California’s territorial capital.
Other examples included the 1847 Old Whaling Station and 1850 Pacific House by David
Wright of Glasgow, Scotland; and a “clapboarded and shuttered adobe” built by Captain
Horatio Gates Trussell in Santa Barbara, using timber from the wrecked Winfield Scott. With
these and other examples, what Kirker called the Monterey Tradition subsumed the existing
adobe form, combining newly available materials and techniques with the practicality and
stateliness of shipbuilding tradition to address the needs of a transitional culture.

249
Ibid., 49-51.

250
Mason, History of Santa Barbara County, 47. Mason called de La Guerra “The
Pericles of the community … a hereditary umpire.”

251
Mason, History of Santa Barbara County, 44-45, 55; and The Inflation Calculator
at http://www.westegg.com/inflation/infl.cgi (accessed November 10, 2010). By the early
1850s, De la Guerra was earning upwards of $100,000 per year (over $2 million in 2009
dollars); and Bidwell, Old and New Frontiers, 19-20. As one of the richest men in the state up
until his death, De la Guerra’s income was so large that even he did not know how much he
was worth.

252
Mason, History of Santa Barbara County, 52, 53, 75.

253
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 118. The adobe at 39 East De la Guerra is at
the northwest corner of its intersection with Anacapa Street; and Mary Louise Days, ‘Street
Name Glossary,” in Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 190-191 (190-197). The adobe was
not so identified upon its completion, as street names were not assigned until 1851.

254
Eleanor Boba and Carol Cook Weare, eds., Studies of a Growing Community, Santa
Barbara 1930-1980, Public History Monograph 5 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of
California, Santa Barbara Graduate Program in Public Historical Studies, 1982), 4, 10-11.
The establishment of the 1850 city charter officially transferred local authority from the
Ayuntamiento (Spanish-American council) to the anglicized Common Council. Over the next
quarter century, Santa Barbara’s status was changed from a city to a county township.

242

255
Camarillo, Chicanos, 15.

256
Mason, History of Santa Barbara County, 80-81.

257
Days, “Street Name Glossary,” 190-191.

258
Walker A. Tompkins, Santa Barbara Yesterdays, 10-11. The Thompson and Smith
homes were destroyed in 1851 and the mid-1920s, respectively.

259
Days, “Street Name Glossary,” 190-191.

260
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 103.

261
Michael Redmon, “Oreña Family Legacy: The Story of the Adobes on East De la
Guerra Street,” The Santa Barbara Independent, Tuesday, July 20, 2010.
http://www.independent.com/news/2010/jul/20/orena-family-legacy/ (accessed May 2,
2011).

262
“Oreña Adobes,” in Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 118; photographs of the
storehouse at 39 East de la Guerra St., immediately adjacent to the Oreña Adobe at 27-29
East de la Guerra St., appear in the recordation of the Oreña Adobe: “Gaspar Oreña House,”
27-29 East de la Guerra St. (compiled after 1933); and “Photographs,” in Library of Congress
American Memory: Historic American Buildings Survey (HABS); Gaspar Oreña House, HABS
no. CA-246/HABS CAL 42-SANBA 23-1, 23-2, and 23-3. http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-
bin/query/D?hh:7:./temp/~ammem_ (accessed May 5, 2011).

263
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 116; and Richard E. Oglesby, introduction to
Plaza de la Guerra Reconsidered: Exhibition and Symposium (Santa Barbara, CA: Santa
Barbara Trust for Historic Preservation, 2002), 5-6. Santa Barbara’s preservation history
started with this ordinance, which read: “The following City property is hereby constituted
and set aside forever and shall be known as City Squares and Promenades.” The area was
delineated as follows: “All that piece of land bounded on the North West by the actual street
running in front of the house of Don José de la Guerra y Noriega; on the South East by the
lots of the heirs of the late Don Carlos Carrillo and that of Don Pedro C. Carrillo, on the North
East by the lots of Don Octaviano Gutierrez, Doña Isabela Yorba and Doña Maria del Carmen
Rodriguez; and on the South West by the lots of Don Francisco Leyba, Don Gaspar de Oreña
and Doña Maria Ortega, with the name of Plaza de la Guerra;” and Hattie Beresford, “The
Way it Was: Full Circle; The Story of El Mirasol,” in The Montecito Journal (January 11, 2007)
http://www.montecitojournal.net/archive/13/2/651/ (accessed July 2, 2011). Excerpted
from Beresford, “El Mirasol: From Elegant Swan to Ominous Albatross,” Noticias (Spring
2001). The Ordinance called for a total of sixteen blocks to be dedicated to parks including
Plaza de la Guerra; the largest of these was Garden de Alameda, which encompassed the six
blocks contained by Garden, Victoria, Anacapa and Allegra Streets.

243

264
Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 1-3. The authors cited the following sources
for detailed historical information regarding the political and social importance of the de la
Guerra family: Helen Louise Pubols, The Casa De la Guerra: Family and Community in 19
th

Century Santa Barbara (master’s thesis, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1991);
Beverly E. Bastain, Grace Murakami, and Louise Pubols, eds., Casa de la Guerra: a Study in
Time and Place, 1818-1924 (Santa Barbara, CA: The Santa Barbara Trust for Historic
Preservation, June 1990); see also Joseph E. Cassidy, Life and Times of Pablo de la Guerra
1819-1874 (dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1977).

265
Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 2-4, 11; and Camarillo, Chicanos, 39; and
Southern California Writers' Project of the Work Projects Administration, a Guide to the
Channel City and its Environs, American Guide Series, 1
st
Edition (New York: Hastings House,
1941), 43-45 Santa Barbara’s population increased from 900 in 1840 to 2,351 in 1860.

266
Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 5.

267
Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 8-11. Donaldson also provided detailed
descriptions of interior features such as chair rails and carpets introduced into the Casa
interior in the 1870s.

268
Pubols, Family and Community, 49, 146-147; and Bastain, et al., Casa, 69-72.

269
Pubols, Family and Community; and Mason, History of Santa Barbara, 90, 113-
114, 121-122, 124, 129. Oreña was elected to the Board of Supervisors in 1857, building up
his land holdings from 6,500 acres in 1850, to 9,000 acres in 1857, to 70,000 acres in 1860.

270
Redmon, “Oreña Family.”

271
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 118. and “Oreña Store,” 25 E. De la Guerra St.
(c. 1860).

272
Camarillo, 71-72; and Eleanor Boba and Carol Snook Weare, eds., Studies of a
Growing Community: Santa Barbara, 1930-1980, Public History Monograph no. 5. (Santa
Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Graduate Program in Public Historical
Studies, 1982), 9-11. Such changes were also seen at the county level throughout the later
1870s and early 1880s. Specific results of the political ostracism of Chicanos are detailed in
Camarillo, Chicanos, 76-78. See also Days, “Street Name Glossary” in Conard and Nelson,
Santa Barbara, 190-192. An 1874 city charter dividing Santa Barbara into five
gerrymandered wards (only one of which was dominated by Californios) cemented the
town’s shift from a historically Spanish-dominated government to a majority Anglo-
American body. In conjunction with the transformation of local politics, Santa Barbara’s
physical transformation to an ‘American style’ was essentially complete by this time.

273
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 105; and Tompkins, Past and Present, 7.

244

Chapter 7: Santa Barbara - Identity in Flux
274
“Santa Barbara City Hall Has Shown Three Faces,” Santa Barbara News-Press,
Sunday, August 5, 1973; and Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 117.

275
Carey McWilliams, Southern California: an Island on the Land (Layton, UT, Gibbs
Smith Publishers, 1994), 44; “Arlington Hotel of 1875 was Bid for Elite Trade,” Santa
Barbara News-Press, Sunday, August 5, 1973; Redmon, “Oreña Family” and “Santa Barbara
Architecture.” As the Arlington gained fame as a luxury vacation destination, Barber became
the foremost local architect of the period.

276
Walker A. Tompkins, “The Burning of the Arlington Hotel” in Santa Barbara
Yesterdays, 55-57. The original Arlington was destroyed by fire in 1909 and was rebuilt in
1911; its second incarnation followed the revival trend with two domed bell towers and
creamy plaster in what Tompkins called a “pseudo Mission” style, with the Cabrillo Fountain
at its center. After these two stylistic phases, the Arlington was finished off by the 1925
quake, during which the on-site water tower, poised directly above its most exclusive
rooms, crushed much of the structure.

277
Mary C. F. Wood, Santa Barbara as It Is: Topography, Climate, Resources and
Objects of Interest (Santa Barbara, CA: Independent Publishing, 1894), 24.

278
The original Lobero Theater is pictured in Tompkins, Past and Present, 44.

279
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 122.

280
Walker A. Tompkins, Santa Barbara Past and Present: an Illustrated History
(Santa Barbara, CA: Schauer Printing Company, 1975), (Lobero Theater, 44-45, 60),
(crowding, 65).

281
Michael Redmon, “Santa Barbara Architecture: Victorian Styles Mix with Spanish
Colonial Revival,” Santa Barbara Independent: History 101, Tuesday, September 21, 2010.
http://www.independent.com/news/2010/sep/21/sb-architecture/ (accessed May 2,
2011).

245

282
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 39-179. Some prominent examples of these
period influences included Fernald House, the Johnson House, Faith Mission,* the Pierce
Block,* the Fithian Building (Gutierrez Drug),* the Alexander Building,* Levy Shoes,*
Mortimer Cook’s Upper Clock Building,* San Marcos Building,* Lower Hawley Building
(Hitchcock Building),* Upper Hawley Building (Victoria Court),* Trinity Church,* the Daily
Independent, Garretson House, First Congregational Church, Gothic Cottage, Little Town
Club, Brownsill Houses no. 1 and 2, Courthouse (version II), Public Library (version I), the
Normandy Hotel, University Club, Calder House, Bonilla House, Moullet House, Sloyd School,
Holland Cottage, Wood-Lockhart Cottage, Dutton Cottage, Colonial Revival House, Hardy
House, Frank B. Smith House, Levy and Dancaster Houses, Sherman House, the Knights of
Columbus Hall, Mortimer Cook House, the Lunt, Herbert and Eberle Houses, St. Mark’s
Episcopal Church, and St. Mary’s Retreat. (Structures denoted with asterisks were located
on State Street).

283
Karen M. Hermann, Katherine C. Lord, and Karen L. Smith, “Changes, Challenges,
and Confidence, 1900-1920” in James C. Williams, ed., Old Town Santa Barbara: a Narrative
History of State Street from Gutierrez to Ortega, 1850-1975 (dissertation, University of
California, Santa Barbara, 1977), 122-123 (122-136).

284
These arrangements are detailed in Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 2-6.

285
Santa Barbara Daily Press, January 3, 1874 in Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara,
10.

286
Sagarena, “Building California’s Past,” 431-440 (429-444). In this essay
concerning the societal impact of Protestant investment in decimated symbols of a Catholic
past, Roberto Sagarena described this transition and its acceleration during the 1880s,
when freelance scribes with broad audiences such as Charles Lummis and Helen Hunt
Jackson began to stimulate ideas of historic preservation by evoking the ruined adobe and
redemptive plaza in popular works.

287
Camarillo, Chicanos, 37-41.

288
John E. Baur, the Health Seekers of Southern California, 1870-1900 (San Marino,
CA: Huntingdon Library Press, 1959), 65-67. Baur referred to Johnson as the “prime mover”
of a “veritable human inundation” in Santa Barbara. In 1872, Johnson proclaimed that
“…The sleepy days of Santa Barbara are past. The people are awake, and the spirit of
progress and improvement may now be said to have gained ascendency.”

246

289
E. N. Wood, Guide to Santa Barbara Town and Country: Containing Information on
Matters of interest to Tourists, New Settlers, Invalids, etc.; with an Accurate Map of the County
Engraved Especially for This Work (Santa Barbara, CA: Wood and Sefton, 1872), Santa
Barbara Historical Museum Gledhill Library Call Number F 869 S45 W6. An unattributed
note attached to this record attests that this book, sold at the local library and at various
hotels, was “…the first promotional book on any town in Southern California,” and that “a
similar item was issued on the Los Angeles area in 1873; probably patterned after the Santa
Barbara publication.” Wood compared Santa Barbara to Palestine, and referred to the
Mission as “the most pretentious of the ancient structures … the nucleus of the old Mexican
town.”

290
Charles Nordhoff, California: for Health, Pleasure, and Residence (New York:
Harper and Brothers, 1873).

291
Camarillo, Chicanos, 3-5, 14, 33.

292
K. Phillips, Helen Hunt Jackson: a Literary Life (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 2003), 44-47.

293
Ibid., 65-66, 186-189, 215-216, 314.

294
“Helen Hunt’s Last Book: a Work on the North American Indian,” Los Angeles
Times, January 15, 1882.

295
Helen Hunt Jackson, Glimpses of California and the Missions (Boston: Little, Brown
and Company, 1883), viii; and Simpson, Selling the City, 136-137.

296
Christopher Reynolds, “On the Trail of Ramona,” Los Angeles Times, Sunday,
January 11, 2009; Mary Briscoe, “Helen Hunt Jackson (1830-1895),” The Literary
Encyclopedia, April 23, 2004
http://www.litencyc.com/php/speople.php?rec=true&UID=5706 (accessed May 5, 2011);
Bokovoy, San Diego, 43-48; and Starr, Material Dreams, 252-253.

297
Kropp, California Vieja, 19-23, 29-46, 281-282, 288. Kropp provided a valuable,
wide-ranging bibliography of Ramona sources on pages 281-282 and 288.

298
Referenced 1925 post-earthquake photo provided by Dr. Arthur Gibbs Sylvester,
Professor Emeritus, University of California, Santa Barbara Department of Earth Sciences.
From Dr. Sylvester’s personal collection.

247

299
Starr, Material Dreams, 253. The conflation of the Mission with a “constructed
cultural memory” was also explored by Elizabeth Kryder-Reid in “Perennially New: Santa
Barbara and the Origins of the California Mission Garden,” Journal of the Society of
Architectural Historians 69, no. 3 (September 2010), 378-405. Despite the different faces the
Mission and its cloister garden revealed, more than any other part of Santa Barbara’s
former castrum, the relationship of the Mission to the town remained unchanged over time.

300
“History of the Smithsonian: Spencer Fullerton Baird,” The Smithsonian
Institution Archives http://siarchives.si.edu/history/secretaries.html (accessed May 1,
2011); and Youssef F. Rivinus and Elizabeth M. Spencer, Spencer F. Baird of the Smithsonian
(Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992).

301
George Montague Wheeler, Andrew Atkinson Humphreys, Horatio Gouverneur
Wright, eds., Report upon United States Geographical Surveys: West of the One Hundredth
Meridian; in charge of First Lieutenant George M. Wheeler, Corps of Engineers, U.S. Army
under the direction of Brigadier General A.A. Humphreys, Chief of Engineers, U.S. Army 7 –
Archaeology (Washington, D.C.: Engineer Department, U.S. Army and the Government
Printing Office, 1879), xiii-xiv; George M. Wheeler, Annual Report upon the Geographical
Explorations and Surveys West of the One Hundredth Meridian, in California, Nevada,
Nebraska, Utah, Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, Wyoming, and Montana: Annual Report of the
Chief of Engineers for 1875 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1875); and
Mason, History of Santa Barbara County, 76. Regarding the Hyde Expedition of 1899-1903,
which spanned New Mexico, Arizona and Northern Mexico and supplied exhibits for the
1915 Panama-California Exposition in San Diego, see Matthew F. Bokovoy, the San Diego
World’s Fairs and Southwestern Memory, 1880-1940 (Albuquerque, NM: University of New
Mexico Press, 2005), 72-78.

302
David R. Wilcox and Curtis M. Hinsley, eds., the Southwest in the American
Imagination: the Writings of Sylvester Baxter, 1881-1889 (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona
Press, 1996), 179-191; and Chris Wilson, the Myth of Santa Fe: Creating a Modern Regional
Tradition (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1997), 85, 91-95.

303
Ibid., 60.

304
Ibid., xi-xvii, 3-33, 107-112; Baxter’s later work on behalf of civic reform is
detailed in Charles D. Warren, introduction to New Towns for Old: Achievements in Civic
Improvement in Some American Small Towns and Neighborhoods, by John Nolen (Amherst,
MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2005), (Great Civic Awakening, xi-xiv, ciii), (Boston
park system, xxxi-xxxiv, cvii), (work with John Nolen, liv-lx).

305
Ibid, 13 (“The Old New World,” 113-143).

306
Ibid., 111.

248

307
Charles Fletcher Lummis, Land of Poco Tiempo (New York, Charles Scribner’s
Sons, 1893). Poco Tiempo followed Lummis’ first major work, A Tramp across the Continent.

308
Ibid., 13.

309
Longstreth, On the Edge of the World, 277.

310
Bokovoy, San Diego World’s Fairs, 139; and Wilson, the Myth of Santa Fe, 89-95.

311
Wilson, the Myth of Santa Fe, 83-84.

312
Ibid., 85.

313
Ibid., xi-xvii, 181-182, 204-206.

314
Mason, History of Santa Barbara County, 242.

315
Ibid., 44.

316
F. A. Pattee, ed., Land of Sunshine I, no. I (June 1894), 21. This inaugural issue
contained a reference to the first La Fiesta de Los Angeles, held in May of that year, but not to
mission architecture. The first LOS articles to mention the degradation of the adobes and
missions appeared in the second issue: Sumner Hunt, “The Adobe in Architecture,” and
Harry Ellington Brook, “Olden Times in Southern California,” in LOS 1, no 2 (July 1894), 25
and 29-31, respectively; C.D. Willard, “The New Editor,” LOS 2, no. 1 (December 1894), 12-
13. Willard introduced Lummis to LOS readers with a biography listing the adventurer’s
works to date; including Spanish Pioneers (1893); Charles F. Lummis, ed., “The Spanish-
American Face” LOS 2, no. 2 (January 1895), 21-22 and “At the Old Hacienda” LOS 2, no. 5
(April 1895), 77. Lummis’ editorship set a reverential tone in Spanish culture and language
which characterized the publication from that time forward. Articles which focusing on
missions included: Charles Howard Shinn, “San Fernando Mission by Moonlight” LOS 2, no.
5 (April 1895), 79-80, Adeline Stearns Wing, “The Mission San Juan Capistrano,” LOS 3, no. 3
(August 1895), 109-115; Auguste Wey, “El Camino Real,” LOS 3, no. 4 (September 1895),
156-161; Adeline Stearns Wing, “The Mission San Luis Rey,” LOS 3, no. 5 (October 1895),
205-209; and Charles Frederick Holder, “The Cordon of the King’s Highway” LOS 3, no. 6
(November 1895), 269-273. Lummis announced the formation of the Landmarks Club in “A
New Crusade,” LOS 4, no. 1 (December 1895), 43-44 and “The Landmarks Club,” LOS 4, no. 2
(January 1896), 85-86. After completing interventions at Mission San Juan Capistrano (Anna
Caroline Field, “A Southwestern Sleepy Hollow,” LOS 15, nos. 2-3, August-September 1901,
126-138); and at Mission San Fernando Rey (Juan Del Rio, “A Splendid Ruin,” LOS 6, n. 1,
December 1896, 12-17), Landmarks Club campaigns continued for many years, leading to
the creation of the California State Landmarks Program in 1931. “History of the Landmarks
Program,” (Sacramento, CA: California Office of Historic Preservation, 2011)
http://www.parks.ca.gov/default.asp?page_id=21748 (accessed May 28, 2011).

249

317
Carey McWilliams, Southern California: an Island on the Land (Salt Lake City, UT:
Gibbs-Smith Publisher, 1973), 77. In addition to Lummis as President, the initial slate of
Landmarks Club officers included Margaret Collier Graham, Vice President; Arthur B.
Benton, Secretary; and Frank A. Gibson, Treasurer; D. Gebhard, New Spain, 13; Simpson,
Selling the City, 45-47. Simpson cited several examples of the crucial role filled by prominent
female writers and editors, “working independently … others working alongside their
husbands” as women’s club members, civic boosters and movers in local politics; Roberto
Lint Sagarena, “Building California’s Past: Mission Revival Architecture and Regional
Identity,” in John Michael Giggie and Diane H. Winston, eds., Faith in the Market: Religion
and the Rise of Urban Commercial Culture (New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University, 2002),
97 (91-107); The University of California Press, review of Architects of Our Fortunes; the
Journal of Eliza A. W. Otis, 1860-1863; with Letters of Harrison Gray Otis and Civil War Journal
(Berkeley, CA: The Regents of the University of California, 2011)
http://www.ucpress.edu/book.php?isbn=9780873281812 (accessed July 4, 2011); and
Eliza A. Otis, “Santa Barbara: Progress Making by the Zenith City,” Los Angeles Times, (April
18, 1887), 6. The composition of Landmarks Club members in leadership positions was
predominantly male; however, what Sagarena called the “foot soldiers and organizing
muscle” were “primarily upper-class Protestant women.” Prominent among these was Eliza
A. W. Otis, wife of Civil War veteran Harrison Gray Otis, sometime resident of Santa Barbara
and co-publisher with her husband of the Santa Barbara Press from 1876 and Los Angeles
Daily Times from 1882. The prolific Otis’ writings on sites throughout growing California
typified the combination of historicism, promotion and moral imperative which proved to
be so valuable to the causes of tourism, preservation, and investment: “…we hasten to
destroy our only remaining relics of the past, our only remaining monuments of a vanished
civilization… Both Los Angeles and Santa Barbara should curb the spirit of improvement
sufficiently to preserve some few at least of these picturesque adobes.”

318
Anna Caroline Field, “A Southwestern Sleepy Hollow,” LOS 15, nos. 2-3 (August-
September 1901), 133 (126-138).

319
“The Landmarks Club,” LOS 6, no. 3 (February 1897), 121.

320
D. Gebhard, New Spain, 12-13; “Potter Hotel Of 1902 Was Start Of A New City,”
Santa Barbara News-Press, Sunday, August 5, 1973, 60; and Tompkins, Past and Present, 65.
See also “New Arlington Hotel was a Landmark for 14 Years,” Santa Barbara News-Press,
Sunday, August 5, 1973. The Victorian Arlington Hotel would burn to the ground in 1909, to
be replaced by a twin-towered Mission structure very much in keeping with the preceding
architecture.

321
Longstreth, Edge of the World, 2-5.

250

322
Longstreth, Edge of the World, Albert Cicero Schweinfurth (biography and early
career, 5, 10, 27, 40, 56-60 and 82-88); (interest in mission architecture within the broader
culture, 258-262); (design of the California Building with Arthur Page Brown, 263-266);
(other projects with Arthur Page Brown, the integration of Pueblo elements, and the
Hacienda del Pozo de Verona, 267-295); (transcending revival styles, 292-295}; Willis
Jefferson Polk, (biography and early career, 5-7, 10, 27, 51-56); (development as an
architect, 69-71, 74-81; 89-96); (interest in mission architecture within the broader culture.
Imaginary Mission Church of 1887, and early articles written supporting mission
architecture, 262-263); (eventual rejection of the mission revival as “hideous caricatures,”
289-291); John Galen Howard (258, 262, 296-297); and Arthur Page Brown (55-56, 58-60),
(development as an architect, 81-86, 258-266); (projects with A.C. Schweinfurth including
the California Building, 264-275). Having considerable input by Schweinfurth on the much-
admired California Building of 1892-1893 Brown soon designed five, complementary
“Crocker Row” houses (c. 1894-1895) on Santa Barbara’s upper Garden Street, leading to
the Mission from its southern approach. These disparate projects, attractive as they were,
reflected the inherently limited adaptability of the style to regional variation and to
integrated visual complexity.

323
Longstreth, Edge of the World, 265.

324
Ibid., 266.

325
“American Ruins,” San Francisco Chronicle, May 7, 1893. Other, contemporaneous
writings centering on the “crumbling remains of Spanish glory” included Frank Sands, Santa
Barbara at a Glance: a Compendium of Reliable Information for Citizens, Sojourners and
Strangers Who May Come in the Future (1895) and S.E.A. Higgins, La Casa de Aguirre of Santa
Barbara, 1841-1884 (Santa Barbara, CA: 1896).

326
John Milnes Baker, American House Styles: a Concise Guide (W. W. Norton and
Company, 2002), 128.

327
Longstreth, Edge of the World, 266-289; “Hacienda del Pozo de Verona,” in
California Architect and Building News 20, no. 9 (September 1899), 106-108; and Porter
Garnett, “Residence of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst,” in Stately Homes of California (Boston: Little,
Brown and Company, 1915), 21-29.

328
Longstreth, Edge of the World, 258-259.

251

329
Steve Lech, Images of America: Riverside, 1870-1940 (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia
Publishing. 2007); and Hermann, et al. “Changes, Challenges,” 97-100, 105-108. Santa
Barbara’s real estate values rapidly escalated after a feasibility survey was conducted in
February 1886; the possibility of a connection with Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Eastern
cities created a 52% increase in area land sales over the previous year. The City of Riverside
received a dedicated branch of the Southern Pacific line in 1886, allowing it to survive later
fluctuations in the economy with its citrus-based economy intact. Riverside became both a
tourist destination and national model of industry as one of the wealthiest American
communities of the 1890’s (despite a nationwide financial downturn during The Panic of
1893), flourishing well into the 1930’s.

330
Anne Margaret Petersen, Adobe Days Lost and Found: Imagining Southern
California History in San Juan Capistrano and Santa Barbara, 1870-1940 (dissertation,
University of California, Santa Barbara, 2008). From this time forward, Santa Barbara and
San Juan Capistrano developed similarly in many respects when it came to image creation;
what Petersen called “local historical identities.”

331
Mason, History of Santa Barbara County, 145-158. Negotiations for a rail line to
Santa Barbara had recently ended after several difficult episodes of political skirmishing
dating back to 1870.

332
Ibid, 270-271; Hattie Beresford, “The Way it Was: Franchesi and Eaton
Landscape Montecito,” Montecito Journal, April 19, 2007; and Nancy Carol Carter, “Profiles
in Horticultural History: Francesco Franchesi,” San Diego Floral Association 101, no. 1
(January/February 2010), unpaginated. http://www.sdfloral.org/roots-1.htm (accessed
July 2, 2011).

333
Charles Moody, “Santa Barbara,” in LOS 15, ed. Charles Fletcher Lummis (Los
Angeles, CA: Land of Sunshine Publishing Company, June 1901–December 1901), 408 (401-
415).

334
D. Gebhard, New Spain, 13; Oliver, Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue, 40-44, 86; David
F. Myrick, Montecito and Santa Barbara II: the Days of the Great Estates (Glendale, CA: Trans-
Anglo Books, 1991), 243-250; Robin S. Karson, A Genius for Place: American Landscapes of
the Country Place Era (Amherst, MA: Library of American Landscape History, 2007), 286-
289, 386-369; C. Howard Walker, Architectural Review 10 (September 1903), 139-140; and
“El Fureidis at Montecito, California; the Residence of James Waldron Gillespie, Esq.” House
Beautiful 4, no. 3 (September, 1903), 96-103. Karson pointed out that Myron Hunt and
Elmer Grey were also involved in the development of El Fureidis; Hunt was recorded as
head architect.

252

Chapter 8: Santa Barbara – The Civic Society
335
David Gebhard, “The Spanish Colonial Revival in California, 1895-1930,” Journal
of the Society of Architectural Historians 26, no. 2 (May 1967), 131-147. JSTOR Stable URL:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/988417 (accessed July 3, 2011); and Arthur B. Benton, “The
California Mission and its Influence upon Pacific Coast Architecture,” Architect and Engineer
24 (February 1911), 35-75.

336
Mark Sullivan, Our Times: The United States, 1900-1925; Part I – The Turn of the
Century (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1935), 35-36.

337
Henry George, Progress and Poverty: An Inquiry into the Cause of Industrial
Depressions and of Increased Want with Increase of Wealth; the Remedy Reprint of the 25
th

Anniversary Edition (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1920), 527, 545-546
and Ralph Henry Gabriel, the Course of American Democratic Thought, 2
nd
ed. (New York:
Ronald Press Company, 1956), 208-215. This view was crystallized by the writings of 19
th

century journalist Henry George (1839-1855), who was a part of a growing movement
deeply critical of America’s constitutional emphasis on private property rights insofar as
they were perceived as conflicting with the agrarian definition of Jeffersonian democracy.
George’s exposure to New York tenement conditions were among the life experiences which
led him to declare in 1869: “[The private ownership of land] is a denial of justice … [a]
subtle alchemy … bringing political despotism out of political freedom.”

338
Charles Harris Whitaker, “What is a House? IV” in Charles Harris Whitaker,
Frederick L. Ackerman, Richard S. Childs, and Edith Elmer Wood, eds., The Housing Problem
in War and in Peace, repr. (Washington, D.C. Journal of the American Institute of Architects,
1918), 17-19; Edith Elmer Wood, Introduction to Housing: Facts and Principles (Washington,
D.C.: United States Housing Authority, 1940), 160-161. Digitized by the University of
Michigan at http://mirlyn.lib.umich.edu/Record/001106760; and Claude Fayette Bragdon,
Architecture and Democracy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1918), 33.

339
Edith Elmer Wood, The Housing of the Unskilled Wage Earner: America’s Next
Problem (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1919), 7.

340
Geddes, Cities in Evolution, 6.

341
Ibid., 2-4.

342
Ibid., 172-173.

343
Ibid., 154-156, 178-179, 204, 226, 295-296, 381-382.

253

344
Claude Fayette Bragdon, Architecture and Democracy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1918), 1-6, 30, 46-49. Internet Archive, http://www.archive.org/details/architecturedemo
(accessed September 11, 2010).

345
Geddes, Cities in Evolution, 212. “It is not Germany that will save us, not Berlin or
Paris; not Letchworth or Hampstead either. Though each can give its lesson.”

346
Ibid.

347
Ibid. Subject headings capitalized by Geddes.

348
Ibid., 7, 13, 15-17, 93-94, 142-143, 156-157, 171-175, (“German Organization
and its Lessons”), 192-221. Geddes placed this suppression of individualism along a
spectrum, with its own, cyclical pattern of “essential renewal” repeating itself throughout
history and informing the “life-process” of cities. At its nadir, the suppression-as-
oppression would stimulate necessary pedagogical, artistic or technological innovation.
Such change would then force a new flowering of individualism into being, which in turn
needed to be expressed through socially conscious planning in order for successful
rebuilding of negatively impacted environments to occur. Unique among countries,
Germany had “abbreviated the lesson” by planning for future infrastructure while still in the
uncertain present; and Theodora Kimball, A Review of City Planning in the United States,
1917-1918: National Municipal Review 7 (1918), 605-613.

349
Kropp, California Vieja, 11, 56-61, 68, 70, 292-293. Kropp cited studies specific to
women’s involvement in historicism as an emerging part of municipal development.

350
Simpson, Selling the City, (overview of California civic development, 1-11);
(development of Redlands, 14-26, 34-39, 42-50, 61-64, 69-83); (development of Riverside,
94-96, 125-129); (development of Oakland, 28-34, 57-60, 65-67, 76-124); (development of
Santa Barbara, 1, 43-44, 46, 109-111, 133-175).

351
Ibid., 113-116.

352
Ibid., 5.

353
Ibid., 8.

354
Ibid., 41, 45.

355
Ibid., 42-44.

356
Ibid., 10, 133-155.

254

357
Pearl Chase, Santa Barbara News Press (November 17, 1968) in Simpson, Selling
the City, 1, 10. Descriptions of conditions appear in Williams, Old Town Santa Barbara, 122-
131; and Charles Mulford Robinson, The Report of Charles Mulford Robinson Regarding the
Civic Affairs of Santa Barbara, California; also the Report of the Committee of Eleven on the
Improvement of City Streets, Printed for the Civic League by the Independent (Santa Barbara,
CA: February 27, 1909), 10-11 (1-25).

358
“Pearl Chase and the Community Development and Conservatism Collection,” In
the Library 2, no. 2 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Libraries,
March 1989), 2-3; and Edward A. Hartfeld, California’s Knight on a Golden Horse: Dwight
Murphy; Santa Barbara’s Renaissance Man (Santa Barbara, CA: Dwight Murphy Memorial
Project, 2007), 107-109. Over her lifetime, Pearl Chase was involved as a volunteer in
various capacities with the California Roadside Council, the Santa Barbara Social Service
Council, the Santa Barbara Indian Defense Association, and the California Conservation
Council; among many other organizations. In addition, Chase was a founder of the
Community Arts Association and worked closely with Bernhard Hoffmann on behalf of the
Architectural Board of Review formed after the earthquake of June 1925. Chase died in
1979; a complete finding aid to her archived materials, known as the Community
Development and Conservation Collection (CDCC), c. 1895-1980s (SBHC Mss 1) is available
at The University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections
http://www.library.ucsb.edu/speccoll/collections/index.html (accessed May 6, 2010).

359
Roseanne Marie Barker, Small Town Progressivism: Pearl Chase and Female
Activism in Santa Barbara, 1909-1929 (dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara,
June 1994), 134, 150-151, 217-232.

360
Leila Weekes-Wilson, Santa Barbara, California 1
st
ed. (Santa Barbara, CA: Pacific
Coast Publishing, 1913), 54.

361
Weiss, Community Builders, 12-13; and Hartfeld, Dwight Murphy, 107-109.
Regarding Hezekiah, Hartfeld wrote: “It is said that he sold half of Santa Barbara before
retiring after World War II.”

362
David Gebhard, “Francis T. Underhill,” in Toward a Simpler Way of Life: the Arts
and Crafts Architects of California ed. Robert Winter (Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press, 1997), 103-110.

363
The extensive, labyrinthine de la Guerra family tree is explained throughout the
sources listed in previous endnote #265, and in Mariá Raquél Casas, Married to a Daughter
of the Land: Spanish-Mexican Women and Interethnic Marriage in California, 1820-1880
(Reno, NV: University of Nevada Press, 2007), 184.

364
Gebhard, “Underhill,” 106.

255

365
Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 4-5.

366
Barry Neil Zarakov, “California Planned Communities of the 1920s (master’s
thesis, University of California Santa Barbara, 1977); and William H. Wilson, The City
Beautiful Movement (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989).

367
Santa Barbara Independent, December 18 and 19, 1907.

368
Bokovoy, San Diego, 18-19, 145.

369
Warren, introduction to New Towns for Old, xxxvi..

370
Ibid.; and Robinson, Report, 1-25. Additional resources concerning Robinson’s
biographical information and philosophical views on planning can be found in “The Interest
in Civic Improvement: by Charles Mulford Robinson,” in Craftsman 17 (January 1910), 425-
428; “The Death of Charles M. Robinson,” The Survey: a Journal of Social Exploration 39
(New York: Survey Associates, January 12, 1918), 422-423; and “Planning the American
City: Charles Mulford Robinson and John Nolen,” in Park Dixon Goist, From Main Street to
State Street: Town, City and Community in America (Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press,
1977}, 121-131 (121-142). In addition to Goist, works placing Robinson within the broader
context of the planning movement include Charles Birnbaum and Robin Karson, Pioneers of
American Landscape Design (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2000); and Jon A. Peterson, the Birth
of City Planning in the United States, 1840-1917 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 2003). By 1911, Robinson had issued reports on improvements for thirteen more
cities.

371
Robinson’s best-known publications prior to 1908 include the article series
“Improvement in City Life: Aesthetic Progress,” Atlantic Monthly 83, nos. 498-500 (April-
June 1899); 524-537, 654-665, and 771-785, respectively; The Improvement of Towns and
Cities; or, the Practical Basis of Civic Aesthetics (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1901); and
Modern Civic Art; or, the City Made Beautiful (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1903). A list of
projects by Robinson and other planners of the 1910s and 1920s is provided in Charles
Mulford Robinson, Frederick Law Olmsted and Theodora Kimball, “A List of American City-
Planning Reports,” in the American City 11, ed. Arthur Hastings Grant and Harold Sinley
Buttenheim (New York: The Civic Press, July-December 1914), 491-492 (490-497); David P.
Handlin, The American Home: Architecture and Society, 1815-1915 (Boston: Little, Brown
and Company, 1979), 143-145. Notably, 1908 was a pivotal year in Robinson’s career, as he
was entering a period of transition from a purely aesthetic vision to a more “systematic
approach” evolving from study of Garden City ideas.

372
D. Gebhard, New Spain, 23.

256

373
Goist, Main Street, 122-130. Robinson (1869-1917) was a contemporary of fellow
planner John Nolen (1869-1935) and also of civic activist Bernhard Hoffmann (1874-1949).
In common with urban reformers such as Sylvester Baxter and Albert Shaw, Robinson was
an experienced journalist whose interest in planning was derived from his writings on
history and social/municipal development. Initially, his work centered on park
development, sign ordinances, public art, zoning and street design; however, approaches to
these discrete concerns amalgamated over time in Robinson’s mind into a holistic
philosophy identifying transportation and the consolidation of public buildings as the basic
catalysts for what Goist called “cooperative cities,” who would in turn become problem
solvers. Robinson advanced his views in many articles and in two groundbreaking books on
improvement prior to his work for Santa Barbara.

374
Daphne Spain, “Lofty Ambitions, Limited Achievements,” review of The Birth of
City Planning in the United States, 1840-1917 by Jon A. Peterson (Baltimore, MD: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 2003). Humanities and Social Sciences Net Online http://www.h-
net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=10265 (March 2005, accessed July 7, 2011). The phrase,
“civic planning” had only just been adopted in 1908, a year after the first official city
planning commission was formed and the first National Conference on City Planning was
held the next year. Spain pointed out that completed comprehensive plans were rare in the
years after the success of Burnham and Bennett’s 1906-1909 Plan for Chicago. Smaller,
“opportunistic interventions” became even more the norm after 1917, in inverse proportion
to the expansion of municipal government power.

375
Goist, Main Street, 128-129.

376
Robinson, Report, 22.

377
Spain, “Lofty Ambitions,” unpaginated. Spain reported that, as discussed above,
planning of the early 20
th
century rarely lived up to its promises; of the forty-one cities
which adopted comprehensive city plans between 1910 and 1917, twenty of them “had very
little impact,” and another fifteen were only partially completed; “American Planning
Association: Planning Advisory Service Information Report No. 6; Sections I-III,” in Zoning
Digest (Chicago: American Society of Planning Officials, September 1949)
http://www.planning.org/pas/at60/report6.htm (accessed July 7, 2011). Architectural
controls were absent from the vast majority of cities until the 1940s. One of the first
community-wide ordinances was adopted by the Vieux Carre Commission of New Orleans in
1925, building upon more generalized regulatory legislation from 1918, yet still limited to
an advisory capacity with no enforcement control. In San Diego, where regulation of
exterior design was adopted contemporaneously with the Housing Act of 1949, the need for
such action was outlined in a report as early as 1927; and Simpson, Selling the City, 109.

378
Warren, New Towns for Old, xxxix-xli, xlii-xlvii; and Bokovoy, San Diego, 50-55.

379
Helfrich, “Site Work 4,” 12-13.

257

380
Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 2-3. Delfina and Carlos de la Guerra,
Francisca Dibblee and Herminia Lee were in residence as of 1904.

381
Myrick, Montecito, 302-339; and D. Gebhard, New Spain, 12-16.

382
Early publications defining the visual language of Mexican and Spanish
architecture included Sylvester Baxter, Henry Greenwood Peabody, and Bertram Grosvenor
Goodhue, Spanish-Colonial Architecture in Mexico 1
st
ed. (Boston: J. B. Millet, 1901) and
Rexford Newcomb, Spanish-Colonial Architecture in the United States 1
st
ed. (New York: J. J.
Augustin, 1937).

383
Janet B. Dominik, “The Arts in Santa Barbara,” Plein Air Painters of California: The
North ed. Ruth Lilly Westphal (Irvine, CA: Westphal Publishing, 1986).

384
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 11.

385
Starr, Material Dreams, 254-255.

386
Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 4-5; and Robinson, Report, 22. “Stimulated
by Robinson’s Report, the Natural History Society took a $35,000 option on the Casa,
wanting to use it as a museum, art gallery and for classes, with plans to add an open air
theater behind it.” By 1910, Robinson, The Civic League, and the Natural History Society had
a common vision for the Casa largely dictated by the Mission, and there existed a moderate
number of “representative” Mission architecture examples in some key points in town. All of
these influences combined to suggest renovation; however, it was Francis T. Underhill who
first took the structure on. Andree, Santa Barbara Architecture, 41, 60-61, 80. Underhill was
an eclectic architect, who by this time had designed in many different modes including
Queen Anne (215 W. Valerio in Santa Barbara and 5395 8
th
Street in Carpinteria); Bungalow
(“La Chiquita,” 1904-1905); Spanish Colonial Revival (Billings House, 1906).

387
Weekes-Wilson, Santa Barbara, California, 32.

388
D. Gebhard, New Spain, 8-16.

389
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 75.

390
Hermann, et al. “Changes, Challenges.”

391
Walter A. Hawley, the Early Days of Santa Barbara California: From the First
Discoveries by Europeans to December, 1846 (Santa Barbara, CA: Schauer Printing Studio,
1920), 3.

392
Ernest Peixotto, Romantic California (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1910),
quoted in D. Gebhard, New Spain, 13.

258

393
Andree, et al., (Walker House – “Gables,”), 55; (Frederick Forest Peabody House)
60; (Billings House), 61.

394
Andree, et al., Santa Barbara Architecture, 41, 55, 60-61.

395
Donaldson, Historic Structures Report, 5. Underhill’s work on the Casa de la
Guerra was featured in Southwest Contractor and Manufacturer 18, September 10, 1910.

396
Bokovoy, San Diego, 49-50.

397
Williams, Old Town Santa Barbara, viii, 132-139.

398
Weekes-Wilson, Santa Barbara, California, 32.

399
Goist, Main Street, 35-45.

400
Boba and Weare, Studies, 20-26.

259

Chapter 9: San Diego - The Manifestation of Revival

401
Smythe, San Diego, 22.

402
Sagarena, “Building California’s Past,” 429-434.

403
David C. Streatfield, ““Californio” Culture and Landscapes, 1894-1942: Entwining
Myth and Romance with Preservation” in Design with Culture: Claiming America’s Landscape
Heritage, eds. Charles A. Birnbaum and Mary V. Hughes (Charlottesville, VA: University of
Virginia Press, 2005), 103-131.

404
Ramón A. Gutierrez, “Crucifixion, Slavery, and Death: The Hermanos Penitentes
of the Southwest,” in Design with Culture: Claiming America’s Landscape Heritage, 261-262
(253-267).

405
Bertram G. Goodhue, Mexican Memories (New York: G. M. Allen Company, 1892).

406
Sylvester Baxter, Bertram G. Goodhue and Henry Greenwood Peabody, Spanish
Colonial Architecture in Mexico (Boston: J. B. Millet, 1901).

407
Richard Oliver, Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue (New York: Architectural History
Foundation and Boston, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1983), 1-41 (quote, 40).

408
Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue, The Architecture and the Gardens of the San Diego
Exposition: a Pictorial Survey of the Aesthetic Features of the Panama-California International
Exposition (San Francisco: Paul Elder and Company, 1916).

409
Oliver, Bertram Goodhue, 112-119.

410
Oliver, Bertram Goodhue, 219 (109-119).

411
Kevin Starr, Americans and the California Dream, 1850-1915, (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1973), 405.

412
Kirker, Old Forms, 73-79.

413
Clarence Stein, “A Triumph of the Spanish-Colonial Style,” in Goodhue, San Diego
Exposition, 10-11 (10-18),

414
Bokovoy, San Diego, 151.

260

415
Bokovoy, San Diego, 147-149. San Diego went further than Santa Barbara from an
infrastructural perspective by resurrecting John Nolen’s 1907 plan in 1925-1927 in order to
better connect the Balboa Park, the Mission and Presidio.

416
Details on the disposition of Panama-California Exposition architecture can be
found in the San Diego Park Commission Collection, California Room Research Archives, San
Diego Public Library, Folder 7, Box 1 (SDPL). See also: Florence Christman, The Romance of
Balboa Park (San Diego, CA: San Diego Historical Society, 1985), 71-78.

417
“Peterson, Harry C., Papers: Biography,” Stanford University Finding Aids Beta
http://findingaids.stanford.edu/xtf/view?docId=ead/mss/m0649.xml;chunk.id=bioghist-
1.8.3;brand=default (accessed May 24, 2011). Peterson served as curator of the Stanford
University Museum from 1899–1918, establishing collections and publishing papers
concerning various historical sites. From 1918 to 1921, he was Head of Field Research for
the California State Library’s California History Department, later writing a series of
regional features for the Oakland Tribune.

418
Glassberg, Sense of History, 188. Peterson was a member of the Native Sons of the
Golden West’s Historical Landmarks Committee in 1922; and “H. C. Peterson Collection:
Historic Structures,” The California State Parks Museum Collection (Sacramento, CA: CA.GOV
California State Parks, 2010)
http://www.museumcollections.parks.ca.gov/code/emuseum.asp?page=collections
(accessed May 24, 2011).

419
Elmer Grey, “Southern California’s New Architecture,” in Architecture: the
Professional Architectural Monthly 39, no. 3 (March 1919), 57-61, 103-106; Arthur Brown,
Jr., “The House of Major Peshine at Santa Barbara: Myron Hunt, Architect,” in Architect and
Engineer 57, no. 3 (June 1919), 64-71; and D. Gebhard, New Spain, 14, 38.

420
D. Gebhard, New Spain, 15.

421
According to Gebhard, the Peshine House was also featured in Architectural
Record 45 (February 1919), 98-115.

422
Helen Hunt Jackson, Glimpses of California and the Missions (Boston: Little, Brown
and Company, 1883) in Irving F. Morrow, “San Juan Bautista,” Architect and Engineer 59, no.
3 (December 1919), 44 (42-75).

423
Morrow, “San Juan Bautista,” 42-75.

424
Ibid., 50.

425
Ibid., 72, 74.

261

426
Irving F. Morrow, “The Restoration of the California Missions,” Architect and
Engineer 60, no. 1 (January 1920), 44 (42-55).

427
Ibid., 53. Morrow authored other articles on the state of mission restoration,
including “The Mission of San Luis Obispo de Tolosa,” Architect and Engineer 62, no. 1 (July
1920), 73-79; and Petersen, Adobe Days, 4-5. Petersen contrasted the nature of preservation
with regard to Spanish colonial historic sites, (primarily spearheaded by those with no prior
connection to the cultural point of interest) and the much more proprietary New England
engagement in structures and their corresponding historical narratives (as seen in the work
of William Sumner Appleton, founder of the Society for the preservation of New England).

428
Samuel E. Gideon, “The Preservation of a California Landmark,” Architect and
Engineer 64, no. 2 (February 1921), 75-80.

429
D. Gebhard, New Spain.

430
David Gebhard, “Founding Father: George Washington Smith,” Santa Barbara
Magazine 19 (July/August 1993), 21-25. Gebhard wrote: “As Smith himself frequently
pointed out, he thought in terms of the primitive in his own art, just as did the painters Paul
Cézanne and Paul Gauguin, two 19
th
century artists whom he very much admired;” David
Gebhard, George Washington Smith, 1876-1930: the Spanish Colonial Revival in California; an
Exhibition, November 17-December 20, 1964 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California,
Santa Barbara University Art Museum, 1964), unpaginated; and Patricia Gebhard, George
Washington Smith: Architect of the Spanish Colonial Revival (Layton, UT: Gibbs Smith
Publishers, 2005), 10-11.

431
D. Gebhard, “Founding Father;” D. Gebhard, in George Washington Smith, 1876-
1930, unpaginated; P. Gebhard, George Washington Smith, 8-12; Irving F. Morrow, “A
Dialogue: which Touches Upon George Washington Smith’s Architecture,” Architect and
Engineer 78, no. 1 (July 1924), 52-97; and “Santa Barbara,” in The Place of Houses, ed.
Charles Moore, Gerald Allen and Donlyn Lyndon (Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press, 1974), 26 (19-30). Smith’s first project was featured in William Lawrence Bottomley,
“The American Country House Part I: Freedom and Range of Design,” Architectural Record
48, no. 4 (October 1920), 258-272; Irving F. Morrow, “Architecture with a Personality:
Homes by George Washington Smith Around Santa Barbara,” Architect and Engineer 71, no.
3 (December 1922), 47-69, 72-71 (47-87); The Architect: 1, no. 1 (February 1924), cxix-
cxxii, cxxiv-cxxvii; and Architectural Record 55, no. 1 (May 1924), 451, 453.

432
“The Bulletin Board,” Architecture: the Professional Architectural Monthly 59
(1929), 119; and Mary Osborne Skewes-Cox, “A Brief Biography of Mary McLaughlin Craig,”
in Mary M. Craig Project Files: Additional Materials, portfolio (Santa Barbara, CA: University
of California, Santa Barbara University Art Museum and Design Archive, March 1982).

262

433
Pamela Skewes-Cox, “James Osborne Craig and Mary McLaughlin Craig: a
Partnership in Ideals,” in The Capital (Santa Barbara, CA: Santa Barbara Trust for Historic
Preservation, July 2007).

434
Starr, Material Dreams, 282. For more information pertaining to Casa Santa Cruz,
see also Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 184; Smith, “Tales of Hoffmann;” and “B.
Hoffmann House,” in DG: III.D California Architects Research Files, Craig, James O., Casa
Santa Cruz portfolio (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara University
Art Museum and Design Archive).

435
Henriette Boeckman, “Street Has Old Spain Air: Artists Find Peace and Beauty in
Short Avenue in Heart of Santa Barbara,” Los Angeles Times, September 12, 1924. Boeckman
credited Bernhard Hoffmann and the rest of the “art-loving portion of the (Santa Barbara)
population” with creating a “deep-pervading peace patterned after that which enveloped
the town a hundred years ago.”

436
Sarah Allaback, “Craig, Mary: 1889-1964,” The First American Women Architects
(Champaign, ILL: University of Illinois Press, 2008), 70-72. This brief biography describes
the circumstances under which Mary Craig entered architecture upon the death of her
husband in March 1922, as well as a partial project list. Note that its entry of a marriage
date does not comport with Skewes; I have cited the date of 1918 provided by the latter.

437
D. Gebhard, “A Selected List of George Washington Smith Major Projects and
Buildings, 1916-1930,” in P. Gebhard, George Washington Smith, 1876-1930, unpaginated.

438
“Interesting Meeting of Southern California Chapter,” Architect and Engineer 70,
no. 3 (June 1920), 90.

439
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 98; and Architect and Engineer 70, no. 3 (June
1920), 115.

440
D. Gebhard, New Spain, 18-19, 28; and Kirker, Old Forms, 84. The winning entry
by Edgar Matthews of San Francisco was not adopted, but its evocation of Spain set the
direction for its ultimate, 1929 Andalusian design by William Mooser.

441
Riggs saw Smith’s first project in William Lawrence Bottomley, “The American
Country House Part I: Freedom and Range of Design,” Architectural Record 48, no. 4
(October 1920), 258-272.

442
David Gebhard, Lutah Maria Riggs: a Woman in Architecture, 1921-1980 (Santa
Barbara, CA: Capra Press in Association with the Santa Barbara Museum of Art, 1992), 1-9.
According to David Gebhard, Riggs discovered Smith’s Casa Dracaena in Bottomley, “The
American Country House,” 258-272. The piece, containing copious text and photographs,
amounted to an “architectural manifesto” of Smith’s originating idea.

263

443
Myrick, Montecito, 450-451.

444
Richard Oliver, Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue, ed. Robert A.M. Stern (New York:
The Architectural History Foundation and Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press), 119, 151-163,
and 164-168. Smiths’ and Craig’s work in relating adobes to other buildings paralleled
Goodhue’s integration of larger collections of buildings in such commissions as the San
Diego Panama-California Exposition (1915); Throop College of Technology (1915-1939);
town of Tyrone, New Mexico (1914-1918); Marine Corps installation in San Diego (1918);
as well as public buildings and commercial blocks in Honolulu (1917-1927). Although the
professional relationship was fraught, in common with several of his contemporaries such
as Irving Gill, Goodhue reached new heights of creativity when he directed his work toward
a more “astylar” expression in these early 20
th
century projects; “(moving) beyond both a
picturesque romanticism and an archaeological traditionalism,” 192-193. In that same vein,
critic Talbot Hamlin greatly admired Goodhue’s Liberty Memorial in Kansas City, Missouri
(1921), which preceded the Nebraska State Capitol Building (1922-1932) in its
advancement of modernity – a direction made possible by the architect’s maturation. The
unrealized Memorial took simplicity of form importance of material, showing what Hamlin
called “…the boldest uses of plain wall, cubical composition …,” 216-217 (215-220). La
Cabaña was featured in William Lawrence Bottomley, “The American Country House Part II:
Conditions and Traditions,” Architectural Record (October 1920), 308, 313-316 (273-366).

445
D. Gebhard, New Spain, 14.

446
P. Gebhard, George Washington Smith, 9-10.

447
Marianne Lamonaca, “Tradition as Transformation,” Studies in the Decorative Arts
5, no. 1 (New York: Bard Graduate Center for Studies in the Decorative Arts, Design and
Culture, Fall-Winter 1997-1998), 52-54 and Brian L. McLaren, Architecture and Tourism in
Italian Colonial Libya: an Ambivalent Modernism (Seattle, WA: University of Washington
Press, 2006), 153-155. The influential Italian periodical L’Architettura e Arti Decorative was
published between September 1921 and 1927 under the direction of Roman architects
Gustavo Giovannoni (1873-1947) and Marcello Piacentini (1881-1960); Michaelangelo
Sabatino, Pride in Modesty: Modernist Architecture and the Vernacular Tradition in Italy
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 22-23, 43-44, 65-68. The collective
phenomena of Italian ethnography, archaeology, and politics elicited interest in vernacular
architecture after the Great War. Giovannoni and Piacentini (“Mussolini’s architect”) were
among those who sought examples of the “stile Italiano” (Italian style) being produced in
America and elsewhere, “during the 1920s … when Italy was on the threshold of
transformation from a liberal to a fascist state.” See also Marcello Piacentini, “Influssi d’Arte
Italiana nel Nord America,” L’Architettura e Arti Decorative 1, no. 6 (March-April 1922), 536-
555; republished in Mario Pisani, ed., Marcello Piacentini: Architettura Moderna (Venice:
Marsilio Editori, 1996), 110-112. Piacentini viewed the Smith House #1 as a prime example
of “archittettura minore” (minor architecture); reflective of a distinctive regionalism
inspiring modern Italian architecture.

264

448
“Italian Recognition of our California Architecture,” Architectural Record 72, no. 2
(March 1923), 109. Quotations from the L’Architettura e Arti Decorative included the
observation: “Italian art. America copies the Italian architecture and gives credit, then goes
way ahead of us by applying it to modern homes!” An educated guess suggests that the Hunt
project referenced by Piacentini was the Major J. H. Peshine House of 1918 (see citations
181-183).

449
George Washington Smith, letter to Mrs. Augusta Owen Patterson, editor, Town
and Country (January 8, 1926), quoted in P. Gebhard, George Washington Smith, xi. Smith’s
own, widely publicized Montecito home, his first project in the Santa Barbara area, was
referenced by the architect: “The little house was practically the start of the Spanish Revival
in California which is now reaching up to San Francisco;” also 9-11.

450
“Italian Recognition,” 109.

265

Chapter 10: The Promise of a “New Spain”

451
David Gebhard, “1915-1930: Traditionalism and Design; Old Models from the
New,” in Lisa Phillips, ed., High Style: Twentieth-Century American Design (New York:
Whitney Museum of Art, 1985), 48-81; David Gebhard, “Learning from the 1920s: the Ideals
of Romance, Charm and Personality,” School of Architecture: Tulane University Review
(1984-1985), 50, in P. Gebhard, George Washington Smith, 37-38; and Starr, Material
Dreams, 65-68, 84.

452
Barker, Small Town, (home economics and teaching, 105-10, 113-122); (support
for the suffrage movement in Santa Barbara, 132-140). Barker characterized Chase as
“…pushing the boundaries of women’s prescribed domain,” as she gradually moved from
the roles of family caretaker and home economics teacher to active civic reformer. However,
unlike many other women of the time, Chase acted with the support and encouragement of
her family.

453
Ibid., 148-149.

454
Ibid., 231-235.

455
Handlin, the American Home, 94-97.

456
Tompkins, Past and Present, 83. Construction of the Granada Theater (1216 State
Street) would not be begun until 1922. For information regarding Santa Barbara’s earliest
theaters from 1905 up to 1918, see Lynn Catherine Brady, “Turn of the Century: an
Interlude” and Hermann, et al., “Changes, Challenges,” 109-112 and 124-125, respectively.

457
CAMA: Community Arts Music Association of Santa Barbara, Inc.; Online History
and Archives http://www.camasb.org/archives/index.shtml#historytext (updated June 14,
2011, accessed July 2, 2011); and Barker, Small Town, 235.

458
“Theaters: Fête at Santa Barbara, California,” Christian Science Monitor, May 25,
1920, 14; and “Santa Barbara Pageant Play,” Christian Science Monitor, June 22, 1920, 5.

459
Verne Linderman, “Community Arts Association Served City Culturally,” Santa
Barbara News-Press, Sunday, January 5, 1947 in CAMA: Community Arts Music Association;
and Barker, Small Town, 235-237.

460
Henry S. Pritchett, The Carnegie Corporation of New York: Report of the Acting
President for the Year Ended September 30, 1923 (Boston: D. B. Updike and the Merrymount
Press, 1923), 29-30.

461
Smith, “Tales of Hoffmann,” 73; and Myrick, Montecito, 359.

266

462
The Bowman McCalla home is misspelled/misidentified in the Historic
Structures/Sites Report for the Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History Master Plan
(HSSR: SMNHMP) as “McCall” on pages 23-24. A comparison between the entrance portal to
the McCalla Estate (the home described in Stephen Child; Citation #472, below); and the
extant entrance gate to the Casa Santa Cruz, among other clues, have led me to this
conclusion; and Smith, “Tales of Hoffmann.” 73-74. Smith stated that the existing home was
already named Casa Santa Cruz when the Hoffmanns purchased the property; however, this
does not comport with the Japanese landscaping.

463
Stephen Child, “Gardens of California,” in Art and Progress 5, no. 7, Special Garden
Number (Washington, D.C.: The American Federation of Arts, May 1914), 257 (254-258).
The McCalla residence is included in this article comparing various California garden
influences on Santa Barbara. Child wrote: “There has been no rigid copying here … but a
skillful adaptation to existing conditions of a type of garden eminently suited to this locality
and climate.”

464
Ibid.

466
“Berkshire: Correspondence of the Tribune; Stockbridge, Friday July 18,” New
York Daily Tribune, July 25, 1851. The correspondent described Ice Glen as “really … one of
the most wonderful places in the world.”

467
“Phase I Historic Structures Sites Report: Draft Preliminary HSSR,” MST 2010-
000166 Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History Master Plan (Santa Barbara, CA:
Post/Hazeltine Associates, July 5, 2011), 6.

468
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, (Junipero Plaza Tract, 181).

469
“Traditional Architecture: Santa Barbara,” Architecture (1922), 187.

470
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 125-127; “Business Buildings,” Architect and
Engineer 58, no. 3 (September 1919), 118; and D. Gebhard, New Spain, 14-18.

471
John Watson, “Eye on Santa Barbara: Andrews’ Houses,” The Montecito Journal 20
(March 27, 2008), 39; and Elizabeth B. Carlson, “Within Sight of Santa Barbara’s Mission:
The Story of Designer Mary Craig and her Patron, Margaret Forsyth Andrews,” La Campana
34, no. 3 (Santa Barbara, CA: Santa Barbara Trust for Historic Preservation, Summer 2008),
24-32.

472
Members of the philanthropist’s group, formed in September 1928, included
Harold Chase, Thomas Storke, Dwight Murphy, and Bernhard Hoffmann.

267

473
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 127; “Today’s Adobe Heritages,” 46; “La Casa
de Joaquin Carrillo: HABS No. CAL-25, HABS CAL 42 – SANBA 6,” Library of Congress
American Memory: Built in America; Historic American Building Survey (HABS)/Historic
American Engineering Record (HAER)/Historic American Landscapes Survey, 1933-Present
(Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, June 1937). Henry F. Withey provided the
following sources in his report: Myrtle Garrison, The Romance and History of California
Ranchos (San Francisco, CA: Harr Wagner Publishing Company, 1935); and Hero Eugene
Rensch, Ethel Grace Heald Rensch and Mildred Brooke Hoover, Historic Spots in California
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1937). See also Michael Redmon, “The Hammonds
and Their Montecito Estate: Well-To-Do Family Relocates to Santa Barbara and Buys
Bonnymeade in 1912,” Santa Barbara Independent: History 101 (June 15, 2010).
http://www.independent.com/news/2010/jun/15/hammonds-and-their-montecito-
estate/ (accessed July 1, 2011); and Joan Levy, “What Can You Tell Me about the Portrait
Painter Leonardo Barbieri?” Santa Barbara Independent: History 101 (July 17, 2008). Levy
reported: “Probably the first painting Barbieri painted (in this studio) was of José de la
Guerra…”

474
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 123;”Today’s Adobe Heritage,” 46; “Cañeda
Adobe: 121 East Cañon Perdido; HABS No, CAL-242, HABS CAL 42 - SANDBA 12,” Library of
Congress American Memory: Built in America; Historic American Building Survey
(HABS)/Historic American Engineering Record (HAER)/Historic American Landscapes Survey,
1933-Present, Prints and Photographs Division (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service,
October 1960, August 1965 and September 1, 1965). David Gebhard provided the following
sources in his report: Clarence Gullimore, Santa Barbara Adobes (Santa Barbara, CA: Santa
Barbara Book Publishing Company, 1948); and Santa Barbara News Press articles from July
31, 1949; August 3, 1962; and July 30, 1965.

475
“Back to Mud Houses,” Christian Science Monitor (September 7, 1920), 3.

476
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 143; “Today’s Adobe Heritages,” 46;
“Covarrubias House: 715 Santa Barbara, HABS No, CAL-26, HABS CAL 42 – SANBA 7,”
Library of Congress American Memory: Built in America; Historic American Building Survey
{HABS}/Historic American Engineering Record (HAER)/Historic American Landscapes Survey,
1933-Present, Prints and Photographs Division (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, June
1937 and October 1960). Henry F. Withey provided the following source in his report:
Walter A. Hawley, the Early Days of Santa Barbara California: From the First Discoveries by
Europeans to December 1846 (Santa Barbara, CA: Schauer Printing Studio, 1920). See also
John Reginald Southworth, Santa Barbara and Montecito: Past and Present (Santa Barbara,
CA: Oreña Studio and Schauer Printing Studio, 1920).

268

477
Richard Requa in Frederick Jennings, “Civic Improvement in Ojai, California: How
an Old, Uninteresting Town was Made Beautiful,” Architect and Engineer 58, no. 2 (August
1919), 42 (38-48).

478
Jennings, “Ojai, California,” 40.

479
Jennings, “Ojai, California,” 42-43.

480
James Osborne Craig, “At the Santa Ynez Mission” reproduction drawing in Mary
M. Craig Project Files, J.O. Craig Additional Materials, Photographs and Negatives (August
1921). (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara University Art Museum
and Design Archive).

481
Skewes-Cox, “Partnership,” 2.

482
“Ground Floor Plan: Scale 1/8 = One Inch,” in James Osborne Craig: De la Guerra
Adobe Residence Remodeling (1922-1923) portfolio (Santa Barbara, CA: University of
California, Santa Barbara University Art Museum Art and Design Archive). Craig biographer
Robert Sweeney has determined that no building permits exist regarding the Oreña Adobe.

483
“Site History of Plaza de la Guerra: Reviewing the Hispanic Plaza,” in Plaza de la
Guerra Reconsidered: Exhibition and Symposium (Santa Barbara, CA: Santa Barbara Trust for
Historic Preservation, 2002), 46-47 (35-48).

484
“Phase I Historic Structures Sites Report,” 56-57, 59-60, 62, 81-83, 150.
Additional service-related structures are listed in this report. The HSSR notes that the
former Hoffmann garage at 2758 Las Encinas Road was incorporated into the Museum
property in the 1960s, and is currently eligible for inclusion as a City of Santa Barbara
Structure of Merit. However, its condition precludes it from listing on the California Register
of Historical Resources or the National Register of Historic Places.

485
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 184; Smith, “Tales of Hoffmann,” 73; and “B.
Hoffmann House,” “Res. 2420 Garden Street,” in DG: III.D California Architects Research
Files, Craig, James O. Casa Santa Cruz (Santa Barbara, California: California Architects
Research Files, Santa Barbara University Art Museum and Design Archive).

486
“Museum of Oology,” Christian Science Monitor, (September 6, 1920), 4; and
“Phase I Historic Structures Sites Report,” 8-9. Brewster and his wife arrived in Santa
Barbara in 1918, and by 1921 were residing at 889 Mission Canyon Road. His design for the
Museum was extremely simple, in keeping with its narrow categorical focus and the
surroundings. The Museum opened in August 1922; however, its Board soon sought to
expand its focus to include other areas of the natural sciences besides ornithology.

269

487
“Phase I Historic Structures Sites Report,” 9-10, 12, 93-96. The expansion of the
Museum’s collections, supported by its co-founder, Caroline Hazard, and enacted by Ralph
Hoffmann and area philanthropists, was accompanied by a series of Spanish Colonial
Revival additions by Floyd Brewster and Carleton Winslow as described in the report.
During this extremely productive phase of his career, Ralph published regularly in his
professions’ top academic journals, Condor, Auk, and Rhodora; hosted the likes of Albert
Einstein at the Museum; and produced perhaps his best-known work, the authoritative field
guide Birds of the Pacific States (1927). Ralph Hoffmann died on July 21, 1932, having
contributed much to the culture of Santa Barbara as a discerning naturalist’s retreat and
newsworthy center of scientific discovery.

488
The Santa Barbara Botanic Garden
http://www.sbbg.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=research.main (updated 2011, accessed June
21, 2011).

489
Ibid., Casa Santa Cruz still stands at 2420 Garden Street.

490
Smith, “Tales of Hoffmann,” 74-75; Charles A. Birnbaum and Robin Karson, eds.,
Pioneers of American Landscape Design (Columbus, OH: McGraw-Hill Publishers, 2000), 473-
474. Reportedly, Lockwood de Forest, Jr., with whom Bernhard partnered in his work with
the Community Arts Association, prepared additional garden plans in 1923; however, the
specifics of these plans are unknown. See also George Washington Smith to Bernhard
Hoffmann, December 31, 1923. Smith claimed the first use of the bright white, lime-washed
stucco technique in his own home on Montecito’s Middle Road in 1918, reminding
Hoffmann that Craig had used it in his projects. The master architect was adamant that this
fact be known.

491
Years later, Bernhard and Irene sold Casa Santa Cruz to St. Anthony’s Seminary
and moved to a smaller home at 2758 Las Encinas Road.

492
Handlin, The American Home, 295-299. Handlin referenced the Marion Olmsted
House (San Diego, 1911) and Bella Vista Terrace apartments (Sierra Madre, 1910); The
Bella Vista Terrace apartments, surrounding a central garden, were featured with mature
landscaping in “Garden Apartment-Houses of the West,” Architect and Engineer 57, no. 3
(June 1919), 72-78; Helen McElfresh Ferris, “Irving John Gill: San Diego Architect, 1870-
1936; the Formation of an American Style of Architecture,” the Journal of San Diego History:
San Diego Historical Society Quarterly 17, no. 4, ed. James Moss (Fall 1971)
http://www.sandiegohistory.org/journal/71fall/gill.htm (accessed July 1, 2011). Other
early examples of Gill’s characteristic, thin-walled and stucco-ed designs included the Irving
J. Gill Cottage {San Diego, 1908}; La Jolla Community House (La Jolla, 1914); La Jolla
Women’s Club (La Jolla, 1912-1914); and the Dodge House (Los Angeles, 1916); and Esther
McCoy, Five California Architects (Los Angeles: Hennessey and Ingalls, Inc., 1987), 59-101.

493
Handlin, the American Home, 296 (295-299).

270

494
Ibid., 298 (295-299); and McCoy, Five California Architects, 59-101.

495
Oliver, Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue, 109-110, 119.

496
Andree, et al., Santa Barbara Architecture, 60; D. Gebhard, “Notes,” in P. Gebhard,
George Washington Smith, unpaginated; and Architectural Record 43 (May 1918), 395-403.

497
Oliver, Bertram Grosvenor Goodhue, 120-168 (Oliver quote, 120); (Honolulu
Academy of the Arts, 158-163). Projects in this “evolution” included the Honolulu Academy
of the Arts, the Henry Dater House and Gardens (1915-1918), and the Philip Henry House in
Scarborough, New York (1918). Although it would be constructed of local lava rock,
Goodhue’s 1922-1927 plans for the Honolulu Academy for the Arts was one of the most
illustrative examples of this progression. The Academy would have fit right in on 1920s-era
De la Guerra Street, with its rough, cream-colored stucco, deep overhang supported by
blocky columns, Spanish-themed inner court and red tiled roof. Oliver wrote: “It possibly
seemed startling to his would-clients that a high-style architect, whose work was associated
with the suave deployment of ornament, would now advocate the use of so little.”

498
John Byers, “The Influence of Adobe in California: a Traditional Adaptation,”
California Art and Architecture: Combining Pacific Coast Architect and California Southland
(April 1929), 29-39.

499
Irving F. Morrow, “Revival of Adobe Buildings,” Architect and Engineer 69, no. 1
(April 1922), 47-57.

271

Chapter 11: Projects and Committees
500
Verne Linderman, “Community Arts Association Served City Culturally.” Santa
Barbara News-Press, Sunday, January 5, 1947; and “Community Participation Led to Santa
Barbara’s Golden Age of Development in the Arts: Plays, Concerts, Painting Classes
Flourished.” Santa Barbara News Press, Sunday, January 12, 1947.

501
Southern California Writers' Project, 43-45.

502
Karen M. Hermann, et al., “Resilience and Survival,” in James C. Williams, ed., Old
Town Santa Barbara: a Narrative History of State Street from Gutierrez to Ortega, 1850-1975
(dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1977).

503
Interview with historian Kathleen Brewster, Santa Barbara History Museum
(February 8, 2011); and Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 5.

504
“Bernhard Hoffmann Lauded for Contribution to City,” Santa Barbara Morning
Press, July 10, 1949; “Notables of the Southwest: James R. H. Wagner,” in Press Reference
Library: Southwest Edition; being the Portraits and Biographies of Progressive Men of the
Southwest, who have Helped in the Development and the History Making of the Wonderful
Country (Los Angeles, CA: Los Angeles Examiner, 1912), 123; and Beth Gates Warren, Artful
Lives: Edward Weston, Margrethe Mather, and the Bohemians of Los Angeles (Los Angeles,
CA: Getty Publications, 2011), 72-73. A Detroit native retired from the tobacco industry,
Wagner founded the Santa Barbara Realty and Trust Company around 1903, later moving to
Los Angeles to become an establishing sales executive for Venice of America (today’s Abbott
Kinney neighborhood), the Venice Annex tract, Florencita Park, the Cudahy Ranch, Bell
Flower Acres (City of Bellflower) and the Owens Valley Ranch. Wagner also served as the
second vice president of the Los Angeles Realty Board and on the management team for the
Tournament of Roses Parade.

505
Pearl Chase, “Bernhard Hoffmann: Community Builder; Santa Barbara, 1921-
1927,” Noticias (Santa Barbara, CA: Santa Barbara Historical Society, Summer 1959).

506
“Community Arts Association of Santa Barbara: at the Close of the First Decade,
1920-1930” Brochure. SHBC MSS 1: CDCC, Community Arts Association, Box 1 (Santa
Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

507
Unknown author (possibly Bernhard Hoffmann), The Community Arts Association
of Santa Barbara: What it Is Brochure (Santa Barbara, CA: Community Arts Association,
1925). SHBC MSS 1: CDCC, Community Arts Association, Box 1 (Santa Barbara, CA:
University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

508
“Historic De La Guerra Mansion To Be Restored As Nucleus Of Quarter Fashioned
After Street Of Spain,” Santa Barbara Morning Press, Thursday, September 22, 1921.

272

509
“Phase I Historic Structures Sites Report,” 6.

510
“Historic De La Guerra Mansion to Be Restored.” In announcing the plans, the
Press made mention of the Hoffmanns residing at the recently-purchased “McCalla House;”
“Admiral McCalla Dies of Apoplexy: Retired Naval Officer Dies Suddenly at His Home In
Santa Barbara,” San Francisco Examiner, May 7, 1910; and computation made using S.
Morgan Friedman’s The Inflation Calculator, http://www.westegg.com/inflation/ (accessed
July 2, 2011).

511
Ibid.

512
Helfrich, “Site Work,” 14.

513
Helfrich, “Site Work,” 14-15.

514
Ibid.

515
Helfrich, “Site Work,” 18-19, 28; and “Ask Community Arts Committee to Draw
Sketches of the Plaza,” Santa Barbara Morning Press, April 13, 1922. Member architects
included Roland F. Sauter, J.F. Murphy of Soule, Murphy and Hastings, and R. T. Stevens.

516
Pictured in Helfrich, “Site Work,” 17-19. Many of these original drawings and
presentation boards are archived at the University of California, Santa Barbara University
Art Museum and Design Archive.

517
Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 14.

518
Helfrich, “Picturing Tradition,” 2.

519
Donaldson, Historic Structure Report, 14.

520
Hartfeld, Dwight Murphy, 132-133.

521
Lutah Maria Riggs, “Decorative Ceiling Design: Daily News Building,” 323 IV.E
GWS Daily News Building, Santa Barbara, Calif. (1922-1923) portfolio. (Santa Barbara, CA:
University of California, Santa Barbara University Art Museum Art and Design Archive).

522
Helfrich, “Site Work,” 16.

523
Helfrich, 21-22.

273

524
Hartfeld, Dwight Murphy, 136-137. “Starting with the planning of the first Old
Spanish Days Fiesta, Murphy’s second-floor office at number 119 became the locus of
innumerable formal and informal meetings, including those of such citizen’s groups and
official civic boards as the City Master Planning Committee, the East Boulevard
Improvement Association, and the Board of Park Commissioners. Soon the courtyard itself
became the site of many Fiesta activities, including entertainments and mercados.”

525
Winsor Soule, “Santa Barbara Architecture,” Architect and Engineer 79, no. 3
(December 1924), 53 (51-55).

526
George S. Edwards and Bernhard Hoffmann, “Architectural Advisory Committee:
Mr. T. Mitchell Hastings, Chairman, 1922-1923 and Mr. H.L. Wass, Chairman, 1923-1924,”
Community Arts Association: Plans and Planting Committee Brochure (Santa Barbara, CA:
August 1923), unpaginated. (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara
Davidson Library Special Collections).

527
Ibid.

528
Roland Sauter to T. Mitchell Hastings c/o the Architectural Advisory Committee,
August 19, 1922; and Roland Sauter to Bernhard Hoffmann, August 22, 1922. SHBC Miss 1:
CDCC, “Architectural Advisory Committee, 1925-1926,” Box 2. (Santa Barbara, CA:
University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

529
Ibid., Vhay’s co-Chairmen, comprising the “Non-Resident Advisory Committee,”
were architects Carleton Monroe Winslow, David C. Allison and William Templeton Johnson.

530
“Report of Competition on Designs for Small Houses by the Community Arts
Association, Santa Barbara,” (Santa Barbara, CA: Community Arts Association Library and
Exhibit Committee, October 1923). This event was the “inaugural competition” for the best
home design costing less than $5,000. In addition to the first, second and third prize
winners, twenty architects received honorable mention awards.

531
George S. Edwards and Bernhard Hoffmann, “Library and Exhibit Committee:
Mrs. John D. Vhay, Chairman,” Community Arts Association: Plans and Planting Committee
Brochure (Santa Barbara, CA: August 1923), unpaginated.

532
George S. Edwards and Bernhard Hoffmann, “Community Arts Association: Plans
and Planting Committee” Brochure (August 1923).

533
Edwards and Hoffmann, “Community Arts Association,” unpaginated.

274

534
“Plans for Civic Welfare,” Santa Barbara Morning Press, September 22, 1922.
Bernhard Hoffmann quoted in Eleanor Boba and Carol Snook Weare, eds. Studies of a
Growing Community: Santa Barbara, 1930-1980 Public Historical Studies Monograph 5
(Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Graduate Program in Public
Historical Studies, 1982), 48.

535
Boba and Weare, Studies, 26; and “Building Department,” in Santa Barbara:
Annual Report, 1923 quoted in Boba and Weare, Studies, 43-44.

536
“Some More Old Adobes,” Santa Barbara News-Press, Sunday, August 5, 1973, 52.

537
Conard and Nelson, Santa Barbara, 144-148.

538
National Better Homes Advisory Council Guidebook for Better Homes Campaigns in
Rural Communities and Small Towns: Better Homes Week, April 24 to May 1, 1927
(Washington, D.C.: Better Homes in America National Headquarters), 19. SHBC MSS1: CDCC,
III Orgs. Mat. Better Homes, Annual 1924-1926, Box 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of
California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

539
“F.L. Olmsted on the U.S. Housing Corporation: Lessons from Housing
Developments of the United States Housing Corporation,”
http://www.library.cornell.edu/Reps/Docs/olm19.htm (accessed July 2, 2011); and Better
Homes in America: Plan Book for Demonstration Week; October 9 to 14, 1922. Prosperity and
Thrift: The Coolidge Era and the Consumer Economy, 1921-1929 Library of Congress
American Memory: http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/coolbib:@field
(accessed May 1, 2011).

540
Barker, Small Town, 237-239.

542
Boba and Weare, Studies of a Growing Community, 47-49; and “Community Arts
Files Articles of Incorporation,” Santa Barbara Morning Press, November 5, 1922.

543
“The Carnegie Corporation’s Inquiries: Concerning the Place of Art in Our
American Life and a Resulting Program,” and “The Community Arts Association of Santa
Barbara,” Carnegie Corporation of New York: Report of the Acting President for the year
Ended September 30, 1922 (Boston: D.B. Updike and The Merrymount Press, 1922), 8-10
and 53-55, respectively.

275

544
Henry S. Pritchett, “The Carnegie Corporation’s Inquiries: Concerning the Place of
Art in Our American Life and a Resulting Program,” and “The Community Arts Association of
Santa Barbara,” The Carnegie Corporation of New York: Report of the Acting President for the
year Ended September 30, 1922 (Boston: D.B. Updike and The Merrymount Press, 1922), 8-
10 and 53-55, respectively (“Summary of Expenditures,” 74-75); and the Carnegie
Corporation of New York: Report of the Acting President for the Year Ended September 30,
1923 (Boston: D. B. Updike and the Merrymount Press, 1923), (“Potter Metabolic Clinic,” 29-
30); (“Community Arts Association of Santa Barbara,” 53-55); (quote, 55). Pritchett was
more than just a colleague of Chase and Hoffmann; he was instrumental in the extension of
Margaret Hoffmann’s life. As Acting President, Pritchett approved matching grants which
funded the Potter Metabolic Laboratory at Cottage Hospital. The second of these grants
occurred in October 1922, establishing a limited insulin trial at the clinic, to which Margaret
responded favorably.

545
Edwin H. Flagg, “The Planning of Theaters and Auditoriums,” and “Immense
Sums Invested in Movie Theaters,” Architect and Engineer 63, no. 1 (October 1920), 71-80
and 107, respectively; “With the Architects,” Architect and Engineer 61, no. 3 (June 1920),
115. Also in 1920, the Pantages Theater Corporation was expanding with the construction
of five theaters in as many states.

546
“Theater for Santa Barbara,” Christian Science Monitor August 5, 1919, 14.

547
“The Bulletin of the Community Arts Association: Bulletin 2” Note to Mr. and Mrs.
Bernhard Hoffmann, March 4, 1922 (Santa Barbara, CA: Community Arts Association, March
1922) SBHC MSS 1: CDCC, Drama File, CAA Drama Branch and Lobero Theater, Box 686.

548
D. Gebhard, Lutah Maria Riggs, 9. The Lobero Theater Engineering (August 25,
1923) and Elevation/Plan (June 26, 1922) drawings are archived in 268 IV.E Lobero
Theater Associates, Santa Barbara, California (1922) portfolio. (Santa Barbara, CA:
University of California, Santa Barbara University Art Museum Art and Design Archive).

549
“Minutes Re: Lobero Theater; Commencing October 19, 1922,” November 8,
1922. SHBC Miss 1: CDCC, Lobero Box 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa
Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections). “Mr. Hoffmann reported to the other
Directors … and they agreed with him that it was wise to now consider building from a clean
start … It was the consensus of opinion that the Chairman of the Building Committee
(Hoffmann) secure sketches of a new theater from the architects just as soon as possible to
present to the Lobero Theater Company shareholders.”

276

550
Verne Linderman, CAMA: Community Arts Association “Community Participation
Led to Santa Barbara’s Golden Age of Development in the Arts.” January 12, 1947. Accounts
differ on the amount of stock sold in the campaign to raise funds for the Lobero Theater;
estimates included: “History of the Lobero Theater,” the Lobero Theater Foundation
http://www.lobero.com/foundation/history/ (accessed July 1, 2001) ($180,000); and
“Santa Barbara Players Open the Lobero Theater,” Christian Science Monitor, August 22,
1924, 7 ($175,000).

551
“Notes,” Art and Progress 13, no. 11 (New York: American Federation for the Arts,
November 1922), 492.

552
“Minutes Re: Lobero Theater; Commencing October 19, 1922,” November 14,
1922; November 16, 1922; April 19, 1923; April 23, 1923; August 13, 1923; and August 16,
1923. SHBC Miss 1: CDCC, Lobero Box 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa
Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

553
“Lobero Theater: Announcing” Pamphlet; undated and unpaginated. SBHC MSS 1:
CDCC, Drama File, CAA Drama Branch and Lobero Theater, Box 686. (Santa Barbara, CA:
University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

554
“Minutes Re: Lobero Theater; Commencing October 19, 1922,” June 1, 1925
(reference to Samuel Ilsley donation}; and June 15, 1925 (reference to Bernhard Hoffmann
donation). SHBC Miss 1: CDCC, Lobero Box 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California,
Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections). The long-term goals for the Lobero
were to construct a balcony, rehearsal room and set storage; and to “establish a workshop
theater where original manuscripts may be tried out, and talent developed for larger
productions.” The Drama Branch had already spent the first $1,250 of the Carnegie gift for
theater-related expenses, and, in early June 1925, Samuel Ilsley and Bernhard Hoffmann
each loaned the theater $1,000 at 6% annual interest for ongoing expenses.

555
Ibid., 7, 9-13. Smith’s previous projects included his own house (1918); the
Courtney House (1921-1922); and the Mary Stewart House (1921-1922).

556
D. Gebhard, Lutah Maria Riggs, 10, 54.

557
Kurt G.F. Helfrich, Picturing Tradition: Lutah Maria Riggs Encounters Mexican
Architecture; University Art Museum, University of California, Santa Barbara, September 29,
2004-January 30, 2005. (Santa Barbara, CA: Regents of the University of California, 2004),
unpaginated.

558
Lutah Maria Riggs, “Conte Crayon Drawing of Lobero Theater Interior,” in D.
Gebhard, Lutah Maria Riggs, 113.

277

559
Andrew Noble Prentice, Renaissance Architecture and Ornament in Spain: a Series
of Examples Selected from the Purest Works Executed between the Years 1500-1560,
Measured and Drawn, together with Short Descriptive Text (London: B. T. Batsford, 1915).
Internet Archive, http://www.archive.org/details/renaissancearchi00pren {accessed June
15, 2011}.

560
J. A. Garate, “Museo de Burgos.” The Burgos Museum (formerly the Burgos
Provincial Archaeological Museum, 1955-1973) in Miranda de Ebro, Spain, is one of several
Spanish museums housing archaeological collections brought together under the auspices
of the Provincial Commission of Confiscation and the Provincial Commission of Monuments
during the early years of the 19
th
century. In a phenomenon paralleling the secularization of
the California mission system, Spain’s mid-19
th
century Law of Disentailment allowed for
church, convent, and monastery properties and their contents to be confiscated and resold.
A process of “artistic patrimony” ensued, disseminating the historic contents to new
museums and establishing archaeological classification systems for the first time. The
Burgos Museum encompasses the Spanish Renaissance palace La Casa de Miranda, founded
by the family of Miranda Castillo Santacruz; one of the Museum’s focal points is a double-
galleried patio surrounding a center fountain.
http://www.museodeburgos.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=section&id=4&Ite
mid=110 (updated March 2, 2011; accessed May 2, 2011).

561
Prentice, “Sketch of Bracket Capital: Ground Arcade” and “Patio in Elevation” in
Renaissance Architecture, Plate 16.

562
“Santa Barbara City Hall Has Shown Three Faces,” Santa Barbara News-Press,
Sunday, August 5, 1973.

563
Fukuo Akimoto, “Charles H. Cheney of California,” Planning Perspectives 18 (July
2003), 266-270 (263-275).

564
Boba and Weare, Studies, 26-29, 47-49; and Charles H. Cheney, “Steps Necessary
in Zoning Santa Barbara,” in City of Santa Barbara CDD, “60
th
Anniversary,” unpaginated.

565
City of Santa Barbara Community Development Department, “60
th
Anniversary of
the City Planning Commission,” September 7, 1983. Minutes of the first 7 meetings were
included: September 28; October 5; October 18; November 1; November 17; and December
7, 1923.

566
Major Traffic Street Plan, Boulevard and Park System for Santa Barbara,
California. Reports of Charles H. Cheney, Consultant in City Planning and Olmsted Brothers,
Landscape Architects (Santa Barbara, CA: Community Arts Association, 1924), 59-60.

567
Santa Barbara Planning Commission Minutes, September 28, 1923, quoted in
Boba and Weare, Studies of a Growing Community, 48-49.

278

568
David Gebhard, Introduction to Herb Andree, et al. Santa Barbara Architecture, 8.

569
“Albert G. Lansburgh, 1891-1939 #AACR2 - Biographical History” (SNAC) The
Social Networks and Archival Context Project: Prototype, (Washington, D.C.: National
Endowment for the Humanities in collaboration with IATH at the University of Virginia, UC
Berkeley School of Information, and the California Digital Library)
http://socialarchive.iath.virginia.edu/xtf/view?docId=Lansburgh+G+Albert+1891-1939-
cr.xml (updated April 14, 2011, accessed May 3, 2011); Jerry Adams, “G. Albert Lansburgh:
an Architect from the Golden Era,” in San Francisco Examiner Pictorial Living, August 13,
1961; and Norton B. Stern and William M. Kramer, “G. Albert Lansburgh: San Francisco’s
Jewish Architect from Panama,” Western States Jewish Historical Quarterly 12, no. 3 (April
1981), 210-224. The Beaux Arts-trained Lansburgh, a former draughtsman working for
Bernard Maybeck, became well-known for his opulent theater designs in San Francisco, Los
Angeles, and many other cities. Landburgh’s projects included the Shrine Auditorium (Al
Malaikah Temple) and the Lobero in Santa Barbara.

570
The Lobero Theater was prominently featured in several articles including H. C.
Nickerson, “The Rise of Santa Barbara,” in California Southland: an Illustrated Magazine of
National Interest 7 (August 1925), 8; and “Community Building in Santa Barbara,
California,” Christian Science Monitor, October 1, 1925.

571
“Community Arts Association: Santa Barbara,” California Southland, 15.

572
“New Lobero Cornerstone is Placed: Community Arts Association Officials at
Simple Ceremony,” Santa Barbara Morning Press, April 9, 1924. The Lobero re-opened to
the public on August 4-16, 1924 with the play “Beggar on Horseback” by George S. Kaufman
and Marc Connelly.

574
D. Gebhard, George Washington Smith, unpaginated. The Lobero Theater
appeared in the following publications: Irving F., “A Step in California’s Architecture,”
Architect and Engineer 70, no. 2 (August 1922), 103, Plate G; California Southland 61,
(January 1925), 15, 31; Architectural Forum 57 (September 1932), 197-200 See also:
Patricia Gebhard, George Washington Smith, 90, 155.

575
“Santa Barbara’s Street in Spain,” in California Southland Magazine: Garden Club
of America, Special Number 75 (March 1926), 15.

576
Kathleen Brewster, “The Street in Spain’s Commemorative Plaques,” in La
Campana (Santa Barbara, CA: Santa Barbara Trust for Historic Preservation, Summer 2004),
2.

279

577
“History of the Lobero Theater,” The Lobero Theater Foundation of Santa Barbara.
http://www.lobero.com/foundation/history/ (accessed February 15, 2010); and Gabrielle
H. Cody and Evert Sprinchorn, “Beggar on Horseback,” in The Columbia Encyclopedia of
Modern Drama 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 137. The Lobero officially
re-opened on August 4, 1924 with a “gala production” of Beggar on Horseback, a satirical
romp which had premiered in New York the previous February. The opening coincided with
Santa Barbara’s inaugural Fiesta, organized by equestrian Dwight Murphy and other
prominent citizens.

578
“History of the Lobero Theater.”

579
Brewster, “Street in Spain,” 4.

580
“Palacio de los Marqueses de Viana” photo gallery and interactive site plan,
Artencordoba: Art, Culture and Tourism in Cordoba, http://www.artencordoba.co.uk/
(accessed February 14, 2010).

581
Ellen M. Harrell Cantrell, “The Moors of Spain,” in The Congress of Women: Held in
the Women’s Building; World’s Columbian Exposition, Chicago, U.S.A., 1893 (Philadelphia: S.I.
Bell Company, 1894), 253. Internet Archive,
http://www.archive.org/details/congressofwomenh00worl (accessed December 10, 2010).

582
“The Phoebe Hearst Architectural Competition: Hacienda del Poso de Verona,” in
California Architecture and Building News: a Monthly Journal Devoted to the Architectural
Interests of the Pacific Coast 20, no. 9, ed. Mary K.O. Eagle (San Francisco: The San Francisco
Architectural Publishing Company, September 20, 1899), 106. Internet Archive,
http://www.archive.org/details/californiaarchit2021pacirich (accessed February 14,
2010).

583
Constance Austin, “Some Modern Adobes,” in Overland Monthly 52 (October
1908), 327. Describing the charm awaiting the visitor of one of Santa Barbara’s newly
constructed, re-invented adobes, Austin wrote: “The view seaward through the broad arch
is an ever changing dream of enchantment.”

584
Bernhard Hoffmann to the Marquis de Viana, March 2, May 11, and May 27, 1925,
Community Development and Conservation Collection (CDCC) SBHC Mss 1, University of
California Santa Barbara Donald C. Davidson Library Special Collections, Santa Barbara, CA.

585
Brewster, “Street in Spain,” 2-4. The use of the word “tile” was synonymous with
“plaque” in pre-1925 Santa Barbara tourist literature. The finished plaques, still in place
today, are each made up of twenty individual tiles.

280

586
Richard A. Martinsen, “Sporting Duke of Spain Feels at Home in California; Lauds
Spanish Quality,” The Morning Press, October 5, 1924, in Brewster, “The Street in Spain’s
Commemorative Plaques,” 4.

587
Richard Henry Dana, Two Years before the Mast: a Personal Narrative of Life at
Sea (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1840), 67-70, 300-330. Google Books,
http://tinyurl.com/3my6lar (accessed May 1, 2011). Dana famously described Santa
Barbara as it looked from the harbor as well as details of the society wedding of Anita de la
Guerra y Noriega at the Casa de le Guerra.

588
Mabel Urmy Seares, “A Community Reaches Its Ideal,” California Arts and
Architecture 37 (June 1930), 71.

589
“City Progress To Be Told In Southland Magazine,” Santa Barbara Morning Press,
November 8, 1924; and “Historic Santa Barbara and the Work of its Model, the Community
Arts Association,” California Southland, May 7, 1925, 14-15.

590
Better Homes in America: Do You Want Better Homes in Your Community?
Brochure (Washington, D.C.: Better Homes in America Campaign, 1925). SHBC MSS 1: CDCC,
III Orgs. Mat. Better Homes, Annual 1924-1926, Box 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of
California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

591
“Better Homes on a Business Base: Speculative Builders Agree To Erect
Demonstration Houses From Model Plans; Combine Costs And Ideals,” New York Times,
September 2, 1923; and “Homes With Replaceable Parts Planned By Government Experts:
One Thousand Dollar’s Worth Of Government House-Building Advice In Five-Cent
Pamphlet; Plenty Of Variation For Individual Taste In Series Of Designs,” New York Times,
September 9, 1923.

592
Ibid.

593
Soule, “Santa Barbara Architecture,” (December 1924), 56 (49-74); (Daily News
Building, 57); (El Paseo Buildings, 58); (Gillespie Estate, 59-60); (Bernhard Hoffmann Guest
Cottage, 64); (Major J.H.R. Pershine House, 65); (Henry Dater House, 68-69). Also, a variety
of small home designs appeared on pages 70-73.

594
Ibid., 50-73.

595
Barker, Small Town, 247-249.

596
Paul Whitney, “House Greets Entertainers at Community Arts’ Meeting,” Santa
Barbara Morning Press, January 30, 1924.

281

597
Pearl Chase, “Report of Better Homes Week: Santa Barbara, California,”
unpaginated. SHBC MSS1: CDCC, III Orgs. Mat. Better Homes, Annual 1924-1926, Box 1
(Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special
Collections). The location of Demonstration House #2 is not specified in the file. The
remaining homes were identified and located as follows: #3 “Three Hillside Apartments” at
2218 Alameda Padre Serra; #4 “The Brick House” at 1117 N. Milpitas; and #5 “The Adobe”
at 821 West Valerio Street.

598
“Better Homes Executive Committee Meeting Minutes” (January 16, 1925), 1-3;
and Chase, “Report of Better Homes Week,” unpaginated. SBHC MSS 1: CDCC, III Orgs. Mat.
Better Homes, Annual 1924-1926, Box 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa
Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

599
Ibid.

600
“Santa Barbara April 3, 1925 Conference on City Beautiful.” Unattributed,
unpaginated typewritten notation. SHBC Miss 1: CDCC, III Orgs. Mat. Better Homes, Annual
1924-1926, Box 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson
Library Special Collections).

601
Pearl Chase, “Better Small Homes in Santa Barbara,” in Plans and Planting
Committee of the Community Arts Association, New Santa Barbara (August 1926), 48-56.

602
CAMA: Community Arts Music Association of Santa Barbara, Inc.; Online History
and Archives http://www.camasb.org/archives/index.shtml#historytext (updated June 14,
2011, accessed July 2, 2011).

282

Chapter 12: Rebuilding in “The New Spain”

603
Sylvester, Arthur G., and Stanley H. Mendes. Field Guide to the Earthquake of
Santa Barbara. Santa Barbara, CA, 1987.

604
H. C. Nickerson, “The Rise,” 8.

605
Sian Winship, “J. Wilmer Hershey Project: Phase II: Supplemental Findings as of
11/12/08,” Unpublished research notes, used with author’s permission. Winship cited two
letters in which Hoffmann described in detail the methodology and goals of the
Architectural Board of Review and Community Drafting Room; dated July 3 and July 4,
respectively.

606
Myrick, Montecito, 344.

607
Nickerson, “The Rise,” 8.

608
Winship, “J. Wilmer Hershey Project.”

609
“Community Building in Santa Barbara, California,” Christian Science Monitor,
October 1, 1925, 11.

610
“With the Architects,” Architect and Engineer 83, no. 3 (September 1925), 115.

611
Marston, a Wisconsin native, was an influential, self-made millionaire at the helm
of San Diego’s leading department store by the time of Bernhard Hoffmann’s 1874 birth in
Stockbridge. “Geranium George” Marston had already set the template for hands-on
community beautification with a philanthropic career that Hoffmann would mirror to a
large degree. See also: Hamilton Marston, “A Tribute to George Marston,” The Journal of San
Diego History: San Diego Historical Society Quarterly 15, no. 4, ed. Rita Larkin (Fall 1969).
http://www.sandiegohistory.org/journal/69fall/marston.htm (accessed July 22, 2011); and
Nicholas C. Polos, “George White Marston: The Merchant Prince of San Diego,” The Journal of
San Diego History: San Diego Historical Society Quarterly 30, no. 4, ed. Thomas L. Scharf (Fall
1984). http://www.sandiegohistory.org/journal/84fall/marston.htm (accessed July 22,
2011).

612
George White Marston to Bernhard Hoffmann (excerpted), July 10, 1925. SBHC
MSS 1: CDCC, “H” File: Bernhard Hoffmann (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California,
Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

613
Correspondence of Bernhard Hoffmann. SBHC MSS 1: CDCC, “H” File: Bernhard
Hoffmann (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library
Special Collections).

283

614
Irving F. Morrow, “New Santa Barbara,” Architect and Engineer 86, no. 1 (July
1926), 43-83.

615
Bernhard Hoffmann, Chairman of the Santa Barbara Architectural Advisory
Committee (under the auspices of the Santa Barbara Committee on Public Safety and
Reconstruction) to Arthur S. Tuttle, Chief Engineer for Municipal Building, New York, N.Y.
Letters dated November 25, December 2, and December 8, 1925. SBHC MSS 1: CDCC,
Architectural Board of Review (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara
Davidson Library Special Collections).

616
Hoffmann prepared a “Petition to the Council of Santa Barbara,” which sought
voluntary compliance with the idea. SBHC MSS 1: CDCC, “H” File: Bernhard Hoffmann (Santa
Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).
“[Those who are] reconstructing the fronts of their buildings will provide an arcade or
passage for sidewalk purposes...”

617
“Editorial Chat,” Architect and Engineer 96, no. 3 (San Francisco, CA: March
1929), 108; and John Taylor Boyd, “Houses Showing a Distinguished Simplicity,” Arts and
Decoration 33 (October 1900), 57. Regarding later uses, David Gebhard has cited the mid-
20
th
century provenance of the terms “California Style” and “Bay Tradition;” expressions of
two, respective “regionalist traditions.” Walter Landor, “West Coast U.S.A. – Post War,” in
Architect’s Yearbook 3 (London, 1949), 130 and Lewis Mumford, “The Skyline,” The New
Yorker 23 (October 11, 1947); 94-96, in D. Gebhard, Lutah Maria Riggs, 27, 29, 117-118.

618
By the 1930s, the fundamental nature of Santa Barbara’s economic base
permanently shifted from a pastoral vacation and land investment destination for extended-
stay easterners to a more localized short-term tourist and art trade.

619
Chase, “Bernhard Hoffmann, Community Builder,” 20-21.

620
Ibid..

621
“Mayor Seeks Resignation of Members: Dictates Letter to Dr. Brown, Then Says
he Repudiates It/Dodges the Question/Praises Doctor for his Skill when Asked to His
Demand” Santa Barbara Morning Press, Tuesday, January 12, 1926, 1. SBHC MSS 1: CDCC,
“H” File: Bernhard Hoffmann (Santa Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara
Davidson Library Special Collections).

622
Bernhard Hoffmann to the Honorable H.A. Adrian, Mayor of Santa Barbara dated
January 25, 1926. SBHC MSS 1: CDCC, “H” File: Bernhard Hoffmann (Santa Barbara, CA:
University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

284

623
Henry S. Pritchett, “The Meaning of a Community Arts Association,” address to a
meeting of the Community Arts Association, Santa Barbara, California (June 19, 1925), a
reprint excerpting articles originally appearing in California Southland 7, no. 67 (July 1925)
and no. 68 (August 1925). SHBC MSS 1: CDCC, Lobero Theater, Box 1 (Santa Barbara, CA:
University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

624
Barker, Small Town, 238.

625
Charles H. Cheney and Frederick Law Olmsted, Major Traffic Street Plan
Boulevard and Park System (Santa Barbara, CA: Community Arts Association/Plans and
Planting Committee, 1924), 34; and Boba and Weare, Studies, 65-70, 150-154.

626
In 1928, Vhay designed her own Spanish Colonial Revival studio nearby at 809
Laguna, continuing the local architectural trend. Between 1930 and 1937, Vhay also
contributed to the creation of a neighborhood-within-a-neighborhood in the 900 block of
Garden Street. El Caserio (The Village) was a clustered collection of Barbara, adding to its
visual, and experiential, complexity. In this researcher’s opinion, Vhay would make an
exceptional subject for further research.

627
Excerpts from Irving F. Morrow, “New Santa Barbara,” Architect and Engineer 86,
no. 1 (July 1926), pages 42-83 reprinted in Plans and Planting Committee of the Santa
Barbara Community Arts Association, New Santa Barbara: Supplement Santa Barbara’s
Better Homes in America Prize (Santa Barbara, CA: Press of the Schauer Printing Studio,
August 1926), 8.

628
Plans and Planting, New Santa Barbara, frontispiece.

629
Edward A. Hartfeld, California’s Knight on a Golden Horse: Dwight Murphy; Santa
Barbara’s Renaissance Man (Santa Barbara, CA: Dwight Murphy Memorial Project, 2007),
131 (131-133); Boba and Weare, Studies, 26-29, 47-49; and Myrick, Montecito, 344-345.
Hoffmann’s “frustration” with city officials may have evolved from the 1926 abolishment of
the City Manager form of government and return to six wards, fracturing city unity and
centralized decision making. The Building Department was dismantled as a cohesive entity;
each inspector would from this time forward issue permits on an individual basis,
narrowing their respective foci. As mentioned earlier, David Gray was similarly stymied
around the time of his 1926 donation of the Cabrillo Pavilion; later adding funds for
furnishings and first year operations for a total gift of almost $200,000.

630
Bernhard Hoffmann to Dwight Faulding, December 27, 1928. SBHC MSS 1 CDCC,
Lobero Theater Pictures: Faulding and Mary Craig. (Santa Barbara, CA: University of
California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

285

631
“Hoover Will Start Trip East Tonight: He Will Head Parade and be Guest at Civic
Reception in Los Angeles; To Visit Grand Canyon, Short Speeches From Train Scheduled in
Arizona, New Mexico and Kansas,” New York Times, August 16, 1928, 3.

632
“Minutes of Lobero Theater Annual Meeting,” March 13, 1928. It appears from
the documentation that the Lobero was a greater artistic success than a commercial one.
Discussion on September 12, 1928 centered upon donated labor, an inability to grant a raise
in pay, and the overdue mortgage.

633
“Community Arts Association of Santa Barbara: at the Close of the First Decade,
1920-1930” Brochure (1930). SBHC MSS 1 CDCC, Community Arts Association. (Santa
Barbara, CA: University of California, Santa Barbara Davidson Library Special Collections).

634
Linderman, “Community Arts Association Served City Culturally,” in CAMA:
Community Arts Music Association.

635
“Plunkett Cited in $1,300,000 Losses,” New York Times, February 18, 1932, 1, 6.

636
“Mission Becomes Choate Memorial: Daughter of Diplomat Furnishes Old
Stockbridge (Mass.) House with Early American Pieces; Indians Helped Build It,” New York
Times, February 9, 1930, 17.

637
“Stockbridge Group Plans Annual Outing,” New York Times, August 26, 1931, 24.

638
“Celebrate in Berkshires: Colonists Mark Bicentennial at Tree-Planting on
Historic Hill,” New York Times, June 23, 1932, 18.

639
Carole Owens, “Irene Completes the Saga,” The Berkshire Eagle, Sunday, October
2, 2010; and The Berkshire Eagle, January 9, 1941 and February 6, 1941 (Article series
courtesy Joshua Hall, Stockbridge Library Historical Collection). It should be noted that
while the Hoffmanns moved back to Stockbridge at this time, they still maintained their
former Santa Barbara home at 2758 Las Encinas Road, and planned a return trip as late as
1941 to visit Gertrude Hoffmann, Ralph’s widow, and her daughter, Eleanor Hoffmann.

640
“Miss Margaret Hoffmann,” New York Times, October 25, 1933, 19.

641
“Berkshire Fête Names Officers,” New York Times, August 9, 1934.

286

642
“Conservation Leader Dies in Stockbridge: Bernhard Hoffmann Stricken
Preparing to Attend Concert,” The Pittsfield Gazette, July 7, 1949;”Bernhard Hoffmann,” The
Berkshire Eagle, July 7, 1949; “Stockbridge,” Springfield Republican, July 7, 1949; and
“Bernhard Hoffmann: Restored ‘Quake City,” New York Times, July 7, 1949. (Obituaries
courtesy of Joshua Hall, Stockbridge Library Historical Collection). See also “Bernhard
Hoffmann Succumbs,” Santa Barbara News-Press, July 7, 1949; “Bernhard Hoffmann Left His
Own Memorials Here,” Santa Barbara News-Press, Saturday, July 9, 1949; and “Bernhard
Hoffmann Lauded for Contribution to City,” Santa Barbara News-Press, July 10, 1949.

643
Carole Owens, “Irene,” unpaginated.

644
“Mrs. Hoffmann Dies, Founded Garden Center,” The Berkshire Eagle, February 17,
1960.

645
“Berkshire Botanical Garden: A Multifaceted Community Gem,” in Virginia Small
and Rich Pomerantz, Great Gardens of the Berkshires (Down East Books, 2008), 43 (43-44).

646
The 150-page Pittsfield Housing Report of 1949 is housed at the Berkshire
Athenaeum/Pittsfield Public Library Historical Collection.
http://www.pittsfieldlibrary.org/. The Report has not been digitized as of this writing.

647
“Praises Housing Report,” The Berkshire Eagle, March 15, 1947.

648
“Town Pays Tribute to Bernhard Hoffmann: Friends, Neighbors at Community
Memorial Service,” Pittsfield Gazette, July 11, 1949; and Walter Prichard Eaton, “Our
Berkshires: Bernhard Hoffmann,” The Berkshire Eagle, Wednesday, July 13, 1949.
(Obituaries courtesy of Joshua Hall, Stockbridge Library Historical Collection).

649
“Mrs. Hoffmann Dies, Founded Garden Center,” The Berkshire Eagle, February 17,
1960; “Irene Hoffmann Dies After Stroke,” Santa Barbara News-Press, February 17, 1960;
and ”Mrs. Bernhard Hoffmann’s Contributions,” Santa Barbara News-Press, February 18,
1960.

650
“Conservation Leader Dies in Stockbridge,” The Berkshire Eagle, July 7, 1949.

651
The American Institute of Architects, Proceedings of the Sixty-Second Annual
Convention of the American Institute of Architects. Washington, D.C. and New York, N.Y.: The
Board of Directors of the American Institute of Architects (April 1929), 71, 85. According to
Nancy Hadley, AIA Archivist and Records Manager, Chapter III of the AIA’s bylaws allowed
that “Any person, not by profession an architect, who has rendered the profession signal
and valuable service, and who has conspicuously upheld its aims, may be made an Honorary
Member of the American Institute of Architects.”

287

652
“City Leader of Santa Barbara is Honored by Southern California Chapter, A.I.A:
President Announces Committees for the Year; New Chapter to be Formed in Three
Counties,” Southwest Builder and Contractor (February 15, 1929), 36.

653
David P. Handlin, The American Home, 30-48, 66, 235-236, 269, 332-333.

654
Ibid., 227-231, 332-336.

655
Ibid., 94-96. “Village improvement was attractive not only to residents, whose
stake was clear, but to those who had moved away yet wished to maintain ties with their
hometown. Some … improvement work was sponsored by wealthy people who, in effect,
adopted towns … the fundamental goal was to make the town or village seem more town or
village-like.”

656
Ibid., 27-29, 44-45. “Downing wrote about European ideas, “adapted to North
America,” in the hope that he could inspire in his countrymen a perception of the beautiful
and thereby elevate them.”

657
Bernhard Hoffmann, “Architectural Aphorisms,” Architect and Engineer 96, no. 3
(San Francisco, CA: March 1929), 111. The remainder of Bernhard’s few published pieces:
“The Rebuilding of Santa Barbara: the Opportunity,” Bulletin of the Seismological Society of
America (October 30, 1925), 323-329 and Photographs in Vol. XV, Plate 46-53;
(Bibliography of the Santa Barbara Earthquake, 329-333); and Bernhard Hoffmann,
“Declares Architecture the All-Pervading Art for Society and the Average Man: Civic Leader
Sees Greater Scope for Profession Hopes for Day when Architects will Sign Work,”
Southwest Builder and Contractor (February 22, 1929), 32-33. The latter piece was the text
of Hoffmann’s April 1929 acceptance speech on the occasion of his honorary award of
lifetime membership in the American Institute of Architects (AIA). The American Institute of
Architects, Proceedings of the Sixty-Second Annual Convention of the American Institute of
Architects. (Washington, D.C.: The Board of Directors of the American Institute of Architects,
April 1929), 71, 85. According to Nancy Hadley, AIA Archivist and Records Manager,
Chapter III of the AIA’s bylaws allowed that “Any person, not by profession an architect,
who has rendered the profession signal and valuable service, and who has conspicuously
upheld its aims, may be made an Honorary Member of the American Institute of Architects.”

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Creator Knowles, Ellen K. (author)

Core Title A unifying vision: improvement, imagination and Bernhard Hoffmann of Stockbridge (New England) and Santa Barbara (New Spain)

School School of Architecture

Degree Master of Historic Preservation

Degree Program Historic Preservation

Publication Date 12/07/2011

Defense Date 12/06/2011

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Bernhard and Irene Hoffmann,Jose de la Guerra,Laurel Hill Association,New England Village Improvment,OAI-PMH Harvest,Santa Barbara,Spanish Colonial Revival,Stockbridge

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Breisch, Kenneth A. (committee chair), Campbell, Douglas (committee member), Platt, Jay (committee member)

Creator Email knowles91360@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-214772

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