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College access: a qualitative look at access programs for African American males in higher education
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Content
Running head: COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 1
COLLEGE ACCESS: A QUALITATIVE LOOK AT ACCESS PROGRAMS FOR AFRICAN
AMERICAN MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION
by
Rodney Anderson
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
May 2017
Copyright 2017 Rodney Anderson
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 2
Dedication
I dedicate my dissertation to my mother, Martha Anderson, my rock, my greatest
cheerleader, and biggest believer; my father, Joseph Anderson (who passed away on October 4,
2016), my guide to hard work and perseverance; my wife, Monique Anderson, my supporter,
love of my life and life partner; and my son, Rodney Anderson Jr., (born May 3, 2016); my
inspiration and drive to become the best representation I can be.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 3
Acknowledgements
I would first like to thank God for always given me the strength to persevere and
overcome obstacles that are in front of me. Without Your grace and mercy, it would have not
been possible.
I would like to acknowledge my family for supporting me no matter how crazy I make
their lives. I would like to acknowledge my mother for making me believe in myself even when I
thought it wasn’t possible. Mom, you believed in me and showed me unconditional, unwavering
love and support, and, for this, I will always be indebted to you. I would like to acknowledge my
father, a man who always put his family first and never complained about it being that way. Dad,
you have taught me what it means to work hard, and then work even harder. I hope that I can
become the man that you set out for me to be. Dad, I love you!
To my beautiful wife, I want to acknowledge how you’ve changed me and made me a
better man. I appreciate the support, the love, and laughter that we shared throughout this journey
together. You have been my sunshine, and I appreciate you. I love you! To my son, Rodney Jr., I
want you to know that my greatest achievement is you. You have inspired me in ways that I
couldn’t imagine. Through you, I can appreciate parts of myself that I never knew, and I look
forward to being a witness to all the great things that you will accomplish.
To every family member, friend, mentor, and colleague who has supported me along this
journey, I thank you. Each of you have provided me with the inspiration to never give up.
To my dissertation chairs, Dr. Alan Green and Dr. Guadalupe Garcia Montano, I thank
you for the support and guidance that you have shown me throughout this process. To all the
students who have sacrificed their time in order to help me complete the final leg of his journey,
I thank you.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 4
Table of Contents
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
Abstract 6
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 7
Background of the Problem 8
Statement of the Problem 10
Purpose of the Study 10
Research Questions 11
Significance of the Study 11
Limitations 12
Delimitations 12
Definition of Terms 12
Organization of the Study 13
Chapter Two: Literature Review 14
Historical and Statistical Glance 15
View of African American Males in Society 17
Identity Development for African American Males 18
Predominately White Institutions vs Historically Black Colleges and Universities 23
Family Involvement and Role Models 25
Institutional Agents 26
Gaps in Literature 27
Purpose of the Study 28
Chapter Three: Research Design and Methods 30
Setting and Participants 31
Qualitative Methods 31
Data Collection Approach 34
Process 35
Framework 36
Ethics 36
Chapter Four: Results 38
Setting and Participants 38
Participants 39
Observation 40
Results for Research Question One 41
Theme One 43
Theme Two 44
Theme Three 46
Summary of Results for Research Question One 48
Results for Research Question Two 49
Theme One 50
Theme Two 51
Theme Three 53
Summary of Results for Research Question Two 54
Conclusion 55
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 5
Chapter Five: Conclusion 57
Statement of the Problem 58
Purpose of the Study 58
Methodology 59
Limitations and Delimitations 60
Summary of Results 60
Results for Research Question One 60
Results for Research Question Two 61
Recommendations for Practice 63
Recommendation for Research 63
Conclusion 64
References 66
Appendix: Interview Protocol 73
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 6
Abstract
Lower retention rates for African American males in higher education are reaching levels of
concern. This study explored areas such as stereotype threat, family and social influences, and
the impact of role models to gauge their effect on these rates. Results of the study show that
African American males in higher education believed they benefited from an increase in
engagement with institutional agents, an increased presence of African American male faculty
staff, and access programs that create a sense of welcoming and create a community atmosphere
at institutions of higher education.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 7
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
African American males routinely have the lowest graduation and retention rates amongst
students entering higher education (Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System [IPEDS],
2013; National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2014). In fact, they are retained and
graduate at a significantly lower rate than that of European American males, Hispanic males or
African American females. The amount of national attention placed on this prevailing national
problem is increasing but has not brought on a significant level of improvement. NCES (2014)
reported that, on average, Black males continuously have the lowest grades, the lowest test
scores, and the highest dropout rates. The low rates also have economic ramifications for the
communities from where these males come. Historically, many of the problems Black males face
today stem from a lower socioeconomic status inherited from American slavery, which is an
impediment that has, unfortunately, become ingrained in the nation’s social fiber and institutions
(Hargrove & Kim, 2013). Furthermore, the higher education achievement divide contributes to
the lack of socioeconomic growth for African American communities (Ford, & Moore, 2013,
Hargrove & Kim, 2013; Harper, 2006).
Higher education institutions often implement access programs aimed at this population
with various degrees of success and failure. Successful programs include the Honoré Center for
Undergraduate Student Achievement at Southern University of New Orleans which was
established in 2005, or the Minority Male Community College Collaborative at San Diego State
University. Other programs, such as the Male Success Alliance at CSU Dominguez Hills,
UCLA’s Black Male Institute, and CSU San Diego’s Minority Males Community College
Collaborative, address the issue though campus-supported initiatives. In addition, African
American males who attend predominately White institutions (PWI) have been underperforming
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 8
as compared to those who attend historically black colleges and universities. However, low
graduation and retention rates for African American males are a persistent problem and reached
levels that now garner attention from the federal government. In 2014, President Barack Obama
signed a presidential memorandum aimed at increasing support programs for minority males
(The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, 2014).
This study focused on the low graduation and retention rates of African American males
in higher education, the correlating factors that contribute to this ongoing trend, and the features
of access programs that had success working with African American males.
Background of the Problem
Throughout society, African American males live with a negative view placed on them.
Smith, Solórzano and Yosso (2007) identify Black misandry, which refers to an exaggerated
pathological aversion of Black men created and reinforced in societal, institutional, and
individual ideologies, practices, and behaviors. In a study by Ceja, Solórzano and Yosso (2002),
Black students reported feeling personally diminished in class due racial microaggressions
perpetrated by their White counterparts. Students felt a strong sense of invisibility and self-doubt
both inside and outside of the classroom (2002). Freire (1993) stated that the social structure has
to undergo change to include the oppressed rather than the oppressed integrating into the existing
structure for them to be recognized as whole beings. Colleges and universities attempted to
address the barriers that affect African American males’ low retention and graduation rates for
through a variety of institutionally generated programs. Palmer and Young (2008) found that,
while many African American males are going to college, higher education is having a serious
issue with retaining them. The programs vary from those at some of HBCUs that focus on
mentoring and faculty involvement (Gassman & Harper, 2008). Campuses are instituting access
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 9
programs that are aimed at increasing their recruitment of African American males, increasing
engagement, retention, and ultimately the graduation rate (Palmer, Davis, & Maramba, 2010;
Harper, 2013; Harper & Quaye, 2007). However, researchers point out that the current access
programs do not fully connect these topics with the services that are provided within their
programs (Harper, 2013; Holmes, Davis, & Maramba, 2008).
Most access programs are designed to identify and provide services to students from
disadvantaged backgrounds. However, African American males have a particular set of service
needs stemming from negative labels attached to them by society, a negative educational self-
perception, and historical oppression that presents differently from those of other student
populations. These needs can cause barriers to degree attainment.
Furthermore, a strong racial identity can increase self-esteem and self-awareness, which,
in turn, can help increase the probability of African American males’ being retained (Chavez &
Guido-DiBrito, 1999; Franklin, 1999). Furthermore, African American males benefit
academically from exposure to examples of academic success from those who look like them and
with whom they can relate. Unfortunately, most African American males’ ideas of role models
do not extend to those who have reached success through education (Palmer et al., 2010).
Currently, African American males are stereotyped as unable to become scholars or as
lacking ability to be academically successful. Steele (1997) described the threat of other
judgment or judgment of themselves that African American and women students feel and school
as “stereotype threats.” Steele defined this as a social psychological threat that arises when a
person is in a situation or doing something were a negative stereotype of their group applies
(1997). Hung and Smith (2008) pointed out that stereotype threat begins at a very early age for
students of color, as early as elementary school for most. Smith, Solórzano and Yosso (2007)
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 10
pointed out that, because of societal racial stereotypes and the racial priming socialization
process, African American men and women tend to be marginalized, hated, rendered invisible,
put under increased surveillance, or assigned into one or more socially acceptable stereotypical
categories such as lazy, unintelligent, violent, hypersexual, preference for welfare, uninterested
in working for a living. The barriers identified above may prove to be responsible for the
disengagement for African American males in higher education and negatively impact their
efforts to achieve an improvement in their retention and graduation rates.
Statement of the Problem
African American males have the lowest 4- to 6-year graduation and retention rates as
compared to their White counterparts (IPEDS, 2016). While higher education access programs
seek to support this population, little is known about how participants in these programs feel
about the way in which their needs are addressed. The problem addressed in the current study is
the need to better understand how African American males consider access programs to be viable
sources of support to address the known barriers to their success in higher education.
Specifically, the study explored the ways in which African American males feel access programs
have an impact on the effects of stereotype threat (Osborne & Walker, 2006; Steele, 1997) and
the need for specific forms of social capital (Elliott, Brenneman, Carney, & Robbins, 2015;
Stanton-Salazar, 1997) in relationship to their identity development at institutions of higher
education.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to explore how retention programs aimed at African
American males address factors proven through research to improve retention and graduation
rates. This study highlighted historical and current societal views of African American males,
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 11
institutional agents, the importance of family involvement, role models, and program
participants’ identity development. As made evident by national retention and graduation rates,
African American males are retained and graduate at rates lower than those of other student
populations in higher education. This means that even students able to access higher education
do not progress to degree completion. Questions remain as to how the factors that contribute to
success can be better addressed in current programs.
Research Questions
The following research questions guided the study:
1. From the perspective of the students, how do successful retention program for African
American males in higher education address identity development and utilize institutional
agents to increase retention and graduation rates among this population?
2. From the perspective of the students, how do African American male participants in
retention programs view the programs’ efforts to address negative societal views, role
models, family support, and institutional support?
Significance of the Study
Current access programs have been unable to close the achievement gap and increase
graduation rates for African American males. The amount of national attention placed on this
problem is minimal at best. The achievement gap in higher education between African American
males and their fellow students influences other areas as well. The achievement gap contributes
to the high jobless and incarceration rates for this population and increased poverty rates in
African American communities.
To conduct the most effective analysis of African American male access programs in
higher education, this study addressed the barriers proven to play a role in low retention rates for
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 12
African American males. Historical and current societal views of African American males,
institutional agents, family involvement, role models, and African American male identity
development were explored herein. This study adds to research on how retention programs may
be structured to improve their effectiveness.
Limitations
The study was limited in that the data came solely from one institution in Southern
California. Thus, results are not generalizable. This study was also limited by time constraints
and number of respondents. Only 8 of 41 active Male Success Initiative members were
interviewed. Due to the researcher’s previous relationship developed in working with the study
population, the researcher may have been able to collect richer data that may have had an impact
in the study. The researcher’s relationship with the student participants of the study may have
caused students to be more open and comfortable to answer questions and understand the intent
of the questions in the study.
Delimitations
The study was delimited to include only African American males currently attending
college in Southern California who participate in a retention program specifically targeting this
population. The study was delimited to data from only this access program.
Definition of Terms
African American Males (also referred to as Black Males) – males who identify racially or
ethnically as being of African descent.
Access Programs – program aimed at providing support and resources to a specially identified
population.
Identity – who or what a person relates to most.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 13
Retention Rate – tool used to chart student progression from year-to-year.
Historically Black Colleges and Universities – any historically Black college or university,
established prior to 1964, whose principal mission was, and is, the education of African
Americans.
Predominately White Institution (WPI)– University or institution of higher learning in which
whites account for more than 50% of student enrollment.
Organization of the Study
Chapter One provides an introduction and overview of the study. Chapter One includes
the purpose of the study, the problem statement, the research questions, the limitations and
delimitation, and key definitions. Chapter Two covers relevant literature succinctly compiled to
highlight ongoing perspectives regarding the problem area of the study. The literature examined
provides a basis for the upcoming study. The literature gives both a historical and a current
perspective of the problem of this study. Chapter Three covers the process and methodology
used. Chapter Four presents the results obtained through interviews and observations. The results
were to form findings and conclusions. Chapter Five presents the findings, recommendations for
practice, recommendations for future research, and conclusion. A summary of over viewing the
complete study is also presented in Chapter Five.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 14
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
When looking at the issues facing Black males and higher education, most research
focused on looking at retention and graduation lows from a model that highlights the deficits
(Gassman & Palmer, 2008; Harper, 2008; Hargrove & Kim, 2013; Strayhorn, 2008). Smith,
Solórzano and Yosso (2007), found that, with the legacy of race-conscious discrimination in
higher education largely hidden under a discourse of color blindness, institutions tend to
approach the need to enroll a more racially diverse student body as a burden.
This chapter focuses on the reoccurring issue of the low retention rates for African
American Males at PWIs. The retention rates are lower than previously witnessed in American
society (Harper, & Quaye, 2007). There have been numerous attempts to find a solution, though
none had a significant impact. This review of literature explores possible causes of the current
status of retention and graduation rates for African American males on PWIs. The areas
highlighted are family and social influences, the impact of role models, and the ways in which
stereotypical views of African American males from society affect degree attainment. African
American males report having encounters with racism, racial stereotypes, micro aggressions, and
low expectations from professors and others who undermine their academic outcomes, sense of
belonging, and willingness to seek help from campus resources (Harper, 2013). The study
explored the impact of identity development through the lens of critical race theory (CRT), the
invisibility syndrome, and Cross and Fhagen-Smith’s adaptation of Cross’s (1971, 1991) original
nigrescence model of development. The depth of the problem in the current review is addressed
by examining different barriers to academic progress for African American males and by
identifying possible gaps in the research to identify areas of support for African American males
on PWIs.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 15
Historical and Statistical Glance
African American males have the lowest 4- through 6-year graduation and retention rates
amongst student populations entering higher education (NCES, 2013). On 4-year PWI campuses,
African American males continually underperform in terms of graduation and retention as
compared to other populations of students (NCES, 2013). According to the U.S. Department of
Education (2012) the 4-year graduation rate for first-time, full-time, bachelor-degree seeking
African American males who entered a 4-year institution in 1996 was 13.9% and increased to
only 15.6% for the 2006 cohort. The U.S. Census Bureau (2012) showed African American
males’ graduation rate increased from 7.5% in 1990 to 12.9% in 2009.
Briscoe and Teranishi (2008) looked at the decision to eliminate affirmative action in
California. The researchers speculated that, while that decision relied heavily on claims of
colorblindness and meritocracy, its results may have also had a decidedly racialized and
detrimental effect on Black high school students' aspirations for higher education (2008).
Though the study, the researchers found that perceived racism during the college choice process
caused students to struggle with self-doubt and feelings of frustration in a process that is, in
and of itself, difficult (Briscoe & Teranishi, 2008).
According to the NCES (2012), African American males’ graduation rates were 31.3% at
public universities, 37.9% at private nonprofit universities and 36% at private for-profit
universities. Moreover, only 29.8% of African American males graduate within 5 years (NCES,
2013). A study of 2009 education statistics stated African Americans were less likely to have
completed a bachelor’s degree, master’s degree, professional, or doctoral degree than their
counterparts were (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). A report from the U.S. Census Bureau (2012)
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 16
shows African American males received only 9. 8% of the bachelor’s degrees awarded
throughout the country in 2009.
These statistics provide an understanding of the picture for the prevailing low retention
and graduation rates for African American males in higher education, but fail to give a
comprehensive story of what provided the atmosphere for the issue at hand. Researchers outlined
several other images to provide a look at the issues regarding low African American male
retention and graduation rates higher education through a deficit model (Harper, & Quaye,
2007).
Future Implications
Low retention and graduation rates for African American males have been found to
correlate with the low socioeconomic growth in African American communities. Attaining a
college degree contributes to socioeconomic growth. Besser (2012) found that college graduates
had higher household incomes and access to social capital when compared to non-graduates.
Kaba (2006) found that African Americans’ college graduation greatly increased their living
standards. African American males without a degree are more likely to be unemployed.
African American males have a multitude of barriers creating a damaging effect on
academic success. Addressing some of these barriers could improve African American males’
chances of attaining higher education. Factors such as low socioeconomic status and violence
remain prevalent in these areas, coupled with the fact that many of these students live in out-of-
home placements with adults other than their parents (The Pew Charitable Trusts, 2008).
According to the research, these adverse conditions generally lead to a lack of school
commitment, school suspension, gang involvement, and negative social outcomes such as the
well-documented school-to-prison pipeline dilemma, a trend that forces large numbers of at-risk
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 17
youth, who are often students of color, out of classrooms and into the juvenile justice system
(Noguera 2003; Noguera, 2008; The Pew Charitable Trusts, 2008).
View of African American Males in Society
According to Franklin (1999), a struggle of African American men is determining how to
accept and be a person of African descent in a society where one’s group is a primary object of
prejudice and discrimination. Palmer, Scott, and Taylor (2013) found that identifying challenges
Black males’ face could help deter high school departure and encourage college attendance.
In higher education, having low educational expectations works to decrease African
American males’ educational outcomes. Whiting (2006) found that African American males
thrived when educators held high academic expectations for them. Even students who had
previously done well academically still feel pressure to prove themselves (Strayhorn, 2008).
Whiting (2006) found that there is a lack of attention being devoted to developing a positive
image of African American males as scholars.
Smith, Solórzano and Yosso (2007) identified four Black misandry stereotypes projected
onto African American male students. Specifically, students, faculty, staff, and administrators
tended to view African American men on college campuses as criminals/predators, street-smart
experts on all things “ghetto,” athletes, or anti-intellectuals (Smith, Solórzano, & Yosso 2007).
Some of these students, in an effort to strengthen their academic competencies, leverage
institution-supported academic and support programs (Hargrove & Kim, 2013). Bennett (2001)
reported that teachers who are uninformed and have different personal and cultural knowledge
can have lower expectations of student success. Strayhorn (2008) found that social and cultural
capital variables accounted for 14% of their study’s predictive ability for African American men
when it comes to success in college.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 18
A major theme in the study by Briscoe and Teranishi (2008) was how students coped
with and responded to the perceived threat of feeling welcomed in terms of success in college.
The authors found that students used a variety of mechanisms to cope with the perceived
negative climate. Many developed new aspirations, and diverted their plans to other
institutions perceived as more welcoming (2008).
Identity Development for African American Males
This study used CRT, identity development theory (Cross, 1971, 1991) and the
invisibility syndrome to examine the difficulties with engagement, sense of community
belonging, and campus integration that Black male students face in higher education. One way to
view identity as being achieved by successfully resolving the crises inherent in life choices and
making purposeful decisions and stable commitments (Franklin, 1999). Briscoe and Teranishi
(2008) found CRT emerged from legal scholarship that sought to identify the ways in which
race and racism continued to permeate American society despite the obvious and significant civil
rights gains of the 1950s and 1960s. Yosso (2005) defined CRT in education as a theoretical and
analytical framework that challenges the ways race and racism affect educational structures,
practices, and discourses. The researcher felt this acknowledges the contradictory nature of
education, wherein schools most often oppress and marginalize while they maintain the potential
to emancipate and empower (Yosso, 2005).
According to Franklin (1999), invisibility is defined as an inner struggle with the feeling
that one’s talents, abilities, personality, and worth are not valued or even recognized because of
prejudice and racism. The central focus to the model identified by Franklin is understanding the
underlying psychological dynamics and emotional distress experienced by African American
men as they attempt to evolve an identity within the larger socioeconomic, political, and cultural
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 19
entity we consider “society,” whose practice of racism manipulates the rules of conformity and
inclusion for them (1999).
The interrelatedness of ethnic identity and participation in club activities and faculty/staff
interactions by Greek members gives weight to the assumption that institutions need to work
more cooperatively with the African American Greek-letter organizations to improve the general
atmosphere on PWIs (Howard-Hamilton, & Taylor, 1995). A study looking at African American
male college students found that with “all things being equal” in terms of age, marital status, and
parents’ level of education (Strayhorn, 2008). For example, a student who reports frequent,
positive relationships with individuals on campus has a higher level of satisfaction with college
on average (Strayhorn, 2008).
When looking at institutions, Smith, Solórzano and Yosso (2007) identified that one of
the professed goals of many postsecondary institutions is to create a campus where all students
can benefit from racial pluralism. Yet, there are very few effective strategies in place to assist
students, faculty, staff, administrators, and institutions in reaching this outcome (2007).
In the adaptation of Cross (1991) original nigrescence theory, Cross and Fhagen-Smith
(2001) were interested in researching how children’s experiences a role in the later stages of
Black identity development. When looking at nigrescence, or Black identity development, from a
life span approach, the researchers identified three developmental patterns. These patterns were
named nigrescence pattern A, nigrescence pattern B, and nigrescence pattern C. There are also
six sectors identified that encompasses the three patterns. The sectors were named infancy and
childhood in early Black identity development, preadolescence, adolescence, early adulthood,
early nigrescence, and nigrescence recycling (Cross, & Fhagen-Smith, 2001). Due to the
population addressed herein, the focus is on what Cross and Fhagen-Smith highlighted in sector
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 20
four, which addresses early adulthood, and sector five, which addresses adult nigrescence.
Sectors four and five represent outcomes of the developmental process and the wide range of
group orientations found among young Black adults. The process factors in psychological
characteristics such as developed intellect, anger and general emotion management, interpersonal
competencies, capacity for delay of gratification, and a reference group perspective takes on a
foundational character (Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 2001).
Sector four consists of three clusters. The first cluster encompasses individuals with high
race salience. An individual that has a high race salience will not stay in sector four but will
progress to sector five. The next cluster is individuals with low race salience. Sector four is
commonplace for young African American adults who have not embraced a Black-oriented
identity or have a low race salience. These individuals may need nigrescence work that usually
takes place during formative experiences. In this sector, individuals with low race salience that
face an encounter which requires an explanatory system that gives salience to race and Black
culture, such person do not have an answer.
The last cluster is labeled early adult internalized racism. There are three levels of
internalized racism: miseducation, colorism and lookism, and self-hatred. Miseducation refers to
the images seen in schools, press, and popular media that portray native images of Black people
(Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 2001). Colorism and lookism is the expressed discomfort about the
African physical features (Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 2001). Self-hatred refers to a self-loathing and
hatred that they connect to the fact they are Black. Sector five incorporates (Cross & Fhagen-
Smith, 2001) the nigrescence conversion process. It begins with the Pre-Encounter stage where
the individual has determined a target of personal change. This stage may be marked by negative
feelings, low self-esteem, and self-hatred. This is followed by the encounter stage, which is
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 21
marked by an event or events that leads the individual to conclude that he or she needs to move
towards more cultural self-awareness. Next is the Immersion – Emersion stage that is a
transitional stage in which the old identity and the new emerging identity struggle for
dominance. The individual progresses Internalization stage and the new identity has become
accepted and habituated. Finally, the individual will be Internalization – Commitment for the
individual continues to show high race and cultural salience in the organization of their daily
lives, well beyond the point at which they initially internalized a Black identity (Cross, &
Fhagen-Smith, 2001). Individuals in this stage will have an identity pattern that now matches the
first group orientations of Black Nationalist, Afrocentrist, Bicultural, or Multicultural (Cross, &
Fhagen-Smith, 2001). The type conversion seen in sector five represent nigrescence pattern B.
In the 1999 study, Franklin also pointed out the significance of identity development. The
researcher concluded that racial identity development is dynamic; the process engages
awareness, sensitivity, and individual responsiveness to racial environments. This is related to
managing feelings of invisibility in which the person monitors the interpersonal environment for
the recognition, satisfaction, validation, and legitimacy that are essential to his or her sense of
worthiness. Many students of color find themselves either subverting their identity and becoming
involved in the mainstream campus or assimilating as they struggle to maintain a strong cultural
connection (Howard-Hamilton & Taylor, 1995). Specifically, results highlight the need to focus
on social class segmentation within the African American community in general and among
Black men in particular (Strayhorn, 2010).
Research has been done a regarding the connection between racial identity and
depression, racial identity and more development, racial identity development in college students
(Butler-Barnes, Cogburn, Hurd, Sellers, & Zimmerman, 2013). Personal identity achievement for
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 22
African Americans is influenced by attaining personal comfort with oneself, given racism and in
spite of it (Franklin, 1999). Edwards and Harris (2010) found that college men felt the need to
wear masks that mirrored external expectations. Students reported having a narrow concept of
what it is to be a man (Edwards, & Harris, 2010). Gasman and Harper (2008) found sexuality
and sexual orientation, self-presentation and expression, and positional subordination were
factors that contributed to African American male students feeling connected to the university.
Irving and Hudley (2008) found that there was a direct relationship between cultural mistrust and
academic achievement for Black males. When students participated in leadership roles in Black
and mainstream organizations on campus it developed cross-cultural communication skills that
helped dispel cultural stereotypes for their peers (Harper, & Quaye, 2007).
When students develop a healthy racial identity, they feel freer to focus on academic
achievement (Gasman, & Harper, 2008). Cross and Fhagen-Smith (1999) were interested in
researching how the children’s early-life-stage experiences played a role in their Black identity
development process in the later stages. Anglin and Wade (2007) found a positive correlation
between an internalized-multicultural racial identity and overall college adjustment and academic
college adjustment. Student’s ethnic identity development affects their comfort in diverse
settings (Bennett, 2001). When students develop a healthy racial identity, they feel freer to focus
on academic achievement (Ford & Grantham, 2003). In a study by Palmer et al. (2013),
participants reported their lack a parental support contributed to their academic struggle. Phinney
(1989) inferred that racial and ethnic minorities entered adolescence with a poorly developed
ethnic identity or with identities given to them by their parents.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 23
Predominately White Institutions vs Historically Black Colleges and Universities
Freeman (1997) examined the ways in which African American students from a variety
of socioeconomic backgrounds perceived and interpreted barriers to attending college. Freeman
found respondents had a fear of feeling isolated on White campuses, and this became a
substantial barrier to college access, particularly for students who had been raised in racially
segregated neighborhoods (1997). Buckley, Grier-Reed, and Madyun (2008) found it be
imperative to facilitate a social support system and psychological well-being for Black college
students that attend PWIs.
While Hargrove and Kim (2013) report African American males who attend PWIs
experience a different level of psychological racial battle fatigue than those who attend HBCUs.
Black males who attended PWIs perceived the institutional climate as unsupportive and
unsympathetic of their experience (Gassman & Palmer, 2008). Student engagement and
involvement are areas that have shown promise in improving retention (Strayhorn, 2008).
Research also highlighted that Black male student leaders on campus were resilient, successfully
identifying, and developing protective factors such as peers, mentors, and faculty for support and
guidance (Harper, 2012). Without support, these challenges tend to compromise academic
achievement and often lead to dissatisfaction with college (Strayhorn, 2008).
Black male students on HBCUs have seen marginal amounts of success through engaging
in support systems such as fraternities, peer support, and faculty /staff interaction (Hargrove &
Kim, 2013; Harper & Quaye, 2007; Strayhorn, 2010). Encouraging participation in pre-college
outreach programs like Talent Search or Upward Bound was associated with higher grades in
college, and becoming involved in campus activities once entering college may be one way to
raise academic achievement. Participating in fraternities may aid social integration/adjustment by
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 24
providing a critical mass of brothers upon whom to rely for support, yet do little to facilitate
academic integration (Strayhorn, 2010). Researchers found that student organizations offer
venues in which the voice of Black students could be shared and the needs of minority students
could be advocated (Harper & Quaye, 2007).
African American males who attend PWIs are outperformed in terms of retention and
graduation rates when compared to those who attend HBCUs. However, Gasman and Harper
(2008) found that both WPIs and HBCUs have trouble with Black male retention. Black males
overall had a better quality of life on HBCU campuses (Harper, 2006) possibly due to finding
racial homogeneity on HBCU campuses that increased their willingness to succeed (Palmer et
al., 2010). Chen, Davis and Ingram (2014) found that a supportive campus environment is the
most significant factor leading to African American student satisfaction at both HBCUs and
PWIs.
African American males struggle with cultural identity at PWIs. McBride, Lowery-Hart,
Simmons, and Wahl (2013) indicated this population struggles with being proud of their
blackness while adopting White culture. In a study by Palmer et al. (2010), students reported
having characteristics similar to those members of HBCUs increased their willingness and
motivation to perform well. African American males’ academic confidence is increased at
HBCUs. Research from Allen, Griffin, Jayakumar, and Jones (2012) reported African American
males who attend historically Black colleges had higher intellectual self-confidence than those
who attended predominantly White universities. Students reported just seeing Black people on
campus helped them want to succeed (Palmer et al., 2010).
African American males experience cultural marginalization at PWIs. In a study by
Briscoe and Teranishi (2008) they found barriers include the intimidation factor, which is the
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 25
extent to which being a minority on a predominately White campus is perceived as a negative
experience. Ogbu and Simmons (1998) reported that involuntary minorities developed a distrust
of White-controlled institutions because of the long-standing history. Some of the feelings of
marginalization may stem from what Ogbu and Simmons highlight as Black students’ role as
involuntary minorities (1998). Ogbu and Simmons (1998) found that Black Americans struggle
most to escape the subordination attached to their history of being involuntary minorities. There
are barriers in society and school that can affect low achievement for minorities (1998). These
barriers include educational policies and practices, education expectancy of minority students,
and the lack of rewards of educational attainment in terms of employment and wages for
minority students (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998).
Most students in the study by Palmer et al. (2010) reported the environment on their
HBCU was supportive and caring. The literature reviewed in this section attempted to uncover
factors that can be attributed to the increase in retention and graduation rates for African
American males who attended HBCU campuses versus PWIs. Overall, students are more
successful in an educational environment that provides opportunity for an increase in racial pride
through campus-connected organizations. Strong racial identity increases intellectual self-
confidence. African American males struggle with cultural identity at PWIs. McBride et al.
(2013) indicated African American males struggle with being proud of their blackness while
adopting White culture.
Family Involvement and Role Models
One most consistently effective factors in increasing or decreasing success for African
American male students at the university level has been the degree of family involvement in their
lives (Gassman & Harper, 2008; Hargrove & Kim, 2013; Harper, & Quaye, 2007; Strayhorn,
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 26
2008, 2010). Bennett (2001) deemed it important to develop a connection between home and the
classroom. It may be the case that African American males who talk about college with their
parents have more realistic expectations about higher education and, as a result, are better
prepared for the academic and social demands of college which allows them to manage those
challenges successfully while earning or maintaining good grades (Strayhorn, 2010). Family
interaction played a meaningful role in success, which suggests the importance of support
relationships in academic achievement (Hargrove, & Kim, 2013). One study pointed out that
some students developed meaningful relationships with same-race peers, while others preferred
familial support or integrated peer relations (Hargrove, & Kim, 2013). School peers can be
institutional agents that help obtain information, resources, privileges, and support necessary for
advancement (Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Institutional Agents
This finding suggest that sociocultural capital plays a role in determining a student’s
academic achievement in college, and this effect persists regardless of his pre-college
experiences and preparation (Gassman & Harper, 2008). Strayhorn (2010) agreed that
institutional support was vital academic success. Sociocultural capital has been shown to play a
major role in determining academic success for minority students (Ovink, & Veazey, 2011;
Wells, 2009). According to Ovink and Veazey (2011), expanding the habitus (structure of the
mind and emotions) and thereby augmenting the social and cultural capital of underrepresented
students may have a positive effect on academic achievement higher education. Social and
cultural capital have a positive effect on persistence in higher education whether that be through
the beautiful and having a parent that attend college, or belonging to a positive peer group
(Wells, 2009). For some African American males, there is a lack of the social and cultural capital
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 27
proven to increase persistence in higher education. Bensimon (2005) found that university agents
need to be equity-minded when looking at the situation and outcomes for minority students.
Positive peer groups and positive educational outlooks serve to increase successful outcomes for
African American males in higher education. School peers can be institutional agents who help
obtain information, resources, privileges, and support necessary for advancement.
A 2008 study of Black male students showed that having supportive relationships with
faculty and peers is associated with higher satisfaction levels (Strayhorn, 2008). Stanton-Salazar
(1997) stated that institutional agents or mentors help give access to social ties the dominant
group uses for their participation in mainstream institutional areas. Additional contributing
factors are a lack of positive role models that look like them, that have progressed through the
educational success. This lack of support on university campuses leaves students with a low
sense of belonging (Strayhorn, 2008). According to a report by Newman and Washington (1991)
the lack of role models in the educational environment contributes to low graduation rates. There
is a necessity for an increase in African American male teachers in the classroom (Palmer et al.,
2013). The presence of these teachers provides a portrait of success through academic
achievement (Palmer et al., 2013).
Gaps in Literature
The literature review explored several different areas that could be the cause for the
constant decline of African American male faces on college campuses. The literature reviewed
did not identify theoretically grounded initiatives with data that support the effectiveness of the
prevention strategy. Researchers pointed out HBCUs are making some advances (Palmer et al.,
2010; Harper, & Gassman, 2008), yet the research is limited on how the work that HBCUs are
doing with African American males can be replicated at other institutions. Kelly, Matthew, and
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 28
Peterson (2007) looked at the impact of “Grit” on academic success. They defined grit as
perseverance and passion for long-term goals. They went on to mention that grit entails working
tirelessly toward challenges, maintaining effort and interest over years despite failure, adversity,
and plateaus in progress (2007). The literature exposed the need for a multi-pronged prevention
strategy to cover the many factors that have contributed persisting this population’s low retention
and graduation rates. The literature reviewed also failed to account for these students’ academic
history and how that contributes to their inability to succeed. The literature reviewed explores
students’ experiences during their attempts to accomplish a daunting task without first having
established the necessary foundation needed to be successful.
Purpose of the Study
The majority of interventions have focused on addressing the low retention and
graduation rates of African American males from a deficit model. Whiting (2006) reported these
students were equally capable of finding their self-efficacy in academic settings as they are in
nonacademic settings. It is as important to consider these students possess capital that can be
useful to consider in intervention efforts. Identity development increases African American
males’ educational outcomes because early focus on the scholar identity increases the chances of
breaking the cycle of underachievement (Chavez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999; Whiting, 2006).
Students who surrounded themselves with similar-minded, academically-driven peers seem to be
encouraged and popularize academic success (Palmer et al., 2010). Hargrove and Kim (2013)
found that resilience played a key role in success in higher education. The literature proves
African American males understand the inherent benefits of formal education but have been
unsuccessful in connecting it with perceivable benefit for it in their own lives. The literature’s
weakness can be attributed to the fact that most of the intervention efforts in the literature have
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 29
not been grounded in addressing what has worked. Only a small number have taken into the
account the amount of commitment it has taken for African American males to walk through the
doors of colleges and universities. The literature was limited in acknowledging successful
examples to address the low retention and graduation rates.
This study focused on the gaps in impactful strategies proven to show success in
improving retention and graduation rates for African American males. There needs to be more
research done on programs and institutions that have shown success in addressing academic
barriers (Harper, 2012; Harper & Harris, 2006; Palmer et al., 2010). More focus needs be placed
on intervention techniques that incorporate the strengths that come from a developed sense of
identity. From existing literature, there was a void and more attention paid to the systematic
barriers in place that contributed to the lack of inclusion of African American males in higher
education.
There is a correlation between having a strong racial identity and academic success.
When African American males have a strong racial identity, they have higher self-esteem, which,
in turn, makes the idea of academic success seem more achievable (Cross, & Fhagen-Smith,
2001; Ford, & Grantham, 2003). This also implies that, when they have a level of pride for
where they come from, they can envision success for themselves (Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 2001).
In order to achieve academic success, there has to be a value system set up within the individual
(Hargrove, & Kim, 2013). Mentorship from individuals who share the same racial background
works well to help students believe in their ability to become successful (Harper & Gassman,
2008). Therefore, barriers identified in this review of literature highlights the focus of the
subsequent research.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 30
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS
This study explored how retention programs aimed at African American males addressed
barriers proven to improve retention and graduation rates. This study highlighted the need to
better understand how students consider access programs to be viable sources of support to
address barriers to success in higher education. This study explored the ways in which African
American males feel access programs have an impact upon the effects of stereotype threat
(Osborne & Walker, 2006; Steele, 1997), the need for specific forms of social capital (Bourdieu,
1972; Stanton-Salazar, 1997), in relationship to their identity development at PWIs. The study
explored how students experience barriers such as a historical view of success rates, the view of
African American males in society, the effects of institutional agents, family involvement, and
the value of role models. The study explored why attempts to increase the level of connections
have been unsuccessful thus far. This exploration of the current programs addressed the
widening achievement divide and intervention efforts to uncover whether these programs use
supported techniques that have been proven to be effective by research.
Most research examines African American males’ retention rates from a deficit lens or
perspective (Harper, & Quaye, 2007). According to Gassman and Harper (2008), few studies
explore how resilience could affect retention and graduation. Societal stereotypes, family
involvement, lack of role models, connection to educational role models, social capital, and
ethnic identity development have an impact on retention and graduation rates (2008). This study
employed interviews with participants of a current program and observations of their experience
with the programs. The study sought to answer the following questions:
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 31
1. From the perspective of the students, how do successful retention program for African
American Males in higher education address identity development and utilize
institutional agents to increase retention and graduation rates among this population?
2. From the perspective of the students, how do African American male participants in
retention programs view the programs’ efforts to address negative societal views, role
models, family support, and institutional support?
Setting and Participants
One institution was selected for data collection to answer the research questions:
California State University, Higher Education (CSUHE). At the time of this study, the campus
had 40,235 students. Of them, 846 students identified as Black (IPEDS, 2016).
The university was chosen due the institutionally initiated and supported program that
addresses access for men of color in higher education. CSUHE houses the Male Success
Initiative, aimed at improving education for men of color.
The program was selected based its ability to connect with the strategies shown to
positively affect retention and graduation rates for African American males (Strayhorn, 2008;
Whiting, 2006). Also, the program has an inherent component of providing role models as well
as positive images of African American males in education, which have been shown to be
impactful (Hargrove & Kim, 2013; Harper & Quaye, 2007). Both the program and the student
participants provided a unique opportunity to collect data to answer the research questions
presented in this study.
Qualitative Methods
According to Maxwell (2013), the strength of qualitative research resides in effectively
addressing two key factors. The factors are the process orientation and the inductive approach to
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 32
focus on specific situations or people, and the emphasis on descriptions rather than numbers.
Qualitative methods fit best for this study because of the techniques can be used to explore in
depth the influences that may play a role in affecting the target population. In using qualitative
methods, the research examines the meaning and belief systems that are attached to the problem
(Maxwell, 2013). Qualitative research gives the researcher a more complete picture of the
context of the problem. The purpose of this study was to understand how African American
males consider access programs to be viable sources of support to address the known barriers to
their success in higher education. The study explored the ways in which students feel access
programs have an impact on the effects of stereotype threat and the need for specific forms of
social capital in relationship to their identity development to increase retention and graduation
rates for African American males in higher education.
For this study, it was important to gather information from individuals directly connected
to the research topic. Maxwell (2013) stressed the valuable qualitative data gained from
interviews and observation. The research conducted through this study encompassed several
different layers that required a complex study to uncover multiple potential causes of the
problem. To gather the richest data to uncover some of this information, it was important to have
the flexibility that interviews afford.
For this study, interviews were employed to gather personal accounts directly from those
affected by the study. The interviews allowed the researcher to become the student and the
participants to become the teachers to help shed light on the issues regarding access for African
American males in higher education. The interview questions were aimed at answering the
research questions.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 33
The first set of interviews were of student participants of the Male Success Initiative at
CSUHE. The students were interviewed due to their expertise afforded to them from their
participation in access programs. Students were asked questions aimed at uncovering whether
their identity development played a role in success with participating in MSI, the feelings they
have from the stereotypical ways they are viewed in American society, their feelings towards the
way these societal views affect their approach to attaining a degree, and the effects of
institutional agents on their ability to persist in college. Also, the study aimed to uncover the
impact of their family’s involvement and the value of role models in their persistence, the
university attempts to provide an atmosphere of support, and the impact their identity
development had on their view of MSI’s effectiveness at increasing retention and graduation
rates. The questions also addressed their description of their experience with the university’s
support programs or support programs in general, what the university was doing to support
African American males as it pertains to present barriers on campus, and what they felt the
university can do to create opportunities to further support them. Also addressed were their
knowledge of the university’s views on their retention rates, their ideas on what contributed to
students’ ability to complete college, and, from their own experience, the effects their previous
educational experiences had to their college success.
For this study, observations were employed because they allowed data collection during
direct observation of participants in an access program. The observations were of two large
monthly general assemblies of the MSI attended by many participants. The most ideal
observation approach for this study would be that of complete observant. Because I was
observing as a complete observant, it was my job to limit my exposure to the participants to
ensure participants acted as normal. During the observation, I took field notes. Taking field notes
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 34
aided my ability to capture key interactions as they occurred. Once I finished the observation, I
revisited my field notes and added additional details. This allow a firsthand account of the
students’ interaction in the MSI.
Data Collection Approach
The environment for collecting the interview data was selected for the purpose of putting
the participants in the most comfortable position possible. All interviews were conducted in
familiar environments to the participants that provided privacy and minimal distractions. All
interviews were conducted at previously arranged times that most convenient for the participants.
Each of the interview participants was selected for their level of expertise and the level of
important data they could contribute to the study. Participants were asked to participate in one
interview of 30 to 60 minutes in duration. It was possible that a question could evoke some
uncomfortable feelings. Participants could terminate the interview at any time if uncomfortable
feelings arose or decide not to answer a particular question. Participants could also refuse to
participate or withdraw at any time without penalty.
Data were analyzed using Creswell’s (2009) six-step process. Each step describes the
order in which the data creates a story. The first step was to organize and prepare the data. The
second was to read through the data and get a general sense of overall meaning. The third was to
begin to code the data and break it up. The fourth was to generate themes. The fifth was to write
a narrative passage to deliver findings, and the sixth was to make interpretations of the meanings
of the data (Creswell, 2009).
Interview and Observation
In order to analyze the data, the constant comparative method guided the qualitative
analysis process (Glaser, & Strauss, 1967). They were disaggregated to identify open codes,
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 35
axial codes, and selective codes. In identifying open coding, important words, phrases, and
statements were pulled out of the data. Once the words, phrases, and statements were identified,
a definition was developed for each. Once the open coding was completed, axial coding emerged
from the themes. After establishing the axial codes, the core categories or selective codes were
identified. The selective codes identified in this study were that access programs on PWI
campuses have failed to account for their African American male students’ need, they have not
connected with this population, and they have not been effectively incorporated into the college
campus culture.
The purpose of the interviews was to gather information from the participants to provide
firsthand knowledge of what institutions are doing in the form of access and retention programs
to effect African American males’ persistence. The study also explored whether the programs
address factors contributing to the retention rates of African American males.
The researcher triangulated the data by using different qualitative collection techniques to
ensure the trustworthiness of the data collection. Researchers employ observations, interviews,
and focus groups as needed. Maxwell (2013) identified triangulation as using different methods
as a check of one another to see if different methods strengths and limitations support a single
conclusion. Using multiple methods helps gain information about different aspects of the
phenomena you are studying (2013).
Process
All participants were sent an email request for participation and received a written
overview that introduced them to the purpose of study. Research targeted a student sample of
eight African American males who participated in the MSI. Once the respondents have agreed to
participate, a mutually agreed upon time and place was established. The participants were
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 36
advised that the interviews would be semi-structured. The interviews were audiotaped. The
institution to student participants attended will be used in the study in order to highlight the
environment in which the data was collected. All respondents were assigned a pseudonym to
protect their identity. Participants will be made aware that their responses would be kept
confidential. After the interview, the researcher or a professional transcriber transcribed the
audiotapes. All research records were kept confidential. Excerpts from the tape were used in a
final project, but potentially identifying information was altered.
The researcher received consent from the coordinator of the program observed. The
program coordinator may also participate in the study as interview participants. The researcher
may use the relationship built through the interviews to help secure consent for the observations.
Framework
Access programs were evaluated through the lens of CRT. CRT, along with Cross and
Fhagen-Smith’s (2001) nigrescence theory guided the research. In this study, it was critical to
highlight strengths that programs can use to bolster their effectiveness. In both the interview
protocol and the observation protocol, an attempt was made to focus on student engagement
when access programs are connected to strength building rather than on deficiency.
Ethics
Participants were identified due to convenience. The final participants were African
American males on a campus that established an access programs for minority males. For the
current study, researchers attain institutional review board approval to ensure the safety and well-
being of the participants. Approval ensured that the research was held to an ethical standard. The
researcher works closely with African American males. As an agent of the university, students
may have felt uncomfortable answering questions from someone so closely connected to the
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 37
university. To counteract the uncomfortable feeling students may have, the researcher depended
on having a previous relationship with the students, which could lead to a higher level of trust.
Due to the researchers close contact with the study population several potential biases can have
an impact in the study. The researcher’s relationship with the student participants of the study
can cause the researcher to have a less than subjective view of the issues the participants can
address in the study. Due to the previous relationships, the researcher can become personally
involved in the study. In order to prevent the researchers potential biases of impacting the study
the researcher worked to understand what the possible biases that may be brought into the study,
took an inventory of how those biases can impact the study, and concentrated on allowing the
students to tell the story without input from the researcher. The researcher’s previous relationship
that was developed in working with the study population, the researcher may account for the
researcher being able to collect richer data that may have had an impact in the study. The
researcher’s relationship may have caused students to be more open and comfortable to answer
questions that may have been difficult and understand the intent of the researcher’s questions in
the study.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 38
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
The purpose of this study was to explore how college retention programs aimed at
African American males address barriers to their retention and graduation. The study aimed to
identify whether historical and current societal views of this population, institutional agents,
family involvement, role models, and identity development have an impact on retention and
graduation rates. This study employed a qualitative lens to explore the factors that contribute to
retention and graduation. A qualitative approach provided the tools to explore the problem with a
more complete contextual picture from the students’ standpoint. The study employed the
qualitative techniques of interviewing and observation to answer the following questions:
1. From the perspective of the students, how do successful retention program for African
American Males in higher education address identity development and utilize
institutional agents to increase retention and graduation rates among this population?
2. From the perspective of the students, how do African American male participants in
retention programs view the programs’ efforts to address negative societal views, role
models family support, and institutional support?
Setting and Participants
CSUHE was selected as the site for the study. The university is one of 23 campuses in the
California State University system. At the time of the study, CSUHE enrolled 40,235 students,
56% of whom were female and 44% male. The university’s student population was 846 African
American students. Of this population, 306 were males. The university received federal
designation as being a Hispanic serving institution (HSI) and highlighted its dedication to
creating an environment inclusive of Hispanic/Latino and other ethnic minority students. The
Title V grant was an integral component to this mission because it enabled CSUHE to provide
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 39
programs and services that foster student success in an environment which is open and accepting
of difference. The university was chosen due the institutionally initiated and supported program
that addressed higher education access for men of color. One such program was the Male
Success Initiative, a student success initiative aimed at improving educational outcomes for men
of color.
The study employed both interviews and observations to collect data to answer the
research questions. The study used eight student participants. The students ranged from being in
their third year to their first year post-graduation and in their academic disciplines. The study
also employed observation of two access program general meetings.
Participants
Miles, was a transfer student from a local community college. He was in his third year at
CSUHE. He had participated in access programs on campus for three years and was a
communications major with a focus on print journalism. Miles had been a writer for the campus
newspaper for two years.
Oliver, was a native student. At the time of this study, he was in his fifth year on campus
and had participated in multiple access programs. He was an engineering major with a focus on
civil engineering.
Jonathan, graduated CSUHE in the spring of 2016. He participated in access programs
and was a member of a fraternity while on campus. He was a communications major with a focus
on public relations.
Andrew, was in his third year of attendance at CSUHE at the time of the study. He
participated in the access program for three years and was a kinesiology major.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 40
Travis, was also a native student. He was in his fourth year of attendance and had
participated in the access program for three years. He was a computer science major.
Darrell, graduated CSU Higher Education in the spring of 2016. He was also a native
student and participated in multiple access programs. During his time at CSU Higher Education,
he occupied the position of president of the Alliance for the Preservation of African
Consciousness, a male student organization. He double majored in communication and African
American studies.
Alex, was also a native student. At the time of the study, he was in his fifth year and
participated in multiple access programs. He was an international business major with a focus of
French as a language.
Kevin, was also a native student. He was in his third year of study and participated in
multiple access programs on campus. At the time of the study, he was the sitting president of the
Alliance for the Preservation of African Consciousness and was a political science major.
Observation
For the first observation, the general assembly was a part of the organization’s guest
speaker series. This particular speaker highlighted equal access, issues in K-12 education and
how they affect higher education. The event was made up male students, most of whom
belonged to the program. There were also several new students invited. In total, there were 23
students in attendance. There were also four faculty and staff in attendance. The presenter held
the most power in the meeting and held the role of imparting knowledge in the students. The
students were there to absorb the information of the presentation. The speaker discussed
discriminatory historical educational practices and the influences they had on the current
educational landscape. The speaker discussed the school-to-prison pipeline and how that affects
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 41
education for men of color. The presentation also covered the nationwide achievement gap for
men of color in higher education.
For the second observation, the event was held in a smart classroom. The event was the
monthly town hall meeting for the male program covering the topic of “Who Am I.” The
meeting was the first of two scheduled for the month. The topic was designed to get the students
to think about what characteristics they valued within themselves. The event was made up of
male students, most of whom belonged to the program. There were also several new students
invited. In total, there were 21 students in attendance. There were also four faculty and staff in
attendance. The students were in control of the meeting. The facilitator was there to keep the
discussion flowing. The students talked about the characteristics they felt made them who they
are.
This particular meeting highlighted the importance of developing an idea of what makes
one unique and the characteristics one values in one’s personality. The students discussed
personal accounts of experiences that have sculpted them into being who they are today. The
students were going into why they feel they have a particular set of standards and morals in
place. Students discuss the impact their family background has affected their value system. The
students also discussed how their experience on the college campus affected how they
developed. Each student discussed character traits they felt defined them as a person. The
students identified things they felt were important and areas they felt could be improved within
themselves to become the person they hoped to become.
Results for Research Question One
Research question one asked, “From the perspective of the students, how do successful
retention programs for African American males in higher education address identity
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 42
development and utilize institutional agents to increase retention and graduation rates among this
population?” Question one provides a lens to address the importance of strategically designing
programs that address what literature identifies as important areas to address when working with
African American males in higher education. Previous research has shown that identity
development for African American males is a key factor in helping them to become successful in
higher education. Research has shown that African Americans who have higher development
levels pertaining to their identity are more inclined to do well academically in a university
setting. Students who struggle with their identity development encounter more barriers while
working towards degree attainment. Question one also addressed the importance of African
American males engaging with institutional agents to increase success. Research outlines
institutional agents play a pivotal role in supporting African American males on college
campuses. The literature points out that, when African American males develop connections with
institutional agents, they feel more connected to the institution and, in turn, can do a better job of
progressing towards graduation. Institutional agents who provide an atmosphere in which
African American males can develop a connection can be instrumental in determining students’
success.
In answering question one, several themes appeared. The first theme was that having
personal drive and being personally motivated had more of an impact on success than did
personal or cultural identity development. Secondly, the presence of institutional agents who
express genuine concern for their well-being increased students’ belief in their ability to succeed
in higher education. Finally, the students believed they could benefit more from increased
presence of African American male faculty and staff on campus.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 43
Theme One
The first theme was the belief students expressed that their own personal motivation had
a greater impact on their success than did their personal or cultural identity development. Several
students expressed having a vague sense of how their personal or cultural identity affected their
success. They expressed understanding they are African American, male, and a minority on a
campus that does not have many students who look like them. The students expressed
understanding and an acceptance of this fact. They expressed that this was the reality and they
were aware of it. Darrell did a great job of capturing the sentiment of the students: “It’s about
self-inspiration, your mental toughness and your own will inside you that keeps pushing you to
keep going and to finish”
The participants pointed out that they were aware and had a good sense that, to be
successful in the current campus climate, they had to undergo several evolutions of their identity
and had become reliant on it to have continued success. Most participants felt a strong inner push
propelled them to the current level of success. Students felt like succeeding in college presented
a challenge they intended to succeed in, as stated by Travis: “What has kept me going, though,
after learning how difficult it is to get through my degree, I would say the challenge, because I
love a good challenge.”
The participants did not identify personal identity or cultural identity as a factor that
increased their ability to be successful in college. Most identified the pressure to be a positive
representation of what they identify with both culturally and personally as a driving force for
their success. The participants understood that they lacked representation in numbers. For the
few in numbers on the campus, each had to represent the best of what they would be personally
and culturally. For Alex, it was clear that he represented a voice that not most students in his
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 44
classes would get a chance to hear. The pressure to represent that voice and change the narrative
from negative to positive provided the fuel for his pursuit of success. He stated,
That's pretty much my goal most of the time is to represent and make our voice heard and
bring that to everybody's attention. My way of representing is just you know
professionalism, showing that I have the same knowledge as everybody else just came
from a different place.
When pressed to expand on how personal and cultural identity played a role in their
ability to persist in college, most participants agreed that identity development had an impact on
their success. Most of the participants found more impact could be attributed to the motivation
and the drive to overcome and dispel the narrative connected to what they valued as the makeup
of their personal and cultural identity. The level of personal and cultural identity development
could be attributed to the student having high race and cultural salience. This high race and
cultural salience could allow for the students to look beyond their own personal and cultural
identity and view how it affects the cultural representation on a larger scale.
Theme Two
The second theme that became prominent was the idea that the students felt institutional
agents who expressed genuine concern for their well-being increase their belief in their ability to
succeed in higher education. The students felt the institutional agents they connected to provide a
support system that increased their belief and helped them successfully navigate the college
environment. Having institutional agents who express genuine concern not only for their
academic success but also their overall well-being provided the students with the inspiration to
strive for success. Oliver expressed what this inspiration meant for him: “You help me think to
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 45
be responsible, like a young man. Take care of business, don't take that for granted. I feel like
our relationship, they've inspired me to be good.”
Participants also felt that institutional agents exposed them to resources the university
offered that they would not be able to access without their help. The participants felt that, in
addition to providing a support system, institutional agents also provided them skills and tools
beneficial in their academic careers. The contribution of the institutional agents who play a role
in their academic careers extended beyond academic support to take on a more intense meaning.
According to Darrell,
And give us those extra tips and things that were needed. And, most importantly, was the
support. Because we were all first-generation college students, and we all didn't know
anything about going to school, and, so, we didn't really know what we were really up
against.
Oliver added,
I used the staff, and that helped me, especially in the organizations, because they told me
about what they went through when they were in school and what organizations they
were in, so I could use that as a stepping stool to what I was doing here.
The students also expressed that their relationship with institutional agents increased their
overall level of comfort with the institution. Before they could develop a relationship with these
institutional agents, students felt out of place and uncomfortable while on campus. The increased
level of comfort with the institution also increased their motivation to succeed academically.
According to Alex,
You know you go to class and it's like everybody else is not, has no doesn't know what
you think like. They have a different opinion, I have a whole new outlook on everything.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 46
I might disagree, might agree but it's just, it's different. You go to something like MSI or
any of our other orgs on campus and I think it makes me feel more comfortable with
being here overall.
This theme outlined multiple ways institutional agents influenced the participants.
Institutional agents served multiple roles for these students. Many of the students described the
agents as supportive, helpful, and resourceful. From the responses, interaction with the
institutional agents correlates with having a positive impact on their ability to persist in college.
Theme Three
The third theme was a strong belief that the students would benefit from an increased
presence of African American male faculty and staff on campus. Participants felt there was a
void or a lack of African American male faculty and staff. Students reported feeling a sense of
pride and encouragement from the presence of African American male faculty and staff in both
their classes and in positions of perceived power on campus. The students reported that seeing
African American male faculty staff and staff on campus helped them challenge the negative
narrative that they feel both on campus as well as off campus.
According to Miles,
I've had some of the counselors here that are Black that I feel like were a positive
reinforcement for me. I think for me what it comes down to sometimes and maybe this is
just a human thing, to see people who look like you I think it gives some kind of a
positive affirmation.
In most cases, participants attributed the lack of African American male faculty and staff
to the institution’s lack of recruiting. Participants felt the university could increase the number of
African American male faculty and staff if it was a priority for the institution. Students said that
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 47
the burden felt solely at the feet of the university, and they felt like university does not
understand the important impact these faculty and staff can have on its African American male
student population. If the university cared enough to make the connection, there would be an
increase in amount of African American male faculty and staff that they saw on campus.
According to Miles,
They can give us more representatives, you know. Just in places where I feel like. . . we
need 'em, like counselors, you know, education, whether we can have more teachers, just
more resources. I feel like, if we had more places where we could go and we can say, “I
need help” or “I'm having my own issue as a Black man at Cal State Higher Education.”
Alex added,
I would say that a lot of the Black faculty that I encounter here, it does give me a feeling
and reinforcement and I do get a good feeling of hope, hopefulness, out of that and it also
does something for me morally.
Students also attributed seeing African American faces on campus in positions like
faculty and staff gave them a sense of empowerment. Students felt a positive conscious and
subconscious charge when encountering African Americans in prestigious positions on campus.
Most students said that, when they encountered African Americans on campus who reached a
certain level of success through education, they can begin to see themselves as someone who can
obtain the same level of success through education. The participants reported that, in most cases,
seeing an African American in this capacity was the first time they had personally been able to
witness this level of success in connection with being African American. As stated by Miles,
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 48
Just to see that she had a PhD and she'd been the president of this university, that gives
me some kind of an affirmation. Even when I see the other two Black presidents that
were there, it just gives me a feeling of affirmation and that I can do it.
The participants, in most cases, made the connection between seeing African American
staff on campus and a picture of success they were unfamiliar with in their personal lives. The
participants also acknowledged that not seeing those same faces had an equal effect on them.
Summary of Results for Research Question One
From the data collected in pursuit of answering research question one, three important
themes emerged. The first was the participants’ belief that personal drive and being personally
motivated had more of an impact on their success than their personal or cultural identity
development. Most students reported relying more on their personal drive and motivation as their
first level of inspiration. Their cultural identity development was a factor, but not one they felt
could cause as much success as their personal motivation. Research identified cultural identity
development as an impactful source in aiding students’ pursuit of success in higher education.
Research credited cultural identity with providing students an increased sense of self and a
heightened self-confidence. The data, though not completely disputing past research, provided an
additional point of reference.
The second theme that emerged was the participants’ belief that the presence of
institutional agents who express genuine concern for their well-being increase their belief in their
ability to succeed in higher education. Research pointed out that institutional agents can play a
key role in the student’s connection to the institution. Institutional agents can serve as support
systems for the African American male students they interact with. The data supported past
research on the value of institutional agents.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 49
The third theme was participants’ belief that they could benefit more from increased
presence of African American male faculty and staff on campus. The students felt the presence
of African American faculty and staff increased their level of comfort with the university. The
students felt the lack of African Americans had a negative impact on their connection to the
university. Past research found African American students have an easier time engaging with
faculty and staff with whom they share racial similarities. Research pointed out that students’
connections with faculty and staff along racial lines have a positive impact on the students’
persistence in higher education. Data supported past research findings regarding the impact
African American faculty and staff have on African American students.
Results for Research Question Two
Data collection was also aimed at answering a second question on access programs for
African American males in higher education. Secondly, collection and analysis were aimed at
answering, from the perspective of the students, how African American male participants in
retention programs view the programs’ efforts to address negative societal views, role models
family support, and institutional support. In this question the research begins to gain information
from the student participants on the barriers that research showed affect African American
males’ processes in education. Through this question the study examined the participants’
perspectives on several issues that the literature pointed out as important areas to address when
establishing access programs for African American males. From the data, there were three
prominent themes highlighted. The first theme highlighted the lack of support African American
males felt the university was provided for the support programs aimed at their population. The
second theme was the perceived negative stereotypes African American males face on campus
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 50
and society at large. The third theme was the impact African American males felt family support
had on their ability to persist in higher education.
Theme One
The first theme that emerged in answering question two of the research study was the
lack of university support for the access programs aimed at African American males. The
participants felt the institution did a poor job of providing resources for access programs. Most of
the stated they felt, if the institution provided more financial as well as other forms of support,
the access program could do a better job of providing support for students. Students stated that
the access programs were limited in the impact they could have by a lack of institutional support.
According to Jonathan,
I think that if the university maybe showed a little bit more support towards African
Americans adversity. You have a lot of different kinds of Black people, you know.
They're not monolithic, you know. They have a lot of different degree programs, goals,
and objectives, so I think, maybe, if they began to look a little bit, dig a little deeper into
the data.
The student stated that access programs serve multiple purposes for them. One of the
main purpose for them was creating a sense of community within the larger campus. Students
reported that the program providd a safe space where they felt welcomed and comfortable.
Students stated that the access programs provided an environment that helped them escape the
feeling of isolation that they felt on campus. For the participants, the programs were a hub of
peer support:
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 51
According to Andrew,
Those clubs are what I feel like is the life blood for a lot of the Black students here.
Because if you're not in the athletic program-the thing is, we're 2%, I don't know the
exact number but I know the big chunk of it is the athletic students. Which is great. You
know I love athletics, I love basketball, I love football. But if you're not an athletic
student, if you're not on the team, these are the things that really allow you to feel like
these are things that really allow you kind of come to your own in the sense. Like, find
your own community.
Several students stated they felt the lack of resources showed a lack of importance placed
on their population by the institution. Students felt like the lack of funding showed that the
university had not yet placed priority on their success. Students stated that, if university officials
were willing to improve their retention rates, they would show it by increasing financial support:
According to Jonathan,
I definitely feel like they need to take us a little bit more seriously, though. Just a little
bit, though. Because a lot of funding when it first started it was very low. Wasn't able to
do, really, much and I don't think they saw the need for it at first. But I think it's
definitely gotten a little better.
Theme Two
The second theme that emerged in answering question two was a negative perception felt
by the participants from society at large. Student stated that, in society, African American males
are only viewed in three general roles: athletes, musicians, or criminals. The students felt like
society cast such a negative light on African American males that is difficult for students who do
not subscribe to any of them to feel they have a role in society:
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 52
According to Travis,
I don't want to go with the basic stereotypes, but unfortunately, I think we're viewed in
many ways, the stereotypical way mainly, as well as part of you know, we're athletes,
entertainers, end up criminals. That's pretty much society's version.
Most students stated that the negative stereotype can be traced to the media’s portrayal of
African American males. Students reported the media highlights negative stereotypes, which
shapes society’s views to only focus on that which is negative. The participants reported that
stereotypical views are ingrained in American society and are accepted as the norm. Students
stated that, even with the recent accomplishments of African American males, the overall
perception of African American males have not changed:
According to Miles,
I think primarily African American males are viewed in a negative light. I think that the
media has a big role in it. I think they are perceived as lazy, violent, aggressive, athletic.
You know, easily angered. I really feel like there are negative connotations, even with a
Black President I still don't think that Black people, especially males, are not really seen
in a productive light
The participants reported, from a university standpoint, the view of African American
males is not positive. Students stated they felt the university viewed their population as
insignificant. The students reported feeling this on campus and that the feeling extended to the
way they were perceived in the classroom. Miles recalled an incident he had with supervisor for
a campus position:
I felt like I must have been insignificant because there was no recourse for her to yell at
me and scream at me like that and insult me, and there was nothing done back, so I felt
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 53
like I was insignificant and that's been a bit of my experience here at Cal State Fullerton
as a Black male student.
Theme Three
The third theme was the impact family support had on the participants’ ability to persist.
The participants reported feeling various levels support from their family regarding their
education. Some students came from a family in which education was highly regarded, and there
were expectations placed on them to be successful in college. Other students felt their family
could have provided more support. All reported that the family support they received, regardless
of level, had an impact on their persistence.
According to Andrew,
My family had a huge impact. Both my parents went to college, so it's a big thing in my
family. So, that's a major thing. They always are pushing me to make sure I do well in
school. Pushing me to be motivated, focused.
Kevin added,
My dad dropped out of college, and my mom didn't finish high school. So, my parents
always told me they wanted to make sure that my life is better than theirs. So, they told
me it was important that I get an education and I go to college so I can have a better life
than them.
While some students felt like family support played an important role in their success in
college, others felt like lack of support also had an equally important role in their ability to be
successful in college. Students stated that, in their family, it was uncommon that people actually
went to college. The lack of support from the family was a direct correlation with the lack of
understanding the opportunity provided for the student. Travis stated that the lack of support
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 54
served as motivation and helped him work harder to reach his goal of becoming a college
graduate:
I would say no (the lack of family support) because I haven't had that family support. I
feel it's made me stronger as an individual to get through college on my own and the have
that mindset that it's myself that's gonna be able to push my way through.
Several students reported family providnig financial support also had a great impact on
their ability to be successful. Students stated any financial relief allow them to focus more on
academic challenges. The students who received family support reported that the support
relieved some of the pressure they felt on campus and allowed them to concentrate and focus on
their academics:
According to Andrew,
My parents put me on campus last year just to live on campus to make it a little easier on
me since I was commuting, was a lot of stress. That definitely helped, so they've helped
me financially and everything like that. Yeah, I'd definitely say my parents, my mom is
the big push for me.
Summary of Results for Research Question Two
The data produced three prominent themes addressing research question two. The initial
theme was lack of support provided to support programs. The students saw limited resources
allocated for the programs. Past research emphasized the connection between institutional and
feelings of isolation among students.
The second theme was the negative stereotype participants face on campus and in society
at large. The students believed the stereotypes provided a negative narrative for their propensity
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 55
for success in education. Research regarding the effects stereotypes described students feel a
“battle fatigue” from the pressure to disprove the stereotypes.
The third theme was the impact African American males felt family support had on their
ability to persist in higher education. In relations to family support, the students had mixed
feelings as to whether or not family support had an impact on a success in college. Some students
believed their family fully expressed their support, and this contributed to their success. Others
pointed their family showed little to no support. This was a contributing factor to their success as
well. The students with limited support used this to help motivate to achieve success. This
provides an additional point to what past research identifies as the impact family support has on
students. The results identified a different way the family support can be internalized to increase
success in higher education for African American males.
Conclusion
In the current study, researchers examined from students’ perspectives, the factors that
had an impact on their retention and graduation rates. The study took a qualitative look at how
the Male Success Initiative, an access programs structured to address these factors and perceived
barriers to increase retention and graduation rates for African American males. The data
collected in the study answered the questions of from the perspective of the students, how do
successful retention program for African American males in higher education address identity
development and utilize institutional agents to increase retention and graduation rates among this
population? From the data, several areas were highlighted as being impactful and retention and
graduation efforts for African American males in the program. The data reflect that African
American males drew a stronger for correlation between the impact of having strong personal
motivation to their ability to continue working towards degree attainment over developing a
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 56
cultural identity or personal identity. The data collected for the study reflected an increase in
student engagement when interaction with institutional agents occur for the African American
males of the study. It was also identify from the data collected in the study, African American
male students reported overall increase in optimism when encountering African American male
faculty staff on campus.
Secondly, the data collected answer the question of from a student’s perspective, how do
African American male participants in retention programs view the programs’ efforts to address
negative societal views, role models family support, and institutional support? The data collected
from the study identified African American male students felt a lack of institutional support
being provided by the campus, negative societal views impact of the students belief in their
ability to achieve success in education, and mixed responses for the impact family support had
on their ability to for pursuing degree attainment.
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CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION
African American males’ retention rates for the in higher education receive national
attention. NCES (2014) found graduation rates trends have shown that African American males
have the lowest graduation rates. Previous research sought to uncover the best way to combat the
challenges this population faces in pursuit of a degree. The current study explored explore how
an access program addressed known barriers to retention and graduation from the students’
standpoint.
With the increase in national attention, access programs aimed at increasing retention and
graduation rates for African American males are beginning to increase nationally. The question
remains whether access programs effectively address the issues that prevent African American
males from degree attainment. From the previous research and statistical analysis, the answer to
the question would remain the same. Current access programs failed to make marked increase in
retention and graduation rates.
According to an editorial in the Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, African American
males are outpaced by their White counterparts and by African American females. African
American males graduate at a rate of 36% while African American females’ rate is 47% (Journal
of Blacks in Higher Education, 2007). The U.S. Department of Education (2010) reported that
only 34.1% of African American males graduated from college. At the time of this study, the
national graduation rate for African American males was 33.1% (U.S. Department of Education,
2016). According to a 2016 report by NCES, in the 2012–2013 academic year, only 35% of
African American male students earned a bachelor’s degree.
The NCES (2016) report showed an increase in African American males attending
college, as their numbers are higher now than at any point in history. Nonetheless, their retention
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 58
and graduation rates increased only slightly. Some experts pointed out that stereotype threat has
an effect on achievement (Hung and Smith, 2008; Steele, 1997). The most common feature of
individuals dealing with stereotype threat is a decrease in performance and achievement, as
internalized stereotype hinders reaching full potential. Thus, low retention and graduation rates
may come from systemic institutions of oppression that stem from slavery, Jim Crow laws, and
other institutions meant to minimize educational achievement.
Statement of the Problem
While access programs seek to support the African American male student population,
little is known about how participants feel about the way barriers are addressed. The problem
explored in the current study was the need to understand, from a student perspective, how
African American males consider access programs to be viable sources of support to address
barriers to their higher education. Specifically, the study explored what students saw as the
impact an access program had on the effects of stereotype threat (Osborne & Walker, 2006;
Steele, 1997) and the need for specific forms of social capital (Elliott et al., 2015; Stanton-
Salazar, 1997) in relationship to their identity development.
Purpose of the Study
Interventions in the form of access programs for African American males primarily
focused on combating the low retention and graduation rates from a deficit perspective. Most
access programs failed to account for the positive attributes students possess which assisted them
to achieve success to this point. This study examined the impact of racial identity and personal
identity development, role models, and family involvement, had on students’ degree attainment.
The study aimed to yield understanding, from a student’s perspective, of how an access program
addressed barriers uncovered in the study.
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Methodology
The study employed qualitative research methods to record direct accounts from
individuals personally affected by an access programs. Qualitative methods worked best for the
study because of the depth of exploration qualitative techniques provides. To gather the richest
data, interviews and observations were employed to examine the meaning and belief systems
attached to the problem (Maxwell, 2013). Eight student participants were interviewed for this
study, and two general assemblies that were part of the MSI guest speaker series were observed.
The constant comparative method guided the qualitative data analysis (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).
The site of the study was CSUHE. At the time of the study, CSUHE was designated an
HSI and enrolled 40,235 students. Of the total student population, 56% were female and 44%
were male. The university’s student population was 2.1% African American. Of the 846 students
of the Black population, African American males represented 306 students total of that
population.
The students that were interviewed for the study were members of the Male Success
Initiative program at CSUHE. The CSUHE Male Success Initiative aims to empower and support
male students through rigorous academic and personal support over the course of their college
careers. The Male Success Initiative is working to improve both their educational and economic
opportunities for the betterment of their families and communities. The vision of the Male
Success Initiative is to promote males (first-generation and low-income) by empowering them
with the skills and knowledge needed to foster academic success; establish a support network;
support the goal of graduation; and improve personal achievement by influencing leadership
through representing unity and a commitment to collective betterment of humankind. To
promote African American (as well as Latino, Asian-American/Pacific Islander, American
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 60
Indian, and multiracial men), by empowering them with the skills and knowledge needed to
foster academic success; establish a support network; support the goal of graduation; and
improve personal achievement by influencing leadership through representing unity and a
commitment to collective betterment of humankind.
Limitations and Delimitations
The study was limited in that the data came from one institution in Southern California.
This results are not generalizable. This study was also limited by time constraints and number of
respondents. Interviews were conducted with only eight of the 41 active MSI members.
The study was delimited to include only African American males currently attending
CSUHE who participate in MSI. The study was delimited to only data from this access program.
Summary of Results
The study guided aimed at looking at the effectiveness one access program. Six major
themes emerged. Students identified having personal drive and being personally motivated had
more of an impact more on their success than did their personal or cultural identity development,
institutional agents who expressed genuine concern for their well-being increased their belief in
their ability to succeed, they believed they could benefit from increased presence of African
American male faculty and staff, they saw a lack of support for the MSI, they perceived negative
stereotypes on campus and in society at large, and they felt family support had an impact on their
persistence.
Results for Research Question One
The first theme that emerged from research question one was that students identified
having personal drive and being personally motivated had more of an impact on their success
than their personal or cultural identity development. Students recognized and mentioned they
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 61
wake up with the understanding that they are African American and male. Their ability to
succeed relied more on motivation, resiliency, and inner will. Their cultural identity played a role
but was not a part of the conscious day-to-day framework. Most students were unable to make
the connection between their cultural identity development and their success. The easier
connection for students was how their level of motivation helped them overcome barriers.
The participants believed institutional agents who expressed genuine concern for their
well-being increased their belief in their ability to succeed. Most interviewees expressed that role
models or someone they could relate to who had succeeded in education were few. The students
expressed that the institutional agents served as positive role models of success they could see
themselves in. For the students, institutional agents’ support increased their belief in achieving
academic success.
The participants reported that an increased presence of African American male faculty
and staff on campus would be beneficial for their morale. Most students stated that, for the first
time, they connected between being an African American male and being successful through
education. The students felt the institution needed to increase the presence of African American
male faculty and staff to positively affect the vision they have of themselves and of the campus.
Student reported that, upon entering the university, they searched for familiar faces. They
believed, if they saw familiar faces in the classroom, office buildings, and common spaces, then
they would feel more comfortable on campus.
Results for Research Question Two
Students reported the university provided a limited support for the programs aimed at
their population. They felt a sense of isolation on campus. Most students stated that the lack of
African American male students on campus was obvious. The university can do a better job of
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 62
supporting the MSI by providing opportunities to increase the African American male
population. The students felt that it would allow the program to create a sense of community for.
They believed that access programs help to give them a sense of direction. Student stated that
access programs can provide more opportunity to connect with resources on and off campus if
the university provided support.
Participants discussed the perceived negative stereotype African American males face on
campus and in society at large. Overall, the participants believed that African American males
are viewed negatively in society and on campus. They expressed a strong belief that current
media contributes to negative stereotypes of their population as criminals, athletes, or
entertainers. They believed the negative stereotypes also play a role in the way they were
perceived by the university as a whole. They expressed that, while on campus, the perception of
their position is that of athletes. They believe that this only worked to reinforce stereotype and
stigma.
Participants felt family support played an impactful role on their ability to persist in
college. They reported their families provided emotional support at key points in their academic
careers. Even when family members could not relate to what the student faced in college, they
provided support that inspired the students. The students also reported that the lack of family
support also provided them with motivation to persist. Most students reported their family was
unaware of the support they would need and how important the support was to their success.
Students who did not receive family support reported this lack helped them persist and increased
their drive to show their family they can succeed without it.
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Recommendations for Practice
The study took a qualitative look at an access programs for African American males in
higher education. The study was grounded in an in-depth literature review of the historic and
statistical view of African American males in higher education and American society as well as
their identity development. The study employed qualitative techniques of observation and
interviewing to gain a personal account from students’ perspectives. Several key references can
be applied to access programs in future research.
Participants expressed how impactful interactions with institutional agents were to their
successful navigation of higher education. Past research also pointed to the impact institutional
agents can have on student persistence. For interviewees, interaction with institutional agents
played a role in their engagement, sense of being welcomed, and their overall perception of their
ability to be successful. Engagement with institutional agents should be a pillar for access
programs.
Along with providing basic access to higher education, access programs are also
responsible for fully integrating students into the culture of higher education. Access programs
must take a multi-pronged approach to providing access. They should include a mentoring
component, establish a community within the larger campus community, and provide tangible
skills that help students successfully navigate higher education.
Recommendation for Research
Participants spoke of having inner personal motivation to be successful in higher
education. Future research should analyze the impact of personal motivation and on African
American males in higher education. An impactful area of study the research can address will
also be on the impact African American male faculty and staff in perceived positions of power
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 64
on university campuses have on the problems African American male students face on the
campus. Future research should also explore the impact the institutions abilities to provide
resources for access programs for African American males.
Conclusion
The study examined, from students’ perspectives, the factors that had an impact on their
retention and graduation rates. The study took a qualitative look at how access programs
structure addresses these factors and perceived barriers to increase retention and graduation rates
for African American males. The study employed interviews and observations to answer the
research question. Students reported that their personal motivation made a greater contribution to
their success. By creating access programs that help increase the student’s belief in their own
ability to be successful academically can impact access programs goal to increase retention and
graduation rates. They also identified the positive impact institutional agents have by expressing
the pivotal role these agents had on their success. The study also further highlighted the students’
aspiration to see more African American male faces in faculty and staff capacities on campus.
For the participants, this affected their openness to engage with the university. The study
revealed the participants were negatively affected by the university’s lack of support for access
programs. They received negative campus and societal influences through stereotyping, which
created a heightened level of pressure in their pursuit of degree attainment. The study highlighted
the impact positive and negative family can both have in impression on the participants. The
study emphasized the importance of focusing on increasing internal forms of motivation,
employing institutional agents as support systems, and increasing efforts to recruit African
American male faculty and staff. The study discovered there needs to more university-driven
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 65
support for current access programs, societal views cause pressure for participants, and families
can have a positive impact in multiple ways.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 66
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Appendix
Interview Protocol
Research Question Author Interview Question
RQ1 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
successful retention program for
African American Males in
higher education address identity
development and utilize
institutional agents to increase
retention and graduation rates
among this population?
Cross, W., & Fhagen-Smith,
P. (2001). Patterns of African
American identity
development: A life span
perspective.
How has your identity
development played a role
in your success with
participating in the access
program?
RQ2 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
African American male
participants in retention
programs view the programs’
efforts to address negative
societal views, role models
family support, and institutional
support?
Smith, W., Yosso, T., &
Solorzano, D. (2007). Racial
primes and Black misandry on
historically White campuses:
Toward critical race
accountability in educational
administration. Educational
Administration Quarterly,
43(5), 559-585.
How do you feel African
American males are
viewed in American
society?
RQ1 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
successful retention program for
African American Males in
higher education address identity
development and utilize
institutional agents to increase
retention and graduation rates
among this population?
Franklin, A. (1999).
Invisibility syndrome and
racial identity development in
psychotherapy and counseling
African American men
How have institutional
helped your ability to
persist in college?
RQ2 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
African American male
participants in retention
programs view the programs’
efforts to address negative
societal views, role models
family support, and institutional
support?
Hargrove, D. T., & Kim, E.
(2013). Deficit or Resilient: A
Critical Review of Black
Male Academic Success and
Persistence in Higher
Education. The Journal of
Negro Education, 82:3, 300 –
311
What impact has your
family had on your ability
to persist in college?
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 74
RQ1 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
successful retention program for
African American Males in
higher education address identity
development and utilize
institutional agents to increase
retention and graduation rates
among this population?
Taylor, C. M., & Howard-
Hamilton, M. (1995). Student
involvement and racial
identity attitudes among
African American males.
Journal of College Student
Development, 36(4), 330-336.
How has your personal
identity affected your
view of the access
programs’ effectiveness at
increasing the retention
and graduation rates?
RQ2 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
African American male
participants in retention
programs view the programs’
efforts to address negative
societal views, role models
family support, and institutional
support?
Smith, C., & Hung, L. (2008).
Stereotype threat: Effects on
education. Social Psychology
of Education: An
International Journal, 11(3),
243-257.
What has been the value
of role models for your
ability to persist in
college?
RQ1 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
successful retention program for
African American Males in
higher education address identity
development and utilize
institutional agents to increase
retention and graduation rates
among this population?
Wells, R. (2009). Social and
cultural capital, race and
ethnicity, and college student
retention. Journal of College
Student Retention: Research,
Theory & Practice, 10(2),
103-128
RQ2 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
African American male
participants in retention
programs view the programs’
efforts to address negative
societal views, role models
family support, and institutional
support?
Harper, S., & Quaye, S.
(2007). Student Organizations
as Venues for Black Identity
Expression and Development
Among African American
Male Leaders. Journal of
College Student Development;
48, 2; 127-144
How has the university
provided an atmosphere of
support through your
participation in the access
programs?
RQ1 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
successful retention program for
African American Males in
higher education address identity
development and utilize
institutional agents to increase
retention and graduation rates
among this population?
Harper, S., & Gasman, M.
(2008). Consequences of
conservatism: Black male
undergraduates and the
politics of historically black
colleges and universities.
Journal of Negro Education,
77(4), 336-351.
How would you describe
your experience with the
university’s support
programs or support
programs in general?
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 75
RQ2 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
African American male
participants in retention
programs view the programs’
efforts to address negative
societal views, role models
family support, and institutional
support?
Bennett, C. (2001). Genres of
research in multicultural
education. Review of
Educational Research, 71(2),
171-217.
What have you found has
contributed to your ability
to successfully complete
college?
RQ1 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
successful retention program for
African American Males in
higher education address identity
development and utilize
institutional agents to increase
retention and graduation rates
among this population?
Teranishi, R., & Briscoe, K.
(2008). Contextualizing race:
African American college
choice in an evolving
affirmative action era. The
Journal of Negro Education,
77(1), 15-26.
What is the university
currently doing to support
African American males
on campus?
RQ2 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
African American male
participants in retention
programs view the programs’
efforts to address negative
societal views, role models
family support, and institutional
support?
Ovink, S., & Veazey, B.
(2011). More than "getting us
through": A case study in
cultural capital enrichment of
underrepresented minority
undergraduates. Research in
Higher Education, 52(4), 370-
394.
What are the university’s
views on the retention
rates for African
American males?
RQ1 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
successful retention program for
African American Males in
higher education address identity
development and utilize
institutional agents to increase
retention and graduation rates
among this population?
Anglin, D. & Wade, J. (2007).
The effects of racial
socialization and racial
identity on Black students’
adjustment to college.
Cultural Diversity and Ethnic
Minority Psychology, 13, 207-
215.
How can the university
create opportunities to
support their African
American male student
population?
RQ1 From the perspective of
staff and students, how do
successful retention program for
African American Males in
higher education address identity
development and utilize
institutional agents to increase
retention and graduation rates
among this population?
Butler-Barnes, S., Cogburn,
C., Hurd, N., Sellers, R., &
Zimmerman, (2013). Racial
Identity and Depressive
Symptoms Among Black
Emerging Adults: The
Moderating Effects of
Neighborhood Racial
Composition. Developmental
Psychology, 49;5, 938-950
In your experience, how
have your previous
educational experiences
contributed to your ability
to be successful in
college?
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 76
Interview Questions
1. How has your identity development played a role in your success with participating in the
access program?
2. How do you feel African American males are viewed in American society?
3. How has the effects of institutional agents played in early your ability to persist in
college?
4. What impact has your family involvement had all your ability to persist in college?
5. What has been the value of role models for your ability to persist in college?
6. How has the University providing an atmosphere of support through your participation in
the access programs?
7. How has your identity development affected your view of the access programs’
effectiveness at increasing the retention and graduation rates?
8. How would you describe your experience with the University’s support programs or
support programs in general?
9. What is the University currently doing to support African American males on campus?
10. How can the University create opportunities to support their African American male
student population?
11. What are the universities views on the retention rates for African American males?
12. What have you found has contributed to your ability to successfully complete college?
13. In your experience, how has your previous educational experiences contributed to your
ability to be successful in college?
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 77
Alignment with research questions
Research Question Interview Question
From the perspective of the students, how do successful retention
program for African American Males in higher education address
identity development and utilize institutional agents to increase
retention and graduation rates among this population?
1, 3,6,7,8,9,12
From the perspective of the students, how do African American male
participants in retention programs view the programs’ efforts to address
negative societal views, role models family support, and institutional
support?
2,4,5,10,11,13
Table 2.
Interviews
Participants Years of
Experience in
Higher
Education
Major Length of
Interview
Participant 1:
Transfer Student
“Miles”
6
th
year Print Journalism 40
Participant 2:
Native Student
“Oliver”
5
th
year Engineering 36
Participant 3:
Native Student
“Johnathan”
2016 Graduate Communication
(Public Relations)
35
Participant 4:
Native Student
“Andrew”
3
rd
year Kinesiology 37
Participant 5:
Native Student
“Travis”
4
th
year Computer Science 38
Participant 6:
Native Student
“Darrell”
2016 Graduate Communication/
African American
Studies
40
Participant 7:
Native Student
“Alex”
5
th
year International
Business
32
Participant 8:
Native Student
“Kevin”
3
rd
year Political Science 34
Table 3.
Observations
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES 78
Site Setting Participants Length of
Observation
CSU campus located
in southern region
Male success monthly
workshop
Participants in an
initiative to increase
minority male
success
65
CSU campus located
in southern region
Male success
bimonthly group
meeting
Participants in a
campus initiative to
increase minority
male success
65
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
Lower retention rates for African American males in higher education are reaching levels of concern. This study explored areas such as stereotype threat, family and social influences, and the impact of role models to gauge their effect on these rates. Results of the study show that African American males in higher education believed they benefited from an increase in engagement with institutional agents, an increased presence of African American male faculty staff, and access programs that create a sense of welcoming and create a community atmosphere at institutions of higher education.
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Anderson, Rodney N., Sr.
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Core Title
College access: a qualitative look at access programs for African American males in higher education
School
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Doctor of Education
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Education (Leadership)
Degree Conferral Date
2017-05
Publication Date
04/18/2017
Defense Date
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