University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Social distance between occupations: a study based upon the prevocational attitudes of eight hundred and sixty-one students in six colleges in the University of Southern California

(USC Thesis Other)

Social distance between occupations: a study based upon the prevocational attitudes of eight hundred and sixty-one students in six colleges in the University of Southern California

PDF

Download

Open document

Flip pages

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content SOCIAL DISTANCE BETVîEEN OCCUPATIONS
A Study Based Upon
The Prevocational Attitudes of Eight
Hundred and Sixty-One Students in Six
Colleges in the University of Southern
California*
'XÎ
n
A Thesis
Presented to the Department of Sociology
University of Southern California
In partial fulfillment
of the
Requirements for the
Degree of Master of Arts
By
Forrest Wilkinson
May 23, 1928
UMI Number: EP68071
All rights reserved
INFORMATION TO ALL USERS
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.
Oisswtation F^bl.sbng
UMI EP68071
Published by ProQuest LLC (2015). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC.
All rights reserved. This work is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code
ProQuest LLC.
789 East Eisenhower Parkway
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346
T his thesis, having been approved by the
special F a c u lty C om m ittee, is accepted by the
C o u n cil on G raduate Study and Research
of the U n iversity o f Southern C a lifo rn ia ,
in p a rtia l fu lfillm e n t o f the requirements
fo r the degree o f. . . . . .M g is t e r . . o f . . A rt s . . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
Secretary
Dean
Date .Jy^e...?j...i.?.2.8
CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I* Introduction •••••••••••••••••» 1
Meaning of the Concept Social Distance. • • • • 2
The Purpose of the Study. . . . . . . . . . 4
The Method of Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
II. How Social Distance Varies Between Occupations. « 9
Least Social Distance toward the Teacher. ... 10
Most Social Distance toward the Dope Seller . 11
Other Phases of Social Distance *....... 11
III. Why Social Distance Varies between Occupations. . 24
Status ........... . 26
Sex . 28
Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . ........ 54
Religion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Personal Experience ..... ............ . . 44
IV. Trends That the Study Seems to Indicate ..... 48
Social Distance Theory of Social Problems . . . 48
Further Problems Suggested by this Study. . . . 57
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
1
Chapter I.
INTRODUCTION
The social distance concept in sociology was first employed
by Tarde in his Laws of Imitation# To Tard© class differences meant
class distances: the distances being measured by the degree of
imitation that existed between the classes; or how much each class
imitated another class.^ But the historical origin of the
concept as employed in this study was first used by Simmel in his
conception of the stranger as the combination of the near and the
far. In discussing the role of the stranger Simmel says: "The
union of nearness and remoteness which every relation between men
comprehends, has here produced a system of relations or a constella
tion which may in the fewest words be thus formulated; The distance
within the relation signifies that the Near is far; the very fact
of being alien, however, that the Far is near." In Simmel*s
discussion of the rich and the poor he uses the term social distance.
"If the social distance is wide," said he, "or if the personal close
ness is very great, one can nearly always make a gift; it becomes
difficult in the degree to which social distance and personal distance
3
increases." Simmel, however, did not define and develop the concept,
That was left for a group of American sociologists to do, lead by
Professor Robert E. Park, of the University of Chicago, and Professor
Emory S. Bogardus, of the University of Southern California.
Dillard C. Poole, "Distancé in Sociology," American Journal of Socio-
logy, July, 1928, pp. 99.
^Park and Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, p. 322.
^Georg Simmel, Sociologie, pp. 685-91.
z
Meaning of the Concept Social Distance
In defining the social distance concept which was to be
used as the criterion for the study, the following excerpts were the
moat helpful* It is with their meaning of social distance in mind
that the concept was employed in this study# Dr. Bogardus says that
"social distance refers to the degrees and grades of understanding
and feeling that persons experience regarding each other. It explains
the nature of a great deal of their interaction." Dr# Park brings
out about the same idea in the following concept; "The concept
•distance* as applied to human, as distinguished from spatial relations,
has come into use among sociologists as an attempt to reduce to some
thing like measurable terms the grades and degrees of understanding
2
and intimacy which characterize personal and social relations generally."
Willard C# Poole from McGill University thinks of the concept in the
following way; "Distance in the sociological sense is the degree
of intimacy of thought and action which exists between individuals
and groups in association." This same author goes on to say that
"my distance from you is the extent to which I am aware tliat we fail
to share a common life of ideas, beliefs, and sentiments. It is the
4
basis of my attitude toward you." From these authors and my study
I have come to the conclusion that we get the phenomenon of social
distance when we think of the two fundamental and simple patterns of
behavior, approach and withdrawal, not as unrelated tendencies but as
T^ory S. Bogardus, "Meaning of Social Distance," Journal of Applied
Sociology, IX;298.
^Robert E. Park, "Concept of Social Distance," Ibid., VIII;339*
Dillard C. Poole, "Social Distance and Personal Distance," Ibid., XI;114#
4 , "Distance in Sociology," American Journal of Sociology,
July, 1927, p. 99.
oonflicting to th© eamo situation,^ the tendemjr to approaoh
being thwarted by the tendency to withdraw» These conflicting ten-
denolea might he thought of in the following way;
A represents a tendency to approach an object; B a tendency to withdraw^
a# h, o# d, represent levels of accommodation, where the conflicting
tendencies are c<^pro®dsed* This conception of confllotlng tendencies
to approach and to withdraw was illustrated time after time In the
study# Hot mazy people wished to withdraw from all social contacts
with the servant, barber, waiter, md perhaps the bootlegger* There
were certain levels of accmmodatlon as oitlz^os in the seme country,
worshippers In the same church, and even neighbors* But not maiy
desired to permit these occupational groups into the more intimate
relationships such as social clubs and nmrri&ges* These people were
%11 right in their place," meaning by their place certain planes of
contact* In fact social distance is zmasured and described to some
extent by such terms as reserve, reticence, distant, "all right in his
place," and "she is not my kind* "
Bocial distance involves ctmtaots# If it refers to the
"grades and degrees of feeling and understanding" which make up social
4
relationships there cannot be complete isolation. In that case the
social distance would be indeterminate. In the study, the dope
seller was excluded or isolated by most people, but there was that
degree of understanding and feeling which was necessary for the phenome
non of social distance.
These "distances’ * which separate individuals are psychical
and subjective. The **dlstance" to the young law student between
himself and a day laborer was just as great as he was aware that the
day laborer failed to share with him a "common life of ideas, beliefs,
and sentiments." There are objective factors such as a difference
in culture which may account for the subjective distance. Theoretically,
if two people or groups thought and felt exactly alike there would be
no social distance betiveen them. But it is doubtful if one could be
a person, an individual plus the conception of his role in society,
without having a private self - "a kind of sphere made up of his
affairs, and into this sphere some many not intrude at all, some
part way, and still others may know almost all. The radius of that
sphere marks the distance.
The Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to find out how and why these
degrees and grades of understanding and feeling vary. To find out
the social distance which exists between occupations was of secondary
importance. The problem was to interpret the "distances" which were
^Georg Simmel, "The Sociology of Secrecy and of Secret Societies,"
#merioan Journal of Sociology, XI:453. Translated by Professor Small.
5
brought out in the study of occupational attitudes and attempt to
account for the factors of which they were composed. To state the
objective another way, the heart of the problem was to make the
subjective objective,^ the subjective being the "distances" phenomena
and the objective the factors that accounted for the "distances."
As another secondary problem it was interesting to study
the concept of social distance in a first hand way - field method*
In the analysis of the data this question has been kept in mind; Does
this data throw any light upon the conception of the social-distance
concept?
The Method of Study
Before beginning the study proper or attempting to define
the problems, it passed through an exploring or groping stage. Copies
of the following documents were passed in several sociology classes
2
in the University of Southern California* Our of this exploration
stag© problems and questions naturally arose* (See Document A, page
6.) For the general study twelve hundred of these documents were
distributed to university students, but as some were inadequately
and poorly filled out, only eight hundred sixty-on© were used in the
study. The research was carried on in the various colleges of the
University of Southern California. Two hundred were filled out by
students in Liberal Arts, who presumably had not begun training for
an occupation; one hundred fifty in the School of Education; one
hundred sixty in the Law School; one hundred sixty-five in the College
of Commerce; eighty-on© in the College of Dentistry; and forty-three
^Emory S, Bogardus, Lecture Notes.
^The document used in this study is a slightly modified copy of the one
used by Professor Bogardus in his racial social distance studies.
DOCUMENT A
SOCIAL DISTANCE
(Do not sign your name)
According to my FIRST FEELING REACTIONS I would WILLINGLY admit members of each occu
pation group, AS A CLASS, and not the best I have known, nor the worst members, to one
or more of the seven classifications below under which I have placed a cross (X). Note
that crosses may be put in any number of the first five columns for each occupational
group. Note that acnoss put in either column 6 or 7 for a given occupational group
means that no other crosses should be given that group. Give yourself as complete
(Both sexes
are represented n
in each
occupation
1
ould
arry
2
Would ad
mit as a
class to
my club
3
Would ad
mit as a
class to
my street
as neigh
bors
4
Admit as
a class
to ry
church or
religious
belief
5
Voting
citizen
ship in
my coun
try
6
As visi
tors to
ny coun
try only
7
Would
exclude
from my
country
Actor (Actress)
Aviator (Aviatress
)
Barber
Bookkeeper
Bootlegger
Cigar Worker
Clerk (store)
Dance Hall Keeper
Day Laborer
Detective
Doctor V
Dope Seller
Factory Worker
Farmer
Fortune Teller
Hobo
Lawyer
Minister (Any
Faith)
Movie Star
Musician (Jazz)
Nurse
Policeman (Woman )
Roadhouse Keeper
Servant
Soldier
Spiritual Healer
Teacher
Undertaker
Vaudeville Dancer
Waiter (Cafe)
1. Your Father's races Your Mother's
Your religious connections
Present borne address (City)"
Where reared (State)
Your education
Your Occupation
Your Age
Sex
2. What occupational groups do you have a distinctly more favorable opinion of than you
have a distinctly less favorable opinion of than you
had five or ten years ago?
What occupational groups do you
had five or ten years ago?
7
in the School of Religion. In using students from these professional
schools at least an a priori occupational attitude was assumed. A group
of older students, teachers who were already out in a profession and
belonged to extension and evening classes of the University, was included
in the number. This group was used mostly for comparative purposes as
to age and prevocational with vocational attitudes.
After obtaining the statistical data, with the aid of the
answers to questions at the bottom of the page of Document A, an attempt
was made to interpret the findings. The method was statistical, with
psycho-social analyses. The method is open to criticism in this way.
Some one may ask, what assurance have you that you have obtained anything
but opinions, rather than attitudes?^ The criticism may be just. But
2
at least the responses were "verbal" attitudes. There was, however,
a kind of consistency in almost every form filled out which led one to
believe that in most cases the person was giving réponse to his real
feelings, beliefs, prejudices, antipathies, and understanding which
are the bases of our attitudes. To illustrate what is meant; The
student who showed little "distance" toward the day laborer showed
little "distance" tov/ard the other commonly thought of as lower occu
pations. The one who would marry or let a bootlegger join his club
in most cases thrust the minister and the policeman at a great spatial
distance, which meant that they were held at great social distance.
There was an attempt to control the study. Where flippant
and seemingly foolish answers were made those forms were discarded.
^An attitude is a tendency to act toward or against some environmental
factor. Emory S* Bogardus, Fundamentals of Social Psychology, p. 45.
^Term suggested by Professor Clarence M. Case.
8
In attempting to determine the objective factors that might account for
the social distance, the comparisons were made between controlled groups.
If age was the factor under study, a younger and an older group who
belonged to the same occupation, were compared - not law students with
theology students, as too many other factors might enter in here.
The study was carried on inductively. There were no prob
lems or theories to be proved. The task of this study as in the ease
of any scientific study has been to define the interrelations of the
studied phenomena as they exist*
9
Chapter II
HOW SOCIAL DISTANCE VARIES BETWEEN OCCUPATIONS
Park and Burgess and in their Introduction to the Science
of Sociology ask a pertinent question when they say; "What is the
nature of the connection between individuals which permits them at
the same time to preserve their distances and act corporately and
consentiently - with a common purpose in short," These same authors
answer their own question in this way: "The distances which separate
individuals are not merely spatial but they are psychical, and society
exists when these distances have been relatively overcome," The
distances that the eight hundred sixty-one students in this study
showed toward the hypothetical people who were of various occupational
status, were psychical, and the distances being the extent to v/hich
they - law, commerce, liberal arts, theology, educational, and dental
students - thought that they differed from the occupational groups in
ideas, beliefs, sentiments. In this chapter those differences will
be pointed out. They will be interpreted in a later discussion.
An interesting phase of social distance is its relative
nature, more or less, which makes it possible for a society made up
of lawyers, ministers, roadhouse keepers, and bootleggers to run along
in the main with no intense friction. There are distances to be sure -
the la^Tyer does not want a waiter in his club - but there are planes
of accommodation where the distances are not noticeable. That is what
Park and Burgess mean v/hen they say "society exists when these distances
have been relatively overcome," The reader will remember that the
^Park and Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, p, 172,
2lbid.
10
form used in this study provided for this relative nature of distance
by being so stated that the student could express his attitude toward
an occupational group in terms of "more" and "less," It will be
noted by the study of Table I, which gives the relative distances of
the University group toward the occupations, that with some occupati ong
the emphasis is upon the less, doctors, lawyers, teachers, and farmers,
for example. In other occupations, such as the dope seller, the hobo,
and the bootlegger, the emphasis is upon the more.
Table I shows the frequency distribution of the range of
the attitudes of the students tov/ard the given occupations, (A great
deal of thought and experimentation was given to the choosing of the
occupations to use on the form. When the study had progressed,
however, it was found that some occupations had been omitted toward
which there ?/as much social distance, namely, the realtor and the
politician.)
In this study no attempt was made to find an average of the
attitude toward each occupation, or to state the attitude mathematically.
As yet there seems to be no unit of measurement for measuring an atti
tude,^ The problem of this study, how social distance varies between
occupations and why it varies, can be shown without the aid of averages.
After studying Table I it will be seen that there is little
distance toward the doctor, lay/yer, and teacher. Here the frequencies
according to the university students are great on the left side of the
range of contacts, which signifies proximity and little social distance.
iThe author is aware that Professor Thurstone of the Psychology Department
of the University of Chicago claims that attitudes can be measured, (American
Journal of Sociology, January, 1928,) —
11
One can immediately observe that there is less social distance toward
occupations with status and prestige and more toward occupations with
little status and societal disapproval. The occupations with many
frequencies on the right side of the page are the dope seller, boot
legger, roadhouse keeper, spiritual healer, fortune teller, and the
hobo. Here there is little proximity and great distance. As the
dope seller has the least social approval by society, hence he is held
at the greatest distance. There was more accord in regard to the
distance of this occupation than any one studied. This indicates
the low regard v/ith which it is held in the mores. The social norm
controlling this occupation has become a law, which of course would
make for secrecy both for selling and using dope, but even so there
has always been a sense of shame and secrecy connected with it.
Every dope fiend tries to keep his habit a secret, even from his
best friend. There are several frequencies for the hobo, roadhouse
keeper, and bootlegger, up in the extreme left class, but note the
few frequencies for the dope seller. In these last named occupations
there is involved group welfare which gives them an ethical significance.
In between these extremes, as represented by the teacher
and dope seller, lie the largest numbers of occupations. Notice the
occupations that have upon them the stigma of labor and menial service -
the day laborer, factory worker, servant, and waiter. In these occu
pations the number of frequencies are few at either extreme, but there
is a gradual increase which can be observed most plainly on the graphs,
with an almost unanimous agreement at the fifth range of the attitude.
This might be interpreted thus: These occupations have a "place" in
society.
TABLE I
Frequency Distributions in the I^nge of Attitudes
of 861 Students toward Occupational
12
1 2 3 4 5 6
o r
Would Would ad Would ad Admit as Voting As visi Would
bh sexes marry mit as. a mit as a a class citizen tors on exclude
represented class to class to to my ship in ly to from my
each my club my street church my coun my coun coun
apation)
as neigh
bors
or relig
ious be
lief
try try try
3r (Actress) 246 662
751 800
851 7 3
ator (Aviatress) 480 752
809 844
859 2 2
3er
106 292
482 750
859 1 1
dceeper 445 690
779 835
857 0 4
clegger 25 58
101 278
285 57
519
a.r Worker
72 197
416 651
820
20 21
rk (store)
357 541
709 821
859 1 1
3e Hall Keeper 65 118
268 530
757
27 77
Laborer
161 276
477 856
856
4
active
236 483
674 801
847 4
10
bor
647 834
852 853
858 1
2
3 Seller
2 9
9 67
96
16 749
bory Worker
164 456
456 766
857 1 3
aer
460 742
742 829
860
0 %
bune Teller
29
187
187 364
584 121
166
15 48
48 244 471
140
350
fer
566 854
854 856
859
0 2
Lster (Any Faith) 307
770
770
763 838
11 12
5
Le Star 281
686
686
794 849
7
Lcian (Jazz) 259
600 600
741
829
9
23
le 458 791 741
838 860 5
0
15
L 0 eman(Woman ) 128 347 603
748 841
41
Ihouse Keeper 42
104 194 417
669
5
151
rant 108 227 407
738 852 1
lier 213
563 683 793 850
87
a
10
160
A
‘ itual Healer 43
122 251
391 612
2
sher 691 832 845
849
855 3
ertaker 160
516 673
759
851
25
7
leville Dancer 159 302 484
695 819 1
17
3
;er (Cafe) 105
190 399
724 857
13
TABLE II
The Arrangement of Occupations According to 861 Students*
Occupations with Least
Social Distance
Occupations with Most
Social Distance
Teacher Dope Seller
Doctor Bootlegger
Lawyer Hobo
Aviator Fortune Teller
Nurse Spiritual Healer
Bookkeeper Roadhouse Keeper
Farmer Dance Hall Keeper
Minister Cigar worker
Actor Waiter
Clerk Servant
Soldier Factory Worker
Movie Star Vaudeville Dancer
Détective Barber
Undertaker Policeman
The group of occupations devoted to amusing and entertaining
society made an interesting study, for it was here that the reactions
depended more upon the person responding* In this amusement list are
the movie star, jazz musician, and vaudeville dancer* In comparison
to the labor group there was a larger per cent of students who desired
more intimate relationships. This would signify that a person's range
of attitude toward this group was largely personal, and the status of these
occupational groups was not so fixed in society as in the case of the labor
occupations, professions, and occupations that contain group welfare.
Here the reaction not only depended upon the person, but also the occu
pational group of which he was a representative. The students from the
schools of commerce, law, and dentistry showed less distance toward the
movie star, while the theology students and young teachers showed more.
The readèr. will note the very little distance toward the farmer and nurse.
14
and the presence of a great deal of distance tcw/ard the minister, the
soldier, and the policeman* All of these distances made interesting
problems for interpretation. The distances toward the aviator varied
according to the group responding, which can be explained by certain
objective factors.
The results concerning the distances as presented on the
preceding tables can be shown perhaps more clearly by graphs, which are
to be found at the close of this chapter. The base line of the graph
represents a continuous range of en attitude from the nearest social
contact, marriage, on the left, to the farthest, visitor only, on the
right. The number of frequencies at the different contact distances
taken as a whole represents the relative popularity of each occupation.
The number of frequencies at each contact represents the relative
popularity of each occupation at that particular range of contact.
In these graphic pictures note the "scatter" of the attitude
in regard to certain occupatiorml groups, the roadhouse keeper, dance hall
keeper, and vaudeville dancer, for example. The graphs of the attitude
toward the minister and the bootlegger might also be taken as illustrations.
This "scatter" dénotes that there was not a homogeneity of understanding
and feeling among the students toward that occupation. The groups of
young teachers and theology students were an exception. From this
"scatter" we might conclude that the status of that particular occupation
is not fixed and settled in the mores, or it might denote that there is a
1
vertical change going on in the mores as to its given status. As a
It is meant by "scatter" in an attitude that there is a great number of
frequencies at all ranges of contact, which shows that many students had
little social distance and many had a great deal. It also shows a hetero
geneity in feeling and understanding toward that occupational group#
15
contrast to this type of graph notice the graphs on the doctor, lawyer,
teacher, servant, and dope seller* Here we find more homogeneity
of feeling and understanding among the students. Society has more
definitely fixed these occupations. In the case of the doctor there
is little social distance as the graph shov/s. What there is can be
almost entirely explained on the basis of sex, which will be discussed
later. The graph of the dervant, waiter, and day laborer shows little
social distance at certain contacts, but a great deal at others. In
the graph of the dope seller we can see that there was almost a consensus
in the attitudes of the students as to where he belonged. This sameness
of responses would of course be more marked in a study made euaong individ
uals somewhat alike, which was the case in this study.
The graph, shovfing the least social distance is the one
referring to the teacher. Here we find larger numbers of frequencies
at the contacts which stand for intimacy. There is also little diff
erence between the number of frequencies at these contacts, which would
indicate prestige and status for this occupation. The graphs showing
the most absence of frequencies are of course the ones that indicate
the most social distance. The frequency absences are the most
conspicuous in the ocupations of the dope seller, bootlegger, hobo, and
fortune teller. The graphs, however, in most instances, show social
distance as somewhat evenly divided, more or less, with a slight leaning
in the case of some occupations toward the more, and in the case of
others, toward the less.
In presenting the findings of this study the readers must
keep in mind that they are the results of a study based upon the attitudes
16
and opinions of a particular group. The author believes, however,
that the results do show general trends and processes. But the
conclusions need further checking, which will be suggested in a
later chapter.
Different Phases of Social Distance
The degree and grades of understanding and feeling toward
the various occupations have several phases. This complex nature
of social distance has lead Professor Poole to think of it as distinct
kinds. In his article oh "Social Distance and Personal Distance" he
makes this statement: "At this point it is necessary to distinguish
between two kinds of distance which characterize association. The
first may be called social distance, the degree of intimacy which group
norms allow between any two individuals. These norms of distance do
not find their justification in ideas of superiority and inferiority,
but in the ideas of group welfare, which may be the welfare ideas of
a single dominant faction within the group. These norms of social
distance found in the mores and in the law, aim to protect the group
from real or fancied dangers. When embodied in law norms of social
distance apply only to overt behavior, because of the inability to
1
control intimacy of thought." The other kind of distance that this
author names is personal distance, which represents the degrees of
intimacy in so far as they are free from the dictates of social norms
and contain merely the elements of individual welfare and satisfaction.
According to Mr. Poole's definitions social distance was illustrated in
the distances toward the servant, day laborer, and waiter, while personal
^Journal of Applied Sociology, XI:115.
17
distance was illustrated in the distances toward the doctor, teacher,
minister, and lawyer. The fact that nearly all the students placed
the so-called lower occupations are certain levels would lead one to
believe that the degrees of understanding and feeling - social distances -
of these students were controlled by norms in the mores. The norm
making for these particular distances is the stigma upon labor. Veblem
in The Theory of the Leisure Class believes that the distinction betv/een
"high" and "low" occupations contains much of its ancient force in our
presnnt-day society. This author shows the power of this social form
in the following passage:
The archaic theoretical distinction between the base and the honorable
in the manner of a man's life retains very much of its ancient force
even today. So much so that there are few of the better class who
are not possessed of an instinctive repugnance for the vulgar forms
of labour. We have a realising sense of ceremonial uncleanness attach
ing in an especial degree to the occppations which are associated in
our habits of thought with menial service. It is felt by all persons
of refined taste that a spiritual contamination is inseparable from
certain offices that are conventionally required of servants. Vulgar
surroundings, mean (that is to say, inexpensive) habitations, and vulgarly
productive occupations are unhesitatingly condemned and avoided. They
are incompatible with life on a satisfactory spiritual plane - v/ith
"high thinlcing." From the days of the Greek philosophers to the
present, a degree of leisure and of exemption from contact with such
industrial process as serve the immediate every-day purposes of human
life, has ever been recognized by thoughtful men as a prerequisite
to a worthy or beautiful, or even a blameless, human life.
The study bears out the present-day functioning of this norm,
even in a democratic form of society. The group of theology students
seemed the least controlled by this norm. The sex of the individual
played an important role, hoivever.
Contrary to Professor Poole's classification of social distance
^Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, p. 37.
18
into two kinds, it seems more logical according to the meaning of
the concept to think of distance as being the same, v/hether it be
distance toward the barber, minister, hobo, or what not. In other
words, there is only one kind of social distance. However, it is
created, controlled, end influenced by personal experiences and by the
dictates of social norms.
It was found in this study that sex norms also functioned
in influencing distances. The lawyer, doctor, and minister did not
receive as many frequencies at the marriage contact when men were
responding as when women were. The notion that women belong to
certain occupations only is not extinct. In these instances the
distances that the men showed tov/ard the lawyer when they thought of
her as a wife were formalized. The distances were not a distinct
and separate kind according to the point of view of this study#
There were distances toward occupations that did not
represent this formalized phase of social distance; they were not
controlled by group norms. Those violent reactions toward the
teacher, minister, nurse, or doctor, which were shown on the table
were based on personal experiences in most cases. The exclusion
of people from these occupational groups was not controlled by any
social form, or only in a small degree.
As a check and an enrichment of the statistical study case
studies were secured that Illustrated this natural phase of social
distance - a distance that was based upon unpleasant experience with
certain persons of an occupation.^
^Natural distance is a term used by Dr. Bogardus which corresponds to
Dr. Poole's personal distance. Henceforth natural distance will be
used in referring to distances based upon experience.
19
The folloviring case shows this natural phase of social
distance as free from the influence of norms. It will be noted in
this case that the distance is the result of experience and first-hand
knowledge.
Though I have always been of a rather religious turn of mind and have
had a great deal of faith in a Divine Power, I have felt that this is
a material world and that bodily ills were best cured by scientific
methods of a more or less material type, though of course confidence in
the physician one employed and the aid and will of this Power have always
seemed to me to be quite essential to physical well being. My attitude
toward spiritual healers was one of toleration. I felt that they
probably did no especial harm and were really a good thing for hypocondriacs
and the like.
At present I feel that they are a decided menace both to health and
religion. They are a menace to health in tliat they, through the meetings
which they hold, gather together people with all sorts of diseases many
of them very infectious or contagious. People with tuberculosis, small
pox, scarlet fever (in the early stages of the latter two, of course),
influenza, skin diseases, and so forth gather together. Naturally
others take the diseases. The meeting of a faith healer is a very good
place to stay away from if you wish to keep well - especially during an
epidemic. In the second place, they keep people from having scientific
aid when they are ill. A very dear friend of mine died of tuberculosis
when she was only twenty-two because she tried a faith healer instead
of a physician. A physician who saw her two years before she died said
that with proper care she could be well, but the faith healer told her
it was lack of faith and kept her up even when she was having hemmrrhages*
Another friend died of cancer. The tumor could have been removed easily
before it became malignant. These are only two of several incidents which
have been very close to me where a faith healer has meant not only loss
of health but of life itself.
Faith healers are not healthy for minds either. They play on people who
are naturally rather weak and lead them astray. Many people have become
mentally unbalanced where before they had been weak but harmless through
the work of faith healers. Their treatment should be undertaken scientifi
cally and not through "faith."
As far as being good for that group of people who "think there is something
wrong" when they are really perfectly well, I have an idea that a physician
could handle their case just as well - they could transfer their faith to
him and his prescriptions and he would get them over the idea that they were
sick - and the public at large would know that they were well and not suffer
ing from something which could be cured or infecting other people with some
disease.
The effect of faith healers on religion is the same as that of quacks on the
medical profession. The fine, true religious leaders must suffer unfair
20
oritioisBi because of the unscrupulous methods these faith healers employ*
Faith becomes associated with faith healers and people come to realize
that the latter is a fraud and then class the former as "bunk" too. It
is said that people come to have faith because of certain leaders who claim
to be faith healers and then discover that these faith healers had double
lives, as it were, and are really after money and are not themselves sincere
in their faith, so then their followers are disillusioned and lose faith in
all religion and think all faith is hypocracy.
Thus I have changed attitude on faith healers. Where I cone considered
them harmless and possibly helpful, I now consider them a menace.^
In some instances of occupational distances the natural phase
is the only one evident; there exists little or no formal distance. The
distance that seems to exist between the lawyer and minister contains more
2
of this natural phase. But between other occupational groups the dis
tance is entirely formal. As an illustration of this formal phase pre
dominating, the distance between the teacher and the day laborer might be
cited. Of course, these phases of distance are overlapping; there are
marginal oases where both the natural and the formal phases play a part
in establishing the distances.
The different phases of social distance as brought out in
this study of social distance between occupations might be thought of in
another way. Social distance seems to have two dimensions. We can
think of it as being represented by parallel and vertical lines. According
to Table III the law student showed some distance toward the doctor.
Sixty per cent of them would marry a doctor, ninety-five per cent would
admit doctors into their clubs, and to their street as neighbors, while
ninety-eight per cent plus would admit them as citizens.
Case secured from a student#
2
This statement might be based upon too little data, but it seems to
hold true according to the theology and law groups studied.
21
TABLE III
Frequency Distribution of the Reactions of 160 Law
Students toward Certain Occupations
Occupations
Would
marry
Would
admit
to my
club
Would
admit
to ny
street
Would
admit
to BQr
church
Voting
citizen
ship to
ny coun
try
Visitors
only to
my coun
try
Would
exclude
from my
country
Actor 91 121 134 151 155 2 3
Barber 11 36 86 104 159 0 1
Bootlegger 10 19 30 53 69 11 80
Doctor
97 153 154 154 158 0 2
Factory Worker 22 35 74 143 159 0 2
Lawyer 118 156 158 158 158 0 2
Minister 49 105 127 140 152 2 6
Movi e Star 66 97 117 149 159 0 1
Policeman 17 44 92 122 154 1 5
Teacher 120 150 154 156 159 0 1
The characteristic of the social distance shown here is of
a horizontal nature - as the status of the doctor Recording to the students
seemed as high as that of the lawyer. This* phase of distance might be
Lawyer Doctor
thought of in this way A B . AB is the horizontal distance
between the two. This social distance only takes place between individuals
or groups of similar status.
The other dimension of social distance can also be illus
trated in the attitude of this same law group toward the barber. Only six
per cent would marry a barber, twenty-two per cent would permit barbers in
their club, fifty-three per cent would permit them on their street as
22
neighbors, sixty-five per cent would allov/ them to worship in their
church, and ninety-i^ne per cent would have barbers as citizens#
The distance in this case is not upon the same plane, as the occupation
of the barber was not accorded the same status by the students as the
law profession* This vertical phase of the social distance of the law
group toward the barber might be thought of in this way;
Ç - Lawyer
Ü - Barber
CD equals the vertical distance betv/een the lawyer and the
barber* Vertical individual distances may be an index to class distances.
In an aristocratic or caste system of society where social forms define
the roles that individuals are to play in society, vertical distances
are unchanged and become fixed* In a democracy there is a certain
amount of vertical mobility - a shifting of the status of certain occu
pations. An attempt was made to follow up this thought in the research
by taking note of the occupations that the students named as having a
more or less favorable reaction toward in the last five or ten years*
It was interesting to discover which were the occupations according to
these students* reactions that were cutting down their vertical distances.
A table giving the results of this data as to the changed attitude toward
occupations will be given in a later chapter* Occupations will also be
mentioned that the data seem to indicate are in a vertical mobile stage*
As an example where an individual's vertical distance toward
an occupational group was cut down, the following case is cited;
At one time I associated clerks in a store with the workman in the
streets* But I have changed my mind through experience* I have
worked in the music department of one of the largest department stores
23
in Los Angeles. I observed everything for it was a new experience.
I had my work well organized and merchandise well in mind, when the
Christmas rush came and many things with it.
Never before had I realized the public’s attitude toward a clerk, and
ho?/ inferior they tried to make the clerk feel. If I was unable to
help every one at once, then the unreasonable would happen. If the
cashiers failed to send their change at once, it was always the clerk’s
fault. **5That*s the matter with these clerks?” with the emphasis on
the clerk - was the cry of the customers. They didn’t seem to possess
any patience. I will say I found the most unreasonable customers among
the Jews. They were the most overbearing people I came in contact with.
After the Christinas irush I had more time to look about. I became ac
quainted with the girls in other departments. I met people of many
professions - an actress who was out of work; several girls who had
taught school in the east; people who were forced to work by reason
of misfortune; and many who were mere cogs in the machinery. But
they were all clerks - classed the same, in the eyes of the public.
After I left the store I noticed mary times the saleslady would say,
”I am sorry to have kept you waiting so long, but you have been very
patient.” Then I realized ny attitude tov/ard a clerk had changed.
I am in sympathy with them. ^
In this instance the vertical distance was dissolved by
the identity of occupation. The young girl became a clerk, identified
herself with this occupational group and became one of them. She
found in this occupation girls who were like her, or she thought they
were. A feeling of sympathy and understanding was built up for clerks
which tended to break down the vertical distance. Social distance is
always dissolved when an individual or group discovers that the other
individual or group differs very little from them in beliefs, ideas,
and sentiments. Thus the little distance tov/ard the teacher according
to the university students and the great distance toward the dope seller
might be explained. But there must have been objective factors or reasons
which led these students to think of themselves as like or different from
certain occupational groups. In the following chapter those factors will
be discussed.
^Case secured from a student.
23a
01--
q> o -
o
?
n>
Cb__
I iz
I - 9
CO o
-C)0 - tH
(5- hr:
S I
F ^
“cx'F ■
o
en m
_____j_
— —
‘" I "
. _ C l„
' oo
' C>1
I ..o\
-^^■p— '
cxS
L§-
'oo'' oO
LyJ - --
- -
(3-
-O
o
0
1
_ — ç^- -
— —C i T ) - -
?
C D
CD
- p -
O
o>
“ l ’
en
o
(JJ
“ O'
O
I
CT
■Cb
t
1
1-
I I ! :
I,: I
_i—
, _ J _
I !
f
n~r
' I < I
I I '
. E -3E (tM M ^lES LO : A ‘
23b
C P U )
C0~O
.£i£E RAf '! ll£« LO: ANSE^ES
23c
O'
O
O
CD
D_
C O
cr
23d
I t
I I o
O
oo
O
n>
o
CJÜ
e
o?
o
C D
23e
Cv LP
üO S
N-3 t'O* PA y " 'L LE R L OC « E . E?
24
Chapter III
WHY SOCIM, DISTANCE VARIES BETWEEN
OCCUPATIONS
"By nature men are nearly alike,” so runs an ancient thought
of China and Confucianism, "but by practice they get to be wide apart."
The social distance concept was unknown in the days of ancient China,
but wise philosophers did observe that there were distances that were
not spatial. The social differences that keep men "wide apart" are
the background for social distances. In the language of the Gestalt
psychology we might think of the two as a kind of configuration - social
differences carrying with them social distances, cuid the distances
differences. To carry the ^estait comparison further, we can also
think of the two as forming a pattern, the whole giving meaning to the
parts and the parts to the whole.
Babies are not born with different degrees of understanding
and feeling toward people. It is only when they become persons, individ
uals plus their recognition in society that they begin to note social
differences and hence develop "distances" toward people. This makes
social distances subjective. But as they arise from differences in
the milieu they are based upon objective factors.
It could be observed by Table I that there were relative
distances toward occupational groups. How social distance varies betv/een
occupations was pointed out in Chapter II. But the most interesting
phase of the research was how to account for these variances; to make
the subjective more objective was the crux of the problem. According
to the analyses of the data the following factors seem to account for
25
social distances between occupations.
Status
The importance of status in explaining social distance
was brought out by Professor Edward Cary Hayes in Sociology and Social
Research, when in speaking of this concept he says that it is "also
2
used for differences in status.” In referring to status as a
factor which seems to account for social distance the concept was used
3
in the following way. By status is meant position in society. Status
can also be thought of in terms of recognition. In the case of a
person, his status is the recognition accorded him by society, where,
as in an occupation, its status is the recognition given it by other
occupations. We can readily see that personal or occupational status
is determined by its relation to every other member or occupation of
that group.
In Table II there was listed the occupations toward which
the students shov/ed the least and the most social distance. This table
was worked out by counting the number of frequencies at the first five
contacts and then the occupations were arranged according to the most
frequencies received. If the reader v/ill glance at this table again
he will note that the position in society of a given occupation was a
safe index as to how much "distance” it would receive. There would be
variances, of course, depending upon the type of the group responding.
Farmers would likely rank their occupation higher; bootleggers might even
^These factors may not be conclusive or inclusive enough, but they are
based upon the data of the study which had limitations, as will be pointed
out later.
^E. C. Hayes, "Representative Concepts in Sociology," Sociology and Social
Research, September-October, 1927, p. 16#
^E. W. Burgess, "The Delinquent as a Person," American Journal of Sociology,
%XVIII;662. ---------------------------
26
give their occupation more status# But taken as a whole the occupations
seem to be ranked by these students in accordance with the recognition
given them by the mores and public opinion#
As an interesting side research, but one that did not have
enough oases to have weight, men and women in some of the "lower"
occupations, barbers, dressmakers, dance hall keepers, clerks, and several
others, were asked to fill out the forms. These people sho^ved the least
distance, as did the university group, toward the professional occupations.
The professions are associated with leisure, non-productiveness, non-
utility, which according to the mores is conducive to a high plane of
living. The labor groups gave the professions the same high place as
the professions accorded to themselves; at the same time they gave the
utilitarian occupations very little recognition. Until this group
right about faces in its attitude toward itself, becomes conscious of
the dignity of labor, and in the words of Professor Ross "ceases to saw
off the limb that it is sitting on,the mores will continue their
stigma upon labor. Miss Addams says; "To get away from menial work,
to do obviously little work with one*s hands, is still the desirable
status." In reacting to these occupations the students thought of
them as being represented by persons who were different from in beliefs,
ideas, and sentiments; hence they were in a lower strata of society and
were held at a distance.
But in a commercial, acquisitive, democratic form of society
the mores are not static. Public opinion which gives at least a temporary
^Edward A. Ross, Social Psychology, p. 12.
^Jane Addams, Democracy and Social Ethics, pp. 195-6.
27
rank to occupations changes* To illustrate this mobility, note the
recognition given the aviator, fourth place in the least social distance
column* This occupation has gained in status since the famous Atlantic
flight of Colonel Lindbergh* The occupation of the farmer is also in a
changing process* Inventions, agricultural colleges, our present mobile
society, all have given the farmer more status, hence less social distance*
The minister seems to have been losing status* The distance toward him
might denote the conflict going on in religion* The occupation of the
soldier ranks eleventh in the least social distance column which might
show indications away from war among the younger generation*
Let us know turn to the occupations with the most social
distance and compare their status with their distances* Here we find
the occupations that are ethical in nature as well as the labor taboo
group* Upon these occupations we find social disapproval, with the
most rigid "thou shalt not!" upon the wares of the dope seller* Tov/ard
him there was the most social distance regardless of the occupational
group, sex, age, nationality, or religion* There was no inclination to
make predictions or evaluations in this research problem, but from the
recognition given the bootlegger it seems that in time he may gain res
pectability* This also indicate conflict and a "difference" in the mores.
But the recognition given by society to most of these occu-
.pations is relative, and the social distances were for the most part also
relative. Otherwise, there would be turmoil, conflict, and society would
cease to exist* For, in general, social distance stands for conflict;
social proximity for cooperation*
The marked correlation between recognition and social distance
28
which the data seem to show has warranted this relationship to be stated
in the form of a generalization. Social distance decreases with social
approval and increases with social disapproval.
Sex
The second factor observed in this data that might account
for social distance toward occupations was sex. Professor North noted
the importance of sex in social differentiations. He states; "Every
where the activities, the status, or rank, and the mental and moral
characteristics of sexes are observed to be sharply differentiated.
This same author further states that "the extent to which these social
distinctions have been based upon natural differences inherent in sex,
and to what extent on artificial differences is not always so clear.
The fact of sex is one of the most subtle, and of the least understood
aspects of human life and in many ways has as yet defied clear analysis.
It is very clearly less understood than are the differences of age.
Because of this fact more false inferences and more purely speculative
conclusions have prevailed concerning sex than concerning any other
È
natural differences between human beings." Since sex is a factor of
social differences, and there seems to be a relation betv/een "difference"
and "distance," sex must be taken into account if we are to understand
social distance.
Professor North is wise, however, in not attempting to draw
hard and fast lines between the natural inherent and the social differences
of the sexes. Little attempt was made in this research problem to analyze
^C. C. ^orth. Social Differentiation, p. 88.
^Ibid., p. 86.
29
sex differences in terms of biological differences. Women may be so
innately constituted, with more highly organized nervous systems and
with tendencies toward certain glandular reactions, which would tend
to make them more sensitive than men to sensory impressions. These
biological differences might cause people of certain occupations to
seem more disgusting to women than to men. By referring to Table TV
and V one can observe the sex differences toward the occupations.
Not a woman would marry a hobo, while five men said that they would.
The women are a little more "distant" tovmrd the undertaker, which might
bear out the biological sex difference. But there is much danger, as
Dr. North points out, of making false inferences.
To make a sex comparison between groups where as many other
factors were eliminated as possible, a group of 100 men and 100 women
from the College of Liberal Arts were chosen. These students were
of the same age group, eighteen to twenty-tv/o years old, and they had
not begun training for an occupation. Tables IV and V on the follovring
pages show the reactions of these two groups.
One of the most striking differences shown in these tables
id the comparison of the attitudes of the two groups toward the lower
occupations. Here the inherent sex differences, woman being more sensi
tive to sensory impressions, may play a part in,the explanation, but the
important reason for the difference is status. The v/omen in every group
studied showed more social distance toward these occupations than the men,
Women in general are more conservative than men. They like security,
and status means security. In the less intimate contacts these college
women were as tolerant as men, permitting servants, waiters, factory
TABLE IV
Frequency Distribution of the Reactions of 100 Women
in the College of Liberal Arts
30
Would ^ VTould ad• Would ad Admit as Voting Visi Would
(Both sexes marry mit as a mit as a a class citizen tors exclud
are repre class to class to to my ship in only from
sented in my club my street church my coun.- to my
each occupation) as neighbors or re
ligious
belief
try my
coun
try
coun
try
Actor (Actress) 46 78 89 96 100
Aviator (Aviatress) 57 91 97 99 100
Barber 9 20 55 95 100
Bookkeeper 36 61 83 97 100
Bootlegger 1 2 4 24 29 9 62
Cigar Worker 5 13 33 81 98 9
Clerk (Store) 25 45 74 97 100
Dance Efeill Keeper 2 7 20 71 93 5 2
Day Laborer
11 22 44 93 99 1
Detéctive 28 51 76 96 99 1
Doctor 98 100 100 100 100
Dope Seller
11 13 1 87
Factory Worker 6 15 33 91 100
Farmer 44 61 80 99 100
Fortune Teller 1 7 17 48 79 10 11
Hobo 2 4 46 52 19 29
Lawyer 97 99 100 100 100
Minister(Any Faith) 36 79 95 97 100
Movie Star 24 50 m 92 99 1
Musician (jazz) 32 58 73 93 99 1
Nurse
34 70 86 95 100
Policeman (Woman) 11 35 62 92- 99
Roadhouse Keeper 2 5 11 58 ■ ; 84 5
n
Servant
1 13 31 88 - 97 2
Soldier 42 65 83 98 100
Spiritual Healer
3 12
28 49 82 6 12
Teacher 76 97 98 100 100
Undertaker 18 54 72 94 100
Vaudeville Dancer
8 22 52 87 98 2
Waiter (Cafe)
1 14 33 88 100
31
TABLE V
Frequency Distribution of the Reactions of 100
Men in the College of Liberal Arts
Would Would ad- Would ad Admit as Voting As visi Would
(Both 8exes marry mit as a mit as a a class citizen tors only exclude
are repre class to class to to my ship in to my from my
sented in my club my street church my coun country country
each occu as neigh or re try
pation) bors ligious
belief
Actor (Actress) 56 84 92 98 99 1
Aviator (Aviatress) 57 92 95 98 100
Barber 14 37 69 90 99 1
Bookkeeper 59 79 92 95 100
Bootlegger 6 13 20 36 49 6 45
Cigar Worker 13 30 54 77 97 3
Clerk (store) 54 68 84 92 100
Dance Hall Keeper 11 23 43 65 95 3 2
Day Laborer 23 42 56 86 100
Detective 37 62 81 92 96 3 1
Doctor 82 99 100 100 100
Dope Seller 1 1 1 8 16 3 81
Factory Worker 31 40 51 90 99 1
Farmer 63 79 85 97 100
Fortune Teller 8 16 25 45 67 11 22
Hobo 5 6 8 35 56 10 34
Lawyer 77 99 100 100 100
Minister(Aiy Faith)35 81 90 94 99 1
Movie Star 47 74 87 95 99 1
Musician (jazz) 34 64 72 87 97 1 2
Nurse 73 87 97 99 100
Policeman (Woman) 21 45 67 87 95 2 3
Roadhouse Keeper 5 11 29 57 88 5 7
Servant 26 34 58 83 99 1
Soldier 26 65 81 92 100
Spiritual Healer 6 11 30 45 74 15 11
Teacher 89 100 100 100 100
Undertaker 23 61 79 93 100
Vaudeville Dancer 26 46 60 79 92 6 2
Waiter (Cafe) 20 30 51 83 100
r o i t ô c a
:M:ozcpy
; 5
f K d r n \ X t o
. C 1 u . b . '
13.
:rn I t'û-S' ■
N e iq h b o r
^ û d ;m tt_ to :i : -
C wva- v-o K !
t t
A d m i t t o
_ Co LLntry
98
0
I b
M arr y
— 5—8
Mei^fbb,oc_
A d m i t t o
Chu,rcl^
A d m i t t o
f Coù-ntry
83
31a
ZO AO. î o :
100 ]
_ L û Q _ W Q m e :D :
L
1 ! I I
I , i i 1 . 1
I I I I
I i r ! !
C
I
I
--A:
m
. 3 0
l o o
I I
R y J . a o M 'e n
1,11
- ! —I —I —! ---
p t ë _ q ’ ( £ e p C - > iiD iS | t r ib u t io b s J T o f e
I B y '2 o O |S t u d e n t s I n T h e C 'o lle c jé OÇ L i b e r a l A r t s
32
workers, and day laborers to worship with them and live in their country.
The marked sex differences were in the more intimate contacts. It is
here women guard their status. Women are usually accepted by society
according to the rank of their husbands. College men can afford to
marry waitresses in some instances and not have their status affected,
but not so with college women.^ It was pointed out in an earlier
chapter that men shovred more distance toward lawyers and doctors when
they thought of them as a class from which to choose a wife. But with
the teaching profession the women showed the greater distance. Teaching
in the elementary and secondary schools is accepted by society as a
woman’s occupation. A man in the lower ranks of education does not usually
have the status as a lawyer or a doctor. The marked difference of the
responses toward the nurse can also be explained by status. Nursing
is not a man’s "place" in society.
The sex differences in the degrees of understanding and feeling
toward occupations were most marked in regard to the servant. This
difference is brought out in the graph which follows the tables. Only
one woman out of the list of one hundred would marry a servant. But
twenty-six men said that they would. Twenty men also said they would
marry a waitress, while only one woman shov/ed no distance toward the
waiter. In the less intimate contacts, where the woman’s status is
not involved, it can be noted that the distance toward the servant
becomes less.
By counting the frequencies it was found that toward all
^This data seem to show that the reason fewer college women marry in
comparison with college men is because they are more particular.
33
occupational groups except the lawyer, doctor, minister, and soldier,
women showed more social distance than men* The less distance tov/ard
the doctor and lawyer was accounted for in terms of status, and men’s
prejudice toward women in these occupations* The greater intimacy of
feeling and thought toward the soldier might be explained by woman’s
almost natural love for brass buttons. The soldier’s uniform might give
the occupation a sort of glamor. But a more likely reason for this sex
difference can be traced back to a weakness in the document used in this
study. Both sexes are represented in each occupation, but women
soldiers are still unique. Hence, the men showed distance toward this
unusual woman when they thought of her as a wife. The second range of
contact, the club, has the same frequencies which bear out this statement.
Toward the minister women’s less distance might be accounted for by her
more conservative, conventional nature. Dr. North makes this claim
for women; "It has everywhere been noted that women are more faithful
in the performances of conventional, religious, and moral duties.
Religion furnishes them an ideal to follow, and in the performance of
required duties they are following the established habits of bbedience
to and dependence on a higher authority. But this outward respect for
authority ingrained by habit and enforced by convention sometimes
conflicts with inner impulses. In such a case the end is to be obtained
by indirectness, apparent obedience, and concession, but an ultimate
arrival at her desires by a round-about course. On the other hand, the
man, self-sufficient and accustomed to independence, breaks directly with
the injunction, if he dares and proceeds to his goal in the open. It thus
occurs that indirectness and subtlity are expected from the female: open
34
ness and directness from the male."^ In all the groups studied the men
showed more "di stance "toward the minister than the women. The twelve
students who would exclude ministers from the country were men. But there
is danger of drawing false inferences; more discriminating research is
needed before any generalizations are in order.
In explaining the sex difference toward occupational groups
it seems that more emphasis is due to the social rather than to inherent
sex differences. These differences may be explained without resorting
to any highly speculative guesses in terms of woman’s greater v/ish for
security, hence status, her more conservative nature, and her more highly
organized nervous system.
Age
To find out if age was a factor in explaining social distance
toward occupations, the following comparison was made. Here, as in the
sex comparison some attempt was made to control the other factors. The
groups compared were made up of 108 students, twenty men and eighty9
61
9 9
j -
101
0 : : "SO “ III II _6o i i . : 90i%.- zi
X0-8-StudentsJ/nder25_-yeans_Q|LAqe
l y - ______
r Admit tof
: C lu - b I 5fo
Admit O S
-^W.e.i.qtabofc-iiilL-
AdmittOi
■ C h u r c h ! 91
Admit to -....
_CdUntr^____j_o'L-
I I
I ; I
I I
I I I
Î-
3 b éto i l l ! 9b
I ' I
/0Û
I I
( 0 8 Teochers Ok'eti_3oiiye|arS-G>f_Aqe
I . I
Frd^;uency '.Bistdbupons ïïÔworcLJazz. Musicians
.B y i 2 1 b Students: and “teache.ii6. " |
. E E RAY “1..LER LOS
36
the group, with an obvious trend toward conservatism. This may be a
characteristic of teachers and young people who take up teaching. This
lack of much difference between the different age groups might indicate
that the younger and older are not so far apart in beliefs, ideals, and
sentiments. This also seems to be more characteristic of this age.
Religion
As another possible factor in accounting for social distance
toward occupational groups, a controlled group was studied with regard
to religion. In the reactions of the law students it was noted that
about one-third of them definitely stated that they had no religion.
This group was compared with another group of law students who stated
that they had religion. Only fifty men were used in both groups and
men of about the same age groups. In order to have the groups as nearly
alike as possible, except in regard to religion, this was as many as could
be obtained. Small, controlled groups were considered of more value
than larger numbers with no controlled factors. Upon comparing the
group by an actual counting of frequencies the group with no religion
showed more social distance toward occupational groups. It v/as only
toward one occupation that the difference was less - the bootlegger.
Greater differences were more obvious in the case of the minister, police
man, and detective. The distances toward the minister and policeman
are compared graphically on the following pages. Vf hile no attempt was
made to work our coefficients of correlation, the viewpoint of the research
was that attitudes could not be stated mathematically* it was noted, however,
that if less distance was felt toward the bootlegger, more distance was
shown tov/ard the policeman and detective. In those instances the minister
37
was also held at a "distance." These statements, however, need further
checking.
The law group with no religion and the greater social distance
might be explained in this way. These students probably meant that
they had no orthodox creed when they stated that they had no religion.
They were rebels; or as Thomas in the Polish Peasant refers to this type
of personality - Bohemians.^ This non-religious group glored in non
conforming. They showed marked distances where others shov/ed little;
and little distances where others showed much. This seemed to be true
except in the occupation of dope seller. Here there was that same con
sensus in attitude. Forty-five in each group of fifty would exclude
from the country this occupational group. But the group who claimed a
religion were not so violent in their reactions; they did not exclude as
many, and the ones that they did exclude were generally disapproved by
society. They were more conventional. In the non-religious group one
law student would even exclude lawyers from the country.
In casting aside the more conservative tolerant principles of
religion the non-conformist group naturally widened their social distances
toward the loiver occupational groups; also the ones who represent the
"checks" upon society such as the policeman, detective, minister, and
perhaps the teacher. That a more or less conforming type of religion
might tend to make one more tolerant and sympathetic is strengthened by
the theology group’s attitude. This group showed the least distance
compared with the other groups toward the day laborer, servant, factory
worker, waiter, and barber.
I.Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and
America, Vol. II, p. 2244.
37a
_ C o h 1d u : ts z £a . 'S> G S
m \ f Tot
2 5
-A
d m i t a s
1
f\e i q hbot. .36
idmit toi_________
m a r c h - ! ----- 4 1
1 j
1 1 ' ' 1
- - -
—Ç
1 _ i_ _■______i __: _ f
1 ____j______' ____ _
- ,--
■ m iT T c r-
iQLcnTry-
tCr 3o_n AiOZ. S O
ilicj ion.._-5-Q_La\AaSFirdfebfe
i . £
; Adm'iTr©_____i.::
;C(Ltb. :t 3T
' Admit 0 .3 .
-W.e.iobhoj^__i-_a_2-
' A d m t t b :
CKiznchj H-3
A d m î t jto- -.....
h
I ' I
i
10
iq
: 3 0
5n
^_ _ _ _ _ s j '
_ Wi:th“ R:el:laiori ^ -5 0 :j:BaW' Sîùderct‘ 3
I I I I I ' 1 1 I
n c y .
■ 3 y 100
ti butiodé‘'Tô"w(2rd M i oisters
L a w ' S t u d b n T s
::E RAY *f LLER LOS A\^= E 5
38
The generalizations given here are only tentative. But
religion as a factor in explaining social distance toward occupational
groups seems to have a place according to the data.
Culture
The raison d’etre for social distance toward occupational groups
could not be accounted for entirely by the factors of status, sex, age,
and religion. The rank in society accorded an occupation did control the
distance to a great extent; sex accounted for distance toward certain
occupations; age and religion seemed to have roles in influencing the
degrees of understanding and feeling of the students toward occupational
groups. But all of these causes except the natural facts of age and
S€Oc could be accounted for by a more fundamental inclusive factor, namely,
culture.
Professor North in his book on Social Differentiation states;
"In addition to differences in social function and in rank or status we
are constantly confronted in human society with differences in the culture
of people. Culture is defined by Tylor as ’that complex whole which
includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capa
bility and habits acquired by man as a member of society.’ That is, we
have to deal here with the content of men’s minds and the forms in which
that content is expressed. It is for this reason that we recognize
outstanding differences of thought and habits between groups, in fact,
1
all differences of culture, as social differences." According to
Tylor’s conception of culture it is a heritage that is peculiar only to
man. Professor Ellwood from the University of Missouri emphasizes this
^C. C. North, Social Differentiation, p. 34.
39
thought when he says: "Culture is the process by which the spiritual
element in man is gradually transforming not only the material environment
but man himself."
Dr. E. S. Bogardus thinks of culture as the "sum total of one’s
ways of doing and thinking." With this concept of culture in mind,
which seems to include all the separate factors in Tyler’s concept of
culture, a difference in doing and thinking would naturally lead to social
distance. But it is only when men become conscious that they are not
alike, as was stated in the preface of this chapter, that the distances
arise.
Nowhere can cultural differences, which Dr. North pointed out,
were facts, be observed more plainly than in the occupations men do. "The
too-much powdered face of actresses and prostitutes, the tonsure of the
Roman Catholic priest, the long hair and beard of Greek orthodox eccle
siastics, the bronzed color of the faces of farmers and people working
out-of-doors, and the pale facial color of many indoor occupational
groups, such are a few examples of numerous facts of this kind/" Probably
the most obvious differences in the positions or ranks men occupy in
society are also revealed in the kind of work they do. By their occupa
tions we judge hovf men think and feel.
The fact that certain occupations are given more recognition by
the students than others is in the main due to culture. In some instances
the culture that comes with the prestige of age had more weight, Hnrj in
^G. A. Ellwood, "Primitive Concepts and the Origin of Cultural Patterns,"
American Journal of Sociology, July, 1927, p. 1.
^Taken from lecture notes.
3p, Sorokin, Social Mobility, p. 320.
40
others, public opinion and the spirit of the age was the controlling
factor* Even the difference between the sexes is perhaps more of a
difference arising from culture than a natural inherent one. Culture
also defines what is "proper" for each age group. Modern psychology says,
however, that there is too much of an overlapping of culture effects and
natural sex and age differences to draw a hard and fast line of where one
leaves off and the other begins. But we are safe in drawing the inference
that religious differences have their origin entirely in culture. Culture
seems to be the almost inclusive factor in accounting for group social
distance.
The eight hundred sixty-one students who were used in this study
all belonged to the same general culture. They lived in the same country,
attended the same university, were almost in the same age group, and six
hundred of them were of the same sex* There would natural ly be more
likenesses in their social distance reactions to occupations than
differences* This could be noted in the study of Table I and the graphs
at the close of Chapter II. But the fact that they were all different
persons, came from different homes, with different social heritages,
studied different courses, and had different friends, would make for
each a separate culture. This latter makes a sort of super-culture.
Hence, there was the individual variance in the social distance toward
the occupations. As the analyses in the main has been based upon
statistical data group cultural or social differences were noted.^
It was interesting to observe how each occupational group
^As a further study, case studies and life histories are needed to
check up the statistical results.
41
reacted toward its own occupation* The ministers shovfed the least social
distance toward ministers than did any other group* They thought of their
occupation as being the most worthy and of the greatest service to mankind*
The difference between their distances and the six law students who would
exclude ministers as a class from the country was a difference in culture
and perhaps personal experience* Many of the theology students came
from homes of ministers; they had attended religious schools in some
instances* This tended to give them different attitudes and values from
many of the commerce, dental, and law students* This same group of
minister students showed the most social distance toward the actor, movie
star, jazz musician, and bootlegger. They looked upon these occupations
as somewhat detrimental to the welfare of man. Whereas the dental
students in the main thought of these groups as only adding to the zest
of life. Tables showing the reactions of each occupational group toward
several occupations follow this discussion. (See Tables VI to XI on the
following page.) The commerce students gave more recognition to the
bookkeeper than did any of the other groups. They thought of the book
keeper not as an aenemic, colorless person perched upon a high stool,
with his eyes forever glued upon rows of figures, but as a college-trained,
executive person.^ The occupation of the teacher received less distance
when responded to by teachers. There was a kind of egocentricism in each
occupational group, an inflated consciousness of the importance of their
own occupation.
A rather rough comparison of different culture levels was made
in the following way. The occupation of the father was used as a basis
^This statement is based upon interviews with commercial students and
instructors.
TABLE VI
Frequency Distribution of the Reactions
of 160 Law Students
42
Would
(Both sexes marry
are repre
sented in each
occupation)
Would ad
mit as a
class to
my club
V/ould ad
mit as a
class to
my street
as neig%K#"
bors
Admit
as a
class
to ry
church
or relig
ious belief
Voting
citizen
ship in
my coun
try
As visi
tors
only
to my
coun
try
Would
exclude
from
my
count r;
Actor (Actress) 91 121 134 151 155 2 3
Aviator(Aviatress) 79 129 144 158 159 1
Barber 11 36 86 104 159 1
Bookkeeper 68 103 131 151 159 1
Bootlegger 10 19 30 53 69 11 80
Cigar Worker 12 28 67 112 154 1 5
Clerk (store) 59 85 120 151 160
Dance Hall Keeper 10 23 44 107 142 7 11
Day Laborer 34 64 100 179 199 1
Detective 31 64 102 141 155 5
Doctor 97 153 154 164 158 2
Dope Seller 1 4 4 15 15 2 143
Factory Worker 22 35 74 143 149 1
Farmer 71 102 134 151 160
Fortune Teller 7 22 39 80 108 18 33
Hobo 4 9 12 35 70 27 63
Lawyer 118 156 158 168 158 2
Minister(Any Faith) 49 105 127 140 152 2 6
Movie Star 66 97 117 149 159 1
Musician (Jazz) 44 78 97 134 151 1 8
Nurse 81 112 141 157 160
Policeman(Vfoman ) 17 44 92 122 154 1 5
Roadhouse Keeper 10 24 48 89 134 8 17
Servant 22 64 62 136 159 1
Soldier 28 83 111 141 155 5
Spiritual Healer 11 21 45 73 108 14 38
Teacher 120 150 154 156 159 1
Undertaker
31 83 112 141 155 3 2
Vaudeville Dancer 38 59 84 132 152 6 2
Waiter (Cafe)
17 27 56 129 159 1
TABLE VII
Frequency Distribution of the Reactions
of 150 Education Students
42a
Would Would ad Would ad Admit as Voting As visi Would
(Both sexes marry mit as a mit as a a class citizen tors exclude
are repre class to class to to ny ship in only to from my
sented in my club my street church my coun my country
each occupa as neigh or re try coun
tion) bors ligious
belief
try
Actor (Actress) 60 119 136 144 ISO
Aviator(Aviatress)84 137 146 150 150
Barber 17 60 107 149 150
Bookkeeper 74 123 139 148 ISO
Bootlegger 1 2 5 24 30 12 108
Cigar Worker 3 28 65 117 140 7 3
Clerk (store) 46 90 131 146 150
Dance Hall Keeper 5 8 46 90 138 6 6
Day Laborer 19 45 94 137 149 1
Detective 50 92 127 149 150
Doctor 136 146 149 ISO 150
Dope Seller 1 2 7 7 3 140
Factory Worker 21 40 81 137 150
Farmer 83 120 137 150 150
Fortune Teller 3 17 34 72 102 23 15
Hobo 1 1 3 41 45 27 68
Lawyer 134 147 150 150 150
Minister(Any Faith)78 125 144 149 150
Movie Star 11 90 120 141 150
Musician (jazz) 41 89 108 133 149 1
Nurse 48 116 139 148 150
Policeman(W oman ) 27 67 120 145 150
Roadhouse Keeper 3 13 32 65 110 6 34
Servant 9 33 79 138 149 1
Soldier 47 104 132 148 148 1 1
Spiritual Healer 7 24 45 77 114 20 16
Teacher 117 100 150 150 150
Undertaker 34 103 130 150 150
Vaudeville Dancer 14 47 83 123 146 3 1
Waiter (Cafe) 8 27 81 132 150
TABLE VIII
Frequency Distribution of the Reactions
of 200 Liberal Arts Students
42b
(Both sexes
are repre
sented in
each occupation)
Would
marry
Would ad
mit as a
class to
my club
Would ad
mit as a
class to
my street
as neigh
bors
Admit
as a
class
to my
church
or re
ligious
belief
Voting
citizen
ship in
my coun
try
As visi-
tors
only to
my
country
Would
exclude
from my
country
Actor (Actress) 112 162 181 183 199
Aviator (Aviatress) 114 183 192 197 200
Barber 23 57 124 185 199 1
Bookkeeper 95 170 175 192 200
Bootlegger 7 15 24 60 83 15 107
Cigar Yforker 18 43 87 158 195 3
Clerk (store) 78 113 158 189 200
Dance Hall Keeper 33 30 63 136 188 8 4
Day Laborer 34 64 100 179 199 1
Detective 65 113 157 188 195 4 1
Doctor 176 199 200 200 200
Dope Seller 1 1 1 19 29 4 167
Factory Worker 37 55 84 181 199 1
Farmer 107 140 166 196 200
Fortune Teller 9 23 42 93 176 21 33
Hobo 5 8 12 81 107 29 63
Lawyer 171 198 200 200 200
Mnister(Any faith) 71 160 185 191 199 1
Movie Star 71 124 163 187 198 1 1
Musician (Jazz)
66 122 145 180 196 2 2
Nurse
107 156 183 194 200
Polic eman(W oman )
32 80 129 179 194 2 4
Roadhouse keeper
7 16 30 115 172 10 18
Servant 27 37 79 171 197 3
Soldier 68 130 174 190 200
Spiritual Healer
9 23 58 94 156 21 23
Teacher
165 197 198 200 200
Undertaker
31 115 151 147 200
Vaudeville Dancer
37 68 112 166 190 8 2
Vfaiter (Cafe)
21 34 84 171 200
TABLE IX
Frequency Distribution of* the Reactions
of 43 Theology Students
42o
(Both sexes Would
are repre- marry
sented in
eac^ occu
pation. )
Would ad
mit as a
class to
my club
Would ad
mit as a
class to
my street
as neigh
bors
Admit as
a class
to ny
church
or re
ligious
belief
Voting
citizen
ship in
my coun
try
As visi
tors
only to
my coun
try
W ould
exèlude
from my
country
Actor(Actress) 10 25 31 35 39 4
Aviator(Aviatress) 22 36 39 39 42 1
Barber 15 36 40 41 43
Bookkeeper 35 41 42 42 42
Bootlegger 1 1 5 9 34
Cigar Worker 5 16 25 29 36 1 6
Clerk (store) 29 39 40 40 43
Dance i^ll Keeper 2 7 11 28 28 1 15
Day Laborer 25 36 39 42 43
Detective 22 36 36 40 42 1
Doctor 24 33 42 42 43
Dope Seller 4 1 38
Factory Worker 27 34 38 42 43
Farmer 34 40 41 42 43
Fortune Teller 3 6 10 16 21 7 15
Hobo 1 3 4 13 18 4 21
Lawyer 31 41 41 43 43
Minister(Any Faith) 25 40 43 43 43
Movie star 9 23 29 33 41 2
Musician(Jazz) 7 19 21 28 35 2 6
ISurs® 36 40 41 42 43:.
Polic emen(ViT oman ) 18 32 36 42 43
Roadhouse Keeper 3 8 9 11 19 1 23
Servant 18 23 37 42 43
Soldier 13 35 39 40 43
Spiritual Healer
4 16 19 21 31 2 10
Teacher 35 42 43 43 43
Undertaker 20 39 42
43 43
Vaudeville Dancer 5 15 21 28 36 7
Waiter (Cafe) 21 31 37
40 43
TABLE X
Frequency Distribution of the Reactions
of 161 Commerce Students
42d
(Both sexes Would
are repre- marry
sented in
each occu
pation)
TiTould ad
mit as a
class to
my club
Would ad
mit as a
class to
my street
as neigh
bors
Admit
as a
class
to my
church
or re
ligious
belief
Voting
citizen
ship in
my coun
try
As visi
tors
only to
country
Would
exclude
from my
country
Actor(Actres s) 9S? 128 145 152 160 1
Aviator(Aviatress) 96 148 155 159 160 1
Barber 22 52 109 139 159 1 1
Bookkeeper 91 131 155 158 158 3
Bootlegger 1 11 22 37 48 11 102
Cigar Y/orker 16 36 79 122 151 6 4
Clerk(Store) 74 113 145 154 160
Dance Ball Keeper 7 21 44 87
138 4 19
Day Laborer 31 46 82 142 158 2
1
Detective 38 105 135 150 158 3
Doctor 102 156 160 160 160
Dope Seller
11 15 146
Factory Yiforker 23 48 89 143 159 2
Farmer 84 118 139 144 160
Fortune Teller 2 11 27 50 85 36 40
Hobo
1 3 29 48 31 82
Lawyer 11 159 160 160 160
Minister(Any Faith)32 108 136 142 151 7
3
Movie star 69 125 138 148 154 4 3
Musician(Jazz) 48 109 125 141 155 3 3
Nurse 97 127 149 154 160
Po 1 i c einan ( W oman ) 17 65 115 141 153 2; 6
Roadhouse Keeper 9 27 64 129 . 157 1 3
Servant 7 27 64 129 167 1 3
Soldier 31 128 121 140 157 4
Spirituial Healer 3 12 37 55 94 26 41
Teacher 126 150 154 154 156 2
3
Undertaker 21 86 117 144 156 5
Vaudeville Dancer 38 63 96 128 152 8 3
YYaiter (Cafe) 14 31 63 130 159 2
TABLE XI
Frequency Distribution of the Reactions
of 81 Dental Students
42e
(Both sexes Would
are repre- marry
sented in
each occu
pation)
Would ad
mit as a
class to
my club
Would ad- Admit
mit as as a
a class class
to my to my
street church
as neigh- or re—
bors ligious
belief
Voting
citizen
ship in
ny coun
try
As visi
tors
only to
my
coun
try
Would
exclude
from my
country
Actor(Actress) 38 60 69 73 81
Aviator(Aviatress) 20 60 70 76 80 1
Barber 8 29 66 70 81
Bookkeeper 91 131 155 168 158 3
Bootlegger 1 11 22 37 48 11 22
Cigar Worker 12 27 48 63 80 1
Clerk (store) 50 59 69 75 80 1
Dance Hall Keeper 6 20 35 49 75 6
Day Laborer 21 33 52 66 81
Detective 12 35 60 69 81
Doctor 57 81 81 81 81
Dope Seller 1 10 16 5 60
Factory Worker 25 32 49 61 81
Farmer 34 61 62 69 81
Fortune Teller 4 11 18 34 51 11 19
Hobo 1 3 4 25 37 13 32
Lawyer 43 76 79 79 81
Minister(Any faith) 16 53 70 72 77 1 3
Movie Star 35 56 66 73 81
Musician (Jazz) 36 53 60 68 78 3
Nurse 59 68 76 79 81
Policeman ( V i T oman) 8 28 57 79 81
Roadhouse Keeper 7 18 32 46 69 1 11
Servant 17 31 47 64 81
Soldier 9 51 67 74 81
Spiritual Healer 3 7 16 29 50 4 27
Teacher 69 77 80 80 81
Undertaker 8 50 61 71 81
Vaudeville Dancer 21 36 55 67 80
I
Waiter (Cafe) 17 27 41 63 79 1 1
43
for determining the culture level. Fifty women from the College of
Liberal Arts whose fathers were professional men were compared with fifty
women from the same college who stated that their fathers were salesmen,
druggists, grocerymen, or other non-professional people. Here, as in
the comparisons discussed earlier in this chapter the groups were some
what controlled. Hovæver, there was that danger of the sample being too
small to warrant much weight being given the results. The social distance
reactions toward occupations were compared. The comparison was made by
counting the actual number of frequencies that were made by each group.
Toward all occupations except the doctor and lawyer and soldier the group
with professional fathers showed more distance. However, the differences
were not marked. The greatest difference was shown toward the clerk.
The young women whose fathers were more of that rank gave the clerk more
recognition.
Another comparison of this nature was made between two groups
in the College of Commerce. These groups were made up of young men.
Here, as in Liberal Arts, the ones who cam© from homes of the culture level
of salesmen, merchants, and farmers seemed to show not quite so much
distance toward occupation groups other than the professional. There
were exceptions, however. One student said that his father was a janitor.
He would only marry a teacher, a doctor, or a lav/yer; another, whose father
was a laborer, would only marry a teacher or a nurse. These few scattering
exceptions may have been compensatory reactions which came from an inferior
ity complex.
The results of these comparisons are not inclusive and call for
further research. However, according to the data, students who came from
43a
iC - 0 .n î( iC T S _ L :( IS è S j
"Adm it to
L lu. b
cdejqhbor
[ " Admit to
i"Chu.rch
3 0
3 9
¥9
]
D ountry . nsio
0 /Û.:: Zû
-30:- "¥0 _ -5 i ?
B-y_5-0_.WQm(S0_:.zzl^:Q:D:;ip.rQf£âSiQnudirEuthÊ
Marry. t:r
y&dmit to
-
Club -\-5:
Admit as
Neiqhbor y35
, m
Admit tû
-
Comntry zS' O
■ 1:1:1
! ■ I ' . 1
-0 i:ù
-zer
-¥<2>
B.v..5 ^ 0 'Women — rbroressiohUi Faïherb
- - — * — — ■ “ r ' — — — — - t ' I - - — I
q.teéiudy: Eistfeibutfods ÎTdwulrd | Clerks
By 100 l/l/bmën'StlidÔntS: y I ' '
-c:^’'rvS:
44
homes of the non-professional classes seemed to show more tolerance and
less distance toward most of the occupational groups* Their attitudes
were less of the ^*We are the Greeks ; we belong# You are the barbarians;
therefore you do not belong."
The importance of culture in explaining social distance toward
occupations might be stated in the form of a generalization. Social
distance is in proportion to social difference.
Personal Experience
In interpreting and analyzing the social distance reactions
of the students toward occupational groups, the factor of personal
experience seemed to have a role. From the tabulations listed in Table
I it could be observed that in a few instances there were violent reactions
toward some of the most harmless occupations. Three young students in
the College of Commerce would exclude bookkeepers from the country as a
class of people; two law students would exclude lav/yers; four students
would feel better if teachers as an occupational group were not in their
country. If confronted with the real situation there is a question
whether they would carry out their "verbal" attitudes. At this particular
time, however, this may have been a true attitude. Attitudes change.
Likewise, social distances varies from day to day; from hour to hour might
be a truer statement.
But it was impossible to check upon the most interesting reactions
of the students in law and commerce as there were no names on the forms.
It was in the cases of the less conventional and less formalized responses
that the need of case studies and life histories was evident. One could
account for, in the main, the seven hundred forty-nine exclusions of the
45
dope seller by the factors of culture and status* But these were hardly
adequate factors when it came to explaining why a certain student desired
to exclude the seemingly necessary clerk and undertaker* It is obvious
that many Whys must be left unanswered in this study#
From case studies it was discovered that social distance toward
occupational groups was sometimes built up by unpleasant experiences with
members of that occupation* This thought was brought out in an earlier
discussion under the topic of natural social distance# Many times this
natural social distance which is founded upon experience is influenced by
the factors of status, culture, age, religion, and sex; it may be inten
sified or lessened* This can be illustrated from the students* reactions#
The lawyer was responded to with little distance when the students thought
of him as a husband, club member, neighbor, or fellow citizen. But in
many cases, these same students when asked what occupational groups do
you have a less favorable opinion of than you did five or ten years ago,
named the lawyer* At first thought this might seem like a discrepancy.
But the status of the lawyer may have been a more controlling factor than
some knowledge or feeling based upon experience* No doubt many of the
students had had pleasant experiences with servants, but only one hundred
eight would marry a servant. In other instances, the personal likes and
dislikes which come from experiences were more controlling than the
formalized factors. This brings about a cutting down of the formal
distance. In the case of the twenty-five students who had little dis
tance toward the bootlegger these circumstances may have played a part.
To illustrate social distance toward occupational groups which
was based upon the factor of personal experience, the following case is
given;
46
In the last ten years my impressions of preachers as a class have become
less favorable* Of course there are exceptions - one of the best friends
of our family, a fine man, is a minister, and I have known several ministers
whom I greatly admired. But I have known more that I do not and cannot
admire*
I lived in a small town as a little girl and there were six churches there*
Of course I thought the minister of each was probably as near perfect as
a man could be, simply because he spoke the word of God, and I supposed
was ruled by Him*
But I have changed* I thinki the average minister is two-faced, lives one
life on Sunday and another throughout the week. I do not think he puts
into practice in his worldly dealings what he preaches from his pulpit*
Of course none of us are as perfect as we should be, but our business isn’t
trying to show someone one road, while we take another*
For instance, one of the ministers spoken of owned forty acres of land
which he sold to an elderly man and his wife. The man died after only
a few of the payments had been made, but his wife struggled on until
all but two payments were made. She was going to make them, but they
would have to be made in twice the time stipulated in the contract* Well,
the minister had no children, had enough to live on, and yet he took the
land from the woman. That was not exactly a Christian act, was it?
Since he was assured of the money and since he didn’t need it right away.
Another minister used to come to our house and beg mother to let him pray
for me and my soul, since mother and father played cards and were condemned,
and therefore so Y/as I. The man was sincere, but who would want to follow
his religion after a performance like that. He would have talked you away
from Christianity if anything would - that is, if a person were so inclined.
A third minister in the segue town had four children & all of high school
age. They couldn’t make a move of their own accord, and they finally
were forbidden to associate with any others in school, because they all
either danced, played cards, rode horseback in mixed groups, played tennis,
and swam in mixed groups - or something else equally as wicked. His children
were no better than anyone else*s. In fact, the fact was so stern and
unreasonable that his children were no truthful to him. His narrow
attitude wasn’t so profitable. One can’t understand such intolerance*
A fourth minister and his wife just barely condescended to speak to people
who did not belong to their parish. I don’t believe God would approve
of this. It was not what He asked us to do.
Many others, not ministers, do the same things, but they, for the most
part, do not preach one thing one day and do another the next. They are
loyally unchristian, to say the least*
These are my personal experiences. I have heard similar tales from others.
47
At any rate I do not cherish the fond regard for ministers, as a class,
that I did ten years ago.l
This case also illustrates where group distances do not
function between friends* This student disliked ministers as a class,
but liked a minister friend. It is possible to have great social distance
toward the laboring class, but like one’s own gardener or servant. In
these latter instances the natural is stronger than the formal.
In conclusion, the interpretation of the "distances" toward
occupational groups might be thus stated; Group social distances are a
complex phenomena. To understand and analyze them one must take account
of several underlying factors such as status, sex, age, religion, culture,
and personal experience. In many cases these causal factors are working
in combination ivith no particular factor controlling the distance. In
other instances there seems to be a prime factor that gages the distance*
Case secured from a student*
48
Chapter IV
TRENDS THAT THE STUDY SEEMS TO INDICATE
"I conclude, therefore, that the imaginations which people have
of one another are the solid facts of society and to observe and interpret
these must be the chief aim of sociology*"^ To find out what the students
thought of the occupational groups was the first problem of this research.
What they thought and felt, or their imaginations as Cooley calls it, toward
the doctor, the dance hall keeper, and the hobo were revealed in their
social distances toward members of these occupations. These distances
were pointed out by discussion, tables, and graphs. In reality there may
have existed little objective differences between many of the students and
the occupational groups. But the fact that they thought they were diff
erent made for the social distances and the solid facts of society.
The second problem - the heart of the research - was to interpret
the distances; to find out why the students thought and felt themselves
different from certain occupational groups. From the analyses of the
data, there seemed to come out two generalizations. First, social
distance varies with social approval, and second, social differences make
for social distances. Or it might be said that group social distances
are in the main explained by group culture. If the near and the far
can be explained by culture, what are some of the indications or trends
that these group social distances seem to show? What processes do they
hint at that might be taking place in the culture of this student group?
2
Social Distance Theory of Social Problems
In the social-distance concept the processes of conflict.
H, Cooley, Human Nature and the Social Order, p, 87,
^This thought is taken from a lecture given by Professor E, 8, Bogardus,
49
cooperation, and accommodation are involved. The tendency to withdraw
and approach which means conflict and cooperation usually has levels where
accommodation takes place between the two* There is a sort of co-existence
in the social distance phenomena* To state the relationship in the
language of the Configuratlonist, "Each member possesses its peculiarity
only by virtue of and in connection with all the others*After
observing and analyzing the social distance configuration, the question
arose, would it be possible to know the amount of conflict and cooperation
in regard to social problems by securing the relative reports of the
"distances" toward occupational groups? This study was not made primarily
with the purpose of practical worth* However, some of the distances
noted may be an index to the changes and "states of becoming" that are
taking place in the mores, and the general culture of this group* Even
though the social distance could not be stated quantitatively and mathe
matically, by a study of the number of frequencies (Table I) at different
legels of contact the degrees and grades of understanding and feeling may
be observed. By comparison with other occupational groups it may be
noted where there was the most conflict and good vd.ll* Mention of some
of these conflicts has already been made*
The distance toward the minister seems to hint at the present
unsettled state of religion, or at least orthodox religion. It may also
indicate that the minister has lost status. As a check and corroboration
of the distances indicated in Table I a final list of the occupational
groups toward which this group has changed their opinions in the last five
^K* Koffka, Grovrbh of the Mind, p. 132.
50
or ten years is submitted in ^able VII. Note here the number cS* fre
quencies in the unfavorable column toward the minister - seventy-one.
The group of law students, conmieroe, and men in the College of Liberal
Arts mentioned this occupational group more often than any other in regard
to an unfavorable change of attitude. But it must be kept in mind that
these results represent the reactions of a special group - university
students, and hasty inferences should not be drawn.
The distance toward the policeman as a class might be considered
a social barometer. The factors of sex and status may have accounted for
the small number of frequencies in the first two columns, and some allow
ance might be made for the personal phase in the dislike for the policeman,
arrests for speeding, and the like. But this occupational group was
mentioned eighty-five times as representing an unfavorable changed attitude.
In all the special groups, except the one composed of theology students,
the policeman ranked among the first three occupational groups of the
unfavorable changed attitudes. Would it then be too speculative to
suggest that this distance may be an indication of the general corruption
and inefficiency of the city police force? There seemed to be a dislike
for the detective, but not so marked. His higher status may have prevented
the women students from discriminating against him at the first levels of
contact.
According to the tabulations in Table I two hundred eighty-five
students desired the bootlegger in the country; twenty-five would even marry
him; eighty-five would accept him as a club member, while one hundred would
accept him as a neighbor. Hov/ever, for the most part, this occupational
group was excluded from the country. But there seems to be enough proximity
51
to warrant the assumption that this divided situation is an index of a
social problem. The mores for these students are not as definite and
commanding as to the ethical significance of the bootlegger as they are
in regard to the dope seller. Although the distance toward the bootlegger
has been formalized by law - the eighteenth amendment - the mores were
never unanimous as to the right and wrong of this formalized norm. Hence,
for some students the bootlegger stands for law evasion, for others a
"smart" evasion of an unfair law. There were approximately one-third of
the students who desired some contact v/ith this occupational group. But
the dislike manifested was marked and obvious in all groups studied^ which
would indicate an active conflict situation. The social distance tcnr/ard
ÿhe dope seller might be assumed to represent an inactive conflict situation
as there was more consensus in the reactions. Some might read in these
"distances" toward the policeman, minister, and bootlegger signs of the
general lawlessness of the age, particularly among the youth. To use a
term taken from Professor Case, the "social imbecility"^ of the young
might be implied.
The farmer as a representative of that occupational group seems
to have cut down the vertical distance toward his occupation. There were
many sons and daughters of farmers and ranchers among the group of students
which might have unduly affected the results. But among the farmers there
has developed a group consciousness, which tends to raise the status of
that occupation. This respect and recognition may be noted in politics,
as each party wants a candidate who will appeal to the farmers. Bach
^C. M. Case, "Social Imbecility and Social Age," Sociology and Social
Research, January-Pebruary, 1928, p. 218.
52
platform likewise inserts generous promises to the farmer. The recog
nition accorded the farmer in this study seems to be indicative of a new
status. No one among the entire group of student said that he had a
less favorable opinion of that occupational group, whereas seventy-seven
stated that they had changed toward the farmer in a more favorable way.
The little distance toward the teacher might not have been
manifested in a non-university group. The students were in a school
atmosphere which may have tended to prejudice their statements. This
lack of distance might be indicative of the great educational movement.
It can be seen in the table which follovfs this discussion that this
occupational group was mentioned more times than any other toward which
the students had changed more favorably in the last five or ten years.
These statements correspond with the lest distance shovm the teacher in
Table I and Graph I. In this age education is the panacea for all social
discord and maladjustment. The school as an institution has gained in
status perhaps at the expense of the home and the church, which seem to
have lost in recognition. This wide-spreading educational movement may
be reflected in the little distance toward the teacher as an occupational
group. Whereas, the distance toward the soldier, making allowance for the
sex factor as mentioned before, might shov/ sentiment toward a peace movement.
The fact that the occupation of the actor received so many
frequencies in the more favorable column was an enigma. Every group
except the theology one had changed more favorably toward this occupation,
which seemed to make the change significant.
The large number of unfavorable changes toward the movie star
was interesting. This question arises: Would there have been as many
frequencies if the study had been made in an eastern university? The
53
results here in Los Angeles rmy reflect the attitudes of a shortened
perspective, hence, the loss of prestige and status#
A table showing the list of occupations toward which the
students had changed their attitudes follows this discussion# In the
group of eight hundred sixty-one student§, six hundred six had changed
their occupational attitudes in the last few years# All the separate
groups studied except the ministers and young people preparing to be
teachers, had a great number of changed attitudes. It was these latter
groups in all instances that showed conservatism and permanency of attitudes.
In many of the cases the students * personal experiences and
not the dissolution of some social norm accounted for the change. The
following case where a student changed from a favorable to an unfavorable
attitude tov/ard barbers as a class was not due to any process going on
in the social norm, nor was it indicative of any social problem;
One of the best examples of a changed attitude, either raised or 1 offered,
is that which I have experienced in regard to barbers. estimation
of barbers as a class has dropped, and without a parachute to ease the fall.
During my boyhood days I was very fortunate in having a man of splendid
character and capabilities, who did most all of my work. The others, whom
I occasionally visited, were also of high moral character, although as a
rule they were not well educated. I vms not ignorant of the fact that a
few of the shops were reputed to be a place of dissemination of "filth,"
but this was the exception rather than the rule in the locality where I
resided.
More recently I have had occasion to visit a number a different shops in
Southern California and elsewhere, and the same conditions seem to be
quite general. I do not consider myself super-sensitive, hyper-critical,
or "nice" but the extremely vulgar, low, mucky conversation and stories
that are told are disgusting and revolting to one whose nature is in the
least refined. As is the case with all occupations or professions there
are many exceptions to the rule, and many who are worthy and refined and
many who are worthy of respect are to be found in the group, but in this
case they are much in the minority. It is true that some blame for the
type of conversation and conduct in the barber shops is not attributable
to the barbers themselves. If they think they are trying to please their
customers, however, I fear they have some mistaken concepts for I cannot
54
really believe there are many who really vmnt to hear that sort of thing.
If the barbers* mind is so like a sewer, he should not open it up to the
view of the public in the way we all reveal what is apparently our mind,
through our words. Some ho doubt tolerate or encourage such talk in
their shop because of mistaken reflections which they seem to catch from
the group.
I have never considered the barber trade as a possibility, but I v/ould
certainly not do so now. The type of men, as a class, who are entering
the trade are such as to result in the unpleasant situation which exists.
The others seem to become infested in the barber schools, or soon after.
Some are silent and only tolerate conditions, but there is great peril
in being constantly exposed to such trash.
Perhaps I seem to be extreme in my view for there are odd moments when
nothing objectionable transpires, but I see and hear so much, not always
silently, that I believe I am justified. It makes me especially angry
when some younger boy happens to be present and is subjected to such ideas,
so distorted and unwholesome.
My change in enviromment no doubt magnifies the difference between the
present situation and the one existing before I changed my evaluation
of the barber trade, but the combination has certainly resulted in a
decided change.^
It was realized that many changed occupational attitudes were
due to direct and personal experiences. However, the main emphasis of
this study was upon group distances. But in order to show the more
concrete phases of social distance, as well as the need for further study
and checking of the trends v/hich this statistical study seemed to shov/,
a few case studies were used.
. By studying Table XII it can be seen that certain occupational
attitudes have been more or less static. The neutral attitudes - those
toward the servant, waiter, barber, bookkeeper, cigar worker, seem to be
the ones least changed. These occupations are not involved in any social
problems. The relatively unfavorable group attitude toward the dope seller
has remained permanent - no one changed more favorably toward this group.
^Case secured from a student.
56
However, with some their dislikes had been intensified. The opposite
is true of the nurse. The relatively good will attitude toward the
nurse has remained unchanged^ as no one changed unfavorably tov/ard
this occupation. These instances represent two extreme cases - the
dope seller as an example of a conflict situation that has been formalized
and accepted. The nurse illustrates almost unanimous good will which
has also been accepted and somewhat formalized. Thus, from this data
it can be concluded that the occupational attitudes that are markedly
Unfavorable, neutral, and markedly favorable are the least subject to
change.^
The changing nature of the group attitude toward occupational
groups seems to indicate a mobility and shifting going on in the mores
and public opinion. When a group begins to break away from a norm
of social distance it may be concluded that those norms are in a
process of dissolution. The degrees and grades of understanding and
feeling toward occupational groups may then be indicators as to the
amount of conflict which necessarily takes place v/hen the culture is in
a transitional stage. Professor E. S, Bogardus says; "To understand
2
social distance is to understand social problems."
Such formulations as are submitted in this research study,
however, must be regarded as tentative hypotheses rather than as scientific
generalizations.
S. Bogardus, "Static Social Distance," Journal of Applied Sociology^
XI;579.
S. Bogardus, The New Social Research, p. 18.
56
TABLE XII
The following frequencies are in reply to the following questions: What
occupational groups do you have a distinctly more favorable opinion of
than you had five or ten years ago? What occupational groups do you
have a distinctly less favorable opinion of than you did five or ten
years ago?
(Both sexes
are represented
in each occu
pation)
More Favorable Less
Actor (Actress) 97 47
Aviator (Aviatress) 64 4
Barber 17 8
Bookkeeper 4 2
Bootlegger 27 93
Cigar Worker 0 0
Clerk (store) 19 4
Dance ^11 Keeper 2 16
Day Laborer 68 13
Detective 7 30
Doctor 32 12
Dope Seller 0 52
Factory Worker 13 0
Farmer 77 0
Fortune Teller 0 38
Hobo 6 17
Lawyer 58 47
Minister (Any Faith) 37 71
Movie Star 48 97
Musician (jazz) 16 23
Nurse 22 0
Policeman (Woman) 6 85
Roadhouse Keeper 2 28
Servant 10 1
Soldier 12 31
Spiritual Healer 0 81
Teacher 110 19
Undertaker 20 17
Vaudeville Dancer 20 9
Waiter (Cafe) 1 5
57
Further Protylems Suggested by this Study
The investigation of social distance attitudes betv/een occu
pations has probably raised more questions than it has answered; it
has suggested more problems than it has solved. In conclusion, the
follov/ing problems are submitted for the further study of social distance
between occupations;
I, Case studies and life histories are needed to supplement
the statistical background study. In a statistical study only trends
can be pointed out. The most interesting cases among the group studied
were the unusual ones - the unconventional distances, such as the son
of a janitor who would marry no one but a lawyer, doctor, or teacher;
the young law student who would exclude lawyers as a class; the young
women who would marry a bootlegger. Too many whys are raised in these
types of reactions to be answered by more or less formal ansv/ers. It is
in dealing with such cases that the statistical method reveals its short
comings. Hence, e . case study method including life histories should
supplement this statistical study,
II, The group in which the study was made was more or less
homogeneous. The relative sameness of the range of attitudes showed
this. Before the formulations could be concluded as generalizations
the study should be widened, carried on in more diversified groups.
All through the study the questions kept arising, but what would the
clerk, the hobo, and the factory worker think and feel?
III, Before concluding that the changed attitudes are repre
sentative of general processes taking place in the country the study
should be carried on in different parts of the country. It might be
carried out among university students in institutions in the East, North,
58
South, and West. It would be interesting to find out if the respectability
accorded the bootlegger and teacher are general reactions among university
students, and if the barber would have as much status in the ^ast as in the
West*
IV* Larger and more controlled groups for comparison are needed
to study the factors of sex, age, religion, nationality, educational status,
in explaining social distance.
V. If a centralizing tendency or a mathenmtioal average could
be worked out for expressing occupational attitudes the statistical study
could be refined and expressed more accurately.
VI* There may have been a fundamental weakness in the premises
of the study, to assume that the reactions of the students were real
attitudes, tendencies to act. They may have been only opinions or ways
of thinking. These opinions of university students are, however, corroborated
by their actual behavior, for very seldom do university students marry
servants, hobos, and spiritual healers, or invite the sons and daughters
of janitors and factory workers to join their social clubs* Hence, "I
conclude the imaginations that people have of each other are the solid
facts of society*”
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Addams, Jana, Demoo racy and Social Ethics. The Macmillan Company, New
York, 1902.
Bogardus, Emory S., "Measuring Social Distance,” Journal of Applied
Sociology, IX: pp. 299-308.
, "Static Social Distance,” Ibid., XI;579-83.
, "Mutations of Social Distance,” Ibid., XI:75-84.
_________, "Personality and Occupational Attitudes,” Sociology and
Social Research, September-October, 1927, pp. 73—9.
, "Social Distance and Its Origins,” Journal of Applied
Sociology, IX;216-26.
, The New Social Research. Jesse Ray Miller, Los Angeles, 1926.
_________, Fundamentals of Social Psychology. The Century Company,
New York, 1924.
Burgess, Ernest W,m "The Delinquent as a Person," The American Journal of
Sociology, XX7III:662-8.
Case, Clarence M., "Social Imbecility and Social Age," Sociology and
Social Research, January-February, 1928, pp. 218-42.
Cooley, Charles Horton, Human Nature and the Social Order. Charles
Scribner’s Sons, New York, 1902.
Ellwood, Charles A., "Primitive Concepts and the Origin of Cultural
Patterns," The American Journal of Sociology, July, 1927, pp. 1-13.
Hayes, Edward Cary, "Representative Concepts in Sociology," Sociology
and Social Research, September-October, 1927, pp. 12-17.
KofUca, Kurt, The Groprfah of the Mind. Haroourt, Brace and Company,
New ^ork, 1924.
60
North, Cecil C., Social Differentiation. University of North Carolina
Press, Chapel Hill, 1927.
Park, Robert E., "Concept of Social Distance," Journal of Applied
Sociology, VIII:339-44.
Park, Robert E. and Burgess, Ernest W., An Introduction to the Science
of Sociology. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1921.
Poole, Willard C., "Distance in Sociology,” The American Journal of
Sociology, July, 1927, pp. 99-104.
, "Social Distance and Personal Distance," Journal of
Applied Sociology, XI;114-120.
Ross, Edward A., Social Psychology. The Macmillan Company, New York,
1908.
Simmel, Georg, Soziologie. Verlag von Dunker and HumboJbt, Leipzig, 1908,
________ _, "The Sociology of Secrecy and Secret Societies," The
American Journal of Sociology, XI;453-46. (Translated by Professor
Small. )
Sorokin, Pitirim, Social Mobility. Harper and Brothers, New York, 1927.
Thomas, W. I. and Znaniecki, Florian, The Polish Peasant in Europe and
America. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1918.
Thurstons, L. L., "Attitudes can be Measured," The American Journal of
Sociology, January, 1928, pp. 529-64.
Veblen, Thorstein, The Theory of the Leisure Class. The Macmillan
Company, New York, 1912.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Comparisons among siblings in university scholarship

PDF

Medical care for the middle classes as a social problem

PDF

An investigation of factors influencing choice of occupation as revealed in ninety-five selected biographies and autobiographies of Americans published 1925 to 1930

PDF

The study of the development of education in modern Egypt

PDF

An inquiry into the role of the municipal assistant: The identification of a typology

PDF

The ideologies of fascism and National Socialism: A comparison based upon official documents and statements of representative persons

PDF

A study of the attitudes of high school teachers of vocational subjects toward vocational education and its social values

PDF

Factors that influence the high school student's choice of courses

PDF

Fitting the vocational course in commerce to the needs of a particular community

PDF

A social study of the newsboys' trade in Los Angeles

PDF

A study of social attitudes toward adult education

PDF

The development of modern education in Guatemala

PDF

Higher education for the Negro

PDF

A sociological study of public opinion concerning certain police practices in Los Angeles

PDF

A study of the social attitudes of adult Mexican immigrants in Los Angeles and vicinity

PDF

The development of education in Mexico

PDF

A study of the social attitudes and values involved in the case of fifty adults on probation in Ventura County for operating a motor vehicle while under the influence of intoxicating liquor

PDF

A study of the relationship between the Thorndike Intelligence Examination Scores and the first semester grades of freshmen at the University of Southern California

PDF

A study of contemporary student leaders in Long Beach Junior College

PDF

A study of spouses of graduate students in social work attending the University of Southern California 1971

Asset Metadata

Creator Wilkinson, Forrest Imogene (author)

Core Title Social distance between occupations: a study based upon the prevocational attitudes of eight hundred and sixty-one students in six colleges in the University of Southern California

School Department of Sociology

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Sociology

Degree Conferral Date 05/23/1928

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-17375

Unique identifier UC11263173

Identifier EP68071.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-17375 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier EP68071.pdf

Dmrecord 17375

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Wilkinson, Forrest Imogene

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA