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African American males matter: closing the discipline gap and increasing engagement
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African American males matter: closing the discipline gap and increasing engagement
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Running head: AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 1
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER: CLOSING THE DISCIPLINE GAP AND
INCREASING ENGAGEMENT
by
Troya L. Ellis
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
May 2017
Copyright 2016 Troya L. Ellis
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 2
Dedication
I dedicate this dissertation to my lovely nieces, Sydney, Hayley and Morgan, and god
daughter, Kennedy. Though they are young and do not understand the tenacity and fortitude it
takes to complete a doctoral degree. I believe, one day, they will recognize and recall that, if
“Auntie” can do it, they can do it. I hope that as intelligent, inquisitive, beautiful brown girls,
they will not limit themselves on what they can accomplish, but they will be motivated to obtain
the highest level degree in any field they desire with an understanding they it will take WORK!
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 3
Acknowledgements
First, I would like to express gratitude to the King of my life, Jesus Christ. I can do
nothing without him, and I am everything with him. I am thankful for the favor that I was
granted throughout my academic journey. From my days at Dillard University when I was taking
remedial English classes and was not sure if I was going to pass to this point when I have
completed the most challenging tasks of my academic career, thank you JESUS! Jeremiah 29:11
states that God knows the plans he has for me, plans for good and not for disaster; I am grateful
to experience the fulfillment of God’s good plan for me.
Secondly, I would like to acknowledge the Rossier School for offering me admission to
fulfill my longtime hope. I am thankful for the opportunity to have scholars facilitate critical
thinking and expand my knowledge base around teacher education in urban settings. I am also
grateful for the colleagues I met along the way that supplemented my experience with rich
discourse in all of my courses and encouragement.
I am beyond grateful for my chairs, I enjoyed the tag team duo because it allowed me to
have a well-rounded rich dissertation journey. It was very collaborative roller coaster, but I am
grateful for the journey. Dr. Alan Green, you were invested in helping me obtain success. I
appreciate check-in texts and helping me stay on track in the mist of my professional life. Dr.
Reynaldo Baca, thank you for easing my anxieties with stories and comic relief. You two were
jointly responsive and always available to provide the scaffolding needed to complete every
phases of this journey. Dr. Green, your passion and knowledge about relevant literature on
African American males was extremely advantageous, and, Dr. Baca, your knowledge and
experience with supporting students like myself was important to my journey. I am eternally
grateful to you both.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 4
I would like to express my extremely gratitude to my family. Daddy and Mama, thank
you for being my number one supporters. Daddy, you had a vision over 15 years ago to support
the advancement of education for your children, and it is because of you I was offered an
opportunity to pursue my doctorate in education at no expense. Thank you for your sacrifice. In
my early years of life, you modeled hard work and preached how it pays off----here I am a living
testimony of hard work. Thank you for encouraging me and praying with me as I persevered
through this program. Mama, your relentless prayers and belief in me pushed me through this
challenging journey. You always said, “You can do it, Tricee!” Thank you for your consistent
encouragement! Sister, Tonika, thank you for always checking in and asking how things were
going with my studies and encouraging me in those low moments when I was not sure I was able
to make it to the finish line. Brother, Russell, thank you for periodically inquiring about my
journey. I appreciate that you cared. To my granny, though you have been gone for eight years
now, I still know that you would be proud of your Chocolate granddaughter. Thank you for your
sacrifices. To all my other kinfolk, thank you for believing in me.
To my friends and mentors, from those whom I acquired in my early years to those I
picked up more recently. Thank you to my best friend, Britney L. Foster. We developed a
friendship at a time I thought I did not need any new friends. You were exactly the friend I
needed. Thank you for all of your support: from helping me grocery shop to meal prepping to
being my editor. You are truly an angel sent by God to show me authentic friendship. To my
church family, thank you for your prayers and support. To my Aspire family, you all allowed me
to put theory into practice and challenge the average thought on critical issues that arose in my
courses. To Dr. Dayna Belvin and Dr. Brandon Gamble, you two persevered through this very
program and your completion motivated me to the finish line. Thank you for being a motivator.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 5
Table of Contents
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
List of Tables 7
Abstract 8
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 9
Background of the Problem 9
Statement of the Problem 13
Purpose of the Study 14
Significance of the Study 15
Limitations and Delimitations 16
Definition of Terms 16
Organization of the Study 17
Chapter Two: Literature Review 18
The Evolution of School Discipline 18
Racial Disproportionality in Disciplinary Outcomes 21
Solutions to Reducing School Discipline Outcomes 27
School-Wide Positive Behavior Support & Cultural Responsiveness 27
Social-Emotional Learning (SEL) 29
Restorative Justice 30
School Engagement 32
Teacher Perceptions 34
Theoretical Framework 37
Implicit Bias 37
Critical Race Theory 40
Milner’s Five Principles 41
Chapter Three: Methodology 42
Research Design 42
Population and Sample 43
Instrumentation 43
Survey 43
Interviews 45
Data Collection 46
Data Analysis 47
Validity 48
Role of Researcher 49
Summary of Research Methods 49
Chapter Four: Results 50
Interview Results 50
John 51
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 6
Esther 54
Sarah 55
Uriel 57
Samuel 59
Summary 61
Harsher Punishment 62
Summary 63
Bias and Perception 64
Relationships 64
Varied Definition of Engagement 66
Propensity to Keep Students in Class 69
Summary 71
Survey Results 72
Milner’s Engagement Principles 81
Envisioning Life Beyond the Present 81
Understanding the Self in Relation to Others 82
Speak Possibility, Not Destruction 83
Care and Demonstrating Care 84
Changing the Mind, Changing the Action 85
Summary 87
Chapter Five: Discussion 88
Implications 91
Building Personal Relationships with African American Males 91
Propensity to Keep Students in the Classroom 92
Awareness of Disproportionality 92
Non-Traditional Definitions of Engagement 92
Regularly Assess Cultural Competences 93
Limitations and Future Directions 93
Conclusion 95
References 96
Appendix A: Email Solicitation 104
Appendix B: Informed Consent For Non-Medical Research 105
Appendix C: Study Information Sheet 108
Appendix D: Interview Protocol 110
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 7
List of Tables
Table 1: Double-Check Frequency Data 73
Table 2: Effort 74
Table 3: Effective Communication 76
Table 4: Connection to Curriculum 78
Table 5: Sensitivity to Student’s Cultural and Situational Messages 79
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 8
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to examine the perceptions and bias of five secondary
teachers in California who engage African American males while avoiding the overuse of office
discipline referrals. The theoretical framework used for this study included implicit bias theory
and Milner’s (2007) principles for next-level education for African American students. Use of
Milner’s principles, Double Check Assessment and the Implicit Assessment Test, yielded three
themes centered on engagement and the fact that participants’ practices and ideas aligned with
Milner’s (2007) principles. These indicate that there are specific practices and ideas that teachers
possess that support engagement for African American males.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 9
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Disproportionality in school discipline negatively affecting African American males is
longstanding and has existed since the 1970s (Children’s Defense Fund, 1974). School discipline
disproportionality is also known as the discipline gap, representing the number of disciplinary
proceedings exceeding the number of students in a specific subgroup (Noltemeyer, Kunesh,
Hostutler, Frato, & Sarr-Kerman, 2012). There is plenty of research highlighting how African
American males are suspended, expelled and given office discipline referrals (ODR) at higher
rates than those of other racial and gender groups (Monroe, 2009; Smith & Harper, 2015; Rudd,
2014). The discipline gap begins with the initial ODR, typically made by the classroom teacher,
and patterns of ODRs for African American students are considerably overrepresented within all
referral categories (Skiba, Horner, Chung, Karega Rausch, May, & Tobin, 2011). For example,
African American students were more likely to be suspended or expelled for any type of ODR
than were White students (Skiba, et al, 2011). African American males are referred or sent out of
class at a higher rate; thus, they are suspended and, sometimes, expelled (Skiba, Michael, Nardo
& Peterson, 2002; Skiba, et al, 2011). In southern school districts, an obvious discipline gap
between African American students, who were suspended and expelled five times more often
than numbers in the student population represent, and their non-African American peers (Smith
& Harper, 2015).
Background of the Problem
The discipline gap does not encompass only the frequency of suspensions and expulsions
but also covers the type of ODR’s that lead to suspension. These ODRs differ across racial
groups. This difference is evidenced when African American male students are 12% of a
population, but represent 28% of suspensions due to disobedience/insubordination, 39% of
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 10
disruptive behavior and 43% of threats/intimidations whereas White males are 30% of the
population and represent 60% of the suspensions for tobacco possession, 48% for weapon and
alcohol possession and 55% for narcotics possession (Mendez & Knoff, 2003). This not only
points to the disproportionality of African American male school discipline levels, but it also
sheds light on the fundamental nature of this problem. Mendez and Knoff (2003) showed that
African American males do not misbehave any more than their White male counterparts, yet they
receive more office referrals for less severe and more subjective reasons (Rudd, 2014; Skiba &
Peterson, 2000). These subjective and less severe reasons lead to African American males being
suspended, expelled and sent out of the classroom (Rudd, 2014).
These data regarding African American males’ disciplinary actions are constant with
academic and non-academic outcomes whereby this population is deemed “at risk,”
“endangered” and “troubled individuals whose futures at best are in limbo” (Milner, 2007,
p.240). African American males make up a relatively low percentage of enrollment, yet their
graduation rates are lower than those of their enrollment, which, in turn, reduces their college
enrollment rate and has a direct connection to high rates of involvement with the juvenile justice
system (Smith & Harper, 2015; Milner, 2007). The grim outlook for African American males is
also evident in their level of school engagement. In urban school settings, African American
males of a low socioeconomic status and who have a high number of suspensions are less
engaged in school (Davis & Jordan, 1994). One prominent discipline strategy often used
typically discourages school engagement. Davis and Jordan (1994) discussed how suspension
alienates African American males and communicates that their behavior does not belong in
school, creating a restraint in their relationship with the school and teachers. If African American
males are engaged in school, they are less likely to display behaviors that lead to disciplinary
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 11
outcomes. The plight of these students is too well documented, and, according to Milner, in need
of a new paradigm.
The problem of disproportionality in disciplinary action has been studied from multiple
angles, including socioeconomic status, African American students’ cultural differences
compared to those of White students, deficit thinking models, school policies and a lack of
teacher cultural competence (Rudd, 2014). However, an in-depth analysis of teacher perceptions
and bias has not been thoroughly examined in relation to disproportionality of school discipline
actions. Teacher mindsets about their students’ behaviors and expectations for learning have a
significant impact on behavioral and academic outcomes (Rudd, 2014). Teachers who have a
biased perception of African American males often classify them as “unruly, disrespectful and
disruptive” (Rudd, 2014, p. 1). The subjective nature of African American school discipline
suggests a need for a better understanding of the factors involved. This subjectivity can be
viewed from the perceptive of implicit bias, which is a form of pervasive societal implicit
associations and subjectivity. These perceptions were identified as contributing to the way
African American male behavior is interpreted that leads to classroom removal and learning loss
(Rudd, 2014). Teachers’ expectations also affect student engagement in that teachers who
assigned more work awarded higher grades and had high engagement while those who assigned
less work had lower expectations and saw minimal engagement among African American boys
(Davis & Jordan, 1994).
Teachers’ bias can be regarded as the byproduct of a structural problem woven into the
fabric of society that nurtures individuals’ beliefs and supports the establishment of policies in
the school setting and beyond. According to Bell (1995), these structural challenges are a
reflection of racism which permeates throughout society and has been documented by critical
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 12
race theory (CRT). Used initially to interrogate how the foundation of law in American society
replicates, reifies, and regularizes racism, CRT has also been applied to the field of education
explaining disproportional outcomes like the discipline gap (Hoffman, 2014; Ladson-Billings,
1998).
CRT acknowledges that racism is merged into the makeup of most institutions and,
therefore, a complex influencer in the socialization of professionals, including teachers and other
school personnel (Hoffman, 2014). Though there is knowledge of CRT’s impact on teachers and
schools, its multifaceted and structural nature makes it difficult to understand and fully address
(Milner, 2008). Along with structural, there are contextual challenges that often have a direct
impact on school discipline outcomes. One framework highlights this contextual nature and
explains how racial bias in school discipline should be viewed from single and multidimensional
perspectives (McIntosh, Girvan, Horner, & Smolkowski, 2014). This framework describes how
“unidimensional conceptualization of bias” is based on personal bias (explicit bias) whereas,
“multidimensional conceptualization of bias” includes personal bias along with vacillating
decision-making that may not be bias all the time (implicit bias)” (McIntosh et al., 2014, p. 4).
Explicit and implicit bias are identified as discipline gap contributors because there are
teachers/educators who are aware of their personal bias and act in accordance to it, and there are
teachers who are not solely guided by their bias but unknowingly influenced by it.
Whether teachers’ bias is explicit or implicit, Milner (2008) suggests taking
student/teacher engagement to higher level. He offers a 5-principle framework as a means to
attain this higher level by eliminating excuses as reasons for dehumanizing African American
students (Milner, 2008). These practice principles involve both teacher and student effort; they
are (1) envision life beyond their present situations, (2) come to know themselves in relation to
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 13
others, (3) speak possibility and not destruction, (4) care and demonstrate care, and (5) change
their thinking to change their actions (Milner, 2007). By implementing these principles, teachers
can engage African American students and bypass the negative effectives of implicit bias and
disproportionate discipline (Milner, 2008). To date, little research exists to establish the impact
of such an approach on the discipline gap. The discipline gap literature is missing useful
examples of how teachers can overcome structural and contextual factors contributing to the
disproportionality in school discipline. The purpose of this study was to contribute to this
literature.
Statement of the Problem
A discipline gap is evident by much research on the fact that African American males
receive more ODRs for more subjective and less severe reasons in comparison to their
counterparts and their enrollment in school (Rudd, 2014; Skiba & Peterson, 2000).) African
American males’ suspensions and expulsions are subject to human interpretation and judgment
whereas White males’ suspensions and expulsions are for concrete reasons such as tobacco use
on campus (Mendez & Knoff, 2003; Smith & Harper, 2015). African American males are the
focus of the discipline gap, and failing and floundering are terms often associated with them in
K-12 education. They are classified as not meeting the mark that other genders and racial groups
met; however, teachers have the power to change this narrative through engaging them.
Teachers’ expectations affect student engagement: teachers who assign more work gave
higher grades and had high engagement while those who assigned less work had lower
expectations and minimally engaged African American males (Davis & Jordan, 1994). Klem and
Connell (2004) found that students who feel supported by their teachers are more engaged as
learners. It follows that engaged learners do not receive ODRs, particularly for subjective
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 14
reasons like disrespecting authority. Because teacher perceptions and expectations influence
student engagement, it is important to examine how implicit and explicit bias can be avoided.
Overcoming this bias can contribute to increased student engagement and next-level education
(Milner, 2007). In order to achieve this understanding, a deep dive into a deeply rooted problem
is necessary.
Although this problem has been studied repeatedly, very little literature was found to
examine the success of teachers who overcome bias and thereby engage African American males
in the classroom. Therefore, the specific problem of this study was to address the lack of
understanding on how some teachers engage rather than over-discipline. This knowledge may
significantly contribute to research and practice by offering solutions as opposed to admiring the
problem.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to examine teachers’ perceptions and bias that reduce
discipline issues that contribute to disproportionality in school discipline for African American
males while increasing their engagement outcomes. There is endless data that answers the first
research question: Are African American males disciplined more harshly than other students?
The discipline gap has existed for decades, but, perhaps, an exploration of teachers who possess
bias yet do not over-discipline and, instead, engage can contribute to a body of literature that is
missing. This study examined the bias and perceptions of teachers of African American males
that lead to lower discipline issues in the classroom. Lastly, this study examined how well
instructional or discipline philosophies align with Milner’s (2008) engagement principles. The
research questions in this study were aimed at understanding how teacher’s perceptions and
discipline practices increase their engagement with African American males. It sought to
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 15
evaluate how teachers’ personal bias and perceptions influence decisions made regarding
behavior in the school setting.
In this study, teachers completed two surveys: one that aimed to yield an outcome of their
cultural and linguistic diversity and another that sought their implicit biases. Interviews were also
conducted to assess how they navigate bias and engage despite structural and contextual factors.
The above instruments revealed the teachers’ engagement, bias, attitudes and beliefs.
Significance of the Study
This study was designed to highlight teachers who engage African American males and
the approach they take to overcome the implicit bias that contributes to disproportionality in
school discipline while increasing engagement outcomes. Teachers, administrators and school
staff address discipline regularly, and institutions address the challenges of implementing school
discipline policies, but very little attention is paid to teachers who do not utilize the discipline
practices. Much of the research on disproportionality hypothesizes that many factors contribute
to disproportionality, but very little literature focuses on teachers who engage and avoid over-
disciplining. This study focused on teacher’s ability to engage African American males. It may
shed light on educators who found solutions to this longstanding disproportionality problem.
This study may contribute to the body of knowledge about teacher’s supportive practices that
reduce disproportionality in school discipline while increasing engagement and next-level
education.
As a result of this study, school leaders may see the need to adopt practices known to
engage African American males. This would support schools in designing in-service and
universities in designing pre-service that encourage the sharing of practices to improve
outcomes.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 16
Limitations and Delimitations
There were limitations to this study. This study was conducted with a limited number of
teachers who met the criteria as engaging teachers. Additional inquiry with a larger teacher
sample and across multiple regions of the country would be helpful for generalizability purposes.
Interviews and focus groups were used, which limited the means of obtaining the findings.
Participants may also have been influenced and affected by the researcher’s presence when
responding to the interview questions (Maxwell, 2013).
The delimitations to this study were that is that the participants were representative of the
makeup of California teachers. The purposefulness of participant selection sought to support the
investigation of teachers’ engagement of African American males. A purposeful sample provided
pertinent data to answer the research questions (Merriam, 2009).
Definition of Terms
Terms Definition
African American Males A Black American of African Ancestry
(Farlex, Inc, 2016)
Critical Race Theory A critical interrogation of how law
reproduces, reifies, and normalizes racism
(Lopez, 2003)
Discipline Gap The number of disciplinary proceedings
exceeding the number of students in a specific
subgroup (Noltemeyer et al., 2012)
Disproportionality/ Racial Disparity The overrepresentation or underrepresentation
of a particular demographic group (NEA,
2016)
Engage To attract or hold fast (dictionary.com, 2016)
Expulsion A student is removed from school for an
indefinite time period. Students are suspended
first while expulsion is being considered
(Ontario Ministry of Education, 2016).
Implicit Race Bias Unaware intellectual activity that causes
people to have negative feelings and attitudes
about people based on characteristics like
race, ethnicity, age and appearance (Cameron,
Payne & Knob, 2010, & Rudd, 2014)
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 17
Office Discipline Referrals A form that is given to students when that are
not following the school/classroom
expectations (Evanston/Skokie
School District 65, 2016)
Suspension A student is removed from school for a
specified amount of time (Ontario Ministry of
Education, 2016)
Organization of the Study
Chapter One includes the background of the problem, the statement of the problem, the
purpose of the study, the significance of the study, the limitations and delimitations, the
definitions of terms and the organization of the study. Chapter Two includes a literature review
related to the research questions listed in Chapter One. Chapter Three presents a comprehensive
depiction of the methodology used, including the sample population, instrumentation, data
collection and data analysis. Chapter Four will reports the results as evidenced by the data, and
Chapter Five presents finding, implications for practice, limitations, suggestions for future
research and an overall conclusion to the study.
Two conceptual frameworks were used throughout the study. Implicit bias was used to
frame and investigate teachers’ attitudes and beliefs about school discipline and African
American males. Implicit bias emphasizes the insentient biases that humans unknowingly
possess that have an impact on their views, actions and choices (Staat, 2014). The
“multidimensional conceptualization of bias” was also woven into the framework as a means to
examine the layers of implicit bias (McIntosh et al., 2014, p. 4). Lastly, Milner’s (2007) five
principles were used to examine whether teacher’s possess what is necessary to engage African
American males.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 18
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This review examines research and theoretical literature to advance and examine the
understanding of teacher’s attitudes and beliefs regarding African American males that result in
school discipline outcomes and alternative discipline practices with the potential of reducing
their school discipline outcomes. Research was selected based on its relevance to the external
and internal hypothesis that contribute to these school discipline outcomes. Literature was
incorporated that contributed to the understanding of teachers, or staff, and practices that
increase the likelihood of certain school discipline outcomes. The literature review used one
theoretical construct: implicit bias theory. This provided a framework to examine the evolution
of school discipline, teacher’s perceptions of African American males, the disproportionality in
school discipline consequences and teachers’ attitude and beliefs about alternate discipline
strategies to change outcomes. This chapter is divided into three main sections. First, there is a
review of information about the evolution of school discipline. Next, there is a discussion of
disproportionality and disparity with suspensions, ODRs and discipline infractions for African
American males. Lastly, this chapter reviews alternative supports to address school discipline
outcomes and research that supports these outcomes. All the above topics are evaluated using
implicit bias theory.
The Evolution of School Discipline
School discipline practices have shifted since their establishment and the shift seem to
have followed the changes of society. According to Thomson Reuters (2016), schools were
initially designed for the wealthy, and it was not until mid-1800s that school was offered to all in
a few states. With the extension of school to all, there were obvious differences in the culture of
the wealthy and the poor. Home structures differed greatly, which, inevitably, had an impact on
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 19
school behavior. During this time in the 1800s teachers felt threated by pupils’ parents because
of different beliefs about school discipline practices (History Today, 2016). Parents were
extremely resistant to harsh discipline practices and worked to find ways to guard their children
from the unlawful treatment, despite their awareness of inappropriate behaviors displayed in
school by some students. Parents knew there was an improved method of discipline and a
theorist in the mid-19th century agreed. He sought to reduce harsh treatment and desired to foster
a positive experience for student learning and avoiding applying punishment for learning
mistakes (Thomson Reuters, 2016).
As time progressed, school was no longer an option; the education system continued to
develop in the United Stated and, in the 1900s, all states required that children attend school
(Thomson Reuters, 2016). This meant that teachers would transition into the parental role for
students from differing cultures and, sometimes, races (Thomson Reuters, 2016). This notion is
not absent of the detail that they were not the ultimate disciplinarian: the parents were (History
Today, 2016). According to History Today (2016), Victorian schools were known to utilize
violent discipline practices known as corporal punishment. A common practice in the 19th
century, corporal punishment began to be viewed as an old-school practice, but many teachers
still saw it as a good tool because of the ease of usage to maintain order with the students
(History Today, 2016). Conversely, corporal punishment was viewed as unlawful, but politicians
and judges who were raised with corporal punishment in schools did not share the parents’ issues
its usage in schools, and corporal punishment officially became an institutional practice (History
Today, 2016).
Though teachers would be the enforcers of discipline at school, the judicial system still
needed regulations to establish appropriate means to deal with students’ behavioral offences. In
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 20
that process of establishment, there was an alignment of judicial practices for adult offenses and
school discipline offenses. Prior to the 20th century, corporal punishment began to cease and it
was fully banned in British states in 1987 (History Today, 2016). As corporal punishment ended,
there was a new disciplinary response to ensure students’ safety. In the 1960s, school
administrators began the use of out-of-school suspensions for disciplinary actions (Adam, 2000),
and, from the 1960s through the 1990s, in-school suspensions were used as an alternate to out-
of-school suspensions (Amuso, 2007; Morris & Harvard, 2003).
This shift to maintaining order and safety was influenced by the state and federal
government (Allman & Slate, 2011), which included drug enforcement policies in the 1980s
(Skiba & Peterson, 1999) and the Gun Free Act of 1994 (Allman & Slate, 2011). This act
provided funding to school to establish discipline policies that included expulsions for a student
that brought a weapon (Gun Free Act). This act, along with drug policy, led to what is known as
the zero-tolerance policy that schools across the United States created at their own discretion
(Allman & Slate, 2011). Allman and Slate (2011) reported that zero-tolerance policies initially
addressed serious offenses such as drug possession or use, gang activity and possession of a
weapon. However, as schools began to individualize their policies, more offenses like tobacco
use and class disruption were included (Skiba & Peterson, 1999). Since schools now
incorporated zero-tolerance, the numbers of suspensions and expulsions rose (Allman & Slate,
2011).
As the 20th century arrived, the use of suspensions and expulsions was prevalent because
of the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) act requiring schools to have a zero-tolerance policy to
uphold accountability for assuring safety (Byrd, 2000). Although NCLB did not give specific
guidelines for the zero-tolerance policies, all schools were expected to enact policies as they
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 21
deemed appropriate. Not all offenses were considered in the zero-tolerance policy. Therefore, the
suspensions were still used for less severe offenses (Troyan, 2003). From corporal punishment to
zero-tolerance, school discipline practices have alternated from one extreme to the next. Students
in the United States are no longer automatically subjected to corporal punishment, but they may
be removed from a school or classroom due to a teacher’s interpretation of a rule violation. Since
the early days of school discipline, adult subjectivity determined the outcome of an offense.
Teachers determined what they believed was worthy of corporal punishment, removal from
class, suspension (in or out-of-school) and expulsion. Through the evolution of school discipline,
some rule violations were not subject to teacher discretion, especially those that fell into the
zero-tolerance category (Allman & Slate, 2011). However, the most frequent behaviors that
result in school discipline are those that are subjected to teacher discretion (Skiba et al., 2011).
Though school discipline has evolved, it still seems to have detrimental outcomes for students;
however, the outcomes are no longer just physically detrimental. Literature reveals that teacher
subjectivity for certain offenses may contribute to the disproportionate outcomes for a racial
subgroup of students that are consistently being removed from class, suspended and expelled at
rates higher than other students in their schools.
Racial Disproportionality in Disciplinary Outcomes
Racial disproportionality in school discipline, also known as the discipline gap, refers to
situations in which the number of disciplinary proceedings exceeds the number of students in a
specific subgroup (Noltemeyer et al, 2012) and has been researched and revealed since 1970s
with the involvement of the office of civil rights and the Children’s Defense Fund (Children’s
Defense Fund, 1975). For the 1973-1974 academic term, the Children’s Defense Fund reviewed
suspension data collected by the office of civil rights and surveyed several thousands of families
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 22
in nine different states, including the District of Columbia, along with interviewing three
hundred community representatives and school officials. The findings of the review revealed that
African American students were suspended at disproportionate rates as compared to White,
Latino and Indian students. The disproportionate disciplinary outcomes for African American
students is consistent throughout research: African American males, specifically, are an outlier in
school discipline data. Based on research conducted during the1995-2003 academic year in
Maryland, suspensions increased significantly across all racial groups (Krezmien, Leone, &
Achilles, 2006). However, the results of many studies revealed that Black and Latino’s have
been suspended at a significantly higher rate than Caucasian students (Arcia, 2007; Day-Vines &
Day-Hairston, 2005; Krezmien et al., 2006; Gregory & Weinstein, 2008; Skiba et al., 2011).
Research offers many justifications for the disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates of
Black boys (Day-Vines & Day-Hairston, 2005; Gregory & Weinstein, 2008; Townsend, 2000;
Vincent, Randall, Cartledge, Tobin, & Swain-Bradway, 2011).
There are many factors that contribute to disproportionality and racial disparity in school
discipline outcomes. According to literature, school personnel are the main contributors to these
outcomes. School personnel’s impact can be viewed in a variety of ways, from the teacher who
makes the office referral that results in a suspension, to a staff member’s influencing the
perception of the behavior a student displays, or racial difference or cultural misunderstanding
between students and teachers (Bennett & Harris, 1982; Bullara, 1993; Skiba et al., 2011;
Krezmien et al., 2006; Gregory & Weinstein, 2008). A qualitative study conducted by Bennett
and Harris (1982), sought to find an explanation to disproportionality in school discipline among
African Americans and males in what was known as problematic high schools in the Midwest. In
this study, information was gathered via interviews with students, parents, administrators and
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 23
teachers, along with statewide statistics on enrollment, withdrawals, suspension and expulsion
that was disaggregated by school, sex and race. The study revealed that the disproportionate
number of males suspended and expelled was related to staff and the value school held for the
students. The study further explained that institutional racism, along with teacher’s racist
perceptions, seemed to be a significant contributor. A few interviews with teachers revealed their
thoughts about White people being superior in multiple facets of life (Bennet & Harris, 1982).
These results are consisted with a portion of the quantitative study by Skiba et al. (2002),
which also examined disproportionality. This study was also conducted in the Midwest at large
urban public school. Discipline data were collected and recorded in a system that coded all
reasons for ODRs. The results revealed that males and African Americans were overrepresented
in the well-known categories of school discipline such as suspension, expulsion and ODRs. The
reasons for ODRs for White students differed from those of African American students. In this
study, administrative decisions did not typically lead to disproportionality. However, the
perceptions that staff members possessed about African American students’ behaviors influenced
the disciplinary decision. One theme of the abovementioned research was that adults in the
school had an impact on disciplinary outcomes.
Bullara (1993) noted that racial and cultural distinction between the students and teachers
may lead to inequitable treatment for students of color. Similarly, a quantitative study by
Gregory and Weinstein (2008) examined the pattern of African American students being
overrepresented with ODRs. This study was conducted at an urban high school in the United
States. A database system that recorded all suspensions was used for data collection along with
teacher interviews and surveys and student surveys. The results suggested that African American
students made up the most ODRs for defiance and these ODRs were typically given by one to
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 24
three of the same adults. This outcome revealed that the referring teachers’ perceptions of
behaviors was unchanged and, once a student was referred once by a teacher, they were likely to
be referred again. This, in turn, contributes to the overrepresentation of African Americans in
terms of receiving ODRs. The study also explored the students’ perceptions of the teachers who
give ODRs and the teachers’ perceptions of students who receives them. The study revealed
students felt teachers who gave ODRs did not care about them, and the teachers felt that the
students lacked engagement in class. Despite the differing perceptions between teacher and
student, the constant was that teachers’ perceptions drive outcomes that lead to disproportionality
for African American students. The above research sheds light on the role teachers or staff
members play in disproportionality, but these studies examined the impact at the secondary level
and mostly in the mid-western region. With the knowledge that rates of disproportionality in
school discipline do not begin in secondary grades, there is a need to examine contributing
factors at the primary level.
Mendez and Knoff (2003) explored out-of-school suspensions in a diverse urban district
to determine who was being suspended and why. They used suspension data from the 1996-97
school year for 142 schools in West Central Florida. One distinction from this study as compared
to others is that the researchers examined data for all school levels: elementary, middle and high
school. They disaggregated the suspension data based on race, gender, school level and type of
infraction. Results revealed distinctions in terms of race, school level, gender and infraction
types and reiterated disproportionality within all areas examined. A comparison among African
American, White and Hispanic students found that African American students experienced the
most. Also, differentiating among elementary, middle and high school students yielded the fact
that middle school students experienced the most. Distinguishing between gender revealed that
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 25
male students experienced the most. Overall, African American males in middle school received
at least one suspension. Since there was only a 13% enrollment rate for African American
students, there was a disproportionate number of African American males experiencing
suspension.
The same study (Mendez & Knoff, 2003) revealed that Hispanic students in middle and
high school also experienced at least one suspension at rates disproportionate to those of their
White counterparts. This data revealed the presumed concern with school discipline decisions.
The infractions that led to suspension for specific racial groups and genders presented
disproportionality as well. For example, African American males were 12% of the population,
but represented 28% of suspensions for disobedience/insubordination, 39% for disruptive
behavior and 43% for threat/intimidation. These results reveal the depth of disproportionality.
Interestingly, the data also revealed disproportionality for White males, as they were 30% of the
population but represented 60% of suspensions for tobacco possession, 48% for weapon and
alcohol possession and 55% for narcotics possession (Mendez & Knoff, 2003). This further
indicates that the issues with school discipline affects both African American and White males.
The significant distinction between the disproportionality is the criteria for determining the
infraction type. In order to be suspended for disruption, a teacher has to use personal judgment
whereas the criteria for possession of tobacco, narcotic or alcohol require artifacts or evidence.
Thus, personal judgment comes into play when judging African American males’ infractions.
Mendez and Knoff (2003) revealed and reiterated the phenomena of who is suspended, but they
did not explicitly attribute it to teachers’ perceptions, judgments or personal thoughts. They
suggested educators need to take on an environmental and meaning perspective to determine
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 26
what contributes to these outcomes (Mendez & Knoff, 2003). Teachers’ perceptions of students’
behaviors contribute to longstanding disproportionality outcomes.
Racial disproportionality in school discipline occurs at the time rationale is offered for
office referrals, suspensions, expulsions and time out of the classroom. Often, the one area that is
examined repeatedly in research is the behavior African American students display that leads to
ODR and, later, result in a suspension and/or expulsion. Three different studies highlighted how
African American students’ behavior does not significantly differ from that of White students,
though African Americans receive a significantly larger number ODRs for specific infractions
(Monroe, 2015; Skiba et al., 2011). Skiba et al. (2011) examined the patterns of ODR pertaining
to African American, Latino and White students in 364 elementary and middle schools for the
purpose of exploring the racial and ethnic disproportion in office referrals and administrative
decisions. The results indicated that Latino students were underrepresented for ODR in
kindergarten to sixth grade; however, in sixth through ninth grade, they were overrepresented as
compared to White students. African American students were considerably overrepresented
within all referral categories.
The results provide more detail about differing consequences of ODR for Latino and
African American students as compared to White students. For example, Latinos were more
likely to be suspended or expelled for disruption, and African American students were more
likely to be suspended or expelled for any type of ODR as compared to White students (Skiba et
al., 2011). Gregory and Weinstein’s (2008) study highlighted that defiance was the most
prominent reason a student received an ODR, and it was noted to be most commonly used with
African American students. This is similar to Skiba et al.’s (2002) study which revealed that a
difference in the reasons an African receives an ODR versus those for a White student.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 27
Throughout the research highlighted above, teacher perceptions of students’ behaviors are not
explicitly noted. It is presumed that the teachers’ perceptions contribute to the disciplinary
decisions, but the research does not overtly highlight it.
Solutions to Reducing School Discipline Outcomes
Research discusses a variety of strategies to eliminate the disproportionality (Day-Vines
& Day-Hairston, 2005; Gregory & Weinstein, 2008; Townsend, 2000; Vincent et al., 2011).
According to Vincent et al. (2011) two approaches that can address the problem of
disproportionality are the implementation of a school-wide positive behavior support (SWPBS)
program in which explicit expectations are taught about behavior and cultural responsiveness for
all educators.
School-Wide Positive Behavior Support & Cultural Responsiveness
These two concepts are key components that lead the way in addressing the racial
disparity in school discipline. SWPBS is a comprehensive and preventive system (Sprague &
Golly, 2004) framed by applied behavior analysis but focused on the positive (Baer, Wolf, &
Risley, 1968; Safran & Oswald, 2003). The use of SWPBS resulted in many positive changes in
a variety of settings. Utilizing SWPBS means addressing school discipline with an attention to
specific behavioral expectations and positive incentives, avoidance of negative behaviors, a
multi-tiered approach and use of data to inform decisions (Public Counsel, 2016). Within the
four features of SWPBS, avoidance of negative behavior includes teaching behavioral
expectations, rewarding expected behaviors and establishing consistent consequences. This leads
to the multi-tiered approach which is addressed at the universal level in school-wide
interventions that address all students. It is addressed at the selective/secondary level through
interventions that address that needs of students who display minimal behavioral needs and are
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 28
classified as at risk. At the indicated/tertiary level, it is addressed through interventions with
students with severe behavioral needs or who have received multiple ODRs (Grossmen,
Neckerman, Koepsell, Liu, Asher, & Beland, 1997; Osher, Bear, Sprague, & Doyle, 2010; Public
Counsel, 2016;).
Within the four features of SWPBS, ODRs, along with suspension data, assist in
determining which tier a student should be classified in and is used to determine the
effectiveness of the intervention (Public Counsel, 2016; Safran & Oswald, 2003). A few
outcomes highlighted with the use of SWPBS are a reduction of ODRs, such as 35% to 50 %
over a period time as well as a reduction of anti-social behavior, destructive behavior and
violence (Honer & Sugai, 2007; Osher et al., 2010). High schools in Los Angeles Unified
District (LAUSD) along with Woodland Joint Unified School District (WJUSD) implemented
SWPBS and had significant results. The LAUSD school went from 510 suspensions in one
school year to one suspension in the following school year and WJUSD had a 62% decrease in
suspensions (Public Counsel, 2016).
Though SWPBS has shown results, there a few factors that can affect outcomes, such as
differences related to culture, language, families, and race. These differences can lead to
disparity in school discipline (Osher et al., 2010). Though SWPBS is seen as an effective
practice, it is a one that requires buy-in from all school staff in order to work. This system of
intervention requires sharing and instructing all on the rules and rewards (Center on Positive
Behavior Intervention and Support, 2004; Horner & Sugai, 2007; Todd & Lewis-Palmer, 2005).
This also includes training teachers to handle disruptive behaviors (Safran & Oswald, 2003).
Research has shown positive effects of teacher buy-in, an attitude of collaboration, leadership
and a pledge to the SWPBS process (Safran and Oswald, 2003). In an urban middle school, there
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 29
was a reduction of aversive methods used for school discipline and an increase of positive
reinforcement, but the reinforcement was only used by one-fourth of the teachers in the school.
Due to the small number of teachers, the impact was not great (Warren, Edmonson, Turnbull,
Sailor, Wickham & Griggs, in press).
However, these components cannot be implemented without teachers and administrators
recognizing a need and potential solutions. According to research, teachers have a clear
understanding of the disproportionality of suspensions for specific racial groups but believe that
organizational changes are the factor to affect change (McGrady & Soloway, 2010, as cited in
Tobin & Vincent, 2011). One of the organizational changes is the implementation of SWPBS
(Tobin & Vincent, 2011). Inclusive of the SWPBS program is the use of alternatives to
suspensions such as counseling, behavior contracts and parental involvement (Chin, Dowdy,
Jimerson, & Jeremy, 2011). Based on data, SWPBS assists in the reduction of the racial disparity
in school discipline, but it is not the only solution. Though teachers are aware of
disproportionality, there seems to be limited data on the influence or impact teachers have on
disproportionality. As abovementioned, cultural responsiveness is necessary to address this
problem. In order for teachers to become culturally responsive, they have to evaluate their own
culture and understand that the process to becoming a culturally responsive educator will be
ongoing (Vincent et al., 2011).
Social-Emotional Learning (SEL)
In conjunction with SWPBS and cultural responsiveness, there is a need for social skills
instruction to decrease the racial disproportionality in school disciple (Osher et al., 2010). One
particular social skills training identified as effective is Second Step. It is noted to have a
moderate impact on decreasing problem behaviors (Safran & Oswald, 2003). Osher et al. (2010)
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 30
stated that it is student centered and is focused on SEL. SEL emphasizes five components related
to a student’s social-emotional development: self-awareness, self-management, social awareness,
relationship skills and responsible decision-making (Osher et al., 2010). These components
provide a framework for strategies that need to be taught and areas of social-emotional
development that should be addressed. In LAUSD during the 2007-2008 school year, 58% of the
model SEL schools showed a 43% decrease in ODRs, a reduction in physical aggression, and a
64% decline in disruptive behaviors (Public Counsel, 2016). Other SEL programs have shown
similar results and have also had a secondary impact on graduation rates (Public Counsel, 2016).
With the use of SEL along with SWPBS, problematic behaviors have decreased meaningfully.
Whether SWPBS is implemented, SEL is implemented or a combination of both is implemented,
there is an unprecedented need for personnel to support implementation. Though research
discusses the decrease in school discipline outcomes, there is no data that discusses how teacher
buy-in, implementation and perception of SEL affect success.
Restorative Justice
Research highlights strategies and approaches to address the disproportionality of
suspension and expulsion, but educators’ perceptions are not addressed although they have a
major impact on the implementation of alternate discipline strategies and suspension data.
Educators’ perceptions of systems to address this problem can aid or hinder reform of this
longstanding issue.
Many different alternative discipline practices have been attempted. One practice
consistently implemented in California schools is restorative justice. Restorative justice practices
are used as a means to restore a relationship with the student affected by an individual offense or
with the larger school community (Drewey, 2004; Morrison et al., 2003). This is a practice that
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 31
originates in the justice system but has been modified for the school setting. It includes
components and aspects designed to encourage “respect, taking responsibility and strengthening
relationships” (Public Counsel, 2016, p. 25).
Key features representative of effective restorative justice are understanding the
importance of relationships to a community, reactive strategies to misbehavior that foster a
relationship, attention to the injury versus the rule violation, empowerment for the injured person
not to be silent, a team approach to solving problems, encouragement to variation and progress
and development of accountability. These practices veer from traditional school discipline
practice because of the elimination of the top-down approach when addressing disciplinary
issues. Instead, the focus is on an individual’s commitment to the community (Public Counsel,
2016). One particular practice that is the crux of RJ is called circles and is a means to restore and
construct community and faith (Public Counsel, 2016). This practice helps reduce suspensions
and increases restoration of relationships damaged through violation of school rules (Gregory et.
al, 2015).
Though restorative justice is seen as a practice to simply reduce suspensions and
expulsions, it has a greater impact. The Restorative Justice for Oakland Youth showed great
results in that there was a significant reduction in suspensions, expulsions and violent fights
(Public Counsel, 2016). There was also a school in Richmond, California and Denver, Colorado
with a reduction of suspensions in a one-year span along with a decline in police tickets in
schools (Public Counsel, 2016). Based on data, school discipline in the traditional sense is not
effective and leads to outcomes that are detrimental to students. Regardless of a staff member’s
role in the school, it is imperative that focus be placed on teaching students key life lessons
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 32
through SWPBS, SEL or restorative justice. Research shows that these practices change the
trajectory of disproportionality.
School Engagement
According to Merriam Webster’s College Dictionary (2016), engagement is listed with
commitment. This is similar to the definition found in the American Heritage College Dictionary
which defines engagement as “[being] actively committed”; “to involve oneself or become
occupied; to participate.” Nonetheless, school engagement has been described in a variety of
ways in surveys to assess students’ school engagement. In research completed by Libbey (2004)
positive orientation to school, school attachment, school bonding, school climate, school context
and other phrases were used to assess students’ level of engagement. Among these terms are
constructs of school engagement such as students’ attitudes, motivations, being liked at school,
being close to people at school, the level of support received from teachers and equity in rule
enforcement (Libbey, 2004).
When students participate, involve themselves in school activities or display a general
commitment to the varying entities in school, they are engaged. Finn’s (1993) description
includes academic participation and identification with the school. He defines academic
participation as measured by attendance, preparedness, teacher reports of student withdrawal and
lack of compliance and the number of office visits for misbehavior. Finn stated that identification
with school is measured by number of schools attended, quality of the teacher-student
relationship, the student’s perception of popularity and whether the student sees academics as
useful in the future. Those ideas of engagement led researchers to identify the many constructs of
school engagement. School engagement can be defined as behavioral engagement, emotional
engagement and cognitive engagement (Fredricks, Blumenfeld, & Paris, 2004). Behavioral and
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 33
emotional engagement appears to be the most related to the topic and is reflective of involvement
in the school/class community whereas emotional engagement is the social or relational
interactions of students with their peers, staff and school environment (Fredricks, et al., 2004).
According to Finn, Pannozzo, and Voelkl (1995) and to Finn and Rock (1997), behavioral
engagement is displaying appropriate school behavior such as following school rules. This
description overlaps with emotional engagement, which is the emotional response students have
to the teacher and the school (Lee & Smith, 1995; Stipek, 2002).
Based on literature, a variety of factors contribute to school engagement. According to
McNeely, Nonnemaker and Blum (2002), student-teacher relationships, academic success and
with the school environment which meet a student’s core developmental needs support
engagement. Students need an opportunity for autonomy, demonstration of competence, caring
and support from adults, developmentally appropriate supervision and acceptance by peers to
encourage school engagement (McNeely et al. 2002). Based on the research, whether behavioral
engagement or emotional engagement, students level of engagement can be supported or
hindered by teachers.
Davis and Jordan (1995) examined the effect of a variety of factors on African American
boys’ school success. National data were used to examine 8th grade and 10th grade African
American boys across the nation. Structural, contextual, experiential factors were examined
against school engagement (Davis & Jordan, 1995). Results revealed students of low
socioeconomic status who had a high number of suspensions were less engaged in school (Davis
& Jordan, 1994). Therefore, African American boys who come from higher socioeconomic
status engage in school at a higher rate (Davis & Jordan, 1994). Within this study, teachers’
expectations were found to affect student engagement. Teachers who assigned more work gave
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 34
higher grades and had high engagement while those who assigned less work and lower
expectations had a minimal amount of engagement (Davis & Jordan, 1994). One prominent
discipline strategy used often typically discourages school engagement. Davis and Jordan (1994)
discussed how suspension alienates African American boys and communicates that their
behavior does not belong in school, creating restraint in their relationship with the school and
teachers. If African American boys are engaged in school, they are less likely to display
behaviors that lead to negative school discipline outcomes. Therefore, teachers have the ability to
enhance engagement and support African American boys feel like they belong to the school
community.
Klem and Connell (2004) study revealed similar findings regarding teachers’ impact on
student engagement. The study examined how teachers support affects students’ engagement
wherein engagement was defined by students’ attentiveness, preparation and doing more than
required (Klem & Connell, 2004). The study revealed that, whether from a student or teacher’s
perceptive, teacher support is important to student engagement; when a student feels a teacher
cares, sets high expectations and displays impartiality, they are likely to engage in school (Klem
& Connell, 2004).
Teacher Perceptions
Racial disproportionality in school discipline can be rectified with interventions which,
can, in turn, increase school engagement. However, a teacher’s negative perception of a student
can affect the success of the interventions and the level of student engagement. A quantitative
study by Washington (1982) evaluated teacher perceptions of African American boys, African
American girls, White girls and White boys were to determine if these students were viewed
negatively or positively by White or African American female teachers. The study included 64
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 35
teachers who taught either first or fourth grade in non-segregated classrooms in the southeastern
region of the United States (Washington, 1982). Interviews were conducted regarding the
development of 12 student characteristics representative of positive or negative qualities based
on the context of school (Washington, 1982). Teachers were charged to elect two students, by
name and connect each to one of the 12 characteristics. The students named were coded based on
whether they were African American, White, a boy or a girl. The outcome of the study was that
African American teachers and White teachers viewed African American boys more negatively
than positively; however, White boys were viewed more negatively than positively as well.
Despite the similarity in perceptions of, the study showed that White teachers indicated that
White students were more cooperative and fourth grade teachers perceived African American
students as more destructive (Washington, 1982). This study showed that teachers perceive
students differently based on race and gender.
A qualitative study at a high school in an urban school district in the Pacific Northwest
compared student and teacher perceptions of discipline (Sheet, 1996). As a means to explore
perceptions, the study began with the concept of conflict. Specifically, when students and
teachers have differing norms, expectations, conflict typically results (Sheets, 1996). The study
began with a review of a conceptual framework that categorized three types of conflict relevant
to the school setting and student-teacher interactions (Sheet, 1996): procedural conflict involving
set criteria for a task to be completed; substantive conflict, which refers the substance of
something, such as that of a math lesson; and, lastly, interpersonal conflict in terms of behaviors
within a relationship (Sheet, 1996). Along with the conflict, the researcher discussed lack of
sharing the same cultural and ethnicity identity and students not buying into the school culture as
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 36
contributing to differing perceptions (Au, 1993; Boykins, 1986; Shade & New, 1993; Sheet,
1996).
Literature suggested that teachers’ perceptions have an impact on students’ success
(Kellam, 1990; Kellam et al., 1975). Teachers’ perceptions of a student influence how a student
will conduct him/herself. Kellam et al.’s (1975) theory proposed that teachers automatically learn
students’ behavior, which has an impact on how the teacher engages them. Teachers perceptions
are not only developed from the behaviors they see of their students, but they also are based on
their experiences and how they view the school context (Pas & Bradshaw, 2013). A qualitative
study completed by Pas and Bradshaw (2013) investigated how teachers rated students based on
the teacher’s experience and their perception of the school context. The data were taken from
702 teachers from 42 different elementary schools (Pas & Bradshaw, 2013). Outcomes revealed
that White teachers and certified teachers had a positive rating of students initially and across
time while gender and graduate degree had no effect on the ratings (Pas & Bradshaw, 2013).
This study revealed that racial bias was not a factor in teacher perceptions of behavior but did
suggest an additional factor of teacher experience as having an influence. This is consistent with
a study by Monroe (2009) that examined school discipline at a majority African American
middle school and the effectiveness of White or African American teachers. The study proposed
that the factors that influenced teacher perceptions of students’ behaviors were based on the
quality of student learning, pre-service experiences in settings with African American students,
the influence of mentor teachers and family involvement (Monroe, 2009). In this study, race had
a minimal impact of teacher perceptions. However, though race was not the sole factor for
teacher judgments, individual experiences were a significant influence, which is subjectivity.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 37
Ferguson (2003) examined how teachers’ perceptions, expectations and behaviors were
biased by racial stereotypes. Lightfoot (1978) described that teachers often use class, race or
ethnicity as a means to perceive their students. This is similar to what Baron, Tom and Cooper
(1985) wrote in that race and class sometimes set teachers up to perceive students generally
versus individually. Ferguson (2003) presented three different notions of racial bias
unconditionally race neutral, conditional race neutral based on observation, and conditional race
neutrality based on unobserved potential. These biases represent teachers who either perceive
students as the same, the same based on past experiences, or as equal if they are perceived to
have similar potential (Ferguson, 2003). Ferguson revealed that teachers do have differing
perceptions of African American students versus White students that relate to the teachers’
concept of bias and stereotypes perpetuated in education and the media (Ferguson, 2003). Based
on the above literature, teacher perceptions influence student behavior and academic outcomes.
Race is not always a factor associated with a teachers’ perceptions, but teachers’ experiences
typically play a significant role in how they perceive a student, the expectations they set for a
student and their belief in a student.
Theoretical Framework
Beliefs and attitudes are typically conscious, as human beings are aware of what they
believe about a race, culture or gender. However, there is a fraction of belief and attitude about
race that is insentient and not controlled. This is known as “implicit race biases” (Cameron,
Payne, & Knobe, 2010, p. 7).
Implicit Bias
This form of bias is widespread and is affiliated with behaviors classified as intolerant
which have an impact on people’s attitudes, beliefs and choices (Staats, 2014). Implicit and
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 38
explicit bias are stitched throughout the fabric of education, employment, criminal justice and
health care. Within all of these entities, there is a variation of bias (Glaser, Spencer, &
Charbonneau, 2014). Within education, there are two forms of teacher bias: expectancy bias and
stereotype threat (Glaser et al., 2014). Expectancy bias has an impact on students by way of
influencing them to perform as the teacher expects while stereotype threat influences teachers to
view students based on a stereotype and examine whether students measure up to the stereotype
(Glaser et al., 2014). This form of bias can be negative or positive but typically derives from the
early years of life via intended and unintended messages received (Staats, 2014).
These two extensions of bias are interconnected with teachers’ perceptions and attitudes
toward African American boys and their discipline outcomes. Whether students fulfill teachers’
expectations or the teacher assumes a student is going to behave a certain way based on a
stereotype, bias alters how students are treated or how they are engaged by their teachers. For
example, since African American boys are portrayed a particular way in the media, teachers are
likely to believe African American boys will display those behaviors, thus shaping how they
engage or treat these boys. Staats (2014) describes this issue as “pervasive societal implicit
association” and as the backdrop for racial groups which can influence the discipline received by
a specific racial group (Staats, 2014, p. 2). Staats (2014) discussed how narratives on culture and
media depictions maintain biased perceptions that connect African American males with
characteristics such as hostility, ferocity and delinquency. Therefore, teachers from backgrounds
that differ from those of their students will base their perceptions of African American males on
societal sources, which influences how their implicit bias manifests (Staats, 2014).
This form of implicit bias was presented as true for African American males in a study
conducted by Payne (2001), consisting of non-Black participants quickly identifying whether an
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 39
image was a hand tool or gun after being primed with images of Black faces versus White faces.
Results showed that, after priming with Black faces, participants were more likely to mistake a
hand tool for a gun (Payne, 2001). This type of implicit bias and negative association with
African Americans is true in school discipline practices as well. For example, teachers’ frequent
challenges with African American students may cause minor rule violations to result in a harsher
consequence due to prior negative experiences.
Along with societal implicit bias, there is also the implicit bias related to teachers’
perceptions of African American students. These perceptions speak to teachers’ lack of cultural
competence and cultural mismatch that also trigger implicit racial bias practices with
disproportionality in school discipline (Staats, 2014). For example, differences in forms of
conversation models or means of social engagement with peers differ from teachers’
expectations and can translate as behavior that violates school norms (Staats, 2014; Monroe,
2005). This connects to the biased factor that needs to be accounted for when interpreting
students’ behaviors because this means of interpretation breeds implicit bias.
The starting ground for many teachers is their teacher education program where they are
taught content knowledge and pedagogical practices. Though graduates learn skills to be an
adequate teacher, they are failed in terms of elevating their awareness about implicit biases
(Smith & Harper, 2015). Staats (2014) also believes that federal regulations reference implicit
bias as a potential issue that influences the delivery of school discipline practices, thus presenting
a need for increased attentiveness to implicit biases and outcomes that result in racial and ethnic
stereotypes (Lhamon & Samuel, 2014). Often, disciplinary decisions are subjective, and
teachers’ understanding of behavior determines whether discipline is warranted. These subjective
situations are set up to be influenced by teacher’s opinion and, hence influence by implicit bias
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 40
(Staats, 2014). It is clear, based on research discussed, that bias, along with other factors,
contributes to racial disparity and disproportionality in school discipline. There needs to be an
elevation of awareness about teachers’ and staff members’ implicit biases and the impact these
have on discipline outcomes (Smith & Harper, 2015).
Critical Race Theory
At a time when the progression of the civil rights movement had lost its momentum, CRT
emerged. The theory acknowledged the that racism is woven in the fabric of many institutions
initially established for and by those with privilege and power. CRT in relation to school
discipline implies that the institution of school discipline policies and practices are based on
those with privilege and power. This, then, means that these policies and practices may
exemplify racism. The themes of CRT explain why racial differences appear in gender and racial
groups discipline outcomes. Though research repeatedly indicates a racial disparity in discipline
outcomes, there seems to be a denial of race as a factor related to these outcomes.
CRT has one particular principle, interest convergent, which means “that racial equality
and equity for people of color will be pursued and advanced when they converge with the
interests, needs, expectations and ideologies of Whites” (Milner, 2008, p. 2). This plays a
significant role in the policies, practices and solutions selected for school discipline issues. The
choices made about practices can benefit the advancement of the dominant group versus
supporting and changing the long-lasting disparity in outcomes. Though new strategies and
practices are implemented and established, they are not typically focused on eradicating
disproportionate outcomes, but are an indirect approach to address a specific targeted issue.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 41
Milner’s Five Principles
Whether teacher’s bias is explicit or implicit, Milner (2007) suggests taking
student/teacher engagement to another level. He offers a five-principle framework as a means to
attain this higher level by eliminating excuse as reason for dehumanizing African American
students (Milner, 2007). These practice principles involve both teacher and student effort: (1)
envision life beyond their present situations, (2) come to know themselves in relation to others,
(3) speak possibility and not destruction, (4) care and demonstrate care, and (5) change their
thinking to change their actions (Milner, 2007). By implementing these principles in their
practice, teachers can engage African American students and bypass the negative effects of
implicit bias and disproportionate discipline (Milner, 2008).
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 42
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this study was to evaluate how teachers overcome structural and
contextual factors that influence their beliefs and attitudes about African American males and
school discipline. The study may contribute to a better understanding of how teachers engage
African American males using of Milner’s (2007) five principles which inhibit the influence of
implicit and explicit bias. This chapter presents the methodology used to answer the research
questions. Qualitative methods of interviews and surveys were used. Since this study sought to
understand how teachers’ beliefs and attitudes influence their environment, a qualitative
approach is best because it is designed to further the understanding of people’s experiences and
how their experiences have an impact on how they view the world (Merriam, 2009). This study
took place with teachers in a sixth through twelfth grade setting in California.
The study was informed by the following research questions:
1. Are African American males disciplined more harshly than other students?
2. How do bias and teachers’ perceptions of African American males lead to lower
discipline issues in the classroom?
3. How well do instructional or discipline philosophies align with Milner’s engagement
principles?
Research Design
The case study design was used to evaluate the subjects in the study, communicate
knowledge and provide meaning (Guba & Lincoln, 1981). This study took on the approach of an
instrumental case study to examine teachers’ approaches to engaging African American males
and their belief about school discipline (Merriam, 2009). It may assist in developing a guide to
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 43
support teachers with the necessary skills to engage these students and, in turn, significantly
reduce disproportionality within school discipline.
Population and Sample
Purposeful sampling is the most appropriate in this qualitative study (Merriam, 2009).
The units of analysis were general education school teachers selected based on school
administration and staff recommendation. Teachers worked in different schools in Los Angeles
county or surrounding area. The teachers were from schools located in urban communities,
which are defined by low socioeconomic status and by having large numbers of students who
receive free or reduced-price lunch. The demographics of the schools were made up
predominately of Latino and Black American students. The schools’ populations were between
5% and 40% Black.
Participants were identified through purposeful sampling (Merriam, 2009). This approach
allowed the researcher to study participants who meet the specific criteria associated with the
research questions and problem stated above. Specifically, teachers were identified as having an
established track record of not giving a disproportionate amount of ODR’s to African American
males and engaging these students in meaningful learning. Preference was given to teachers who
engaged rather than disciplined African American males.
Instrumentation
Survey
Data were collected through the use of a “Double-Check Self-Assessment” (Rosenburg,
2007). This assessment is divided into five components used to assist teachers with reflecting on
their culturally responsive practices and enhance their knowledge of their cultural understanding:
reflective thinking about the children and their group membership, efforts made to develop an
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 44
authentic relationship, effective communication, connection to the curriculum, and sensitivity
(Rosenburg, 2007). The first component seeks to help teachers assess their reflective thinking
about individual students and membership in a group; indicators within this component consist
of thinking about teachers’ understanding of differences, histories and biases. The second
component examines the authenticity of the student-teacher relationship. The third component
assesses teachers’ communication skills with regard to understanding students’ meaning and
teachers’ ability to code-switch. The fourth component examines how teachers connect the
curriculum to their diverse students, and the fifth component assesses whether teachers respond
to their students with the students’ culture in mind.
Data were collected through the use of implicit bias test from Project Implicit (2016).
This assessment is designed to assess participant’s known and unknown beliefs and attitudes
around race, and was used to compare differences among groups (Project Implicit, 2016). Each
participant also completed the Implicit Assessment Test designed to assess known and unknown
beliefs and attitudes around race to compare differences among groups (Project Implicit, 2016).
This is a categorization task that assesses associations between concepts by measuring how
quickly a person can categorize, for example, bad words with Black faces as compared to bad
words with White faces. The idea is that the more strongly associated the two concepts are in
memory, the more quickly one will categorize words into those paired categories. Teachers’
scores were reported as an implicit preference for White people as compared to Black people if
they were faster at categorizing good words with White faces as compared to Black faces.
Contingent on the scale of their result, teachers’ automatic associations may be described as
slight, moderate, strong, or little to no preference.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 45
The test often reveals associations that are different from one’s conscious beliefs. For
example, even people who have no awareness of their preference between Black and White may
still have implicit associations that White is better than Black (Project Implicit, 2016). The
survey took between 30 and 45 minutes to complete on a computer. It yielded a summary of the
study and results. Participants accessed this assessment through a website. Participants were
directed to click on the phrase “Take a Test,” read the description of the assessment and select “I
want to proceed.” Once on the next page, they were to select the RACE IAT. On the next page,
there were additional directions about the assessment and a link that said “Click Here to Begin.”
Once the link was clicked, a summary of the RACE assessment was presented and the participant
was told to click “continue” to be presented 20 questions about their background. Once those 20
questions were answered, 10 more survey questions were asked along with two sets of eight
additional survey questions before the bias assessment began. Once all phases of this survey
were completed, the site yielded a descriptor of whether the participant had a bias towards Black
or White or neither.
Interviews
The interviews included questions addressing teachers’ attitudes and beliefs about
African American males, school discipline, and alternate discipline practices. The interviews
took place in a one-on-one setting and lasted approximately 60-90 minutes. The research
questions guided the standardization of the protocol to generate multiple interview questions
allowing respondents to provide insight into their beliefs and attitudes (Weis, 1994). The
interview protocol contained several questions that align with Patton’s (2002) six types of
questions relating to experience and behavior, opinions and values, feelings, knowledge, sensory,
and background/demographics. All protocol questions were associated with this study’s research
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 46
questions as demonstrated by Appendix E. Merriam (2009) suggested the use of
sociodemographic-type questions at the beginning of the interview. Thus, Questions 1 through 9
were designed to elicit sociodemographic and background information in an effort to ease
participants’ way into the conversation. Questions 10 through 19 attempted to draw on the
participants’ beliefs related to African American males in relation to Milner’s (2007) five
principles and Questions 20 through 31 gathered information on teachers’ beliefs and attitudes
about school discipline in relation to the five principles.
Data Collection
After receiving Internal Review Board approval at the University of Southern California,
consent from participating teachers was sought. Once approval was received, the email
introducing the researcher and the purpose of the study, as well as, detailed information about the
study and the level of participation required were sent to the school administrator.
Purposeful sampling was used to identify participants. Merriam (2009) suggested that
purposeful sampling should be used to identify individuals who have an understanding of the
research topic. Purposeful sampling focused on gathering rich data by studying a specific sample
that rendered a deeper understanding of the issues related to the purpose of the inquiry (Patton,
2002). The instruments mentioned above were used to collect data. The initial strategy included
setting up a meeting with the school administrator to discuss the criteria for teachers’
involvement in the study. Next, the researcher met with all teachers pre-selected by the school
administrators to inform them of the study. Once the teachers agreed to participate, they
completed the Double-Check Self-Assessment within a two-week time frame. They completed
the Implicit Bias Survey while the researcher scheduled interviews with all teachers on different
days in a setting selected by the teacher.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 47
Prior to the interview, verbal consent was obtained from the participants to audio-record
the interview. Upon approval, the interview began by restating the role of the researcher and the
purpose of the study. The interview protocol guided the interview. Notes were written to capture
reactions to things the participant said or to jot down observations on data that the audio
recording was not able to capture, such as the participant’s body language. At the conclusion of
the interview, each interviewee was presented with a gift card as a gesture of gratitude for their
participation. Immediately following the interview, post-interview notes were jotted down that
included reflection on the interview and initial analysis of the information gathered. The audio-
recordings were professionally transcribed. In an additional effort to maintain anonymity, all data
were kept secure through the use of a password-protected laptop.
Once all data were collected, the researcher analyze them using the open coding method
to identify themes (Merriam, 2009). The open coding process was used to determine the
similarities and differences as a means to organize the data (Harding, 2013). This process
assisted in establishing categories and subcategories to generate a theory.
Data Analysis
A six-step framework guided the data analysis (Creswell, 2014). Step one involved
organizing and assembling data. This process involved transcribing interviews, organizing and
typing filed notes and systematizing data according to sources (Creswell, 2014). The second step
included making meaning of the information gathered. The researcher reflected on the notes and
the validity of the notes. Step three consisted of coding the data, including development of a
codebook with set codes and evolving codes. The fourth step included coding for the people and
setting in the study. The result of this coding assisted with producing themes used as headings in
the results section. These themes were reinforced by direct quotes and unambiguous evidence.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 48
Following this coding was step five, which included identifying how the writing would be used
in a narrative manner. It would be represented with a detailed discussion and direct quotes. The
last step involved interpreting the results. Meaning was generated by comparing the results to
literature. This six-step approach assisted in confirming existing research and identifying
incongruity with literature (Creswell, 2014).
Validity
Maxwell (2005) suggested that reality can never be really captured:
“Validity is a goal rather than a product: it is never something that can be proven or taken
for granted. Validity is also relative: It has to be assessed in relationship to the purposes
and circumstances of the research, rather than being a context-independent property of
methods or conclusions” (p. 105).
Qualitative research is known to be multidimensional, holistic and ever-evolving; thus,
qualitative research attempts to explore people’s constructions of reality and their understanding
of the world (Merriam, 2009). Methods to improve internal validity were used to ensure the
credibility and trustworthiness of this study.
Internal validity strategies were triangulation of all data. Triangulation required cross-
checking all data collected from interviews and documents (Maxwell, 2012; Merriam, 2009).
Member checks ensured internal validity. Through member checks, feedback on emerging
findings from interviewees were obtained in an attempt to limit the possibility of misinterpreting
or misunderstanding the data (Maxwell, 2012; Merriam, 2009). Lastly, an additional internal
validity strategy was used: peer review. Peers knowledgeable on the topic and methodology
reviewed the draft (Merriam, 2009). The peer review process took place with colleagues and
dissertation committee members who conducted a review of the dissertation.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 49
Role of Researcher
Researcher bias was considered. Rather than attempting to eliminate biases or
subjectivities, it was necessary to identify them and monitor how they influenced the conduct
and conclusion of the study (Maxwell 2012; Merriam, 2009). The human instrument in
qualitative research has biases that might affect the study. As an African American female who
works in a K-6 setting, the researcher witnessed racial disparity in school discipline first-hand.
Although the researcher had no personal or professional experience as a teacher administering
school-wide discipline consequences, there has been involvement with administrators and
teachers who make disciplinary decisions. Throughout the years, biased notions have been
forged about the beliefs and attitudes teachers possess about African American males through the
experiences in the classroom, and media.
Summary of Research Methods
The theoretical frameworks guiding the study were based on Milner’s (2007) five
principles and implicit bias theory to examine whether teachers possess the principles needed to
empower and take education to the next level for African American males while also examining
embedded racism within systems and implicit bias that teacher’s avoid to increase engagement.
Presentation of the results begins with an analysis of the themes that emerged from the
interviews, observations and survey. The interviews provided information on teachers’ beliefs
and attitudes. The Double-Check Assessment provided insight into the cultural competence
teachers possess while the Implicit Bias Survey provided insight regarding teacher propensity
towards White or Black. Overall, the research examined teachers’ attitudes and beliefs that
empower African American males and avoid school discipline.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 50
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
This chapter presents the results from the investigation of how teachers of African
American males engage versus over-discipline them and whether their practices for engagement
align with Milner’s (2007) tenets to empower these students. Interviews and surveys were geared
to examine teachers’ perceptions and bias regarding school discipline outcomes for African
American males.
This chapter is organized in four parts. First, a brief biographical sketch of each
participant is provided, and, then, three sections address each research question. The purpose of
this study was to examine the bias, perceptions and practice of teachers who engage African
American males which, in turn, reduce their disproportionality in school discipline. Three
research questions guided this study:
1. Are African American males disciplined more harshly than other students?
2. How do bias and teachers’ perceptions of African American males lead to lower
discipline issues in the classroom?
3. How well do instructional or discipline philosophies align with Milner’s engagement
principles?
Interview Results
A short description of each participant is included here. The teachers are presented in
ascending order based on their numbers of years in the teaching profession. Each participant also
completed the Implicit Assessment Test designed to assess theirs known and unknown beliefs
and attitudes around race to would be used to compare differences among groups (Project
Implicit, 2016). This section in followed by a presentation of the findings from the study.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 51
John
John completed the Implicit Assessment Test, and the results suggested that he had a
slight automatic preference for African American as compared to European Americans. These
results indicated that John had a slight favorable bias towards African Americans.
John held a California clear multiple-subject credential and had taught for 22 years at the
time of this study. He was also a National Board certified teacher, but his certification expired.
John was a sixth grade English language arts and social science teacher at For the People
Academy in South Los Angeles. At For the People Academy, 99% of the students receive free or
reduced-price lunch, and 88% of all students are Latino and 9% are African American.
John was asked a series of questions about culture, race, disciple, and gender differences
in school. When asked how to define diversity, he stated “that it is whatever is not White.” He
elaborated that, “as I have gotten older, my definition has evolved to seeing diversity as sexual
orientation, language, socioeconomic status to even within community experiences.” He stated
that he believed “diversity is a catch phrase for blackness.” As evidenced by his response below.
I would guess the first one is essentially like whoever ain’t White. You know pretty much
for the most part. Then, as I’ve gotten older and stuff, there’s different things I look at
from sexual orientation to language to socioeconomic status to within any community as
my experience within the Black community became more intimate seeing the diversity
within one mile of the community. You got to see the diversity within that in terms of
politics, religion, social interests. I guess I’ve gotten a broader vision beyond just
melanin.
Based on his definition of diversity, he has taught in culturally diverse schools all the time, but,
based on the ethnic makeup of his students, it could be perceived as not diverse because all
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 52
students were all Black or all Latino or a mix of both of those groups. When John was asked
about racial diversity, he discussed how he “has a problem with the term race because I believe
that most people do not understand race beyond phenotypes.” He believed, “we are all a part of
the same homo sapiens.” This is evidenced by his response below.
I always have a problem with the word race period. Anything that has to do with race
because I don’t think most people understand it. Now, we’re all part of the same homo
sapiens. That’s our race. Then, I know that the lay definition of race has to do more with
phenotypes and things like that. When someone is talking about racial diversity like that,
they’re talking about do you have Black folk and White folk and Latino folk.
When asked about disproportionality in school discipline, he described, “I facilitate culturally
responsive trainings with teachers.” He described, “I present the suspension and expulsion data
from the US Department of Civil Rights to the teachers and have them make meaning of the
data.” His presentation of data leads teachers to understand the need for culturally responsive
approaches. When asked what contributes to school discipline issues, he stated, “every person
bring baggage to the classroom, but the lens that teachers use to assess students, the knowledge a
teacher has of cultural differences, and the awareness of one’s bias also attribute to the issues in
school discipline.” His response below provides more information about factors that contribute
to discipline issues:
I’m going to give you a specific example. If a child’s highly verbal, the teacher who does
not have a knowledge based on cultural differences and understands that that’s a strength
that the child is bringing to the classroom. That strength could be attributed to cultural
norms. Then, the teacher sees the deficit, and they see the deficit, and they react to it that
way. The research done is the teacher is the single most important factor.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 53
When asked about the gender differences with discipline, John stated that “people are biased
against Black males” and gave a narrative about a friend of his who had two sons who were
pulled over by the police over 10 times while leaving work. He also gave a story about police
research where, in simulations, police offices tend to shoot the Black males more. John believed
that boys were perceived to be “more active and rough, which is why they are referred out more
than girls.” He believed there was a “more nurturing aspect to girls versus with boys the
approach is harder.”
John’s view of disruptive behaviors evolved over his career as a teacher. He recalled, in
his earlier years, he had “a control and punitive mindset” he thought was needed to manage his
classroom. This was based on the training he received. However, once he deepened his
knowledge of culturally responsiveness, his mindset shifted, and he no longer viewed disruption
the same. He viewed a student blurting out as a moment to validate them and teach them about
code-switching. John’s thoughts on engagement were different from engagement simply
meaning a student raising their hand to answer in that he saw engagement also as sitting quietly
and completing a tasks without talking to a peer. He believed that engagement looks like “80%
of the time on task and 20% off tasks.” He believed this reflects what students see of adults. He
also elaborated that engagement is the following:
More of what I see as engaged is the student can articulate what’s happening. They may
not necessarily always be looking directly at you. They’re actively, either they’re like,
whatever the activity is, they’re completely into it and they are working on it but that
doesn’t mean it’s 100% of the time.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 54
Esther
Esther completed the Implicit Assessment Test, and the results suggested that she had a
moderate automatic preference for African Americans as compared to European Americans.
These results indicate that she has a favorable moderate bias towards African Americans.
She was an African American who grew up in a middle-class urban neighborhood with
both parents and attended schools in the community. She described her cultural and ethnic
background as relating to her African ancestry. She expressed being very proud of her hair, her
Church of God in Christ upbringing, and her close-knit tight family. She said that she believed
African American traditions are really centered on family. Esther stated she was blessed to grow
up in a great community of people who were very proud of her ancestry.
Esther held a single-subject credential in English and had taught for 14 years at the time
of this study. She taught 10th and 12th grade English at Hall High School in California where
79% of students were Latino, 16% were African American and 84% of all students received free
or reduced-price lunch.
Esther was asked a series of questions about diversity, discipline, and gender difference.
When Esther was asked about what cultural diversity is, she stated that “it is intertwining of
things that are familiar to a person.” She gave examples such as the way they dress, someone’s
laugh and even the music one listens to. She elaborated more by saying,
I used to label it as just race, but it’s so much beyond the neighborhood in which you
dwell. When you leave there, it could be the school, the church, the way that you laugh,
or even the way that you talk. It’s just all music.
Esther believed she had always worked in culturally diverse schools, though, based on the
demographics and racial makeup, it did not seem like it. She viewed racial diversity as an “entity
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 55
of one’s ethnic makeup.” She gave an example of Latino, African American or Asian as racial
diversity. Esther said that “skin color and hair come to mind when she thinks of racial diversity.”
When the topic of disproportionality came up, she discussed that she believed that “many White
and a few Black instructors are unfamiliar with specific culture,” and the way they talk or
interact leads them to give a negative consequence. As a result, “African American males are
punished at a much higher rate than others.” Esther stated that individuals’ ignorance when it
comes to cultural differences leads to school discipline issues. Esther explained, “cultural
insensitivity. One, not understanding where individuals come from and how they interact and
what’s perceived in their culture as normal.”
She believed that “African American males are disciplined more due to being perceived
as a threat whereas girls can be subdued.” Esther did not believe in removing student from class
because she believed that is what they want. Esther believed that “African American males often
have such a negative educational experience that they are trained to act out.” She believed that
they need to be “uplifted because removal does not assist anyone but the educator,” but the
educator’s job is to educate students. Lastly, Esther was asked about engagement. She believed
engagement was “active participation, such as partaking n the activity, working with a partner
and doing the assigned task.” She elaborated on what engagement is by stating, “Not passive
learning. Either they could be doing their assignment but there’s various ways to have kids
engage.”
Sarah
Sarah completed the Implicit Assessment Test, and the results suggested that she had a
strong automatic preference for African American as compared to European Americans. These
results indicated that she has a strong favorable bias towards African Americans. She was a
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 56
Black female who ethnically identified as a Southern Black. She grew up in varying
neighborhoods between elementary to middle school years, ranging from predominantly African
American to a predominantly White and Asian neighborhood. Sarah did not believe she had ever
worked in a school considered culturally diverse and believed that racial diversity is based on
one’s ancestry.
Sarah held a multiple-subject credential and had been teaching for five years at the time
of this study. She taught sixth grade math and science at We Are We Academy in California
where Latinos made up 85% of the population while African Americans made up 10% and all
students received free or reduced-price lunch.
Sarah acknowledged she had heard of disproportionality in school discipline and
described it as “African American males are asked to leave the classroom more. They are
suspended or expelled more. They are suspended or expelled more for infractions that other
cultures also commit, but they are penalized harsher on average.”
She believed that school discipline in itself was based on a standard of behavior, and
anything that did not fall within that standard usually received a consequence. Sarah believed our
“American school system is based on middle-class White standards since its birth” and, because
of that, African Americans did not fall into the standard. Sarah believed that “boys are
disciplined more than girls because they are more energetic and dominate.” She recognized that
girls can be disciplined like boys, but there is a distinction. She believed, with this distinction,
how you approach a girl when upset is different than you would approach a boy. With a girl, she
would ask “what do you need versus with a boy I would wonder what he is going to do next.”
Sarah stated that she “does not send students out of the classroom.” Instead, she approached
disruptive behavior with the thought that it is the student’s classroom and not the teachers. She
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 57
also reflected on whether the disruption affected her personally. Sarah believed that “other
teachers send students out because it is easy, and it becomes about that teacher, not about student
learning.” Sarah defined engagement as active participation, eagerness to give an answer,
displaying a connection to the learning, desire to converse with others about it and excitement.
Sarah elaborates that an engaged student is one who
[shows] a connection to what they’re learning whether it relates to their home life or their
culture, but they’re connected to whatever is being presented to them. They want to have
conversations with others about whatever it is in the classroom.
Uriel
Uriel completed the Implicit Assessment Test, and results suggested that he had a slight
automatic preference for African American as compared to European Americans. These results
indicate that he has a slight favorable bias towards African Americans.
He was a Mexican American male who would prefer to be referred to as Chicano because
it reveals his awareness of his culture. Uriel grew up in a rural area that was not culturally
diverse. It was middle to lower working class. It was mostly Mexican American and consisted of
his family and very few other families. Though his upbringing was mostly Mexican American,
he described his cultural background as isolating and unique.
Uriel held a single-subject credential in social science and had teaching for 4 years. He
taught 10th through 12th grade social science at Shining Star Academy in California where 65%
of the students received free or reduced-price lunch. He taught 8th grade ethnic studies and 12th
grade English. Uriel struggled with viewing ethnic and culturally diverse separately because he
believed that ethnicity has an impact on culture. He was not a fan of asking what one’s race is, as
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 58
he believed that it has a negative connotation, and he encouraged his students to define their
ethnicity. His sentiment about race is discussed below:
I think there’s just a lot of emotion or negative connotations that even come up with that
word racial diversity, or even using that word race in general. It might not be the proper
term to always use for definitions, but I always emphasize with my students that to define
what their ethnicity is, not necessarily what their race is.
Uriel had only taught in what he classified as culturally diverse schools. Uriel was aware
of disproportionality in school discipline for African American males and described it as “higher
suspension rates. Higher expulsion rates. High discipline actions. More disciplinary actions for
African American males.”
Uriel said, “this is not only what I’ve heard it is the reality and it is the truth.” Uriel
identified himself as a historian and felt it was hard to argue with facts. He believed that school
discipline was primarily “a systemic issue coupled with race, class and upbringing impacting the
outcomes.” Uriel believed that the old system did not leave room to take the human into
consideration. When considering who is disciplined more, Uriel stated, “males and, specifically,
Hispanic and African American males are statistically disciplined more.” Uriel admitted to being
harder on the boys because he believed they could handle it. He believed that “boys need a bit
more tough love where they may not get it at home.” On the contrary, Uriel believed that he
needed to approach the girls more softly. When it came to students being removed from class, he
tried not to do so class unless they were physically or emotionally threating another student or
disrespecting him or the learning environment so much that they could not handle being in the
classroom. Uriel attempted to give his students breaks by allowing them to put their heads down,
or get a drink of water so they did not miss instructional minutes. Uriel gave an example of when
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 59
he had to send a student out of class below for “interrupting my speech, knocking down desks,
cursing at me.”
These things prevented him from teaching and others from learning. Lastly, he gave his
definition of engagement, but he had a hard time defining it. Uriel believed it was a physical
thing. He saw it in his students’ “eyes and posture.” He further stated, “I think that they’re
present for an activity or for a discussion. I can engage somebody in a conversation. I can engage
somebody in a writing activity.”
Samuel
Samuel completed the Implicit Assessment Test, and results suggested that he had no
automatic preference for African American as compared to European Americans. These results
indicate he has no favorable bias towards African American versus others.
Samuel was a person of color of mixed heritage: Asian American, 4th generation
Japanese American, and Scottish. He was also Buddhist and 33 years old. His father was
Japanese American and his mother was White and Native; they both went to college and,
because that, he was afforded privileges. His parent reared him to think critically about power
and lack of it, and his White grandfather was an activist, a freedom rider and was a voice. He
grew up in Richmond, which was predominately African American working class and has since
evolved to predominately Latino.
Samuel held a single-subject credential for English language arts. He had taught for two
years, but he had worked in schools in other capacities for the previous 11 years as a case
manager, an afterschool coordinator, a basketball coach and a tutor. He taught 8th grade ethnic
studies and 12th grade English at Rich City Academy where 65% of students were Latino and
23% were African American and none received free or reduced-price lunch. When asked his
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 60
thoughts about cultural and racial diversity, Samuel stated he thought about the
acknowledgement of legacies of genocides, enslavement, colonialism and of who suffered and/or
benefited from those legacies. Also, he had honest conversations about the causes/consequences
of those legacies. Racial diversity, on the contrary, evoked the thought of “making White people
feel safe and comfortable to talk about race,” though there is no space for people of color to feel
safe and comfortable talking about race.
Disproportionality is something that Samuel noticed early as a student himself. He
recalled how his White middle-class female teachers probably operated out of fear with Black
and Brown boys and held them to lower standards for the quality of work they submitted.
Samuel noted that there are empirical evidences that showed that “young Black boys are sent out
of the classroom and the school when it comes to discipline.” He admitted that having an
administrator who was a critically minded male of color and other male mentors pushed him to
reflect and think about his impact. When asked what contributes to issue of school discipline,
Samuel believed that race, class and upbringing were factors; however, he believed that the
distribution of discipline had an impact. Samuel stated that being raised middle-class White and
unwilling to think critically or thinking in a deficit way about students of color contributed to
discipline issues.
When asked about which gender group is disciplined more, he responded by describing
“masculine versus feminine energies.” He believed that any one person can possess both
masculine and feminine energies, but, if you are perceived to have hyper-masculine energies,
you are often sent out of the classroom. These masculine energies Samuel believes that
“masculine energies are not welcomed in the classroom.” Samuel stated that he believes
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 61
“masculine energy is related to class; if a person is in a class where they have to compete
for resources to take care of themselves and others, they are more likely to have
masculine energies versus a class of people who do not have to compete, the masculine
energy is less present.”
When asked about removal from class as being destructive, he referenced a story about a
classroom being “indigenous to a micro-ecosystem and every student is a rose; if one rose is
removed from the classroom, it throws off the microsystem.” He elaborated that building a
relationship with students who are challenging communicates to others that, if the challenging
students gets love, then they will get love, too. Samuel was asked to define engagement, and he
gave an example of a student yelling at him because they do not agree with something he said or
asking all kinds of questions as engagement. He described what engagement was not and how
the regurgitation or memorization of information is not engagement. He furthered his
explanation by stating,
I mean I think of it so many different ways. I don’t really know how to answer that. I
think engagement could be a young person yelling at me because they don’t agree with
something I say. I think engagement could be asking all kinds of questions.
Summary
These descriptions provide a preview into the life and educational experiences of the
teachers. All of these teachers were recognized by their administrators for not disproportionality
referring African American males out of their classroom. Though this is their similarity, they
differed in what caused them to have the perceptions, bias and instructional practices that engage
African American males. John’s experience in the classroom, culturally responsive training and
upbringing shaped his perception, bias and practices in the classroom. John recounted his
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 62
training when he shared the deepening of his culturally responsiveness. Sarah’s perceptions were
based on her understanding of systems in place. However, Esther’s life experiences and personal
considerations for students of color affected her perceptions, bias and practices. Samuel’s
perceptions and bias were established early on when he was a student himself. Uriel’s
perceptions of differentiated treatment shaped his bias and practices. All teachers in this study
had varying experiences, yet all did not contribute to disproportionality in school discipline for
African American males. The next section discusses the factors that support engaging African
American males.
Harsher Punishment
The first research question, asked “Are African American males disciplined more harshly
than other students?” Each participant shared how about their experience regarding African
American males being treated more harshly than other students. All participants agreed that
African American males are disciplined more harshly than are others. John, Esther, Samuel,
Uriel and Sarah all said that African American males are suspended, expelled and sent out of
class at higher rates than others. Sarah mentioned, specifically, that others commit the same
behavior, yet African American males are penalized more harshly. This is evidenced by their
responses below. Esther, Sarah and Uriel discussed this very similarly. Uriel mentioned “Higher
suspension rates, higher expulsion rates. Higher disciplinary action. More disciplinary action for
African American males.”
Esther’s response was almost identical to other teachers:
For the most part, it seems like African Americans, by far, are punished at a much higher
rate than other races or cultural roots. I know for sure African American males are
disciplined at a much higher rate, without a shadow of a doubt.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 63
Sarah also shared her sentiment is a likeminded way: “African American males are asked to
leave the classroom more. They are suspended or expelled more. They are suspended or expelled
more for infractions that other cultures also commit, but they are penalized harsher on average.”
All participants agreed that African American males were punished more harshly. The
latter part of Sarah’s response was similar to that of Samuel, who also experienced African
American males being treated harshly when it came to discipline:
It’s especially clear in my mind that there’s alarming evidence, not only just in my mind
from my experience as a young person, but research with empirical evidence that shows
the, particularly, the young Black boys are all getting sent out of classroom when it
comes to quote unquote discipline.
John was the only participant who spoke about the harsher punishment with an example in the
discussion of disproportionality: “3-year-old Black males are disproportionately suspended and
expelled and stuff like that.”
Though all participants agreed on the harshly discipline of African American males their
word choices for expressing the discipline was not identical yet all meant the same thing. John,
Esther, Sarah, Uriel and Samuel have experienced, read and observed the harsher discipline that
African American males receive.
Summary
The teachers all agreed that African American males are disciplined a more harshly than
their counterparts. Some teachers experienced it while others were familiar because of literature
they read or training they have participated in or facilitated. The teachers pointed out exact cases
with African American students or shared narratives that were familiar to them at their school.
All in all, teachers had universal knowledge of different treatment of African American males.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 64
Bias and Perception
The second research question asked, “How do bias and teachers’ perceptions of African
American males lead to lower discipline issues in the classroom?” Three significant themes
emerged from the data analysis and help explain the bias, perception and practices teachers use
to engage African American males versus over-discipline them. The three findings related to the
second research question are presented in the next three subsections in descending order of
magnitude: relationships, varied definition of engagement and propensity to keep students in the
classroom.
Relationships
Relationships were found to play a significant role in engaging African American males.
Relationships are aligned with emotional engagement and defined as social relationships with
peers, teachers and staff (Fredricks et al., 2004). Four teachers believed their perceptions and
bias of relationships with the students supported their ability to engage African American males
and lower issues in the classroom. John experienced the power of the relationship when he heard
a first-hand account from a student who shared how he understood him and which indirectly
spoke to their relationship: “Bobby, you know, you don’t get into any trouble with me, what’s
up. He just said, you get me.” John’s perception of relationship also extended to his use of
varying activities in the classroom. John believed that it is important to establish varying
activities to foster relationships, “like we did at his old school with the community gatherings
and then trying to bring in the barbeques and stuff like that to create better relationships that
way.”
Esther also had an experience where her relationships with African American students
supported engagement. She recalled comments made by students that indicated the difference in
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 65
her relationship with them versus other teachers. She stated, “For the most part, when I talk
about African American males, nobody speaks to me like that. Nobody cares unless you are.”
Esther also expressed that her relationships were fostered through her classroom management
approach. She allowed for discussions when things came up and did not label them based on
their behavior. She said, “I don’t have big discipline issues. My kids, I call them scholar, sit your
behind down. Let me talk to you, let’s talk about it.”
Uriel’s perception of relationship to enhance engage was also noted. He described how
teachers who establish relationships have more success:
The successful teachers at our school all have relationships with their students.
Individual relationships, especially with African American students, is huge. I think, a lot
of times, when they see people that don’t look like them, they automatically build up a
wall of distrust with their teachers. The more successful teacher that I’ve seen…will build
a relationship with them.
Uriel also expressed that his perception of school discipline “done right,” meaning fair and
transparent, can also result in relationship-building. He said, “It’s helped me build relationships
with students. When they know that I care about how they act, because it’s preparing them for
the future.”
Samuel recounted his perception and experience with building a relationship with the
most difficult student. He describes how it had an impact on other students’ engagement:
If you can build a relationship with a young person in the class that is the most difficult to
engage or who is the most oppositional towards authority in the classroom, that
everybody else is going to feel like man if this one person is getting love from the
teacher, then I know I’m going to get love from the teacher.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 66
John and Esther had students express how their relationship made a difference while
Uriel and Samuel pointed out the significant impact of relationship that improved and increased
engagement. These teachers’ perceptions and bias regarding relationships shaped how they
decided to build relationships with their African American male students to increase their level
of engagement in the classroom.
Varied Definition of Engagement
Every participant defined engagement differently, yet similarly enough that it was not
compliance and what would be considered orderly. Varied definitions of engagement were a
consistent finding for these teachers who engage African American males. Often, in the
classroom, engagement looks one way. It typically includes students silently raising their hands,
sitting in silence, and providing the answers the teacher expects. Often, students of color do not
fit this model and are considered disengaged. However, the participants’ perception of
engagement highlighted how their practices contributed to engagement. John shared his
perceptive of engagement and the non-traditional way he defines it below:
More of what I see as engaged is the student can articulate what’s happening. They may
not necessarily always be looking directly at you. They’re actively, either they’re like,
whatever the activity is, they’re completely into it and they are working on it but that
doesn’t mean it’s 100% of the time. They could be having little side conversations or
something like that. I’ll say to kids it’s an 80/20 activity. To me, engagement looks like
80% of the time you’re on task, 20% you may be like, “so what are you going to do this
weekend?”
John’s perception of engagement was not being 100% engaged because he understood humans
need a break at times. He valued engagement in all forms. This was consistent with Esther’s
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 67
perception of engagement. She did not believe students had to act all the same to be engaged.
Below she described ways engagement looks:
I think I’d call engagement active participation. Not passive learning. Active participation
is, maybe talking, maybe getting up and partaking in an activity. Even if they’re
reflective, working with a partner. Either they could be doing their assignment, but
there’s various ways to have kids engage.
Esther viewed engagement as something that involves more than compliance. She described it to
include talking and standing, which many teachers may view as contrary to engagement. Esther
went deeper to say that engagement may be contemplation.
In contrast, Sarah struggled when answering this interview question regarding
engagement, but she settled on engagement as including a variety of activities:
Active participation. So, student who will appear to be eager to give their answers, or to
ask questions. Students who show a connection to what they’re learning whether it relates
to their home life or their culture, but they’re connected to whatever is being presented to
them. They want to have conversations with others about whatever it is in the classroom.
I think engagement is like excitement.
Sarah, like Esther, believed that engagement is active participation but gave different
descriptions of what that meant. Sarah described a different angle such as students making
connections to the content and continuing the discussion of the topic after the lesson was over.
Uriel, like Sarah, was challenged with how to define engagement in his classroom. He was
consistent with Esther and Sarah that it was active participation, but, again, described it
differently. Below he gave examples of activities that reflect how he defined engagement:
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 68
I don’t necessarily think that engagement means that they’re interested in something. I
think that they’re present for an activity or for a discussion. I can engage somebody in a
conversation. I can engage somebody in a writing activity. Can engage somebody in a lot
of different ways, my students in a lot of different ways. I would just say active
participation. I can see in my students’ eyes when they’re engaged and when they’re not
engaged. It’s almost like a physical thing they put off with their body language, with their
eyes, with their posture, with their attitude overall.
Uriel settled on the fact that engagement should be varied just as our students are varied. There
should not be a one size fits all expectation of engagement. Uriel went in to depth of how
engagement is also communicated in the body language of students. Lastly, Samuel’s also
perceives engagement as diverse. He views it in the most unorthodox way, such as yelling.
Below he provides more details of engagement.
I mean I think of it so many different ways. I think engagement could be a young person
yelling at me because they don’t agree with something I say. I think engagement could be
asking all kinds of questions. Engagement isn’t being asleep on the desk. Engagement
isn’t telling the teacher what you think they want to hear. Engagement isn’t regurgitation
and memorization.
Samuel identified what engagement was not to emphasize how it does not fit the typical mode of
engagement. He describes the opposing side of engagement lacking critical thinking but
including repetition. All teacher’s perception and bias of what engagement is in their classroom
contributes to less discipline issues. Every participant strayed away from the defining
engagement as quietly working, students raising their hands or all students completing a task the
same way.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 69
Propensity to Keep Students in Class
All teachers did not believe in sending students out of class. They either felt that students
never needed to be removed or that only in extreme circumstances students should they be
removed. The teachers expressed a change in their perception of what warranted removal and
how that change supported why they do not remove. Their perception and bias about students
remaining in the class supported their ability to increase engagement. John remarked how his
practices changed and supported why he did not remove students. John provided details of his
journey from the teacher who removed students to the teacher that no longer believed in doing
so:
I was very much of a control mindset and a punitive mindset. Then, the classroom
management training I went through with was more along those lines. I dealt with
disruption in a more punitive way, and what I saw as disruption was very narrow and
very uninformed. As I got deeper into cultural responsiveness, that whole thing shifted
and what I defined as disruption changed. For example, if I have a student burst out an
answer or another teacher would say, “well you’re disrupting the class.” They’re shouting
out. It’s almost an Amen moment. They’re connecting, they’re like, “oh, yeah.” My
whole lens has shifted and I’m not seeing it as a disruption anymore.
John never mentioned not removing, but he expressed how his practices and perception of
removal were shaped. John explained how his view of disruption changed with his development
of cultural responsiveness. Esther did not mention an evolution of her practices, but she did
mention her belief about keeping students in the classroom. Esther described how sending
students out of class had never been her practice:
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 70
I totally disagree with removing kids because kids, that’s what they want. They want to
be removed because they don’t want to be educated. When we do have an African
American male who’s acting out, there’s typically other issues going on in their life.
They’re just almost trained to act out. To me, if you’re kicking them out, it doesn’t help.
It doesn’t help anybody. It, maybe, alleviates your headaches as a teacher, as an educator,
but our job as educators is to help kids grow and be all that God has called them to be. I
don’t believe in kicking kids out unless it’s dire circumstances, but, even there, there’s
still a life lesson to be learned.
Esther discussed that she did not believe in kicking students out because it often provided
opportunities for students to have free time and did not lead to productivity. Sarah not only did
not send students out of class, but she also discussed how doing so was reflective of teachers’
tolerance. Below she highlights how sending students out is connected to how a teacher feels:
I don’t send students out of the classroom. I feel like what I try to help other teachers
recognize and what I try to recognize myself is, when a student is disrupting you, as an
individual, as a teacher, you can find the student will really just get on our nerves. He’s
doing this and he’s bothering me, but what it seems is that he’s bothering the whole
classroom. Really, you know it’s you. The idea that this is not … Just because you’re the
teacher doesn’t mean it’s your classroom. It’s the students’ classroom as well. You have
to approach disruptive behavior that way, so I don’t send students out of the classroom.
Sarah does not send students out if she knows it is simply bothering her, but only if the student is
harmful.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 71
Uriel shared this sentiment. Uriel did not have a propensity to send students out of class
unless they were engaging in unsafe behaviors. Below Uriel described his challenge to not send
out when they display extremely disruptive behaviors:
I try to fight that every way that I possibly can. I don’t send students out of my classroom
unless it’s a threatening situation, where they’re physically threatening, or emotionally
threatening to another student. Or it’s just gotten to the point where they’ve disrespected
myself or the learning environment so much that they cannot handle being in the
classroom at that moment.
Uriel expressed how sending students out of class is not what he wanted to do. However, if the
environment were threatened, removal would be warranted. Samuel’s propensity to keep
students in the class has evolved. He desired to keep students in the class but has sent them out.
If he sent them out, he takes times with them:
By no means perfect, and I’ve definitely sent students out before, but I always make sure
that, if and when that happens, that meeting with them right away and having a heart to
heart about why it happened and then, first and foremost, that I’m asking questions and
I’m listening to them before I start talking at them.
Samuel discussed how he sent students out but took time to conference with them afterwards.
Though he did not desire to send students out, he saw it has a means to address challenging
behaviors in the moment.
Summary
This section highlights some of the key findings on teachers’ perceptions and bias that
reduce discipline issues in their classroom via relationships, varied definitions of engagement
and propensity to keep students in class. The participants in this sample were clear about cultural
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 72
awareness and responsiveness being needed to support in their perceptions that lower discipline
issues and increases African American male’s engagement. Cultural awareness was mentioned
by all teachers in the sample, regarding the need for it to support in a positive perception of
African American males.
Survey Results
In the next section, a survey tool was used to assess all participants. The Double-Check
Assessment tool was used to assess teachers’ culturally responsive practice. Cultural
responsiveness, as used in this tool, is defined collectively as the beliefs, customs, practices and
social behaviors of a particular group of people (inclusive of age, gender, race, ethnicity, culture,
disability or sexual preference). This assessment is divided into five components used to assist
teachers with reflecting on their culturally responsive practices and enhance the knowledge of
their cultural understandings: reflective thinking about the children and their group membership,
efforts made to develop an authentic relationship, effective communication, connection to the
curriculum, and sensitivity to student’s cultural and situational messages (Rosenburg, 2007). The
tables below highlight how all teachers had high levels of cultural responsiveness practices in all
five components. The responses from all teachers revealed they self-evaluated their cultural
practices as responsive to the students they serve.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 73
Table 1
Double-Check Frequency Data
Program
Components and
Indicators
Evidence
4
Regularly in
my class and
school
3
Most of the
time in my
class and
school
2
Rarely in
my class
and school
1
Never in
my class
and school
U
This does
not apply to
my class
and school
Reflective Thinking About the Children and their “Group Membership”
I understand culture
and why it is so
important
4 1
I reflect on how my
actions contribute to
chains behavior
5
I am aware of other
groups and histories
and present
circumstances
contribute to my
behavior interacting
with others
4 1
I make tangible
efforts (reading,
home visits,
interviews, student
inventories) to
“reach out” and
understand
differences
3 2
I have positive and
constructive views
of difference.
5
Participants completed the self-assessment and rated themselves on a scale from 1 to 4 or
does not apply to assess the presence of cultural, linguistic and diverse practices in their school
and classroom. The first subgroup of the double-check survey was labeled Reflective Thinking
About the Children and their “Group Membership.” Within this subgroup were five items. On
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 74
the first item, “I understand culture and why it is so important,” four participants rated
themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. One participant self-rated as a 3,
indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. On the second item, “I reflect on
how my actions contribute to chains behavior,” all participants rated themselves a 4, indicating
regularity in their school and class. On the third item, “I am aware of other groups and histories
and present circumstances contribute to my behavior interacting with others,” four participants
rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. One participant self-rated as
a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. On the fourth item, “I make
tangible efforts (reading, home visits, interviews, student inventories) to ‘reach out’ and
understand differences,” three participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their
school and class. Two participant rated themselves a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in
their school and class. On the last item, “I have positive and constructive views of difference,”
all participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class.
Table 2
Effort
Program
Components and
Indicators
Evidence
4
Regularly in
my class and
school
3
Most of the
time in my
class and
school
2
Rarely in
my class
and school
1
Never in
my class
and school
U
This does
not apply to
my class
and school
Effort Made to Develop an Authentic Relationship
I display tangible
evidence of warmth,
care and trust.
4 1
I recognize special
talents.
3 2
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 75
Table 2, continued
Program
Components and
Indicators
Evidence
4
Regularly in
my class and
school
3
Most of the
time in my
class and
school
2
Rarely in
my class
and school
1
Never in
my class
and school
U
This does
not apply to
my class
and school
Effort Made to Develop an Authentic Relationship
I encourage positive
interactions.
5
I provide positive
adult attention.
4 1
I take genuine
interest in the
activities and
personal lives of
others.
5
I display a
professional and
personal orientation
toward students.
4 1
The second subgroup was labeled “Effort Made to Develop an Authentic Relationship.”
Within this subgroup, there were six items. On the first item, “I display tangible evidence of
warmth, care and trust,” four participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their
school and class. One participant self-rated as a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in their
school and class. On the second item, “I recognize special talents,” three participants rated
themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. Two participants rated themselves
a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. One the third item, “I encourage
positive interactions,” all participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school
and class. On the fourth item, “I encourage positive interactions,” four participants rated
themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. One participant self-rated as a 3,
indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. On the fifth item, “I take genuine
interest in the activities and personal lives of others,” all participants rated themselves a 4,
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 76
indicating regularity in their school and class. On the last item, “I display a professional and
personal orientation toward students,” four participants rated themselves a 4, indicating
regularity in their school and class. One participant self-rated as a 3, indicating an infrequent
regularity in their school and class.
Table 3
Effective Communication
Program
Components and
Indicators
Evidence
4
Regularly in
my class and
school
3
Most of the
time in my
class and
school
2
Rarely in
my class
and school
1
Never in
my class
and school
U
This does
not apply to
my class
and school
Effective Communication
I consistently
communicate high
expectations.
5
I display
professionalism,
civility, and respect
in all my
communications.
4 1
I communicate with
care and persistence
of effort.
4 1
I communicate with
credibility,
dependability, and
assertiveness.
5
I communicate
without judging
others.
3 2
I am aware and
facile with “code-
switching.”
4 1
The third subgroup was labeled “Effective Communication,” and, within this subgroup
were six items. On the first item, “I consistently communicate high expectations,” all five
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 77
participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. On the second
item, “I display professionalism, civility, and respect in all my communications,” four
participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. One participant
self-rated as a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. On the third item, “I
communicate with care and persistence of effort,” four participants rated themselves a 4,
indicating regularity in their school and class. One participant self-rated as a 3, indicating an
infrequent regularity in their school and class. On the fourth item, “I communicate with
credibility, dependability, and assertiveness,” all participants rated themselves a 4, indicating
regularity in their school and class. On the fifth item, “I communicate without judging others,”
three participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. Two
participant rated themselves a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. On
the last item, “I am aware and facile with ‘code-switching,’” four participants rated themselves a
4, indicating regularity in their school and class. One participant self-rated as a 3, indicating an
infrequent regularity in their school and class.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 78
Table 4
Connection to Curriculum
Program
Components and
Indicators
Evidence
4
Regularly in
my class and
school
3
Most of the
time in my
class and
school
2
Rarely in
my class
and school
1
Never in
my class
and school
U
This does
not apply to
my class
and school
Connection to Curriculum
My instruction
contains exemplars
from the
backgrounds of my
students.
3 2
I highlight cultural
differences
positively during
instruction.
4 1
I use learning
activities reflective
of the background
of my students, their
families, and the
community.
2 3
I consider cognitive
style differences.
2 3
I understand and
apply the concept of
teacher and student
vs. the content.
2 3
The fourth subgroup was labeled “Connection to Curriculum,” and, within this subgroup,
there were five items. On the first item, “My instruction contains exemplars from the
backgrounds of my students,” three participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in
their school and class. Two participants rated themselves a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity
in their school and class. On the second item, “I highlight cultural differences positively during
instruction,” four participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 79
One participant self-rated as a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. On
the third item, “I use learning activities reflective of the background of my students, their
families, and the community,” two participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their
school and class. Three participants rated themselves a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in
their school and class. On the fourth item, “I consider cognitive style differences,” two
participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. Three
participants rated themselves a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. On
the last item, “I understand and apply the concept of teacher and student vs. the content,” two
participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. Three
participants rated themselves a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class.
Table 5
Sensitivity to Student’s Cultural and Situational Messages
Program
Components and
Indicators
Evidence
4
Regularly in
my class and
school
3
Most of the
time in my
class and
school
2
Rarely in
my class
and school
1
Never in
my class
and school
U
This does
not apply to
my class
and school
Sensitivity to Student’s Cultural and Situational Messages
I am aware of how
situations influence
behavior (e.g.,
health, poverty,
dress, neighborhood
expectations).
4 1
I am aware of the
students’ needs to
address multiple
constituencies.
4 1
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 80
Table 5, continued
Program
Components and
Indicators
Evidence
4
Regularly in
my class and
school
3
Most of the
time in my
class and
school
2
Rarely in
my class
and school
1
Never in
my class
and school
U
This does
not apply to
my class
and school
Sensitivity to Student’s Cultural and Situational Messages
I emphasize
resiliency, choice,
and internal locus of
control.
4 1
I emphasize
resiliency, choice,
and internal locus of
control.
3 2
The last subgroup was labeled “Sensitivity to Student’s Cultural and Situational
Messages,” within the subgroup there are four items. On the first item, “I am aware of how
situations influence behavior (e.g., health, poverty, dress, neighborhood expectations),” four
participants rated themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. One participant
self-rated as a 3, indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. On the second item,
“I am aware of the students’ needs to address multiple constituencies,” four participants rated
themselves a 4, indicating regularity in their school and class. One participant self-rated as a 3,
indicating an infrequent regularity in their school and class. On the third item, “I emphasize
resiliency, choice, and internal locus of control,” four participants rated themselves a 4,
indicating regularity in their school and class. One participant self-rated as a 3, indicating an
infrequent regularity in their school and class. On the last section, “I emphasize resiliency,
choice, and internal locus of control,” three participants rated themselves a 4, indicating
regularity in their school and class. Two participant rated themselves a 3, indicating an
infrequent regularity in their school and class.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 81
Milner’s Engagement Principles
The third research question asked, “How well do instructional or discipline philosophies
align with Milner’s engagement principles?” A variation of practices emerged from the data
analysis that align to Milner’s (2007) five principles and help explain the alignment of teachers’
philosophies. The findings related to the third research question are presented in the next
subsections in order discussed in previous research: envisioning life beyond the present;
understanding the self in relations to others; speaking possibility, not destruction; caring and
demonstrating care; and changing the mind, changing the actions. These five principles aligned
with participants’ philosophies.
Envisioning Life Beyond the Present
All teachers’ philosophies of engaging African American males were to support
envisioning life beyond the present. Uriel and Samuel discussed the needed to establish a
personal relationship with students when supporting them to see beyond their present. Uriel said
that successful teachers have relationships with their students, as evidenced when he stated, “I try
to connect with my students to show them what their future could be, and what their present is.
How to change that present if they’re not satisfied with what their trajectory in life is.”
Samuel said he tells students he going to “fight to be in their life for the rest of their life.”
He shared an example of his relationship with a student that supports life in the future in stating,
“I had one of my former students from about 4 years ago called me about a month ago and told
me that he was in a bunch of trouble.”
Sarah, Esther and John all had philosophies around envisioning life beyond the present,
as is evidenced below. Sarah shared that education is a means to future opportunities and it
supports her philosophy of moving beyond the present. She mentioned, “I think I’m always
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 82
looking towards the future because my whole thing with education is, it is an opportunity. It
provides a tool to be successful later.” Esther believed that educators should not only teach what
is in a book but prepare students for life after high school:
I think our job as educators is to go beyond text books and say, you know what, you’re
brilliant. What are you going to do at 4 years? What are you going to do at 10? Let’s
create a plan. What about college? What do you mean college? What about college? I
support you.
John was a proponent of modeling and providing students examples to show them what
their future options could be:
The optimistic part is showing them graduation rates and showing them people who are
successful in many different aspects of life and, then, people who are successful and not
necessarily having to do it in the mainstream way or those who have done it in the
mainstream way, but did not give up identity to do it. Showing those different models and
saying, “Look,” and then saying, “You have the opportunity. Your skin tone does not
have to prevent you.”
Understanding the Self in Relation to Others
Four of the teachers had varying means to express how they understand themselves in
relations to African American males. However, they all align with the principle. As Milner
(2007) discussed, this principle describes the need for an introspection. Sarah described how she
analyzed her bias in relation to her male students by stating, “analyzing your biases and … Based
on how you interact, or based on what you know about that student.” Uriel described how he
possessed an understanding because he was a man of color when he stated, “I can connect
culturally and ethnically to a lot of my students. I have that advantage, I guess you would say.”
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 83
Esther expressed that her coming to herself in relation to her students means carrying the burden
if her students carry the burden:
I don’t feel like I’m anything if they’re not successful. That’s where I know I’ve
accomplished anything. If my students don’t excel, it’s all in vain. There’s no point in me
having a successful lesson if they haven’t been changed. To me, it’s just ridiculous. What
am I getting paid for if I don’t uplift my males? That’s just how I feel. It’s not about me.
It will never be about me.
Lastly, John explained that he comes to know his students by means of facilitating activities that
allow for the development of community:
Our student-led conferences where we have a potluck and bring the parents in, that kind
of stuff. That’s a first step. Then, trying to do like we did at class with the community
gatherings and then trying to bring in the barbeques and stuff like that to create better
relationships that way.
Speak Possibility, Not Destruction
All teachers believed in the need to speak possibility and not destruction to engage
African American males. John reflected on his practices over the years and discuss how cultural
responsive trainings supported him in speaking possibility:
I look back at that guy. I wouldn’t say I was a racist, but there were practices I was doing
that were definitely deficit mindset. Me, personally, going, what’s changed was
receiving, going to PDs on culture responsiveness, which were able to provide me the
opportunity to look at myself reflectively through a different lens. Then that caused me to
have that moment like, “What do I do? Can I change? If the answer is no, then get out.”
That was me. That was my conscience wouldn’t let me stay.
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Similar to John, Uriel believed that the knowledge of culture and having cultural
awareness supported speaking possibility. Uriel discussed how, if you are aware of traits for
certain subgroups of people, you will not misinterpret behaviors as negative:
I think, when you have more cultural awareness, you understand that that’s an awareness
thing. It’s how they talk. It’s how they act. Just like you see with Caucasian students, you
see it with Asian students, you see it with Mexican students.
Samuel described his thoughts about speaking possibility. He felt that expanding the
narrative of people of color was speaking possibility in sharing phenomenal things people of
color have done. He stated, “you’re able to introduce young people to, it’s slew of women and
men, indigenous women and men who really, really engaged in critical hope and all different
forms of self-discipline and self-love and self-preservation.”
Lastly, Sarah shared that she struggles with the idea of realism and destruction but
ultimately believes that African American males can obtain a high level of success. This was
evidenced when she said, “I do believe without a doubt that they have the ability to reach
whatever they want to reach.”
Care and Demonstrating Care
In each of the teacher’s unique ways, all practice demonstrating care. Samuel and Sarah
shared how their demonstration of care can be perceived as a lack of care based on interruptions.
Samuel described that care is present in conflict, and Sarah described it is present via tough love.
Samuel stated,
Those who have a lot of success and build really, really meaningful relationships with our
young people understand that love isn’t the absence of conflict. I think it’s really violent
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 85
is the word that comes to mind to not engage in conflict with a young person that’s doing
something to harm themselves or harm others in their community.
Sarah sated,
It’s the realist in me, “You need to be strong. You can’t let this get to you.” Me showing
you I care is me … A tough love, “Get it together. You have to get ready for war.” It’s
not the hug-gy, the “You’re okay.” I’m really hard, and I told them, even if I am really
hard on my Black students, “life is not going to be easy for you.”
Uriel described his relationship-building tactics that demonstrate care:
Individual relationships, especially with our African American students are huge. I have a
daily conversation with, not just my African American male students, but all my students.
I try to check in with their interests, at least on a weekly basis, if not a daily basis. I think
that shows kids that you’re important, or I’m important enough to the teacher that they
care about what I’m interested in.
Changing the Mind, Changing the Action
The teachers shared how they enforced the change of thinking and action. Esther
described how she made sure to hold all African American males to high standards while Sarah
discussed how she was mindful of her approaches and changes when needed. Uriel described
how training, student’s interactions and changing his practices as needed supported his alignment
with Milner’s (2007) tenet. He stated,
I think focused on equity training, just having your interactions with your students in
general. To try new things. If one thing isn’t working, like you were saying earlier, and
you keep doing it and doing it. Einstein said that’s the definition of insanity.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 86
John discussed how his student’s ask questions about why his instructional practices are
different from those of others. John described how his change affected how he viewed acceptable
behaviors in the classroom. His change of thinking about the students changed his actions. He
said,
Why we do shout-outs? we don’t always raise our hand. Why do I do it all these different
ways? Because there is more than one discourse style, which, then, validates and affirms
the other discourse styles so that this, like Rashad said. He’s like, “You get us.”
Esther described that she changed her thinking about African American males, such as what she
expects of them. She, then, described how others did not have high expectations, but she did and
that, in turn, changed African American males’ actions. She said, “Often typecast, I can see
African American males walking around school all day long. Nobody has any expectations for
them. Just totally against it. High expectations, high hopes, high goals.”
Sarah’s change of thinking that resulted in action connected to her reflective practices.
She described that she had moments where she asked herself if a behavior she observed from an
African American male reflected her bias or her own personal issue. Sarah recognized that her
change started with a thought and evolved into a change in action. This is evidenced below with
her response:
I’ve become more mindful of how I approach all of my students, especially my boys. I
have moments where I’m, “I cannot go …” Right now, I asked myself, “Is this a personal
issue? Do you need to step back, or is it really the student is distracting learning of every
single student in your classroom?” I do ask myself questions about my biases.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 87
Summary
When examining Milner’s (2007) five principles, three teachers’ practices and ideas
aligned with all principles. All teachers’ ideas and practices aligned with the envisioning life
beyond the present, understanding themselves in relations to others, and speaking possibilities.
John, Esther, Sarah Uriel and Samuel all described and gave accounts that relate and suggest
alignment with the above principles. John described how he gave examples of future possibilities
while Esther carried the burden of her student’s struggle and Sarah expressed her understanding
that the purpose of education was for a better future. Uriel discussed that cultural awareness
helps with understanding yourself in relations to others, and Samuel shared how he was going to
fight to be in a student’s life for the rest of their life to help them see past their present
circumstances. Only four teachers’ practices and ideas aligned with showing care and
demonstrating care and changing their mind to change their action. Teachers’ alignment of
practice and ideas revealed that they supported an increase engagement for African American
males with the suggested alignment of Milner’s principles.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 88
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
The purpose of this study was to evaluate how teachers overcome structural and
contextual factors that influence their beliefs and attitudes about African American males and
school discipline. The study may contribute to a better understanding of how teachers engage
African American males with the use of Milner’s (2007) five principles which inhibit the
influence of implicit and explicit bias. This study sought to understand how teachers’ beliefs and
attitudes influence their environment. In this concluding chapter, the teachers’ responses are
synthesized in terms of their relationship to Milner’s principles and implicit bias frameworks.
The researcher offers ideas on methods, and strategies to increase African American male
engagement as well as to identify what culturally responsive components must be possessed by
teachers to engage this population while reducing school discipline issues. The offerings of these
ideas and strategies should decrease school challenges with African American males and have a
strong probably to help teachers recognize their bias and shift their practices.
In this study, the implicit bias theory and Milner’s five principles were applied, to
identify the patterns of teachers’ attitudes and beliefs while intertwining the frameworks. The
implicit bias theory would reveal underlying barriers to teacher practices, and Milner’s principles
would present practices teachers use that need to be shared and replicated to ensure African
American males are, indeed, engaged versus encountering school discipline challenges.
Findings from this study show that teachers’ thoughts about whether African Americans
are disciplined more harshly than others aligned with current research. All teachers believed,
read or knew first-hand that African American males are disciplined more harshly than other
students. The teachers shared stories from their experience where African American males at
their schools were disciplined more harshly than other students for the same offense. The
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 89
teachers discussed there was no denying that the difference in discipline exists: four of the five
teachers expressed their knowledge of the differing discipline with an intense emotion. These
findings reveal that the acknowledgement, knowledge and/or experience of African American
males as being disciplined more harshly is necessary for teachers to promote engagement to
change the trajectory. If a teacher is not aware of the difference in discipline, they will not know
or understand why specific practices, strategies and methods are necessary to create more
equitable outcomes.
This study also suggested that teachers’ biases and perceptions support lowering
discipline issues with African American males. Teachers’ biases and perceptions regarding
relationships, propensity to keep students in the classroom and their varied definitions of
engagement supported their ability to engage these students. Four teachers shared their
experiences and perceptions about the significance of relationships in regards to lowering
discipline issues. One teacher did not share the relevance of relationships, which does not mean
she did not perceive a connection. All five teachers had varied definitions of engagement. Not
one teacher stopped at a definition that included compliance, such as raising a hand, sitting still
or being 100% on task. All teachers described what some may perceive as unorthodox ways to
describe engagement. These varying definitions of engagement revealed that bias towards the
variety of engagement is needed to lower discipline issues. All five teachers also described their
bias and perception of keeping students in the classroom. Three teachers described their desire to
not send students out unless they were a threat to the learning environment. However, the other
two teachers explicitly stated they do not send students out of their classroom. This, too, was a
significant pattern related to lower school discipline problems.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 90
Analysis of the above data revealed that teachers’ biases and perceptions regarding
keeping students in class, their definition of engagement, and their relationships with students
play an intricate role in engaging African American male students. Teachers’ perceptions about
the need for a relationship, their perceptions about keeping students in the classroom and their
perception about defining engagement support strategies and practices they implement in the
classroom to engage these students. These perceptions aid in reducing disciplinary outcomes and
promote engagement.
The results of this study reveal that teachers’ perceptions and beliefs that align with
Milner’s (2007) five principles also promote increased engagement for African American males.
Principle one includes envisioning life beyond the present. All teachers’ beliefs and perceptions
aligned with this principle. Their perception aligned varied, but all teachers believed in
displaying examples and devoting time and energy to show students there is more to life than
what is in the present. The fact that all teachers’ beliefs and perceptions aligned with Milner’s
first principle supports the need for alignment of teacher’s perceptions and beliefs regarding
projecting towards the future to foster increased engagement and decrease negative school
discipline outcomes.
Milner’s (2007) next principle includes understanding oneself in relations to others. Four
teachers’ perceptions and beliefs also aligned with the principle. These four teachers expressed
the importance of knowing their students, recognizing their bias and being responsive to the
culture of their students. The one teacher who did not have alignment did not explicitly express
his understanding of self in relation to others, so alignment to the principle cannot be assumed.
However, the other four teachers reiterate the need for alignment to this principle to increase
engagement decrease negative school discipline outcomes.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 91
Milner’s (2007) next principle includes speaking possibility and not destruction. All
teachers’ perceptions and beliefs aligned with this principle. Teachers’ beliefs included
displaying images of hope or speaking hope to encourage their African American male students.
These teachers’ perceptions and alignment with this principle support increased engagement and
decreased negative school discipline. Miler’s (2007) fourth principle included caring and
demonstrating care. Four teachers’ beliefs and perceptions aligned with this principle. All four
teachers cared and demonstrated care via a variety of means. The four teachers’ alignment also
endorses the necessity of demonstrating care to increase engagement and reduce negative school
discipline outcomes. The last principle included changing one’s mind to change one’s actions
(Milner, 2007). All teachers’ perceptions and beliefs aligned with this principle. The teachers
discussed they believed their practices and strategies changed over time and supported positivity
for African American male students. The alignment of this last principle further suggests that
teachers whose beliefs and perceptions align with Milner’s five principles will promote increased
engagement and reduce negative school discipline outcomes.
Implications
An examination of successful teachers’ beliefs and perceptions regarding African
American males once they overcome implicit bias reveals five keys activities that directly link
with Milner’s (2007) principles and are necessary to increase engagement and reduce school
discipline outcomes.
Building Personal Relationships with African American Males
This recommendation derived from the teachers’ responses from interviews and their
responses on the Double-Check Assessment. The combination of their responses revealed that
teachers who make an effort to establish a relationship and understand its importance have
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 92
increased engagement with African American males. Milner’s (2007) principle of caring and
demonstrating care aligns directly with relationship building.
Propensity to Keep Students in the Classroom
Based on the results, teachers tend to refer African American males out of class at high
rates when there is a display of misbehavior. However, teachers’ responses revealed that keeping
students in the classroom and understanding the impact of referral out of the classroom will
support increased engagement.
Awareness of Disproportionality
A large amount of research reveals that African American males are subject to
disproportionate school discipline outcomes. Teachers’ responses revealed that possessing
knowledge of this disproportionality assists with not contributing to negative outcomes. This
aligns with Milner’s (2007) principle of understanding yourself in relation to others because
awareness of one’s own struggle assists with empathizing the struggle of others.
Non-Traditional Definitions of Engagement
This recommendation derived from teachers’ responses regarding how they define
engagement. Teacher’s did not define engagement as compliance, but based on what was
culturally responsive to their students in the classroom. As a means to increase engagement for
African American males, teachers must change their perspective that than change their actions.
This recommendation aligns with Milner’s (2007) principle of changing your mind and changing
your actions.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 93
Regularly Assess Cultural Competences
This recommendation is based on teachers’ responses. Teachers mentioned that checking
their bias and evaluating their intentions and motives supported their engagement practices. The
Double-Check Assessment is one of many tools that can be used to assess cultural competence.
Limitations and Future Directions
This study sought to identify strategies and methods teachers use to overcome bias and
engage African American males while not over-disciplining them. This study revealed a few
methods and strategies that were consistent across participants. Although it was shown that
personal relationship, awareness of disproportionality, the presence of Milner’s (2007) five
principles, the intent to keep students in the classroom and non-traditional ways to view
engagement helped with engagement, this study is not without limitations. From the data
collected, it is unknown whether there are salient factors such as upbringing, theoretical
knowledge of diversity or cultural competency training, that support a teacher’s ability to
overcome bias and engage versus over-discipline. It is necessary that further research address
how these may influence outcomes.
Some design-related limitations were caused by sample size, racial diversity of sample,
the geographic location of the participants, administration of instruments and response bias. The
sample was a convenience sample, as all teachers were recommended by an administrator who
was notified of the study via an introductory email based on school affiliation. There was an
absence of teachers who represent other racial groups or who live in other parts of the United
States. Their absence in the sample is duly noted. There were also limitations involving the
instruments and responses. All participants were made aware of the study prior to completing the
surveys. This posed a limitation because it can be assumed that their awareness affected how
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 94
they responded to the surveys. The Double-Check Assessment is a self-assessment, which meant
that participants could rate themselves quite positively while the IAT could also be completed in
a way that leads to preferences towards African Americans due to the research topic. The order
in which the surveys were administered (after the interview) and the lack of alternate tools to
confirm the survey outcomes precipitated the limitations.
Next, the researcher was unable to recruit teachers who identify as Caucasian. This is
very significant because research discussed how Caucasian teachers are challenged most with
engaging African American males and treat African American students differently than they do
Caucasian students. While the study did have teachers who were mixed-race and partially
identified as Caucasian, no teacher fully identified as Caucasian.
Third, due to the criteria for participation, secondary teachers were recommended by an
administrator. It is possible that some secondary teachers who engage African American males
versus over-discipline them could have been excluded from the study due to a lack of response
from their administrator who did not get the email or did not respond to the solicitation of the
email.
Addressing these limitations and gaining more specifics on alternate strategies and means
to overcome bias and engage African American males may provide further information that is
generalizable to multiple stakeholders. Investigating teachers prior training in discipline
strategies such as restorative practices and positive behavior support and knowledge of cultural
competence, which was not done, may be helpful in determining the impact. Next, the researcher
was unable to determine the impact of the IAT and the Double-Check Assessment. Although the
results of the IAT and Double-Check Assessment were not highlighted thoroughly throughout
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 95
the results, the lack of explicit connection with these instruments is duly noted. These limitations
warrant replication and further research.
Conclusion
The results of this study suggest that adherence to Milner’s (2007) five principles, high
assessment scores on the Double-Check Assessment and at least a slight preference towards
African Americans assist in overcoming bias and increasing African American males’
engagement. The alignment of a teacher’s practices with Milner’s (2007) five principles does not
have to be definitive to affect change. Teachers do not have to have perfect self-ratings on the
Double-Check to overcome bias and teachers’ automatic preference is not a significant factor to
whether they surpass contextual and structural biases. Further research with a larger, diverse
sample and an examination of training received and background knowledge possessed about
race, culture and disproportionality is needed to enhance understanding of the impact of teachers
who do not over-discipline and engage African American males.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 96
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AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 104
Appendix A
Email Solicitation
Hello,
My name is Troya L. Ellis and I am a doctoral student at the University of Southern California
(USC). I am conducting a research project titled “Teacher’s Engaging African American males
and Overcoming Bias with School Discipline.” I am emailing you because school administrator
has identified you as a potential study participant.
The purpose of this study is to gain an understanding on how teachers overcome structural and
contextual factors that influence their beliefs and attitudes about African American males, and
school discipline. Approximately 5-7 secondary teacher will be interviewed and surveyed for this
study.
Your participation is completely voluntary. If you are interested, please respond to this email
with your phone number and I will discuss over the phone the details of your participation.
If you want to know more about this study, please contact me at troyaell@usc.edu. Thank you
for your time and consideration.
Sincerely,
Troya L. Ellis
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 105
Appendix B
Informed Consent For Non-Medical Research
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
Teacher’s Engaging African American males versus Over-discipling
You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Troya L. Ellis at the University of
Southern California, because you are a secondary teacher that has been identified by your
administrator as one who has minimal office discipline referrals for African American males yet
significant levels of engagement for African American males. Your participation is voluntary. You
should read the information below, and ask questions about anything you do not understand, before
deciding whether to participate. Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form.
You may also decide to discuss participation with your family or friends. If you decide to
participate, you will be asked to sign this form. You will be given a copy of this form.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to evaluate how teachers overcome structural and contextual factors
that influence their beliefs and attitudes about African American males, and school discipline.
The study will contribute to a better understanding of how teachers engage African American
males with the use of Miler’s 5 principles which inhibit the influence of implicit and explicit
bias.
STUDY PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked to participate in a 60 minute
interview about what how teachers overcome bias and engage African American males. One-on-
one interviews will take place in-person. The researcher will use an interview protocol. The
interviews will audio recorded and professionally transcribed. The transcripts will be coded for
emerging themes.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks in participating in this study.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
School administrators, teacher trainers and teachers will be able to better understand the methods
to engage African American males.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $30 gift card for participating in this study.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 106
CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. The members
of the research team, the funding agency and the University of Southern California’s Human
Subjects Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors
research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
Data will be stored in a locked storage container and on a password-protected computer. At the
conclusion of the research project, the data will remain locked until it is deemed appropriate by
the researcher to be professionally deleted. The data will be kept for a minimum of three years
after the completion of the study.
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies
because of your participation in this research study.
INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Principal
Investigator, Troya L. Ellis and/or the Faculty Dissertation Chair, Dr. Alan Green. You may reach
Troya L. Ellis at 323-481-2293 or troyaell@usc.edu. You may reach Dr. Green at
alangree@rossier.usc.edu.
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu
SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT
I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have
been given a copy of this form.
AUDIO/VIDEO/PHOTOGRAPHS (If this is not applicable to your study and/or if
participants do not have a choice of being audio/video-recorded or photographed, delete this
section.)
□ I do not want to be audio-recorded □ I agree to be audio-recorded
Name of Participant
Signature of Participant Date
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 107
SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR
I have explained the research to the participant and answered all of his/her questions. I believe that
he/she understands the information described in this document and freely consents to participate.
Name of Person Obtaining Consent
Signature of Person Obtaining Consent Date
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 108
Appendix C
Study Information Sheet
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
INFORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR EXEMPT NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
Teacher’s Engaging African American males versus Over-discipling
You are invited to participate in a research study. Research studies include only people who
voluntarily choose to take part. This document explains information about this study. You should
ask questions about anything that is unclear to you.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to evaluate how teachers overcome structural and contextual factors
that influence their beliefs and attitudes about African American males, and school discipline.
The study will contribute to a better understanding of how teachers engage African American
males with the use of Miler’s 5 principles which inhibit the influence of implicit and explicit
bias.
STUDY PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked to participate in a 60 minute
interview about what how teachers overcome bias and engage African American males. One-on-
one interviews will take place in-person. The researcher will use an interview protocol. The
interviews will audio recorded and professionally transcribed. The transcripts will be coded for
emerging themes.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no anticipated risks in participating in this study.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
School administrators, teacher trainers and teachers will be able to better understand the methods
to engage African American males.
PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $30 gift card for participating in this study.
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 109
CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential. Your responses
will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and maintained separately. The audio-tapes will be
destroyed once they have been transcribed. The data will be stored on a password-protected
computer in the researcher’s office for three years after the study has been completed and then
destroyed.
The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies
to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Principal
Investigator, Troya L. Ellis and/or the Faculty Dissertation Chair, Dr. Alan Green. You may reach
Troya L. Ellis at 323-481-2293 or troyaell@usc.edu. You may reach Dr. Green at
alangree@rossier.usc.edu.
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los
Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 110
Appendix D
Interview Protocol
Research Question:
1. Are African American males disciplined more harshly than other students?
2. How do bias and perceptions of teachers of African American males lead to lower
discipline issues in the classroom?
3. How well do the instructional/discipline practices of teachers of African American males
align with Milner’s empowerment principles?
Intro: Say--Hello, thank you for agreeing to participate as an interviewee. My name is Troya
Ellis. I am a student a USC and I am conducting this interview with you to gather information
from teacher’s like yourself.
Purpose: Say--I am interested in knowing how teachers overcome structural and contextual
factors that influence their beliefs and attitudes about African American males, and school
discipline. The study will contribute to a better understanding of how teachers engage African
American males with the use of Miler’s 5-principles which inhibit the influence of implicit and
explicit bias.
Consent: Say--The interview information is completely confidential. All names used will be
changed to pseudonyms. You do not have to answer any question that you do not feel
comfortable answering and you may discontinue this interview at any time. I would like to use a
tape recorder today to assure I accurately obtain all information discussed today. Are you ok with
that? If no, Say—that is fine, I will take notes to write down key words you say.
Fill in information below:
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 111
Teacher Name
Location Code
Grade
Interviewer
Date
Background information
1. How many years have you taught in the K-12 sector?
2. What credentials do you hold?
3. How do you self-identify?
4. How would you describe the neighborhood you grew up in during elementary and
middle school?
5. How would you describe your cultural and ethnic background?
6. Cultural diversity is defined differently by many people in varying settings and is seen
differently, what does it mean to you?
7. How long have you taught in a school based on how you define cultural diversity?
8. I have heard the term racial diversity thrown around, what do you think about this?
9. Have you heard about disproportionate in school discipline for African American male
disproportionality, what have you heard?
10. Some people say that school discipline is related to race, class or up bringing, what
would you attribute it to?
11. Do you think there is one group that is disciplined more than others? Is it more boys or
girls? What is it about girls as to why they do not get disciplined?
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 112
12. I have come across educators that believe that disruptive behavior warrant removal from
the classroom, however removal prevents students from an opportunity to engage in
learning, what has been your experience?
13. How would you define engagement?
RQ 1- Attitude and belief about African American males
14. Some teachers support African American males envisioning life beyond their present
situation while others support only viewing situations from the present, What view do
teachers you work with possess and what has been your experience?
15. Some teachers come to know themselves in relation to their African American male
students while others only know themselves in relation to themselves, how do teachers
you work with know/view themselves as educators and what has been your experience?
16. Some teachers speak destruction and not possibility to their African American male
students while others speak possibility and edify, how do teachers you work with speak
to African American males and what has been your experience?
17. Some teachers care and show care for African American male students, while other do
not care and ignore African American males; what do teachers you work with display
toward African American males and what has been your experience?
18. Some teachers decide to change their thinking to change their actions, while others
remain the same, how do teachers you work feel about change for the sake of African
American males and what has been your experience?
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 113
19. Some people perceive African American males as aggressive and other perceive them as
shy, what do you think are teachers general experiences and what has been your
experience?
20. Today African American males are portrayed all types of ways in the media, from
victims of races elicit force, family disorganization to elite athletes and the president of
the United States, how do teachers you work with view African American males and
what has been your experience?
RQ 2- Attitudes and belief about school discipline
21. Some teachers have an optimistic view of the future for school discipline outcome for
African American males while other teachers do not see past the present state of school
discipline, what has been the experience of teachers at your school and what has been
your experience?
22. Some teachers identify themselves in relation to the school discipline outcomes
experienced by African American males while other do not connect themselves to the
school discipline outcomes, what has been the experience of teachers at your school and
what has been your experience?
23. Some teachers view school discipline as destructive versus a means for possibility,
while other teachers view school discipline as a means to possibility and constructive;
what has been the experience of teachers at your school and what has been your
experience?
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES MATTER 114
24. Some teachers believe the implementation of school discipline is a way to demonstrate
care while other perceive the implementation as a lack of care for a student; what has
been the experience of teachers at your school and what has been your experience?
25. Some teachers change their thinking about school discipline and thus change their
approach while other keep their same approach with an unchanged thought about school
discipline; what has been the experience of teachers at your school and what has been
your experience?
26. Some teachers follow discipline policies while other teachers believe that discipline
should be handle individually, what has been the experience of teachers at your school
and what has been your experience?
27. Some schools are very transparent about their discipline policies while other are rather
opaque, what has been the perception of teacher at your school and what has ben your
experience?
28. Some people believe that suspensions (in/out) of school or expulsions are effective
while others believe that reliance of suspension and expulsions is taking students out of
a learning experience, what has been the experience of teachers at your school and what
has been your experience?
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to examine the perceptions and bias of five secondary teachers in California who engage African American males while avoiding the overuse of office discipline referrals. The theoretical framework used for this study included implicit bias theory and Milner’s (2007) principles for next-level education for African American students. Use of Milner’s principles, Double Check Assessment and the Implicit Assessment Test, yielded three themes centered on engagement and the fact that participants’ practices and ideas aligned with Milner’s (2007) principles. These indicate that there are specific practices and ideas that teachers possess that support engagement for African American males.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Ellis, Troya L.
(author)
Core Title
African American males matter: closing the discipline gap and increasing engagement
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education (Leadership)
Publication Date
04/18/2017
Defense Date
10/19/2016
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
African American males,engagement,implicit bias,OAI-PMH Harvest,school discipline,teacher perception
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Green, Alan G. (
committee chair
), Baca, Reynaldo (
committee member
), Hinga, Briana (
committee member
)
Creator Email
troya.l.ellis@gmail.com,troyaell@usc.edu
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-359466
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359466
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Ellis, Troya L.
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texts
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(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
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Tags
African American males
implicit bias
school discipline
teacher perception