Four year college access for undocumented Latino students

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Content Running Head: COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 1
FOUR-YEAR COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS

by

Maurice Burman

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2013

Copyright 2013 Maurice Burman
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 2

Acknowledgements
Thanks to my family for all their love and support throughout my educational career.
Your prayers, well wishes, words of encouragement and support have gotten me to this point.
Thank you to all the students I have had the pleasure of working with throughout the years who
have taught me many valuable lessons. Lastly, thank you to all the teachers whom I believe
provided me with a quality education.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 3

Table of Contents
Acknowledgements 2

List of Tables 5

Abstract 6

Chapter 1: Overview of the Study 7
Introduction of the Problem 7
Background of the Problem 9
Statement of the problem 12
Purpose of the Study 16
Research Questions 17
Significance of the Study 17
Limitations and Delimitations 18
Definitions and Terms 18
Organization of the Study 19

Chapter 2: Literature Review 20
Policy affecting Undocumented Students 21
Plyler v. Doe 21
AB 540 legislation 22
DREAM Act 23
AB 131 24
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) initiative 25
Educational Status of Latinos 26
What Are the Obstacles to Overcome to Enroll in College? 28
Conclusion 41
Role of Institutional Agents 43
Origin of theory 43
Stanton-Salazar’s view of Social Capital 45
Institutional Agents 48

Chapter 3: Methodology 57
Site Selection 58
Participant Selection 60
Instrumentation 61
Data Collection 62
Interviews 62
Trustworthiness of the data 63
Reliability/Validity 64
Researcher Bias 64
Ethical Concerns 65
Data Analysis 65
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 4

Limitations of the study 67

Chapter 4: Results 68
Participants 68
Student One: Madison 71
Student Two: Robert 72
Student Four: Eugene 74
Student Five: John 75
Student Six: Esther 76
Student Seven: Rachel 77
Student Eight: Irene 78
Results for Research Question One 79
Curriculum and academic track 80
College knowledge and guidance 82
Family assistance and support 86
Discussion 86
Results for Research Question Two 88
Lack of knowledge 88
Discouragement from school officials 92
Money and financial resources 94
Discussion 96
Results for Research Question Three 97
Teacher interaction 97
Counselor interaction 99
Assistance provided 100
Discussion 102
Summary of Results 103

Chapter 5: Discussion of the Findings 106
Methodological issues 107
Summary of Findings 107
Implications for Practice 112
Future Research 114
Conclusion 116

References 118

Appendix: Interview Protocol Questions 128

COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 5

List of Tables
Table 1 Participant Academics 69
Table 2 Participants’ College Applications and Acceptance 69
Table 3 Participants’ College Enrollment 70
Table 4 College Application Decision Factors 70
Table 5 College Preparatory Program Participation 71

COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 6

Abstract
This qualitative study explored how undocumented Latino immigrants navigated the
educational pipeline to accomplish their goal of pursuing postsecondary studies. Eight (4 male
and 4 female) undocumented Latino immigrants participated in in-depth qualitative interviews in
which they answered questions about their educational experiences leading up to their enrollment
in college. Participants were drawn from university campuses in the state of California. Study
findings were reviewed in the context of research in the areas of social capital and college
access. The purpose of this study was to explore the barriers faced by undocumented Latino
immigrants in their pursuit of higher education and what factors made it possible for this
population to enroll in four-year colleges/universities directly after high school graduation. Four
findings emerged from this study: schools do an inadequate job of academic advisement for
undocumented students, institutional agents were sources of support and assistance for
undocumented students, all stakeholders represented lack of knowledge, and counselors were not
the only individuals who provided access to college. This new knowledge will ideally assist
educators and other interested individuals in becoming more informed about the plight of
underrepresented groups of students who aspire to attend college.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 7

Chapter 1: Overview of the Study
Introduction of the Problem
The researcher worked as a high school academic counselor for four-years at a large
urban high school in inner city Los Angeles, California. This high school had one of the largest
student enrollments in the United States. At one point, this school enrolled roughly 4500
students. Approximately 92% of these students were of Latino descent. Students at the high
school typically came from low-income households headed by adults with less than a high school
diploma. The percentage of undocumented students at this school wasnot known because
students were not labeled in the student information system based on their citizenship status.
Undocumented students are individuals enrolled in the K-12 educational system who: 1) entered
the United States without authorization or 2) entered with authorization but remained in the
United States after that authorization expired. Their parents or other relatives brought them to
this country, often without their having any say in the matter. (UCLA Center for Labor Research
and Education, 2007).
The researcher’s educational work experience as a substitute teacher and academic
counselor provided the opportunity to experience firsthand the challenges students at this school
experienced in their efforts to graduate from high school and pursue postsecondary educational
opportunities. Sociologist Angela Valenzuela (1999) described many of the challenges
witnessed such as devaluation of students’ cultural background and funds of knowledge. Many
Latino students attend schools that are characterized as having a lack of qualified teachers, a lack
of rigorous academic instruction, low expectations, large class enrollments, and high teacher
turnover. Lastly, due to forces beyond students’ control, minimal or no assistance in navigating
the pathway to four-year college/university attendance is provided or available.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 8

As a high school counselor, a major responsibility was to advise and counsel students
about their post- high school plans such as postsecondary educational opportunities or career and
vocational guidance (LAUSD, 2012;American School Counselor Association, 2006). To
complete the preceding tasks, a counselor needs to have access to the student’s personal and
academic information, including grades earned in high school, curriculum track, and special
education designation, if applicable. The computer system used for acquiring the previously
mentioned sources of data did not designate a student as undocumented versus documented. A
student’s citizenship status was only disclosed while advising the student on his/her college
plans. All students, regardless of documentation status, received the same college advisement
information based on their academic achievement.
There is one academic advisement session during the researcher’s second year as an
academic counselor that is most memorable. A 12
th
grade undocumented Latino male student
was called into the office to discuss his grades and post-high school plans. The researcher told
the student that he should consider applying to a California State University (CSU) campus
because his grade point average in the A-G college preparatory courses qualified the student for
CSU admissions. CSU admissions require that students complete the following: 4 years of
English, 3 years of Mathematics, 2 years of science, 2 years of foreign language, 2 years of
history, 1 year of visual/performing art, and 1 year of a college preparatory elective. The student
needed to have earned at least a 2.0 in these courses with no grade lower than a C and earn a
qualifying score on the SAT or ACT exam (CSUMentor, 2012).The researcher never
recommended two-year community college as a first choice to a student who was four-year
college/university admission eligible. The student responded: “I’m going to a community college
right after high school because I’m undocumented and have no papers and I can’t afford to go
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 9

directly to a four-year college or university directly after high school”. The student’s response
was both angering and frustrating. The student had made an extraordinary effort to make up his
D and Fail grades to raise his grade point average to become four-year college/university
eligible. His statement was concerning for two reasons: First, the thought that he would have to
go to a community college instead of a four-year college which he qualified for simply because
he was not born in America and could not qualify for government financial assistance was
horrific. This concern stemmed from conversations with counseling colleagues regarding the low
transfer rates from community colleges into four-year institutions. Secondly, school counseling
training was not adequate preparation to truly work with diverse student populations, including
undocumented students, special education students, and limited English proficient students.
After this student successfully graduated from high school and entered a community
college in the fall, there were many more students like him--undocumented Latino students with
college aspirations and who were academically qualified for a four-year college, yet the lack of
citizenship or other legal authorization thwarted their dreams. Consequently, the financial
ramifications of attending a four-year college for a noncitizen leave the community college as the
stepping stone towards higher education. Hence, this situation served as the motivation for an
investigation as to how undocumented Latino students access postsecondary educational
opportunities with an emphasis on the institutional agent(s) who altered their destinies.
Background of the Problem
College access or postsecondary education access is an often discussed topic among
educators, college admissions personnel, and policymakers(National Council for Education
Statistics, 2007). The research literature offers no exact definition of college access.
Postsecondary institutions can best be described as either a college or university that is
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 10

designated as an institution of higher learning which provides students the opportunity to earn an
education in a field of their choosing. The challenges to college access go beyond just
acceptance to a post-secondary program. They include the obstacles that often deter many
students, especially students of color, from finishing a post-secondary degree (Education Week,
2013). Combining these two definitions suggests that postsecondary education access can best
be defined as the likelihood of a student to enroll in some form of postsecondary education after
high school whether or not the student formally graduated high school. These different forms of
postsecondary education include a baccalaureate program at a four-year college or university, a
certificate or an associate’s degree program at a 2-year college, or a vocational program at a 2-
year or less-than-2 year institution (National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), 1998).
Some important components of college access, as suggested in the literature, are
completion of a rigorous college preparatory curriculum in high school, participation in
mandatory college entrance exams (i.e. SAT or ACT), attending a school with a college-going
culture, knowledge of financial aid applications and opportunities, high expectations of students
from parents and families, teachers, and other key stakeholders (Vela-Gude et al., 2009; Perna et
al., 2008).Four-year colleges as described briefly above are the primary focus of college access
arguments because successful completion of high school or turning age 18 does not ensure
guaranteed admissions to four-year post-secondary institutions as is the case of two year
community colleges. For example, to qualify for admission into a California community college,
the individual must meet one of the following requirements: (1) the individual must be at least 18
years old or (2) the individual needs to have a high school diploma or (3) the equivalent of a high
school diploma, such as a GED (California Education Roundtable, 2006).The mission of The
California Community Colleges is (a) to offer academic and vocational instruction at the lower
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 11

division level for both younger and older students, including those persons returning to school,
(b) to provide remedial instruction for those in need of it, and(c) to prepare students for transfer
into a four-year college or university (University of California, 2012).
College access would not be a highly contested issue in our society if inequities did not
exist among different groups of individuals in our society (NCES, 1998). For example, African
American males are most likely to be labeled as learning disabled and subsequently placed into
the special education curriculum track (Vallas, 2009). By virtue of their academic program,
these students, most times, will be prohibited from gaining access to a four-year postsecondary
institution immediately following high school (Oesterreich& Knight, 2008). Latinos are another
group of individuals that who experience inequitable educational outcomes in terms of
postsecondary education access (Oesterreich& Knight, 2008). Kimura-Walsh (2009) cited a
study that found that two thirds of Latino students were enrolled at community colleges with the
remaining third at four-year institutions. For white students, the trend was reversed; the majority
of students were enrolled at four-year as opposed to two-year colleges. This stark contrast in
access and enrollment patterns for the different groups of students is problematic. Volumes of
research suggest that many students who enroll in a community college upon high school
graduation fail to earn a two-year degree or transfer to a four-year college or university in an
acceptable amount of time (Oseguera et al., 2009; Perez &McDonough, 2008). This disparity
between the two groups is a cause for concern among individuals seeking to ensure equitable
outcomes for all students and especially those members of society who are even more
disenfranchised based on socioeconomic status, language barriers, and racial and ethnic
discrimination.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 12

The Urban Institute estimates that there are about 1.4 million undocumented children
under the age of 18 residing in the United States and 1.1 million of these individuals are school
aged (Ruge&Iza, 2005). Approximately, 50,000 to 65,000 undocumented immigrants graduate
from US high schools every year. Despite this large number, the dropout rate persists. For
example, in 2002, the dropout rate for immigrant Latinos over 16 attending US secondary
schools was estimated at 44.2% (Ruge&Iza, 2005).The statistics for the postsecondary
enrollment patterns of Hispanics show that this student population is less likely to complete a
four-year college degree after graduating from high school (Ruge&Iza, 2005;Osegueraet al.
2009). During the academic 2008-2009 academic year, Hispanics earned 8.1% of all
bachelor’sdegrees conferred (National Center for Education Statistics, 2013).Based on
enrollment data for the years 2007 to2010, the following statistics provide some insight into the
number of undocumented students enrolled in the three systems of California colleges: 0.18% of
University of California (UC) campus enrollment, 0.83% of total California State University
(CSU) campus, and 1.17% of total Community College (CC) campus total enrollments
respectively (Educators for Fair Consideration, 2012).
Statement of the problem
Undocumented Latino individuals are underrepresented on postsecondary campuses
throughout the nation. There are growing numbers of students of color in the K-12 student
population and they do not graduate from college at disproportionate rates (Carter, 2006).
Latinos continue to be under-represented among those enrolling in and completing a
postsecondary education. Using college access as the context for underrepresentation, the
numbers of Latino undocumented students in college should be in direct proportion to
thecollege-eligible studentpopulation in the U.S. Castillo (1984) assertedthat undocumented
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 13

Latino students are one group of students whoare underrepresented in two-year and four-year
colleges and universities. This underrepresentation is caused by myriad challenges and obstacles
that these students must overcome in their pursuit of higher education. Some challenges are at
the systemic or federal level, which include federal and state policies that indirectly prohibit
access to higher education for this group of individuals. For example, governmental policies are
in existence that greatly influence and affect an individual’s post-high school opportunities.
There are laws and policies that restrict undocumented students from being able to qualify for
financial aid from the US government to pay their college expenses (Kiyama, 2010; Perez,
2010). The inability to qualify for government financial aid coupled with the low socioeconomic
status of many undocumented families make access to a college education out of reach for many
deserving students.
In addition to combating federally mandated policies, these students must also overcome
institutional roadblocks and deal with their own idiosyncratic issues and dilemmas, such as level
of motivation, which prohibit their access to any form of college education. The institutional
roadblocks that students encounter in the educational system from primary through secondary
schooling are numerous and sometimes seem insurmountable: enrollment at inferior quality
schools (Chavez et al., 2007), lack of access to high quality instruction (Corwin et al., 2005),
relegation to vocational and regular academic tracks(Gonzales, 2010), overcrowded schooling
conditions (Abrego, 2006), devaluation of cultural background in the school setting
(Valenzuela,1999), and low expectations from teachers, counselors, and other school staff
(Gonzales, 2010). For students who may not have to deal with the aforementioned problems,
many undocumented students deal with their own idiosyncratic issues such as a reluctance to
engage in help-seeking behavior (Stanton-Salazar, 2001, 2010).This is more likely restricted to
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 14

males rather than females and may be caused by embarrassment due to limited English
proficiency (Rodriguez & Cruz, 2009; Suarez-Orozco, Onaga, &Lardemelle, 2010), family’s
level of social capital (Perna& Titus, 2005), and/or inability to qualify for financial aid and
scholarships (Flores & Chapa, 2009; Diaz-Strong et.al., 2011), among a host of other well-
researched and documented reasons. Despite all the struggles these students have to triumph
over to access their college dreams, some students are able to find a path to reach their endeavors
(Coronado, 2008; Hernandez et. al., 2010).
Undocumented students who are not given the opportunity to pursue a college education
represent talent loss forsociety. Talent loss is described as the occurrence of promising students’
not reaching their full educational potential (Plank & Jordan, 2001). The individual student is
affected because he/she is not given the opportunity to further develop his/her intellectual
capacities and learn the skills and knowledge required for intended or future profession. Some
undocumented students enrolled in the K-12 educational system may begin to experience
negative educational outcomes (i.e. increase in dropout rates) if they are aware that working hard
during their primary and secondary schooling years does not translate into material, financial,
emotional and personal benefits once they complete high school (Abrego, 2006; Gandara, 2010).
Treating undocumented students as if they were the same as their US counterparts (i.e.
both groups have the right to a free and appropriate education during the K-12 years) up until
they graduate high school is a practice that requires close examination. GandaraandContreras
(2009) state that these students, for the most part, receive the same educational benefits as their
US born peers but face restricted access in exploring college opportunities.
Studentswho are successful and enroll in any form of a postsecondary institution, do so,
many times, with assistance from important people in their lives. These influential individuals
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 15

can include family acquaintances, teachers, counselors, mentors, college outreach personnel, and
staff members in extracurricular programs. These mentors are referred to in the research
literature as institutional agents (Stanton-Salazar, 2010).
There is an abundance of literature about college access for various groups of individuals
in the US (McDonough, 2005; Tierney &Colyar, 2009). However, the scope of the research
literature is extremely limited. Latinos are well documented as a panethnic group in the research
literature, but subgroups within the Latino demographic are not explored in great detail (Abrego,
2006). Undocumented Latino students are not commonly found among the research samples
cited in studies regarding college access for either two- or four-year postsecondary institutions.
More research literature should be conducted that provides in-depth qualitative narrative
accounts of the lived experiences of these students in addition to the abundance of existing
literature that discusses the obstacles these students face in their pursuit of higher education.
Further research is needed regarding this problem to inform members of society regarding the
array of issues that these students face in hopes that policymakers and other change agents will
take this information and use it as a guide in planning how they work with this student
population.
Individuals who favor not granting financial aid to undocumented students argue that this
ensures that US born citizens are not cheated out of resources that belong to them. This common
idea that undocumented individuals are a strain on the US economy is not accurate (Perez, 2009).
The problem of undocumented students’ not having access to a college education affects
everyone: the individual, their community, and society(Educators for Fair Consideration, 2012).
The individual is affected because s/hemay lose the motivation to work hard in primary and
secondary school if they know that, upon graduating from high school, there is no incentive or
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 16

benefit for making the effort to work hard in their prior educational years. Society is at a
disadvantage if undocumented students are not able to pursue a college education. These
individuals represent valuable human capital in the form of future doctors, scientists, engineers,
educators, social service personnel, as well as a variety of other professions that contribute to the
well-being of all citizens. For example, in the field of education, there is a shortage of
mathematics and science teachers nationwide (Sterling, 2004). Providing and enabling access to
a college education for undocumented students is one method of helping to increase the supply
of well qualified and capable mathematics and science teachers to educate the future generations.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to explore the educational experiences of undocumented
Latino students with a discussion of the role of enacted policies at the governmental and
institutional level and barriers students face in their pursuit of higher education. Description and
analysis of the role of institutional agents in providing college access is explored in this study.
Lastly, this study sought to explore any differences in educational experiences between those
students who enrolled in a community college versus those at a four-year college/university
immediately after completing high school. A social capital framework drawn from social
reproduction theory was utilized to examine how students’ ability orinability to acquire social
capital influenced their college access and ultimate enrollment. The experiences of these study
participants were documented in the form of semi-structured qualitative interviews.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 17

Research Questions
Three research questions guided this study:
1. What factors contributed to the enrollment of undocumented college Latino students in a
California four-year public institution versus a California two-year community college?
2. What are the barriers to college admissions and access for undocumented Latino students?
3. How do institutional agents alter the destinies of undocumentedcollege Latino students?
Significance of the Study
This study contributes to the existing research literature because it examines the obstacles
and strategies for access to postsecondary educational opportunities of undocumented Latino
students. Few studies have examined the differences in educational experiences and outcomes
for undocumented students in two year colleges in comparison to those in four-year colleges or
universities (Kimura-Walsh et al., 2009; Oliverez, 2006; Perez, 2009, 2010;Perez et al., 2009;
Perez & McDonough, 2008).
This study provides the opportunity for a sample of students to share their experiences in
trying to navigate successfully the educational system to pursue postsecondary studies. The
findings of this study benefit stakeholders who directly or indirectly interact with undocumented
students. Counselors, teachers, administrators, and student affairs professionals can use the
contents of this study to help gain a better understanding of the lived experiences of
undocumented students. Ideally, the results and conclusions from this study would serve as a
guide or framework for counselors who work in the K-12 setting and academic outreach and
admissions representatives at the college level. Classroom teachers benefit from this study
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 18

because it challenges the individual to closely examine the responsibilities and duties of a
classroom teacher. This time spent with the student may alter the destinies of these individuals
by providing them with support, guidance, college knowledge, and other important college
information. This study challenges those individuals in positions of authority, such as principals
and assistant principals, to evaluate the policies and procedures on their respective school
campuses to ensure that they provide equitable outcomes for all students regardless of
background.
Limitations and Delimitations
The sample size of eight participants might initially be seen as a major limitation of this
study. However, this study is a qualitative work designed to generate new findings rather than to
test hypotheses. While there are only eight participants, the ethnographic interviews are
designed to gather much data and to strengthen the voice of the participants. Also, the sample
was taken from public institutions, which does not provide knowledge about undocumented
students at private four-year colleges/universities. Another limitation apparent in this study is
the use of self-report to gather information from participants. Lastly, the informants were being
asked to recall information from childhood up until the present and the individuals may have
forgotten important pieces of information that could alter the final results of the data collected.
Definitions and Terms
The following terms are referred to throughout this study:
 Undocumented students: school-aged individuals who do not hold legal authorization to
reside in the United States. Many of these individuals were brought to the United States
by their parents when they were young children. (UCLA Center for Labor Research and
Education, 2007)
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 19

 Institutional agent: individuals who possess resources—both intellectual and social—and
use those resources on behalf of students to help them reach desired goals such as college
acceptance (Stanton-Salazar, 2010).
 Social capital: relationships and networks of associations held by a person that provide
access to a desired goal by providing key resources for an individual.
 College access: the ability of an individual to meet the requirements necessary to be
successfully admitted into a college given that the individual is provided with the
necessary preparation.
 Postsecondary education/institution: an institution of higher education that an individual
enrolls in following their completion of high school in order to earn a degree, certificate,
or for enrichment coursework; this can either be a community college, four-year private
college or university, or four-year public university.
Organization of the Study
The study begins with a literature review that includes research about college access for
undocumented Latino students. The research focuses on the educational policies and laws that
shape the k -12 and beyond educational experiences of this population, barriers students face in
their pursuit of higher education, and the role of institutional agents in providing access to
college for undocumented Latino students. The methodology is discussed after the literature
review. Chapter 4 provides a discussion of the results gathered from conducting the study. The
final part of the study includes a summary of the findings, implications for practice, and areas for
future research.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 20

Chapter 2: Literature Review
Restrictive policies enforced by governmental bodies and other structural and
institutional barriers greatly affect college access opportunities for undocumented
students(Louie, 2005).Obtaining a college education is paramount given the nation’s reliance on
an educated work force(Georgetown Public Policy Institute, 2009). The work force requires
individuals from all backgrounds who are able to operatein a technology-driven and globalized
economy. Besides stimulating the livelihood of the nation as a whole, one’s ability to earn a
college degree ideally produces a dividend on their investment for the individual (Educators for
Fair Consideration, 2012).
The researcher examined research and theoretical literature that discussed college access
for undocumented Latino and other marginalized students. Most of the literature on college
access and Latino students pertains to those who are characterized as documented. College
access in the context of this study is defined as an individual having the appropriate and
necessary information, skills, and resources that are needed to apply and be eligible for college
or university admission. Only the literature that directly or indirectly examined college access
for undocumented Latino students using a social capital theoretical framework/approach is
discussed in this literature review. Literature pertaining to the aforementioned was used because
one of the aims of this study was to better understand how these students interacted within their
respective networks to accomplish their various goals with respect to accessing college.
The concept of social capital is based on the premise that people are involved in social
networks with influential and resourceful others, and these associations with others have the
potential to help people achieve a desired outcome such as securing a job, access to college
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 21

scholarship information, or privileged information on the college admissions process (Stanton-
Salazar, 2007). With respect to undocumented Latino students and college access, the student’s
ability or inability to acquire social capital greatly shapes their postsecondary educational
opportunities.
Given that undocumented students are underrepresented on the campuses of many
colleges and universities, it is important to explore the reasons behind this condition. The
literature provided in this review discusses and highlights the current educational status of Latino
students in this country. Secondly, policies that affect college access opportunities for
undocumented Latino students are discussed in addition to the implications of these formal and
informal laws. Thirdly, this literature review provides a discussion of the obstacles and barriers
these students face in attempting to gain college access. In considering that the students face
numerous and sometimes insurmountable challenges in their pursuit of a college education, it is
important to explore the role of institutional agents. These individuals represent a form of social
capital for college-bound students because they have the power and potential to alter a student’s
educational trajectory based on their interactions or encounters with selected students.
Policy affecting Undocumented Students
Plyler v. Doe. Federal and state governments passed various policies to help
undocumented immigrant individuals. One federal landmark policy, Plyler v. Doe (1982),
stipulated minimum education provisions for undocumented K-12 children. Previously, the state
of Texas held a statute that banned undocumented immigrant children access to a free primary
and secondary public education (Washington University Law Quarterly, 2004). The Plyler v.
Doe decision ruled that the Texas statute was unconstitutional because it violated the Equal
Protection clause of the 14
th
Amendment (Washington University Law Quarterly, 2004). The
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 22

Equal Protection clause of the 14
th
amendment states that “all individuals are granted equal
protection under the law”. This law states that all individuals within the United States receive
the same treatment regardless of their country of origin. This decision granted undocumented
children ages 6-18 the right to a free and appropriate primary and secondarypubliceducation.
These students would not have to provide documentation of their citizenship status when seeking
to enroll in the public school system. Plyler v. Doe, however, did not address any rights or
access to postsecondary education. Individuals would not have any educational rights and
privileges after the age of 18, regardless of completion or non-completion of high school.
Given the economic backgrounds of many undocumented immigrants and their families,
the ability to finance a college education is practically impossible. Several states have
recognized that Plyler v. Doe does not address postsecondary opportunities for undocumented
students and does not address the costs associated with college attendance. Plyler v. Doe allowed
these children to attend K-12 schools by essentially adoptinga “don’t ask, don’t tell”
policy.However, when these children turned 18 years of age, they no longer had the protection of
the law. Instead, they were again undocumented persons without the legal right to reside or work
in the United States.
AB 540 legislation.California is one of the states that have taken an initiative to help
reduce the roadblocks these students face in financing their college endeavors. Assembly Bill
540 (AB 540) allows California residents, regardless of their immigration status, to pay in-state
tuition rates at California public colleges and universities (Abrego, 2008). These postsecondary
institutions include the California Community Colleges (sometimes referred to as junior colleges
or community colleges), the California State University system schools (CSU’s), and the
University of California system schools (UC’s). To qualify for this exemption, students must
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 23

have attended a California high school for at least 3 years and have successfully earned a high
school diploma or its equivalent (Abrego, 2008). This state policy provided greater access to
postsecondary institutions for undocumented individuals but was limited in addressing the
financial conditions of many undocumented students. In particular, these students do not qualify
for any federal or state financial assistance to help cover their college costs.AB 540 reduced the
price tag associated with attending and accessing college, but, despite this major change, many
California public colleges and universities remain unaffordable for most undocumented
immigrant families. Individuals who manage to secure the resources to pay for college are at a
huge advantage over their counterparts who are not as fortunate. However, upon completing
college and earning a degree, they are thrust again into the real world where all their hard work
seems to be in vain because of immigration status. Unfortunately, an undocumented student
armed with a college degree is in no better position than his/her undocumented counterpart who
failed to earn a college degree. Despite this troubling reality, many undocumented students
continue to pursue college as a goal and successfully earn a baccalaureate degree.
DREAM Act. Plyler v. Doe and AB 540 were instrumental in laying a foundation for
educational access for undocumented students, but both fail to adequately address the citizenship
status dilemma that plagues undocumented individuals. The DREAM Act, which, at the time of
this study, wasa pending federal legislation bill, would allow “respective states to offer in state
benefits to undocumented students and alter the immigration status of long-term United States
residents.”(Washington University Law Quarterly, 2004). Passage of the DREAM ACT
legislation would finally provide undocumented students with access to state and federal
financial aid to help finance a college education. Arguably, even more important is the legislative
component that would allow these students to become legal permanent residents. This change in
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 24

status from undocumented individual or “illegal alien” to legal permanent resident status greatly
alters the life course of the affected person. This individual would be able to capitalize on his/her
hard work, dedication, and motivation to earn a college degree and legally seek gainful
employment in our society. Currently, degree-holding undocumented individuals are relegated
to jobs and working environments that are not commensurate with their educational
qualifications and experience. Enactment of the act would allow undocumented students the
opportunity to become US citizens and, arguably most important, legally work in the United
States. Upon successful completion of a college degree, the student would be able to become a
US citizen. The federal version of the DREAM ACT has the following
stipulations/requirements: The individual must (1) graduate from a two-year college or certain
vocational colleges, or study for at least two years toward a BA or higher degree or (2) serve in
the US armed forces for at least two years. Upon meeting one of the requirements, the individual
would be classified as a permanent resident which would allow him/her to legally obtain a
driver’s license, secure more stable employment, and continue his/herschooling if desired
(National Immigration Law Center, 2011).
AB 131. The state of California leads the nation in extending financial assistance to AB
540 students. This is at the state level, though, and has no bearing on federal financial aid
policies and procedures. Governor Jerry Brown signed Assembly Bill 131 (AB 131) which
included the following provisions/specifics: any student who qualifies for the AB 540
nonresident tuition exemption is eligible to apply and receive Cal Grant awards and grants and
scholarships awarded by California public colleges and universities. AB 540 students would be
eligible to receive Cal Grant awards as part of their financial aid package during the 2013-2014
school year. The California Student Aid Commission, which is the agency which processes Cal
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 25

Grant applications, will determine the application process. This extension of Cal Grants to AB
540 students may seem like the solution to all the college access issues faced by these students,
but it is a small step amongst the host of other policy-related issues that these students must
overcome to earn a college degree.
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) initiative. In addition to the above,
the federal government introduced another initiative to provide assistance to immigrants hoping
to secure a better future for themselves. On June 15, 2012, the Obama administration announced
the “Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals” (DACA) initiative. When an immigrant is granted
“deferred action,” it means the Department of Homeland Security deemed the individual a low
priority for immigration enforcement and exercised its discretion to not deport the individual.
This initiative makes no provision of a green card or citizenship in the future. In order to qualify
for deferred action, the individual must meet the following criteria: (a) have arrived in the United
States before his/her 16
th
birthday, (b) be younger than 31 years of age with no valid immigration
status on June 15, 2012, (c) have continuously resided in the United States between June 15,
2007 and the present (d) be enrolled in school, have graduated from high school, obtained a
GED, or have been honorably discharged from the Armed Forces, and (e) have not been
convicted of a felony, a “significant” misdemeanor, or three or more other misdemeanors, and
must not otherwise pose a threat to national security or public safety(Immigration Policy Center).
One significant outcome of the DACA initiative is that it would allow immigrants who are
granted deferred action the right to work legally in the United States. This is a tremendous
milestone and stepping stone because, at the time of this study, undocumented immigrants were
not allowed to work legally in the United States and,oftentimes, wererestricted to low-skilled and
low-wage employment. This initiative would potentially allow for undocumented immigrants
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 26

who manage to successfully complete collegiate studies to seek employment in higher paying-
sectors or higher-skilled arenas (i.e. jobs related to a college major). However, this initiative
does not address issues of educational inequity pertaining to undocumented immigrants. Also,
deferred action does not mean recipients will be eligible for driver’s licenses, reduced tuition, or
other state benefits.
Educational Status of Latinos
Beginning in the earliest levels of education, Latinos face situations that distinguish them
from other groups of students. Saenz and Ponjuan (2009) provide a discussion of the educational
status of Latino males in the United States. Latino males are not enrolled in early childhood
centers at the same rates as Latino females or other groups of children. When Latino male
students reach the primary school setting, the schools are more likely to diagnose them as
children with learning disabilities. This may be attributable to their lack of English proficiency
or misidentified behavior and attention issues or problems that result in a misclassification as
learning disabled. This designation as learning disabled contributes to their overrepresentation in
special education programs on many school campuses. Most of the data and research on Latino
students focuses on those who were born in the United States. Conclusions and assumptions are
oftentimes taken from this group of individuals and placed on similar individuals such as
undocumented Latino immigrants. The cultural heritage of the two groups may be the same, but
their incorporation patterns into society greatly affect their experiences within the educational
institutions of our society. The social scientist John Ogbu expressed that there were several types
of minority individuals in society and these students occupy school campuses across our nation
(Foster, 2005). One type, voluntary or immigrant minority individuals, enter a host society to
improve their social, political, and economic status in life. Oftentimes, these individuals
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 27

compare their schooling conditions in their present country or home with their former life and
are greatly appreciative of all the opportunities that they are afforded within the educational
system despite the boundaries and limitations that do exist. These students hold the view of
school as being instrumental and an additive process in helping to achieve their desired end goals
(i.e. gaining college acceptance and ultimately earning a college degree and securing a well-
paying job). Involuntary minority groups, such as African Americans and Native Americans,
were bought to this country under enslavement conditions and/or were designated or relegated to
a subordinated status in the new society. The view of school held by involuntary minorities can
be typified as oppositional and a subtractive learning experience. John Ogbusuggested that one’s
incorporation pattern into American society determines minority status and greatly influences the
minority individual’s beliefs, actions, and views regarding society.
Individuals of Latino descent are not experiencing the same educational outcomes as their
counterparts from other backgrounds. For example, Latinos have one of the highest high school
dropout rates of any group. In the year 2000, only 64% of Latinos had completed high school
compared to92% of Whites and 84% of African Americans aged 18 to 2four-years (US
Department of Education, 2003). Their prospects after finishing high school are not as stellar or
laudable as many stakeholders would desire. Research suggests that Latinos are overrepresented
in two-year colleges, proportionate to their four-year college or university attendance and that of
their native peers (Gildersleeve and Ranero, 2010). The aforementioned fact is problematic
because many individuals who begin their postsecondary educational career at a community
college generally do not transfer into a four-year postsecondary institution although, upon high
school graduation, many of these same students were academically eligible to enroll in either a
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 28

community college or a four-year private or public university in order to further their educational
career.
What Are the Obstacles to Overcome to Enroll in College?
Students from all backgrounds face many barriers in their pursuit of higher education.
Undocumented students with aspirations to attend college must not only overcome the same
barriers as their counterparts, but they must overcome additional obstacles based on their
incorporation into society. The obstacles faced by these students arise from the various contexts
in which they operate such as family environment, personal factors, and school environment.
Many of the obstacles that undocumented students face are rooted in various aspects of the
school environment.
Children ages 6 to 18 years spend a substantial amount of time in the school setting.
There are some problems in the school environments that some students attend which can affect
later educational outcomes (Borling and Dowling, 2010; Willms, 2010). Some barriers that exist
in the school setting include lack of highly qualified teachers, lack of resources (Valenzuela,
1999), lack of rigorous instruction or academic preparation for college (Engle, 2007), lack of
college advisement and guidance(Center for American Progress, 2009;McDonough, 2004). The
educational experiences of students are affected or influenced by many factors such as race,
culture, socioeconomic status, English proficiency level, quality of middle and high school
attended, access to academic and enrichment resources and programs, school curriculum track
(i.e. special education, gifted, honors/advanced placement) and interactions with school staff and
personnel (Lucia Chavez et al., 2007; Gildersleeve&Ranero, 2010; Gonzales, 2010; Rodriguez &
Cruz, 2009;;). These interactions have an impact on the postsecondary aspirations and plans of
many high school students (Plank & Jordan, 2001). Given that students spend a substantial
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 29

amount of their time in some form of school setting, this section discusses the school-related
obstacles that undocumented students must overcome to enroll in college at either a two-year or
a four-year college/university.
Gonzalez, Stoner, and Jovel (2003) conducted a qualitative study that examined the
role/influence of social capital on the postsecondary outcomes of a group of Latina students. The
authors explored the following three research questions: (1) In what ways were the k-12
schooling experiences similar or different for the two groups of Latina students? (2) How might
those differences or similarities explain their college opportunities? and (3) What role does social
capital play in the primary and secondary school experiences of these two groups. Gonzalez et
al. (2003) composed a sample that met the following criteria: (1) participants had to have
attended low to middle SES status public schools, (2) Latinas had to come from a Spanish only
or bilingual speaking home, (3) parents had to have immigrated to the United States. Interview
data was obtained from 22 participants. The participants were divided into two separate groups.
Group 1 (university students) consisted of 12 individuals who had the opportunity to attend two
of the most highly selective universities in the world. The other group (group 2 – junior college
students) was comprised of 10 students who began their collegiate studies at a community
college. Eight of the students in group 2 were not four-year college eligible while enrolled in
high school.
The authors discussed two theoretical concepts, institutional neglect and institutional
abuse,they utilized to help explain the college opportunities of the sample. Institutional neglect
can be defined as the inability or unwillingness of schools or their personnel to prepare students
for postsecondary education, particularly four-year universities. Assigning a student to an
academic track that is considered remedial, regular, or basic that does not academically prepare a
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 30

student for postsecondary education is an example of institutional neglect oftentimes found in
many school settings. Institutional abuse is characterized as those actions by institutional agents
that discourage or produce barriers for college attendance. Institutional agents (i.e. teacher,
guidance counselor, college admissions officer, scholarship donor) are those individuals who
control access to valued resources and opportunities desired by another party. Some examples of
institutional abuse that are found in the school setting include school staff’s exhibiting
emotionally discouraging behavior (either verbal or nonverbal), providing inaccurate information
or insufficient knowledge to students, withholding critical information (i.e. college admissions
tests deadlines), and providing limited access to opportunities for college. Thispreceding study
was a discussion of current college students who were asked interview questions which required
them to reflect upon their experiences during K-12 grades.
Gonzalez et al. (2003) suggested five major factors that distinguished the “university
group” and the “community college group”. First, the academic or curriculum track of the two
groups of students differed dramatically. All the students in the university group stated that they
participated in the GATE program offered at their respective high school. Some students
reported that they were selected for this academic track because of their achievement on state
standardized examinations while the others said their teachers recommended them. Most
community college respondents indicated that they had to endure the general education
curriculum track while a few of them were placed either into ESL (English as a second language)
or special education courses. Secondly, expectations from the high school staff differed
tremendously for the two groups of students. University students reported that they felt fortunate
to have had theopportunityto work with highly supportive counselors and teachers throughout
their educational career. Low expectations, such as encouragement to participate in vocational
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 31

programs at the high school as opposed to college preparatory programs, characterized the high
school experience of the junior college students. Personalization was also considered to be an
issue in the study. None of the community college students could think of one meaningful
relationship that they had cultivated with any school figure during his/hertime in high school.
The fourth finding was that counselor issues affected the college opportunity of the students in
the study. Community college students reported the following problems regarding their high
school experience and counselors: no contact with counselors due to counselors “being busy”,
counselors’ brushing students away, or no counselors available at the school due to funding; high
counselor caseloads; and, lastly, the post-secondary plan expectations counselors had of their
students. Participation in the GATE program for the university students afforded them the
opportunity to work with one counselor throughout their high school educational career. Lastly,
participation in college outreach programs was cited as a factor in potential college enrollment
for the two groups in the study. Most of the university students reported that they participated in
a college preparation program such as EOP, Upward Bound, or the Ivy League Project.
Similar toGonzalezet al. (2003), Lucia-Chavez, Soriano, and Oliverez (2007) identified
similar barriers to college for undocumented Latino students. The authors suggested that most
obstacles undocumented students faced in their pursuit of higher education were situated within
the educational institutions in which these students participated. The first school related factor
was the student’s limited access to college knowledge, information, preparation, and guidance.
Second, most undocumented students attended inferior quality schools due to their living
situation, oftentimes, in impoverished neighborhoods. These schools were typified as suffering
tremendous problems with instructional quality and lack of student access and enrollment in
rigorous courses. Third, the nonexistence of a college network in students’ network of support
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 32

was also considered a factor. Lastly, the counselors’ perceptions and expectations of
undocumented students as having or not having the potential to be successful in college
(counselors acting as gatekeepers) influenced their interactions with undocumented students
about the college going process. Lucia-Chavez et al.’s (2007) findings support those of
Gonzalez et al.(2003) except for their discussion about the level of counselor knowledge
regarding college issues specific to undocumented students (i.e. financing college). For example,
the authors found that many counselors lacked the knowledge regarding Assembly Bill 540
which allows undocumented students to pay in-state tuition and fees. A student who earns a
scholarship or acquires money by some other means to pay the in-state tuition and fees rate may
be eligible to attend a four-year college/university if his/hercounselor or another person made
him/her aware of the policy. The analysis of barriers presented by Lucia-Chavez et al. (2007)
was based on existing literature and not on a study conducted with a sample of undocumented
students.
LikeGonzalezet al. (2003) and Lucia-Chavez et al. (2007), Perna, Rowan-Kenyon,
Thomas, and Bell (2008) examined the role of counselors in shaping college opportunity for the
students they serve. The research questions that guided the study were: (1) what is the
availability of college counseling at selected high schools?and (2) how do external entities (i.e.
school districts, higher education institutions, and states) shape college counseling at different
schools. To answer the preceding research questions, they sampled counselors from 15 different
high schools. They selected three counselors per state from California, Florida, Georgia,
Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania. They sampled counselors’ high schools that met one of the
following criteria: (1) above average student achievement and socioeconomic status (SES), (2)
average student achievement and SES, and (3) below average student achievement and SES
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 33

status. The authors wanted to know if there was a correlation between student achievement level
coupled with socioeconomic status and college counseling availability.
The studysuggestedseveral major factors about the availability of college counseling at
the high schools in the study. First, for most schools in the study, college related counseling
waslimited by high student to counselor ratios. The excessive amount of students assigned to a
counselor restrictedthem from spending ample and quality time with each student. Besides,
counselors stated that, because of scarce resources, most time wasspent on the needs of the
average and/or most needy students (i.e. potential high school dropouts). Counselor
responsibilities and duties were based on the stated goals of the school site. Counselors at low-
performing schools stated that school goals for college counseling weresolely focused on raising
student standardized test scores and getting the students to graduate. The researchers found that
some counselors expressed the opinion that the “bright kids” did not need their help because they
would and could figure out the college information by themselves. Lastly, students commented
that the counselors should be more proactive and come to them and be more approachable.
Some students doubted whether the counselor could help them. As counselors are primarily
given the responsibility of shaping college opportunity for the students enrolled on a high school
campus, theaforementioned counselor related issues raise barriers to college opportunities for the
students they serve.
Perna et al. (2008) added qualitative study to the existing literature regarding the
counselor’s role in providing access to college for students. By interviewing counselors, the
authors wanted to provide a different perspectiveaboutthe college access debate that is often
overlooked. This allowedfor a more holistic frame of reference when examining the role of
counselors in promoting college opportunity. They found many counselors find themselves torn
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 34

between the espoused role and responsibilities for counselors in the school setting in
juxtaposition with the daily tasks they perform. Research studies that only collect sample data
from students and parents are biased in that they fail to provide alternative perspectives of the
issue at hand. Pernaet al. (2008) allowed counselors the opportunity to describe how the context
of their work environment influences their level of interaction with the students they serve and
provides the reader with a more rounded view of the counselor’s role with respect to providing
college access.
Kimura-Walsh, Yamamura, Griffin and Allen’s (2009) results were consistent with those
of Gonzalez et al (2003) in that one barrier that existed among their sample population was the
lack of family support in the college preparatory process. No members of the sample reported
using their parents as a source of college information because the parents lacked the educational
experience and information about the college going process. The researchers conducted a
mixed-methods study that used an Opportunity to Learn conceptual framework that explores how
student achievement levels mediate college access. This conceptual framework explores and
identifies the linkages between school context and learning outcomes to determine and assess
levels of educational inequality. Sixteen Latina students were chosen to participate in the study.
They were drawn from a low-income, predominantly minority high school in California. They
classified each student into one of two groups (8 students per group): (1) high achieverswere
students with a GPA of 3.0 and above enrolled in college prep courses and (2) non high
achieverswere students with a GPA below 3.0 who not enrolled in college prep courses. The
interview protocol consisted of the students’ taking part in 60-90 minute focus group interviews
where they answered questions that assessed their perceptions on social expectations to attend
college, availability of resources, sources of social support, and barriers to higher education.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 35

All of the students indicated their parents as a source of motivation and encouragement.
However, because of their parents’ unfamiliarity with the college admissions process, parents
were unable to provide or offer specific advice and college preparatory information. Analysis of
the focus group interview data also revealed that Latina students mostly relied on school officials
as their primary source of college information (33% stated teachers and 27% stated
counselors).Students commented that overcrowded classrooms hampered personalization at the
school and made it difficult to develop mentoring relationships with teachers. The authors
suggested that personalization can be described as the teacher taking the opportunity to get to
know the students they teach beyond a surface level (i.e. simply teaching students subject matter
material). Personalization may include activities such as teachers’ engaging students in
conversations about their personal lives and their interests, fears, and dreams. The third finding,
consistent with Gonzalez et al (2003), Lucia-Chavezet al(2007), and Pernaet al. (2008), was that
access to counselors and college/career information was minimal at best and sometimes
problematic. Counselor-to-student ratios at the high school were extremely high: 725 students
assigned to each of the each academic counselors andonecollege counselor for all students at the
high school. In addition, the college counselor focused mainly on the students with higher
GPA’s and gave preferential treatment to them along with access to college information. Lastly,
participation in outside college preparatory programs served as a crucial source of information
and support but only for the high achievers in the sample. The non-high achievers in the sample
indicated no participation in college preparatory programs outside the school context.
Kimura-Walsh et al (2009) and Gonzalez et al (2003) suggested that there is
arelationshipbetween students’ academic track in high school and their level of postsecondary
opportunity. This is an important finding which needs to be explored in greater depth to help
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 36

provide more insight regarding schooling factors that impede or influence college access for AB
540 students and other marginalized potential college-bound students.
Gonzales (2010) conducted 78 life history interviews with 1.5 generation Mexican origin
students (students who migrated to the US before the age of 12). The respondents answered
questions about their K-12 school experiences, courses of study, and relationships with school
personnel (i.e. teachers, counselors, administrators). Gonzales sought to examine how school
structure and school stratification influences the educational outcomes for undocumented Latino
students. Gonzalez classified study participants into one of two groups based on how they were
tracked while in high school: positively tracked or negatively tracked. Participants in the
positively tracked group enrolled in Honors and AP classes and were members of specialized
programs while in high school. Those students characterized as being negatively tracked
enrolled in the general and lower track classes offered at their high school. Gonzales contended
that students discussed in the study were assigned to tracks based on their experiences in their
respective educational institutions and their interactions with school authority figures (i.e.
teachers and counselors).
Similar to Gonzales et al (2003) and Kimura-Walsh (2009), Gonzales (2010) concluded
that academic tracking in many public schools is a major obstacle that students must overcome to
pursue higher education. Gonzales concluded that there were stark differences in the educational
experiences of those students characterized as “positively tracked” versus those “negatively
tracked”. The “positively tracked” students reported that they were enrolled in small classes, had
positive relationships with teachers, and frequently interacted with college counselors. Students’
ability to and comfort level with approaching their teachers and other school staff regarding
academic or personal matters served as a definition of positive relationships in the study.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 37

Teachers’ approachability and students’ level of comfort with teachers and other school staff
defined the positive relationships discussed by the researchers. The small classes allowed these
students the opportunity to get much needed help (i.e. extra support with reading and writing
skills, additional tutoring during the school day to help build math skills necessary for success in
higher math courses) in their respective academic courses and facilitated the development of
mentoring relationships with teachers. Several students commented that, when they ran into
difficulties in the college admissions process, they had an advocate among the school staff that
they could seek out for guidance, assistance, and support.
The “negatively tracked students” reported that most of their classes were negatively or
adversely affected by larger student enrollment, no significant relationships with teachers or
counselors, and all of them held the belief that no one on the campus paid attention to them.
Several students in this group reported they believed they had no one on the school campus to
turn to when they experienced struggles either at home or at school. For example, the researcher
described the story of a grieving student whose grades began to suffer and who was going to be
sent to another school due to her credit deficiency. The student did not feel there was anyone at
the school site who cared or whom she could consult with about the death of her grandmother.
This was a traumatic period in the student’s life, and her grades suffered as a consequence. This
aforementioned example provided by the researcher illustrates how perceived level of connection
with the school environment can lead to negative outcomes for an individual. No information
was provided in the study about teachers’ or counselors’ thought processes in determining which
students they showed preferential treatment towards.
Patricia Perez (2010) conducted a mixed-methods study which explored the major
influences on the college choice process of undocumented Latino students. The two research
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 38

questions addressed in the study were (1) what are the barriers between undocumented students
and 4 year college attendance?and (2) what strategies can professionals implement that can help
Latino undocumented students navigate the higher educational pipeline? The sample consisted of
14 undocumented Latino students who were pursuing postsecondary studies. Fifty percent of the
students were enrolled in a California community college and fifty percent were enrolled in a
California four-year public university. All members of the sample shared the following criteria:
Latino, first generation college students, from a low SES family, and all were undocumented
students. The author (2010) found three major influences on the college choice process of Latino
undocumented students: outreach as opportunity, cost/affordability, and social support networks.
Perez (2010) concluded that two main barriers existed for undocumented students in their
pursuit of postsecondary education. First, the cost of attending an institution was described as
being the most important decision factor in determining which type of postsecondary institution
an undocumented student attended immediately after completing high school. The author
brieflydiscussed how the inability of undocumented students to qualify for government financial
aid caused many of these students to enroll at a community college upon high school graduation.
Also, many students were qualified to attend a four-year college/university after high school but
were unable to do so because of a lack of financial resources. Perez failed to mention the exact
percentage of students who fell into that category. The most important factor of the college
selection process for most students in the study was whether or not the student and his/her family
could afford to cover the tuition and related expenses of attending college. The author’s findings
regarding counselors were consistent with those of Gonzalez et al. (2003) and Lucia-Chavez et
al. (2007). For example, one undocumented female student met with her academic counselor
regarding attending college. The counselor failed to show support in hearing the students
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 39

aspirations and visions and hurriedly directed the student to serious consider only applying to a
community college due to the student’s perceived ability level and the student’s financial status.
Vela-Gudeet al.’s (2009) research findings confirmed the existence of low expectations
from teachers and high school counselors towards Latino students. The authors conducted a
qualitative study of eight Latino college students (5 female and 3 male ages 19 to 22) enrolled at
a Hispanic serving university in the southwestern United States. The researchers focus was to:
(1) explore Latino student’s impressions of their high school counselor’s level of expectations
for them as students and (2) determine what role, if any, the school counselors played in the
academic and personal experiences of the eight students sampled. Their data analysis indicated
the existence of five themes: inadequate advisement, lack of availability, lack of individual
counseling, differential treatment, and low expectations or setting limits.
The researchers provided two vivid examples of the existence of low expectations or
setting limits by the counselor. In one, amale student wanted to enroll in college preparatory
courses in order to better prepare for college, and his counselor discouraged him from doing so.
The counselor discouraged him from taking the Texas Higher Education Assessment (THEA),
which was a requirement for enrollment in college preparatory courses. When the student asked
the counselor about taking the THEA exam, the counselor responded by saying “why do you
want to enroll in pre-AP classes or AP?” In the second example, a female student interviewed
describeda disheartening experience she had with her high school counselor. The student
reported that she was in the top 5% of her high school senior graduating class, but her counselor
did not encourage her to apply to top universities. However, other students at the school with a
lower class ranking than hers were encouraged and given Ivy League school admissions
applications. These anecdotes provide concrete examples of high school counselors acting as
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 40

gatekeepers. Gatekeepers are individuals who have the power to control access to highly valued
resources (i.e. enrollment in college preparatory classes).
Like Gonzalez et al. (2003), Perez’s (2010) research suggested remarkable differences in
the students who attenda community college versus a public university immediately after high
school. The author’s choice to examine postsecondary enrollment patterns immediately
following high school completion provided valuable information regarding college access and
preparation for these two distinct groups of individuals. Perez contended that financial concerns
played a huge role in the college access and decision making process for AB 540 students. He
added that expectations of students held by school figures (i.e. teachers or counselors) played a
role in influencing a student’s college opportunities. This is key because expectations and
perceptions shape behavior, and, if school figures do notperceive AB 540 students as college-
bound, then this may affect their interactions with these individuals with respect to navigating
the college admissions process.
W. Perez’s research (2010) also adds to the existing research concerning undocumented
students and the obstacles they face in trying to attend college. The author discussed two
barriers which affect a student’s postsecondary opportunities. First, similar to the
aforementioned researchers, he found that money prevented undocumented students from
accessing college. He suggested that many students from immigrant families lacked the financial
resources to send the student to a college and university. The students’ predicament was further
exacerbated because they did not qualify for federal funds to cover their college expenses.
Secondly, discrimination was directed towards undocumented students and stemmed from their
interactions with school agents. He gave an account of a student who was discouraged from
applying for college when she met with the high school counselor for an advising session.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 41

Conclusions drawn from these studies suggest that the school environment presents
various barriers to higher education for undocumented Latino students. These potential
insurmountable barriers include inferior school quality (i.e., run down facilities, old equipment,
and insufficient materials for students) and overcrowded learning conditions. Barriers that can
be rectified by school officials include lack of access or enrollment in rigorous or college
preparatory coursework and the existence of academic tracking (Gonzales, 2010; Kimura-Walsh,
2009; Lucia-Chavezet al., 2007; Rodriguez& Cruz, 2009). Teachers and counselors who,
ideally, should guide students in navigating the college admissions process create another layer
of obstacles for students to overcome via their inaccessibility to students and their low
expectations of students (Gonzales, 2010;Gonzalez et al., 2003; Kimura-Walsh et al., 2009;
Lucia-Chavezet al., 2007; Pernaet al., 2008; Perez, 2010).
These studies revealed that parents were overwhelmingly supportive of their child’s
aspirations of pursuing higher education, but they lacked the concrete knowledge to direct their
children on the college application process (Gonzalez et al., 2003; Kimura-Walsh, 2009).
Students who were fortunate enough to be in the college track were provided much needed
assistance (i.e. regular access to counselors, participation in college outreach programs, teachers
who assisted in the college going process) which compensated for the lack of college knowledge
among those individuals in their social network (Gonzales, 2010; Gonzalezet al., 2003; Kimura-
Walsh et al., 2009; Lucia-Chavezet al., 2007; Perez, 2010).
Conclusion.All prospective college enrollees encounter some level of difficulty in their
pursuit of higher education. However, undocumented Latino students and undocumented
students in particular face myriad challenges as they try to access college opportunities and,
ultimately, pursue a college education that cause horrible educational outcomes for this
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 42

marginalized group of individuals. The school environment, which, arguably, is chiefly
responsible for helping to ensure that all students have equitable access to college preparatory
opportunities, has failed a countless number of undocumented Latino students. The educational
system that educates a majority of the undocumented Latino system is characterized by severe
problems which prevent motivated and hardworking students from accessing and obtaining their
dream of a college education. High schools overwhelmingly offer students a curriculum that
consistently fails to provide the minimum requirements for admissions consideration or solidly
prepares them for the academic rigors of the collegiate environment (Venezia, Kirst, & Antonio,
2010).
Many of the schools attended by Latino students are overcrowded, which makes it
difficult or practically impossible for students to develop meaningful relationships with teachers
and other school staff. Oftentimes, school officials are stringent on making sure all the students
achieve well academically and fail to relate to the student on a deeper level (i.e. emotional,
physical, psychological, or basic needs). The overcrowded schooling conditions that students
must contend with greatly affect the quality of education the student receives which affects their
post-high school opportunities.
Arguably, the greatest challenge to college access and enrollment for undocumented
Latino students arises from restrictive policies that exist which create insurmountable odds to
obtaining a college education. According to the citizens group, Educators for Fair Consideration
(2006), the primary obstacle for a college-bound undocumented student is financial. Based on
current government policies, undocumented students cannot qualify for federal or state-based
financial aid, including grants, work study, jobs, or loan programs. Given their current inability
to obtain legal gainful employment, the costs of attending a college can often be prohibitive for
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 43

undocumented students and their families. An undocumented Latino student can overcome all
the obstacles mentioned previously within the school setting and not be able to secure the
resources necessary to finance their college aspirations. This study sought to identify and
describe the barriers that a sample of 8 AB 540 students experienced in their pursuit of higher
education.
The proceeding section discusses the theoretical lens used to examine the issue of college
access for undocumented students. It provides a description of the theory and how it was used to
provide insight regarding the research focus area.
Role of Institutional Agents
Origin of theory.The social capital framework has its roots in social reproduction theory.
This theory seeks to explain how societal institutions perpetuate (or reproduce) the social
relationships and attitudes to sustain class relations in a capitalist society (Collins, 2009). With
respect to education, social reproduction theorists suggest that schools reinforce the inequality
that exists in American society (Collins, 2009). Schools in communities considered of higher
socioeconomic status are remarkably different from those in communities considered of lower
socioeconomic status in terms of physical space, curriculum choices, teacher quality, class size,
and teacher and staff interaction patterns with students. Other school related factors occur
regardless of the status of the students or the school’s locale. For example, the practice of
academic tracking that takes place on many school campuses is one of the tools that reproduce
the inequality that exists in our society.
Pierre Bourdieu is credited as developing the concept of social capital. This concept is
connected to theoretical ideas on class. Pierre’s work emphasized how social classes (especially
ruling and intellectual classes) preserve social privileges across generations despite the false idea
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 44

of equality of opportunity and high social mobility achieved through education (Richardson,
1986). He asserted that there are three dimensions of capital and each has a relationship to the
idea of class: economic, cultural, and social capital (Richardson, 1986). Bourdieu’s concept of
social capital puts the emphasis on conflicts and the power function (social relations that increase
the ability of an actor to advance her/his interests). Bourdieu was a French sociologist who was
interested in the ways in which society is reproduced and how the dominant classes retain their
position. He believed that social capital was a tool used by the elite to dominate individuals
within the lower classes of. His idea of social capital focuses on the middle and upper classes
efforts to make sure that their spheres remain exclusive.
Bourdieu’s view of Social Capital.The concept of social capital is taken from the
discipline of sociology. Social capital focuses attention on the positive consequences of
sociability while putting aside its less attractive features. Also, it places those positive
consequences in the framework of a broader discussion of capital and calls attention to how such
nonmonetary forms can be important sources of power and influence (Portes, 1998). To possess
social capital, a person must be related to others, and it is those others, not himself, who are the
actual source of his or her advantage (Portes, 1998).
Social capital is the sum of the resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or
a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships
of mutual acquaintance and recognition (Bourdieu, in Bourdieu &Wacquant, 1992). The volume
of the social capital possessed by a given agent thus depends on the size of the network of
connections he can effectively mobilize and on the volume of the capital (economic, cultural, or
symbolic) possessed in his own right by each of those to whom he is connected( Forms of
Capital,1986). He states that the position of any individual, group, or institution, in social space
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 45

is based on two factors, the overall volume and the composition of the capital they detain. Social
capital has two components: first, a resource that is connected with group membership and social
networksand, second, social capital is based on mutual cognition and recognition.
Stanton-Salazar’s view of Social Capital.Stanton-Salazar’s view of social capital is
referred to throughout this study. Stanton-Salazar builds upon the work of Bourdieu in that he
examines how social ties between racial and ethnic minority students and key participants in
their social networks function to either reproduce social inequality and exacerbate forms of
alienation or function as sources of social capital (Stanton-Salazar, 2010). Stanton-Salazar
defines social capital as the degree and quality of middle class forms of social support inherent in
a young person’s interpersonal networks, including instrumental or supportive relationships with
institutional agents. Institutional agents are individuals who hold positions of high status and
authority and are capable of transmitting or negotiating the transmission of highly valued
resources (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Some examples of institutional agents include teachers,
counselors, youth program personnel, college outreach officials, college admissions personnel,
and scholarship coordinators.
The high school course requirement for admission to a four-year college or university is
one prominent example of a highly valued resource because, without this, a student is not
allowed to attend this respective type of institution immediately upon high school graduation.
Stanton-Salazar bases his conceptual framework on the concepts of social capital and
institutional support. Institutional support refers to key forms of social support that function to
help children and adolescents become effective participants within mainstream institutional
spheres, particularly the school system (1997). Stanton-Salazar’s principal argument is that
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 46

institutional and societal barriers exist that prevent low status children and youth from acquiring
the necessary social capital to carry out their goals.
Individuals who come from higher income backgrounds, highly connected interpersonal
networks, or college educated individuals are commonly believed to possess social capital. Low
income individuals, minority and uneducated people are considered to be lacking in social
capital. Examples of middle class forms of social support include guidance for college
admission or job advancement. These forms of social support can greatly alter the destiny of an
individual who has access and is able to reap the benefits from various forms of social support.
An individual’s interpersonal network would consist of people the individual could contact who
ideally could provide assistance to the individual regarding various matters (i.e. family conflict,
personal decision, choosing a job, or choosing a college). Stanton-Salazar (2010) defines
institutional agents as those individuals who have the capacity and the commitment to transit
directly or negotiate the transmission of institutional resources and opportunities (i.e. highly
selective curricular tracks or programs, information for scholarships, access to college field trips
and college admissions representatives). One key component of his definition is that the
individual has the capacity or the knowledge necessary to help an individual access highly
valued resources (i.e. the high school course requirements for admission to a four-year
college/university). He suggests that these individuals hold positions of high status and authority
and their power lies in their ability to give or withhold information from individuals who are
desperately in need (Stanton-Salazar, 2001). Given the relationship between social capital and
issues of power, disenfranchised members of society, such as low income or low status
individuals, face numerous barriers in acquiring social capital.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 47

The following six barriers exist for low-status youth and minorities in their acquisition of
social capital (Stanton-Salazar, 1997):
1. The institutionalization of distrust and detachment: This concerns the difficulty inherent in
developing relationships with people in positions of power.
2. The primacy of bureaucratic processes over the needs of children: This refers to the
existence of rules that severely limit the help that teachers and counselors can provide to
students.
3. The inconsistent, contradictory, and ambiguous roles of teachers and other agents: This
refers to the perception that teachers work within a system that dictates which students
are to receive help.
4. The institutionalization of superficial, transitory relations: The social order in schools is
not one in which students and teachers are given the opportunity to bond and develop
meaningful relationships.
5. Lack of opportunities for generalized exchange: This refers to the nonexistence of
mutually beneficial relationships between teachers and students.
6. The institutionalization of class and ethnic based antagonisms: This refers to the racism
and other instances that exist in the social world which overlap into the school
background and affects the formation of relationships between students and institutional
agents.
Theory relation to study.Undocumented Latino students face numerous obstacles in our
society and educational institutions which prevent many of them from pursuing postsecondary
education. Despite the hard work and tireless efforts of many undocumented students, they are
not able to reach their desired goals (i.e. college enrollment). These students need assistance
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 48

from more influential and capable individuals who are committed to ensuring that they use their
networks, resources, and spheres of influence to greatly alter the destiny of these individuals.
Undocumented Latino students interact directly and indirectly with various institutional agents in
various capacities throughout their educational institutions and other arenas (i.e. enrichment
programs, churches, college events). These interactions can greatly alter the trajectory of an
individual’s life in either a positive or negative manner. In particular, this theory provides
insight regarding the role institutional agents play in providing access to higher education for
undocumented Latino students and the barriers students face in acquiring social capital.
Institutional Agents.Counselors, teachers, primary and secondary school administrators,
and college outreach officials play a huge and important role in providing students with access to
higher education. Students have the potential ability to interact with various institutional agents
in a manner that is productive and meaningful (i.e. access to scholarship information,
information about special academic programs). One’s encounters or experiences with
institutional agents can either negatively or positively affect one’s educational experience and in
addition one’s future educational outcomes. However, institutional agents work within an
environment that dictates the services, programs and assistance they are able to provide to
students. Individuals, arguably, have their perceptions of what school staff and college outreach
officers should be doing to help improve access to college for underrepresented groups like
undocumented students. Many times there is a conflict between the stated goals and
responsibilities of institutional agents and their execution of those goals and responsibilities.
This section discusses how various institutional agents utilize their position as an instrument for
educational and social change to help ease the transition to college for undocumented students.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 49

Counselors are discussed in the research literature as a potential source of social capital
for students. The role and responsibilities of counselors in the public school setting are shaped
based on the American School Counselor Association National Model (ASCA National Model).
Counselors are the individuals at a school site who are primarily responsible for addressing the
personal/social, academic, career needs and concerns of the student body. The personal/social
domain would include helping students to overcome personal issues (i.e. depression, grief, low
self-esteem, anger management) that negatively affect them from living a productive life.
Academic concerns include helping students to properly assess their academic abilities and
interests and planning for postsecondary options. Lastly, the career domain involves the
counselor helping the student to see the connection between school and the world of work and
helping students to develop employment skills (i.e. writing a resume and cover letter, job
interviewing techniques). In order to address the preceding three domains, counselors engage in
four activities: guidance curriculum, individual student planning, responsive services, and
systems support (Vela-Gudeet al., 2009).
1. Guidance curriculum: this entails the counselor going into the classroom setting or other
presentation setting (i.e. meeting, auditorium) and providing activities designed to
introduce students and parents to important topics. For example, the counselor visits a
senior high school English classroom to present college admissions requirements and
standards to the students.
2. Individual student planning: this would include advisement, assessment, and follow-up
procedures. For example, the counselor meets with a student to review their class grades
and his/her progress towards meeting high school graduation and college
admissions/eligibility requirements.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 50

3. Responsive services: individual and group counseling activities characterize this group.
For example, a student grieving the loss of a parent may meet with his/her school
counselor for a period to work on strategies to properly address the grief concern.
4. Systems support: this refers to professional development via workshops and conferences
and collaborating with other professionals (i.e. social workers, teachers, and
administrators, community agencies) to address the needs and concerns of the student
body.
Gonzalez et al. (2003) suggested that seven potential agents of social capital are capable
of providing access to higher education. These are parents, siblings, extended family members
within the family, teachers, counselors, peers, specialized honors programs within the school
setting, and participation in academic and/or college outreach programs. First, parents were cited
by a group of students as being instrumental in providing them with positive influences and
emotional support throughout their matriculation in school. However, the parents’ support was
not the type necessary for assisting students with college plans because their parents lacked the
knowledge concerning navigating the college going and planning process. Other family
members such as siblings of the students and extended family members also served as sources of
social capital. These family members provided some of the students with much needed
information (i.e. required tests and classes, application procedures). Three of the seven potential
agents reported are related to the school environment: teachers, counselors, and specialized
honors programs within the school. Students in the university sample all participated in the
school’s GATE program (an example of a specialized honors program). A few students were
placed into the GATE program based on their standardized test scores while a majority of the
sample was chosen by the teachers at their school site. Other school site staff members, such as
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 51

counselors, were also discussed at length in the study. University students reported their
counselors as being highly supportive and helpful in the college navigation process. Students
remarked that they believed their interactions with the counselors was better than that of other
students at their high school because a counselor was designated to work with all the students
that were identified as gifted and participated in the GATE program at the high school. Lastly,
most of the university students participated in a college preparation programs outside their
schools such as Educational Opportunity Program, Upward Bound, or the Ivy League project.
These programs reinforced the high expectations that students received from teachers and
counselors at their school and provided students with essential college knowledge and privileged
information.
Auerbach (2004) conducted a qualitative case study of a bilingual outreach program,
Futures and Families, that was designed to increase the parents’ amount of social capital by
providing them with information and support about the college navigation process. Parents,
students, and school staff were interviewed about their beliefs, knowledge, and practices
regarding college pathways. Participants in this study were drawn from a racially and
economically diverse high school in the Los Angeles area. The outreach program consisted of a
series of two monthly bilingual meetings that were organized around the following topics:
understanding high school graduation vs. four-year college requirements, financing a college
education, how to understand an academic transcript, tracking, and how to deal with one’s child
counselor. The meetings were planned and facilitated by teachers, counselors, community
liaisons, and UCLA faculty and graduate students.
Like Gonzaleset al. (2003), Auerbach asserted that parents’ desire to play an active role
in helping their child envision a college degree as a reality, but they desperately need help in
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 52

order to do so. Whereas Gonzales et al. (2003) focused on the institutional agents efforts
directed towards the students themselves; Auerbach (2004) described the efforts of a remarkable
program that is targeted at developing and teaching college knowledge to the students’ parents.
One aspect of Auerbach’s (2004) study that makes it notable and distinguishable is that it
suggests that the responsibility for promoting college access and developing college knowledge
should not only be restricted to those individuals who work within the school setting. He infers
that all stakeholders (i.e. parents, students, community members) should be provided, if feasible,
with strategic and targeted outreach efforts in an effort to build their capacity regarding the
various college access issues.
Farmer-Hinton (2008) conducted a qualitative study with 55 low-income African
American high school seniors who attended a college preparatory high school in Chicago. The
purpose of the study was to explore the key school-based supports and resources that students of
color viewed as helpful in their college-planning activities while attending school within a
spatially isolated neighborhood in Chicago. The author utilized focus groups to ascertain
student’s opinions, perceptions, ideas, thoughts and beliefs regarding the following topics: their
thoughts about college planning activities at their high school, the type of staff academic and
social support available, the family and peer expectations for educational attainment, and
seniors’ postsecondary plans.
Farmer-Hinton’s (2008) analysis of the focus group interview data revealed four themes
about students and college planning: high expectations, personalization, enrichment activities,
and college exposure. Counselors, teachers, and other staff members held high expectations that
students were capable of and expected to enroll at a four-year college/university immediately
after high school graduation. The school culture was heavily focused on personalizing the
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 53

learning experience and the school environment for all students. For example, the author
described situations in which staff members shared interpersonal advice (self-disclosed) with
students about their own struggles and other external factors that could distract them from
meeting their college aspirations (i.e. fear of enrolling in college, confusion regarding pay for
college). Third, the high school arranged for the provision of enrichment activities such as
summer programs at colleges and universities in which students completed college classes while
still enrolled in high school. These enrichment activities served to help enrich and root college
plans. Lastly, the high school provided multiple opportunities for college exposure. College
exposure events consisted of school sponsored college tours where students visited college
campuses, participated in presentations by admissions officers, and were afforded the
opportunity to interact with college students of color.
Farmer-Hinton’s (2008) study has several limitations that need to be addressed. First, the
type of school that was selected for her study was not representative of most public high schools
attended by low income minority students. Her research was conducted at a college preparatory
high school in Chicago with a stated mission and strategic efforts to make sure that all students
were four-yearcollege eligible and academically prepared upon high school graduation. Many
schools promote the preceding mission statement but fail to ensure that policies and procedures
are established to make sure it comes to fruition. Lastly, her sample consisted of low income
African American youth, who face some of the same but also quite different barriers to college
access than undocumented Latino students.
Perna et al (2008) examined how college counseling is delivered in several different
types of high schools across the United States. In this study, the authors used a cultural
ecological framework to examine the following research question: In what activities do
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 54

counselors at different schools engage with the goal of promoting college opportunity? They
concluded that counselors engage in the following college related activities: one-on-one
meetings with student and parent regarding graduation progress and college plans, presentations
in classrooms regarding college related issues, evening programs on financial aid and other
topics, visits to college campuses and universities, and hosting representatives from colleges and
universities for events at the high school campus. Given the various policies and procedures that
dictate the nature of college counseling in different high school settings, the authors briefly
discussed how some campuses use teachers to provide college counseling. For example, 12
th

grade English teachers may work with students to create resumes and write their college
application essays.
Farmer-Hinton (2008) and Pernaet al. (2008) both asserted that counselors are not and
should not be the only individuals in the school setting who provide college advisement and
guidance to students. However, Pernaet al. (2008) were researchers who included a brief
discussion regarding counselors’ and teachers’ lack of knowledge regarding the college
application process (i.e. applying for financial aid). The study suggests that all individuals in the
school setting need to receive basic professional development regarding the college application
process and the more intricate or detailed matters should only be addressed by counselors or
outreach officials who have been properly trained to provide accurate and thorough information
to all stakeholders.
Bryan et al. (2011) conducted a study which explored the effects of high school college
counseling on college application rates. The authors used a school-based social capital
theoretical framework for their analysis which focuses on the social relations or social networks
(i.e. teachers, counselors, administrators) in schools that can be used to improve one’s life
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 55

outcomes. Their aim was to determine whether students’ contact with school counselors for
college information served as a source of social capital for students in the college application
process. Their quantitative study examined and analyzed data from the Educational Longitudinal
study of 2002. Of the 4,835 high school seniors surveyed, the following results were found:
14.5% students reported that they had no contact with the school counselor for college
information, 44.9% reported that they had no contact with the school counselor for college
information by the 10
th
grade, and 40.6% stated that they had no contact with the school
counselor for college after 10
th
grade. These findings support previous findings which indicated
that students had limited to no access to their counselors for the sake of college advisement. One
limitation of this qualitative study was that students were not given the opportunity to provide
their insight or perspective regarding their lack of college guidance from the counselor. Some
other significant findings were that female students were more likely to apply to college than
were male students, school size was a negative predictor of applying to college in general,
Students who saw the counselor by 10
th
grade for college information were more likely to apply
to college as compared to those who did not see the counselor for college information, and,
lastly, not having any contact with the school counselor for college information was detrimental
for students in the three lower socioeconomic status quartiles. These aforementioned findings
suggest that when counselors do not fulfill their assigned role, the students suffer as a result. The
students who experience the greatest amount of loss are the at-risk and disadvantaged students
who are characterized in the literature as being low-income, minority status, second language
learners, and first generation college goers.
Conclusion.Institutional or empowerment agents work and operate within a system
which influences their interactions with students. Rules, policies, and procedures dictate what
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 56

level of services or assistance these individuals can provide. Most often, it is those students who
are disenfranchised who find themselves in educational and other settings that have severe
restrictions on resources intended to assist some of the most well deserving students in their
college pursuits. Despite the many limitations that institutional or empowerment agents face as
they strive to make a difference, some agents manage to share their valued resources with
students they serve, thus altering their educational trajectory in a positive way. They express a
willingness and an openness to share privileged college admissions information, identify students
for specialized academic and curriculum tracks in the school setting, and help students to secure
financial resources to cover their college expenses.
Teachers, college educated family members, college outreach and admission personnel,
and high school counselors (both academic and college) are potential sources of institutional
resources and social capital for AB 540 students. These aforementioned individuals are cited as
potential sources of resources because not all students have access to these individuals. For
those students who do have access to these individuals, it then becomes a matter regarding
whether the person has the capacity and commitment to share of themselves to assist a student in
need. This study seeks to explore whether AB 540 students have access to institutional agents
and what role these individuals play, if any, in helping to shape the educational trajectory for this
group of students.

COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 57

Chapter 3: Methodology
For Latinos, community colleges often represent a steppingstone to a bachelor’s degree.
Latino students are far more likely to be enrolled in two-year colleges than are students from any
other racial or ethnic group. Latinos represent nine percent of all undergraduate students
enrolled in higher education, yet close to 60 percent of Latino college enrollment is in two-year
colleges (Chronicle of Higher Education, 2002). The aforementioned statistics are not
disaggregated by immigration status for Latino individuals as a whole. For many students, the
decision to enroll in a community college is not a planned decision that they make but the
decision is made for them by a host of external and outside forces bearing down upon the
individual such as lack of academic preparation, failure to meet admissions requirements, and
lack of financial resources (Rodriguez, Guido-Brito, Torres, & Talbot, 2000). College campuses
are believed to be accessible to any individual regardless of background or personal
characteristics who meet the stated admissions requirements for college or university admittance.
However, countless individuals are not able to reap the benefits of the hard work they exhibited
in high school. This study examined the educational experiences of undocumented Latino
students pursuing higher education. The primary focus of this study was to examine the role of
institutional agents in providing access to college opportunities for undocumented Latino
students. In addition, this study sought to describe and discuss how institutional agents influence
the educational trajectory of the students they interact with.
Three research questions guided this study:
1. What factors contributed to the enrollment of undocumented college Latino students in a
California four-year public institution vs. a California 2 year community college?
2. What are the barriers to college admissions and access for undocumented Latino students?
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 58

3. How do institutional agents alter the destinies of undocumented college Latino students?
Qualitative inquiry was used to explore the proposed research questions. Using a
qualitative research approach provides a means for exploring and understanding the meaning
individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human problem (Patton, 2001). A quantitative
approach, in comparison, is a means for testing objective theories by examining the relationships
among variables (Creswell, 2009). One inherent drawback or disadvantage in utilizing a
quantitative approach is that it provides the researcher or the general public with no information
or insight into the subjective lived experiences of the participants in the study.
Among the various approaches that are classified as qualitative, the ethnographic
interview approach/method was the most appropriate for this study because this approach
provides the researcher with more thorough and concrete-rich information regarding
undocumented students and their pursuit of postsecondary educational opportunities. Creswell
(2009) defined ethnography as a strategy of inquiry in which the researcher studies an intact
cultural group in a natural setting over a prolonged period of time by collecting, primarily,
observational and interview data.
Site Selection
Of Latino students who continue their education after high school, 54% begin in
community colleges, a ratio far larger than that of any other race or ethnic group (National
Center for Education Statistics, 2010). This suggests that a large proportion of Latinos, either
documented or undocumented,choose community colleges to begin their postsecondary studies.
The remaining 46% either do not participate in any type of postsecondary education, or they
enroll in a four-yearinstitution. The sites and research participants were selected based on the
receptiveness of the students to being interviewed regarding their undocumented status and their
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 59

educational experiences from high school on. Participants were drawn from the two different
types of institutions because one of the focuses of the study was to ascertain what the differences
were in educational experiences for the undocumented students who matriculated into a
community college versus a four-year postsecondary institution immediately after high school
graduation.
There are 112 community colleges within the state of California (Chancellor’s Office,
2013). According to the Chancellor’s Office, the mission of this educational system is to (1)
prepare students to transfer to four-year universities and (2) provide workforce development and
training (3) and basic skills and remedial education. An individual must meet one of the
following criteria in order to be admitted as a student at a California community college: (1)
must be a high school graduate or have earned a GED certificate, (2) be over 18 years of age, (3)
be enrolled in grades K-12 and have the permission of his/her academic or guidance counselor or
the school principal.
Another system of higher education within the State of California is the California State
University system (CSU). There are 32 campuses which comprise the CSU system. Lastly, the
University of California campuses (UC) are also part of the public higher education system
within the state of California. There are 10 campuses which constitute the UC system.
The requirements for admission into CSU or UC differ dramatically compared to a
California community college. Students must meet the following conditions to be considered for
admissions into one of the 32 California State University campuses: (1) students must have
successfully completed with a grade of C or better the A-G college preparatory sequence and
have earned at least a 2.0 grade point average (GPA) in these courses; (2) the individual must
have graduated from high school and (3) the prospective student must have taken the SAT or
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 60

ACT College entrance exams unless exempted due to high school GPA in the A-G course
sequence and (4) the student must earn a score on the SAT or ACT Test that corresponds with
their GPA so that they meet the eligibility index for admissions. The A-G course sequence refers
to the 15 year-long academic courses four years of English, two years of history, three years of
mathematics, two years of the same foreign language, two years of science, one year of visual or
performing arts, and one year of a college preparatory elective) that students are required to
successfully complete with a grade of C or better to qualify for admissions into a California State
University or University of California campus. The minimum GPA required for admissions
eligibility for a CSU campus is 2.0 while, for a UC campus, it is 3.0. A UC campus is more
difficult to be accepted into as compared to a CSU campus.
Participant Selection
Purposeful convenience criterion sampling was utilized to gather participants for the
study. Patton (2010) suggested that, in criterion sampling, the researcher sets a criterion and
selects individualswho meet the designated criteria. Given the topic of this study, it was not
feasible to randomly select people to participate in the study because they either may not meet
the criteria for participation and/or may be reluctant to disclose any information to the
interviewer regarding the experience of being undocumented and trying to pursue higher
education. Eight participants were selected to participate in the study. Only individuals who
met the following criteria were selected to participate in the study:
 Participants had to be considered an AB 540 student.
 Participants had to be of Latino/Latina descent.
 Participant had to be students or alumni of a California Community college and/or a four-
year California public/university.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 61

 There was no gender preference for this study.
 Participants had to be fluent in English.
Instrumentation
The interview protocol consisted of open-ended structured interview questions. The
interview questions were drawn from the social capital conceptual framework which discusses
the role of institutional agents in providing individuals with access to highly valued resources
(i.e. college information) with the purpose of the individual’s accomplishing a desired goal.
Participants answered open-ended questions during the interview regarding the following
domains/topics: family background, educational experiences (high school and earlier if deemed
important), interactions with institutional agents, and gaining access to college.
The interview protocol is divided into two sections: the first section sought to gather
background information about the individual and his/her family (i.e. size of family, immigration
history, living conditions, socioeconomic status, educational background of relatives). The
background information was used to create a profile of the individual’s family. Stanton-Salazar
(1997) contended in his conceptualization of social capital that low-status individuals face
tremendous difficulty in attaining social capital. Furthermore, he argued that a person’s
background is the primary determinant in his/her classification as a low-status individual. The
research questions comprised section two of the interview protocol. The interview questions
were generated based on the social capital theoretical framework and aligned with the research
questions.
The second section was intended to gather information about the educational experiences of
the individual (i.e. grades in school, curriculum track, interactions with school staff). Several
researchers (Choy, 2001; De La Rosa & Tierney, 2007; Perna& Thomas, 2009; Schneider,
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 62

Martinez, & Owens, 2006) discussed the significant barriers that students encounter in their
pursuit of higher education. The purpose of this section was to examine what barriers
undocumented students in the sample faced as they pursued postsecondary educational
opportunities. One area of interview protocol questions was geared towards asking about college
access and interactions with institutional agents. Several authors (Gildersleeve, 2007; Loza,
2003; Saunders & Serna, 2004; Stanton-Salazar, 2000) contended that institutional agents
represent and provide different forms of social capital or resources that undocumented students
can benefit from. The questions in this section sought to inquire about the students’ interaction
with various institutional agents and what impact this had on these individuals’ post-high school
trajectory.
Data Collection
Data collection began with an internet search for AB 540 chapters and ethnicity-based
student organizations at CSU, UC, and community college campuses. Some campuses had
cultural-oriented support centers on campus that provide various resources and services to
students. Emails and follow-up phone calls did not yield participants for the study. The
researcher then asked former students who had mentioned older siblings in college for the
contact information of these. These individuals were contacted to determine whether they met
the research criteria for the study and whether they wanted to participate.
Interviews.Participants answered open-ended questions during the interview. Patton
(2010) suggested that the purpose of gathering responses to open-ended questions is to enable the
researcher to understand and capture the points of view of other people without predetermining
those points of view through prior selection of questionnaire categories. Individuals
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 63

answeredquestions regarding the following topics: family background, educational experiences,
interactions with institutional agents, sources of support, and the college application process.
Research participants were interviewed by phone at a time mutually agreed upon by the
interviewer and respondent beginning in February 2012. One of the benefits of qualitative
telephone interviews is that these provide wide geographical access. People from all over the
globe can be interviewed if they have access to a telephone (Opdenakker, 2006). One of the
disadvantages of communication asynchronous of place by telephone is the reduction of social
cues (Opdenakker, 2006). The interviewer is not able to observe the interviewees’ nonverbal
communication (i.e. body language). Interviews were audiotaped, if agreed to by the respondent,
and interview notes were also taken. Interview notes were taken for interviewees who did not
wish to be audiotaped. The audiotaped interviews were submitted to a transcription service to be
transcribed. The transcriptions were emailed to the researcher to review for accuracy. After the
transcriptions were checked, the data was coded based on themes from the research literature.
The audiotaped materials were kept in a safe deposit box in the researchers’ home.
Trustworthiness of the data
The purpose of this study was not to generalize the findings from this sample of
undocumented students to all undocumented students. The chief purpose was toprovide
additional knowledge regarding this population and their efforts to pursue postsecondary
educational opportunities given the various obstacles they encounter. The researcher could not
ensure that participants provided completely accurate responses to the open-ended interview
questions. The interviewer could only encourage participants to be as candid, honest, and
detailed as possible in their responses.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 64

Reliability/Validity
According to Creswell (2009), qualitative validity means that the researcher checks for
the accuracy of the findings by employing certain procedures. One strategy for ensuring the
validity of data collected is triangulation of different sources of information by examining
evidence from the sources and using it to build a coherent justification for themes. If themes are
established based on converging several sources of data or perspectives from participants, then
this process can be claimed as adding to the validity of the study. The data collected from the
participants was examined in relation that from the otherrespondents and in conjunction with the
social capital theoretical framework research to ensure the validity of the information collected.
Creswell (2009) stated that qualitative reliability indicates that the researcher’s approach
is consistent across different researchers and different projects. In order to ensure reliability of
the data collected, Creswell (2009) suggested that transcripts were checked to make sure that
they did not contain obvious mistakes made during transcription.
Researcher Bias
The researcher brought several biases to the study related to culture, socioeconomic
status, educational background, and current profession. The researcher grew up in the inner city
like many of the students in the sample but his educational background may not mirror that of
the individuals in the study, as it involved what might be considered a middle class single family
household with educated parental figures. Further, the researcher’s position as a high school
counselor in a public school setting might have affected interactions with research participants
and analysis of the data collected. Lastly, the researcher grew up as a citizen of the United States
and was afforded all the rights and privileges given to US citizens.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 65

Ethical Concerns
The researcher took ethical concerns into consideration throughout the study. Individuals
were given a consent form to review with the researcher that outlined the following: the purpose
of the study, what the information would be used for, the types of information that would be
asked during the interview, assurance the information disclosed during the interviews would be
confidential, and, lastly, the possible risks and/or benefits of taking part in the study (Patton,
2002). Participants were informed that they did not have to answer any question that made them
feel uncomfortable and that they could decide to discontinue participation in the study at any
time.
All the individuals selected to participate in this study were adults. Permission was
obtained from the USC Institutional Review Board prior to meeting with students to conduct
interviews.
Data Analysis
Creswell (2009) provided asix-step method for data analysis in qualitative research:
 Step 1: organize and prepare the data for analysis. This step entails the transcription of
interviews and the sorting and arranging the data into different types, depending on the
sources of information. The audiotaped recordings were sent to a professional transcriber
to transcribe the information that was gathered from participants in the interviews.
 Step 2: read through all the data. The data should be read through in order to get a
general sense of the information and to reflect/think on/about its overall meaning.
 Step 3: begin detailed analysis with a coding process. Coding is the process of
organizing the material into chunks or segments of text before bringing meaning to
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 66

information. It involves taking text data gathered during data collection, segmenting
sentences (or paragraphs) into categories, and labeling those categories with a term, often
a term based in the actual language of the participant (Creswell, 2009). The codes were
based on key words drawn from the social capital theoretical framework and the main
areas of questions mentioned previously. All portions of the text identified as having a
particular code were put together. Once the transcribed recording notes were received,
the interview notes were read thoroughly and portions of the notes were coded with
different color highlighters.
 Step 4: use the coding process to generate a description of the setting or people as well
as categories or themes for analysis.
 Step 5: advance how the description and themes will be represented in the qualitative
narrative. This is accomplished by providing the detailed findings of the analysis.
 Step 6: Provide the meaning of the data collected. This is accomplished by comparing
the findings with the research literature and to determine the significance of the data
collected.
Creswell’s 6 steps were used by the researcher in the following manner. Interviews were
conducted using the speakerphone option on the researcher’s cell phone. He simultaneously had
an iPod next to the phone on the desk to record the phone interview. The recorded phone
interviews were uploaded to the researcher’s computers. He listened to all the interviews to get a
first impression of the information shared by the participants. The researcher then uploaded the
eight audio recorded interview files to the Datalyst company website. The company emailed
back complete transcripts of the interviews. The researcher reviewed the transcripts for accuracy
by simultaneously listening to the audio recording and checking the Datalyst transcription
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 67

document. Changes were made to the document when it was deemed necessary. The data
collected was coded based on key words and concepts drawn from the social capital theoretical
framework and the main areas of questions in the study. The researcher examined the documents
to determine which codes represented a particular theme or central point. The information was
charted on a excel spreadsheet in order to determine patterns or differences among the data
collected. The data collected is presented in order of the related research question.
Limitations of the study
One limitation of this study was that only eight undocumented students were interviewed.
Secondly, the sample included onlystudents who volunteered to participate in the study. This is
an important limitation because there may be individuals who could have potentially provided
useful knowledge to help gain insight into the plight of undocumented students but refused to
share their personal story. The experience of these eight undocumented students is not
representative of all undocumented students.
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Chapter 4: Results
Three research questions guided data gathering in the form of qualitative interviews to
explain, describe, and better understand how undocumented Latino students navigate the
educational pipeline to accomplish their goal of pursuing postsecondary studies:
(1) What factors contributed to the enrollment of undocumented college Latino students in a
California four-year public institution vs. a California 2 year community college?
(2) What are the barriers to college admissions and access for undocumented Latino
students?
(3) How do institutional agents alter the destinies of undocumented college Latino students?
Participants
Eight undocumented Latino students (4 males and 4 females) answered open-ended
interview questions regarding their background, educational experiences, and which individuals
they interacted with who either helped or hindered their trajectory toward pursuing
postsecondary studies. All the students selected for this study met the following criteria: student
was of Latino heritage or Mexican descent, designated as an AB 540 student at the time of their
college applications, and accepted into a four-year public or private university (CSU or UC)
during their senior year of high school. This chapter discusses the barriers that these students
faced in their pursuit of higher education and which individuals in their social networks were
pivotal in altering the future and destinies of this group of students.
Table 1 presents the curriculum/academic track that participants followed in high school.
Table 2 shows which colleges participants applied to and which offered them admission. Table 3
shows which colleges the students enrolled in after completing high school and the students’
reasons for selecting that particular school.Table4 shows which factors students considered when
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 69

deciding where to apply for college admission.Table 5 shows whether the research participant
was involved in any form of a college prep program during his/her 6
th
through 12
th
grade
educational experience.
Table 1
Participant Academics
Participant Curriculum/Academic Track
Robert a-g classes; no honors or AP classes
John a-g classes; math and science magnet
program; AP and honors courses
Esther a-g classes; AP classes
Madison a-g classes; honors and AP classes
Rachel a-g classes; enrolled in engineering academy;
AP and honors courses
Irene a-g classes; honors and AP classes
Eugene a-g classes; honors and AP class
Malachi a-g classes; honors and AP classes; GATE
student

Table 2
Participants’ College Applications and Acceptance
Participant Colleges applied Colleges accepted
Robert CSULB and CSUDH CSULB and CSUDH
John El Camino cc; east la cc; UC: Merced,
Berkeley, LA, Davis; CSULB; Harvard
El Camino CC, East LA CC,
CSULB, UC Davis, UC
Merced
Esther CSULB andCSUDH CSUDH andCSULB
Madison CSULA; CSULB; CalPoly Pomona CSULA and Cal Poly
Pomona
Rachel Dartmouth; Dilliard; Boston College; Cal
Poly San Luis Obispo; Cal Poly Pomona
Waitlisted For Dartmouth;
UC Berkeley, UC Santa
Cruz, Cal Poly Pomona
Irene UC: Berkeley, LA,; Irvine, Santa Barbara,
Riverside, CSULA, Cal Poly Pomona;
Occidental College
All colleges applied to except
Occidental College
Eugene Cal Poly Pomona; UC Merced and UCLA;
CSUN; CSUDH
CSUN; CSUDH; CSU
Pomona

Malachi
UC: Irvine, Riverside; Santa Cruz. CSU:
Fullerton, Long Beach
UC Riverside; UC Santa
Cruz
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 70

Table 3
Participants’ College Enrollment
Participant College enrolled and reason/rationale
Robert Santa Monica Community College; attending a 4year would give more
financial issues
John CSULB; it was contingent on the money the student would receive from
scholarships
Esther CSUDH; closer to home
Madison Cal Poly Pomona; different environment and accepted into EOP
program
Rachel Cal Poly Pomona; money and budget was primary; reputation of
program (major)
Irene UC Berkeley: proximity to home; finances; interactions with people
from campus
Eugene Cal Poly Pomona: tuition cost; good reputation; dad work closed by
Malachi UC Santa Cruz; primary influence was best friend
Table 4
College Application Decision Factors
Participant college applications decision factors
Robert Cal states due to money issues and proximity
to home
John Reputation for having good science programs
in order to prepare for medical school
Esther No desire to attend a 2 year; UC and a private
school would be too expensive; so Cal State
was the only option
Madison Opinions of friends and older peers; no advice
from school staff
Rachel UC and CSU because of living in California;
researched English and engineering programs
Irene Location and exposure to the university
Eugene Dad worked in close proximity to the school;
Cal Poly Pomona’s reputation and low tuition
costs
Malachi Researched campuses online; mostly blind
decision basis

COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 71

Table 5
College Preparatory Program Participation
Participant College preparatory program participation
Robert MESA program in middle school
John MESA program in high school
Esther Did not participate
Madison Did not participate
Rachel Upward Bound
Irene AVID; UC EAOP; Cal Summer Experience
Eugene Did not participate
Malachi Did not participate
Student One: Madison. Madison, at the time of this study,wasa 22-year-old Latina
female who residedin the inner city Los Angeles area. She wasthe oldest of her parents’ four
children. Madison came to the United States with her parents at the age of two. Her mother
worked as a seamstress in the garment district in the factories in the Los Angeles area, and her
dad was also employed as a factory worker. She recalledbeing enrolled in a special learning
program during elementary school which meant that she would have to go to different classes to
learn different subjects as opposed to the students who stayed with the same teacher for the
duration of the day. Her memories of middle school were not as fond of the ones from
elementary school. She describedher middle school as being an unsafe environment in which
gang affiliated students were in attendance at the school, and she recollectedbeing offered drugs
on the school grounds. She excitedly describedthe after school program that she participated in
during her time in middle school. The after-school program took Madison and fellow program
participants to visit museums and on camping outings. These aforementioned excursions were
the only ones provided during her early schooling career because she commented that no field
trips were ever provided in middle or elementary school.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 72

Her high school experience was similar to middle school in that the issues of gangs and
selling drugs were still visible. Like many high school students, Madison worked while in high
school. She worked as a cashier for only two months at a swap meet near her house. The
earnings from this job were spent on personal items like clothes and food if needed when staying
after school for various reasons. She clearly stated that, due to the short time she worked at the
swap meet, it was impossible for her to buy a laptop or save up for college expenses.
Madison enrolled as a freshman at Cal Poly Pomona during the fall semester after
graduating from high school. She was majoring in Chicano and Ethnic studies and wanted to
pursue graduate studies once she completed her bachelor’s degree. Madison was still working
on obtaining her bachelor’s degree despite being enrolled in the university sinceFall of 2008. She
commented “some quarters, I did not have the money to pay for school, so I had to sit out, which
is causing me a longer time to complete my degree”.
Student Two: Robert. Robertwasa 20-year-old male student at Santa Monica College.
Santa Monica College is a two-year community college located in Santa Monica, California. He
was accepted for admissions into several CSU campuses during his senior year of high school,
but his educational trajectory included a stop at the community college en route to his pursuit of
a bachelor’s degree.
Robert was born in Mexico City, Mexico, and came to the United States with his family
prior to beginning elementary school. He recounted that there was nothing really that stood out
in his memory about his elementary school experience. He described this time and his
experience there as “pretty normal and that the teachers were nice and cool”. When asked about
his middle school experience, he commented that it was troublesome, in his opinion, due to the
excessive amount of fighting that occurred on the school campus. Robertremarkedthat his high
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 73

school experience was pretty good overall, but, during his first two years, the school lacked
resources. However, by the end, he claimedthe issue regarding lack of resources seemed to
improve somewhat because there were individuals at the school site whowere available and
made an effort to help students go to college and make plans for themselves after high school.
Robertwasone of the only two students in this research study who did not hold any formal or
informal type of employment during his time in high school.
Robert planned to transfer to either CSULB or CSUDH once he earned enough credits to
transfer. Robert stated in the interview that “I chose SMC because of its reputation as being a
good school to transfer from and it was far away from the neighborhood where I live. Also, I
really liked the campus when I went on a tour.”
Student Three: Malachi.Malachiwas a22-year-old Latino male who was born in Puebla,
Mexico. His parents immigrated to the United States when Malachi was two years old. He was
the only child. Malachi and his family resided in the Orange County area in California. His
mother primarily was a housewife and his dad started out working in a factory but later
developed a landscaping business with a relative. He describedhis elementary school experience
as pretty good because, in his opinion, he had a satisfactory command of speaking English.
When he came to California, he had some cousins whowere already here and he would
communicate with them in English. Malachidescribedhis middle school experience as somewhat
difficult due to the changes he had to become accustomed to: the amount of students on the
campus and the many different classes that students took simultaneously. He describedhimself as
being extremely shy in middle school and it wasnot until he became involved in ASB
(Associated Student Body) that he gained leadership skills and grew out of his shyness.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 74

High school was a time for deep involvement for Malachi. During his time in high
school, he joined an organization called Project SAY (Save Anaheim’s Youth) Youth
Development Program. He statedthat the program provided students with the opportunity to get
involved in extracurricular activities like playing sports and also attending conferences.
Malachibelievedthat the program wanted its participants to do better in school and not make a
decision to join a gang or other detrimental decisions that would gravely affecttheir future in a
negative manner. In addition to Project SAY, he participated in the following clubs at his high
school: Key Club, National Honor Society (NHS), and Associated Student Body (ASB). When
not participating in one of the clubs on his high school campus, Malachi did pursue work
opportunities. He workedoccasionally on the weekends for his father’s landscaping business.
Also, he worked for approximately fourmonths at Jack in the Box, but quit due to his demanding
course load at his high school. He spent his earnings/wages from work on school necessities and
gave some money to his parents.
Malachi graduated in Spring 2011 with his bachelor’s degree from UC Santa Cruz.
Student Four: Eugene.Eugenewasa 2four-year old male who was born in Mexico City.
His mother worked as a lab assistant for a clinic and his father did janitorial work. He did
notreally have any early recollections of his elementary or middle school experience. He
didrecall in the 2
nd
grade having to take the bus for approximately 1 hour to a different
elementary school. Eugenestatedhe believes that this new school was better and that was the
deciding factor for his father to switch his school. When asked about his high school experience
and to describe his high school, he stated that, towards the end of his senior year, there were race
issues/conflicts among students on his high school campus. He believedthat he missed out on a
lot because his high school did not offer programs that assisted kids with getting to college.
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 75

Eugenebasedthis belief on programs and services that were afforded the student s at his cousin’s
high school.
Eugene did not work during his time in high school. He attributedthis to one of two
things: his parents were the cautious types, and he believedhis family was stable financially, so
there was no real urgent need for him to obtain employment.
Eugene was a student at Cal Poly Pomona studying engineering. He stated, “I have
another year or so before I’m done”. His friend Madison, another research study participant,
told him about this research study.
Student Five: John. Johnwasa 20-year-old pre-med major who attendedCSU Long
Beach. He was born in Oaxaca, Mexico. His mother worked in the fast food industry up until he
was in middle school. She stopped working at that job because she began experiencing back
problems. John’s father worked as a day laborer since he arrived in Los Angeles, California.
Johnremarkedthat work for his dad wassporadic.
Johndescribed elementary school as a challenging time for him but also filled with
moments of joy. He found it hard to keep up with the teacher and his fellow classmates because
he did not have a strong command of the English language. The teacher, in his opinion, did not
differentiate his instruction to meet the diverse learning needs of the students in the classroom.
Math was an easier subject for John in elementary school and, after earning an excellent score on
a Math test, his math teacher provided him with targeted instruction to meet his learning needs.
He praisedthe teachers he had in elementary school for taking the time to teach him how to
properly read and speak the English language.
Although he received help from his elementary school teachers regarding his English
language skills, his tenure in middle school would pose new challenges for John. He was bullied
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 76

in middle school, he believed, because of his accent and his inability to express himself correctly.
He would often meet with his middle school guidance counselor to deal with the treatment he
experienced at school. In the process of meeting with the guidance counselor, the guidance
counselor suggested that John explore magnet programs for his high school selection due to his
academic ability. John’s mother fought for a position in the Math and Science Magnet at his
local high school.
As a result of the treatment he received, he would rarely speak in class and would shut
down. High school would be the start of a turning point in John’s life. He stated that, when he
started high school, he was extremely nervous and cautious of the things that he said which
maintained his shyness and introversion. John made a conscious decision to forget about the
problems he faced in middle school due to his lack of English proficiency. John began to make
friends in high school and began to let his guard down about speaking and interacting with
others.
John had aspirations to attend medical school after earning his bachelor’s degree in
Biology with an emphasis in pre-med from CSU Long Beach.
Student Six: Esther. Estherwasa 25-year-old Latina female who spent most of her life in
inner city Los Angeles, California. She was her parents’eldest child. Estherwasthe oldest
participant in this research study and was one of three participants in the study who had already
earned a bachelor’sdegree. Her mother worked as a babysitter and her dad was employed doing
factory work until he suffered an injury on the job.
Esther did not have too many memories of the elementary school she attended in Los
Angeles besides its being an inner city school. She described the educational level here in the
United States as being low because, when her parents moved back to Mexico and enrolled her in
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 77

school, she was dropped a grade lower. She attended middle school in Mexico and stated that,
even though the students in the Mexican middleschool attended school for five hours a day, it
seemed that it was more work and there was a more serious take in education in Mexico. After
completing middle school in Mexico, her parents moved back to the United States and Esther
enrolled in the high school directly across the street from where she lived. She described the
high school as being made up of mostly Latino and African American students. During high
school, she had dreams and aspirations of attending UC Berkeley in Northern California because
of its academic reputation and location. However, she neglected to apply during the application
period, citing inability to pay the college costs as her justification for not submitting an
application to the campus.
Esther graduated with honors from CSUDH with a degree in Liberal Studies. She started
college with aspirations of becoming an elementary school teacher. Esther commented during
the interview, “My degree is just sitting under my bed…I can’t get a job in my field of study
because of my documentation status”.
Student Seven: Rachel. Rachel is a 2four-year old Latina female who spent most of her
early life in Oakland, California. She was raised by only her mother who labored as a
construction worker to provide for Rachel and her sisters. Rachel didnot recallmuch from her
elementary school experience except for a teacher in the third grade. She stated that her third
grade teacher stimulated her interests in academics and learning. In middle school, her teachers
encouraged her to do well in school. In addition to her teachers encouraging Rachel to excel in
school, her middle school guidance counselor routinely talked to her about attending college.
During one particular interaction, the guidance counselor provided Rachel with the information
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 78

for a local Upward Bound College Program in the school’s neighborhood and recommended that
she seriously consider joining the program.
Rachel’s mother and middle school counselor did not want her to attend her local
neighborhood high school due to its inferior quality as compared to another school across town.
The middle school counselor directed Rachel and her mother to inquire about the Engineering
Academy at the other high school. This other high school she attended was in a more affluent
part of the city she lived in. She stated that “parents who knew the system could get a private
education at a public school”. It bothered her somewhat that the education experience and
opportunities she received in the Engineering Academy at her high school were not reflective of
all the students in her high school. In addition to participating in her schools AP program, she
also was a member of the MECHA program, student union, and the Triumph Program.
Rachel was working towards her bachelor’s degree at Cal Poly Pomona. She was
informed of this study by her friend Madison. Similar to Madison, Rachel sat out some quarters
due to her inability to pay the tuition.
Student Eight: Irene. Irene was the only student in this research study whose citizenship
status changed once she began college. She was born in Mexico, and her parents immigrated to
the United States for a better life for the entire family. Irenedidnot really recall too many details
about her elementary school experience besides her liking all her teachers and her being a good
student in school. In middle school, she says her grades dropped because she experienced a
difficult time adjusting to the large student population. Also, she described the middle school as
being horrible but perceived it as normal because of the environment in which she was raised.
She had mixed feelings regarding her high school and the high school’s focus or emphasis on
plans for after high school. In her freshman year of high school, 600 students started at the
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 79

school, but only 200 received a high school diploma four years later. Teachers and other school
staff did not provide much direction to the students regarding college, in her opinion. The
campus culture was not one of a college going culture in which itwas understood and implied
through strategic actions on behalf of the school that all students were going to college
Irene earned her Bachelor’s degree in Sociology from UC Berkeley and worked in the
non-profit sector at the time of this study.
Results for Research Question One
Research Question 1 asked, “What factors contributed to the enrollment of undocumented
Latino students in a California four-year public institution vs. a California 2 year community
college upon high school graduation?”
The aim of this question was to expound upon the research that supports the finding that
undocumented Latino students are primarily found in community colleges throughout the state of
California. For many of these individuals, thisis primarily due to a lack of financial resources to
meet the rising costs of California’s four-year public institutions (CSU’s and UC’s). However, if
the inability to receive financial aid support were removed from the discussion as to why
undocumented Latino students enroll at community colleges at a disproportionate rate than other
groups and in California four-year public institutions, then other variables to explain this
phenomenon would still remain. These variables are well documented in the research literature
and include idiosyncratic characteristics, educational opportunities, family dynamics,
immigration status, and a host of other variables. Given the existing research citing community
colleges as the most common path to higher education for undocumented Latino students, this
question sought to understand and describe what conditions or factors played a role in
opportunity to enroll at a California four-year public institution upon their graduation from high
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school (Frum, 2007; Gonzales, 2007; Hossler, 1999). The following factors have been identified
as helping to increase the four-year college access and enrollment rates of undocumented Latino
students as well as other marginalized student groups in society: availability of financial
resources (King,2002; Oliverez& Paz, 2005) enrollment in college preparatory curriculum tracks
(Auerbach, 2002; Tierney& Jun, 2001), access to college information, knowledge of college
requirements (Tornatzky, Cutler, & Lee, 2002), college exposure via trips and outreach
programsandfamilial and peer support (Bui, 2002; Tierney, Colyar, & Corwin, 2003).
Three themes emerged from the data in this study. First, curriculum and/or academic
track afforded each of the students the opportunity to qualify for admissions into a California
four-year public university. Second, the provision of college knowledge and guidance was
instrumental in helping students pursue their collegiate endeavors. Lastly, family assistance and
support also was a valuable asset to students as they worked towards accessing college.
Curriculum and academic track.The admissions requirements to get into a California
four-year public institution of higher education are much more stringent than the admissions
requirements for a California Community College. The admissions requirements to get into a
CSU and UC require that the prospective applicant complete a specific number of courses (A-G
courses) and earn a corresponding score on either the ACT or SAT examination. Other factors
are taken into consideration such as a personal statement, rigor of high school courses,
extenuating circumstances, work experiences, and extracurricular involvement. The
requirements for a California Community College relate solely to age and/or high school
completion. Seven of the individuals interviewed were accepted for admissions into at least one
of the CSU campuses they applied to during their senior year of high school. Malachi was denied
admissions to CSU Fullerton because he neglected to submit missing documents. However, he
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 81

was admitted into UC Riverside and UC Santa Cruz, two campuses which have higher
admissions standards than CSU Fullerton.
The curriculum and academic track students complete in high school will dictate their
postsecondary opportunities. All of the individuals interviewed, completed the A-G course
sequence and earned academic grades and the corresponding score on the college entrance
examination. The combination of these two factors enabled each individual to qualify for
admission into a CSU campus. The interviewees who submitted applications to UC campuses
were each accepted into at least once campus. In addition to completing the A-G course
sequence, seven out of the eight interviewees completed a more specialized or rigorous academic
program during their tenure in high school.
During the interview, participants were asked what curriculum track they followed in
high school and whether or not they had any choice in the matter. Robert shared, “I only took
the regular classes offered at my high school. I did not take any AP or gifted classes.” Robert
was the only interviewee who completed the A-G course sequence and did not enroll in a more
specialized program. John was enrolled in a Math and Science Magnet as part of a regular
comprehensive high school in his neighborhood. His middle school counselor knew what high
school he would most likely attend given the middle school he was culminating from. While
John was in middle school, the counselor met with him and his mother and gave them the details
about the magnet program at the high school in his neighborhood. He shared “my mom was very
persistent about me getting into the magnet program at my high school. We had missed the
deadline but my mom kept going to the school to meet with the principal. After repeatedly going
to the school and talking to different people, she was able to get me in the magnet program
because the school had spots left and my mom was persistent. “John enrolled in AP and Honors
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courses while he was a student in high school. Esther stated that she took AP classes in high
school at the urging of her teachers. She commented, “My teachers just referred me to my
counselor and they just told him that I should be considered for the AP program, and I just
signed up for it.” According to Esther, the process to enroll in AP classes at her high school was
that, if one wanted to take the class, he/she could without taking a test or any necessary criteria.
Madison remembered taking honors classes for English, math, and science during her sophomore
year. During her 12
th
grade year, she enrolled in AP courses. Rachel’s high school academic
program was somewhat different than that of the remaining participants. She enrolled in an
engineering academy program that was offered at a public high school across town from where
she lived. Her counselor from middle school met with Rachel and her mother to give them the
information about this specialized academic program. The purpose of this program was to help
students with an interest in math, science, or technology by providing them with rigorous
academic coursework so that they could pursue career in those fields once they completed
college. Her participation in the engineering program at her high school required that she take
higher level math classes such as Trigonometry and Calculus, in addition to Physics and
Chemistry. Rachel commented that “Students that were not in the engineering academy were not
required to take the higher level courses. Since I chose to participate in this program, I have to
and it’s good, because it will prepare me for college.”
College knowledge and guidance.College knowledge and guidance was another theme
that was consistent in the interview data. College knowledge refers to whether or not an
individual has the information necessary for the college application and admissions process.
This encompasses accurate and thorough information regarding the following areas: college
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admissions requirements, college entrance examinations such as the SAT, ACT, SAT
II’s,financial aid information and resources for helping to cover college costs.
One important dimension or component of college knowledge and guidance is
information about scholarships and financial aid options. Given that undocumented Latino
students were not eligible for financial assistance from the state government or some forms of
aid from higher education institutions during the time of this study, itwas paramount that they
have access to information about scholarships that are available to undocumented Latino
students. Interviewees were questioned about whether or not they applied for scholarships and
whether or not they received the scholarship information. Seven stated that they did apply for
scholarships while they were in high school. Malachi stated that “I applied to several
[scholarships] but I remember I couldn’t apply to a lot because of my social, that’s when they
kept asking about it [if I had a social security number], and that’s when I started to go oh wow I
don’t have a social like I need to – something is wrong you know.” Rachel commented that “I
applied to a lot of scholarships. I applied to all the private scholarships I found that did not
require a social security number, well I’m sure not all of them but a lot of them.” Finding
scholarships that the students qualified for due to their citizenship status was a concern for all the
interview participants.
Interestingly five of the eight respondents indicated that their high school had a college-
career center and the college counselor or the resources provided in this office was their main
source of scholarship information. John indicated that he did apply for scholarships, but he
received his scholarship information by reaching out to students from other Latino organizations.
He stated, “I got in touch with other student organizations that were willing to share their
scholarship information and through that, they gave me like a list of applications that I could
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apply to.”Eugene also learned of scholarship opportunities outside the four walls of his high
school. He stated,“My dad through his job was part of this union. One day, he came home with
this scholarship packet from his union. So, I just applied to all the scholarships that I was eligible
for.” In addition to that, Eugene stated that he conducted his own scholarship search online. He
stated, “My dad have me scholarship information and I used the internet as well.” Rachel and
Malachi indicated that, in addition to scholarship listings found in their respective schools’
college center, they had additional assistance looking for ways to finance their college education.
Rachel was a member of a college outreach program in high school called Upward
Bound. Upward Bound is a federally funded program that requires participants to be a US
citizen or permanent resident. However, Rachel was never asked to provide proof of US
citizenship. She participated in this program from freshman year until she graduated from high
school. The Upward Bound staff knew her documentation status and gave her scholarship
applications for which she was eligible. Malachi crediteda woman whom he referred to as his
“Chapman University Mentor” with providing him with large amounts of scholarship
information. Also, his participation in his high school’s Key Club organization was not only
beneficial in terms of the opportunities and experiences within the organization, but the
organization provided a wealth of scholarship opportunities information. Unlike the majority of
the sample who applied for scholarships and had an outlet these resources, Madison experienced
a more negative fate in her pursuit of financial resources for college. She stated, in a confused
tone of voice, “I remember from friends that they were actually given the resources such as
scholarships that they can apply to, you know, in order to obtain the financial support through the
college education. However, nothing was introduced to me at all.”
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 85

In addition to acquiring information about scholarships and financial aid opportunities,
students need to be knowledgeable regarding college entrance examinations. All of the students
completed at least one of the college entrance examinations. The interview protocol included a
prompt about what tests were taken by each individual and how they acquired information about
the test(s). The entire sample self-reported that school officials provided them with information
about the tests.
Robert, who is the only member of the sample who chose to enroll in a community
college immediately after high school graduation, completed the SAT, ACT, and Sat II’s. The
SAT II’s are required for admission into the UC campuses. He stated that he received the
information from counselors at his school and that his 12
th
grade English teacher offered students
the incentive of extra credit if they provided her with proof they took the test. Robert’s teacher
was the only school official mentioned in the interview data who rewarded the individual for
taking the college entrance examination. Other teachers used a more direct and realistic
approach when talking to the students about the importance of completing the exam. John
reported that “my AP teachers told us about the SAT, ACT, and SAT II and how it was
important for us to do well on them and how it would affect our college admissions. My AP
English Teacher taught a SAT Prep course at the school and recommended that people in the
class join so that we could prepare for the test. I signed up for the class.” Interestingly, Malachi
mentioned an outside source of information that was not shared by the other interview
participants. “Yeah I took the SAT I and II but I didn’t take the ACT. I don’t think I took that
one. So, I knew it because they would announce it in school and you know, and I think
somebody came to talk to us about college so you know, I just- I mean my friends were taking it
so I just went along you know and took the test so that’s how I did it.”
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Family assistance and support.Lastly, family assistance and support was a common
thread/theme among the interview participants. This was demonstrated in different ways for
each individual. Robert stated that “they paid for the applications for the Cal States and, other
than that, I don’t know if they assisted in any way because they weren’t really too much
informed, but they went to a couple of workshops [at the high school] to try to get informed.”
When Madison was asked the question about assistance her family provided as she navigated the
college-going process, her appreciation and gratitudebecameapparent. She indicated they helped
by “pay[ing] for tuition, they paid for the fees of my college application, they paid for the first
and second year of my college education, they paid for books, gas, transportation [because] they
provided a car, and they provided food and shelter.” Malachi reported receiving similar
assistance from his family. According to Malachi, “basically they helped me financially the
whole way because they paid for my whole school. Yeah, that’s the way you know they
supported me, also to make sure I was ok my mom would call me regularly but mostly I mean
they help me in financial, my financial needs.” Five out of the eightinterviewed mentioned their
family’s main source of assistance and support was via verbal methods (i.e. verbal
encouragement and motivation). Esther stated that “my parents did not have the money to pay
my college expenses, but they would always tell me that I was smart and I had to go to college.”
Discussion.The selection of one’s academic or curriculum track in high school for the
research participants seemed to take place haphazardly. Some members of the sample were
fortunate to have someone intervene while they were in middle school, though most indicated
that they did not have good experiences with the middle school culture. Institutional agents at
the middle school level believed that the student had potential to be successful in high school and
in their near future given their current level of performance at the middle school level. These
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individuals saw potential in members of the interview sample and wanted to further encourage
and motivate these students to challenge themselves academically in hopes of securing a better
future. Other interviewees were not as fortunate to have someone to guide them at either the
middle school level or the beginning of their high school career. All respondents completed the
A-G course sequence required to meet admissions eligibility for the UC and CSU system, but
they all took different paths in accomplishing that goal. Based on the interview data, nothing
was strategically done at the school level to ensure that these students or other students were
aware of the curriculum offerings available to them. The evidence suggests that schools and
school officials do an inadequate job of providing academic advisement or guidance for students
with respect to their high school educational plan and their future postsecondary endeavors.
Teachers assisted students in their efforts to go to college. This consisted of providing
students with information about standardized examinations required for college entrance and
shared their own personal college experiences in hopes of advising their students. Teachers,
traditionally,werenot charged with the responsibility of advising students regarding college
because, for many of them, this wasnot their area of expertise. The evidence validates that AB
540 students seek out various sources of social support in their efforts to navigate the higher
education pipeline.
It is worth noting that all of the interviewees indicated that there was at least one
individual at their school site whowas solely responsible for providing college counseling to the
students. At the same time, this is disheartening because one individual cannot adequately meet
the needs of a large student body. As a result, students sometimes have to rely on other sources
for important information in addition to the college counselor/advisor at their school site. This
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 88

was reflected in the statements and comments made by interviewees who relied on their parents,
friends, or outreach personnel as sources of college related information such as scholarships.
Families played a pivotal role in helping interviewees to prepare for college. Parents and
other family members may have lacked the practical knowledge in terms of helping their son or
daughter get into college, but they provided support in other valuable ways. Verbal
encouragement and financial support were often cited as the ways in which parents helped their
children with the college-going process. They helped their children to the best of their ability
given their knowledge base, and, for anything beyond, that they hoped that the school system
would address the deficiencies or gaps.
Results for Research Question Two
Research Question Two was,“What are the barriers to college admissions and access for
undocumented Latino students?” The aim of this question was to identify and describe what
challenges undocumented Latino students must overcome in their pursuit of higher education.
There are some challenges that are common to all students, regardless of background, who wish
to obtain a college education. However, there are some difficulties that are uniquely specific to
the lived experiences and circumstances undocumented Latino students face as they seek to
navigate the educational pipeline to institutions of higher learning. The three themes that
emerged among the interview data were lack of knowledge, discouragement from school
officials, and money and financial resources.
Lack of knowledge.Lack of knowledge was a common theme found in the interview
data. This was manifested from three different perspectives: parents, students, and school
officials. The parents of the interview participants lacked the knowledge regarding the college-
going process, so, therefore, were in no position to properly guide or advise their son or daughter
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regarding college. Students also struggled with lack of knowledge due to not receiving proper or
sufficient academic advising and guidance. Lastly, schools policies are in effect that created a
lack of knowledge with respect to the students that they are designed to serve the best interests
of.
Parents play a direct and indirect role in helping their son or daughter to get into college.
The extent of the help or the assistance that the parent is able to provide is contingent upon their
knowledge base. Parents who are unfamiliar with the college-going process are extremely
limited in the assistance that they can offer their child. Of the individuals interviewed, seven
participants indicated that their parents and other family members were extremely supportive of
their college endeavors. However, they were unfamiliar with the college going process.
Eugene made the following remark regarding the preceding, “so being the first generation
in college kind of pathway you know, you don’t really know much. Your parents don’t know
much, but they just tell you to go and you just got to do it.” Esther’s discussion of her parents
was similar to that of Eugene. She stated,“[my parents] were just supportive through the whole
process [of college admission and application] but they weren’t really educated to like know
anything about that process so they were just very supportive.” John echoed similar sentiments
to those mentioned above when discussing his parents and the assistance they provided him with
when it was time to apply to colleges. John stated,“[they provided me with] pretty much the
support because they weren’t sure on the procedure of the application. They didn’t know much
about it [the college application process] so they were just giving support and they were saying
[I] can do it as long as [I] believed in myself.” Rachel laughed while answering the question
about what assistance her single mother provided. She commented, “My biggest encouragement
for a college education was my mother. Even though she didn’t understand how to apply to a
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university, I don’t think she understood all that it involved. My mother actually would fight with
me when I would come home really late from working on my college applications. So when my
college acceptance letters were coming in and she was really happy and it made it all worth it.”
In addition to parents’ lacking the knowledge regarding the college going process,
students expressed similar concerns regarding their lack of knowledge with respect to navigating
the college pipeline. Of the participants interviewed, four stated that they lacked the knowledge
and information regarding important topics such as curriculum track, advanced course offerings,
selecting the right college, and how citizenship status affects college opportunities. Eugene
discussed his frustration about not having the information regarding taking advanced placement
courses at his high school. He stated, “like I could have gone to AP a lot sooner but I didn’t have
the support, like I didn’t know anything like – it seem[ed] kind of like something really
incredibly difficult,but,when I got into the AP psychology class during my senior year, it wasn’t
a big deal. All that time, I could have done a lot more.” He concluded that “if you didn’t have
the background and if you didn’t have like the siblings or cousins who told you to go to AP, you
weren’t going to go – and it wasn’t like right there, so it could be like AP.” Unlike Eugene,
Madison was given information about AP classes, but she felt neglected by school staff with
regards to applying for scholarships. Madison recalled her fellow friends’ and classmates’ being
given resources such as scholarships and no information was provided to her. John’s lack of
knowledge stemmed from his uncertainty regarding his decision as to which colleges and
universities to apply to during the college application period. He remarked,“I wasn’t that well
informed. I was trying to,like, you know, get information and do my research.”
Parents and students were not the only individuals who exhibited or suffered from
knowledge deficits with regards to pursuing postsecondary educational opportunities. The
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interview data strongly suggested that lack of knowledge was also a common factor for school
officials. Participants were asked about whether or not they thought the staff members at their
high school had high expectations for AB 540 students, and, if so, how staff members
demonstrated their high expectations. Staff members at a school site, for the sake of this
question, include the individuals who are directly responsible for the education of the students
The interview data suggested that all of the participants held the perception that school officials
at their respective school sites were not knowledgeable regarding the enrollment of
undocumented Latino (AB 540) students on their high school campuses. Rachel’s opinion was
that “I honestly don’t think the staff in my high school knew anything about AB 540 students. I
don’t think they know anything about our situation.” She added, “I just don’t see like any of
them [school staff] really like having to had dealt with undocumented students. Just because the
high school I went to, I would say that I didn’t really meet any undocumented students like
myself and, if there were, they didn’t tell me.It was not an issue that was addressed; the school
barely took care of addressing the college issue to begin with, so, then, college for
undocumented, no.” John shared similar sentiments when discussing the assistance his school
staff provided for AB 540 students. “I don’t think they were necessarily prepared to or
adequately enough prepared to assist undocumented students because opportunities or help was
sort of guided to documented students.” When discussing the college workshops put on by his
school, he said“[the workshops] were mostly directed to those that were, I guess, citizens and
they didn’t even open the possibility and discussion or anything or assemblies or workshops
about alternate options for those students who were undocumented. I don’t think they were
adequately prepared and it kind of like shocks me because the school is located in a mainly
Latino neighborhood that is primarily composed of undocumented individuals.” Malachi was
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fortunate in the sense that his mentor from Chapman University was a staff member at his school
who worked with the PTSA. Malachi stated that “she’s the only one who told me about [AB 540
and undocumented student info] and nobody else would mention anything about undocumented
students or AB 540.We never heard about it, andI was in ASB, and, you know, I really liked
talking to the principal and stuff, but he never brought anything like that up.”
Discouragement from school officials.Participants indicated there were people who
discouraged them about going to a college or university. Of the eightparticipants,fivestated that
at least one school official interacted with them in a manner which left them feeling discouraged.
This discouragement emanated from school officials at the high schools attended by the
participants. Robert discussed a conversation he had with one of his male Latino history teachers
who advised and suggested to him that he go to a community college first. He stated,“I know for
a fact the teacher knew I was [an] AB 540 [student], he mentioned a lot about the money issues
[if I were to enroll at a CSU campus].” Also, he addedthat “all of [my teachers] encouraged me,
but they encouraged me more to go to community college instead of a Cal State.”
The remaining four participants experienced discouragement from a counselor at their
school. Irene had this recollection from an interaction with her counselor in high school, “a
counselor told me that – because I told him that I was going to go to UC Berkeley, like I already
had made my decision. He tried to discourage me because he tried to tell me to go to like a two-
year – what is it called – community college because he felt like I wasn’t going to be able to pay
for it.” John discussed his reluctance to disclose his documentation status with the counselor at
his high school because he was unsure about the end result. “I did share my status [eventually]
with the counselor and the college center at [my high school] but I didn’t think it was very well
received. I was sort of [made to feel] inadequate because she sort of said that I should not have
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 93

my hopes up for going to universities or colleges, I should just apply to community colleges.”
Madison shared a similar experience when meeting with the female college counselor during her
senior year once she was admitted into several CSU campuses. She comments “I would first
have to start with the college advisor, one of the college advisors at [my high school]. One of the
comments that I’m never going to forget is – she knew that I was AB 540, and I already had the
options of attending CSULA, Long Beach, and Cal Poly Pomona. Shetold me that I should go
and I should attend CSULA because that was basically the easiest college/university here in
California that they would accept, you know any student and, that if I attended Cal Poly Pomona,
how was I even going to make it there. So, to me that was a discouragement. Yeah. I felt that as a
discouragement that comment that she made that day.” Malachi commented about the irony
surrounding his interaction with the counselor and the advisement he received regarding
pursuing higher education. He commented:
It was unfortunate, but there was the counselor in my high school that I went to ask her
about my college options, and she said it was better for me to apply to a community
college because it was less expensive. So, she motivated me to go to community college,
and I told her but I think I can go to the University but I believed she thought [a four-year
school] was too much money and I couldn’t do it. So, that was shocking to me because I
thought counselors want to motivate you to do more and you know go beyond, and she
kind of put me down you know at the point.
Lastly, he commented “maybe she said what she did because I was like Mexican but it’s
funny because she was a Mexican herself, you know, so I don’t understand you know, it was a
race thing or you know, like the money situation.” This interaction with the counselor left
Malachi confused for a number of reasons. First, counselors are perceived as individuals who,
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ideally, should motivate and encourage students to reach for their dreams and aspirations, but
this counselor seemed to demonstrate the opposite in her actions with the student. Secondly, it
bothered the student that someone of his same ethnicity had low expectations of another
individual of the same ethnic group.
Money and financial resources.Students articulated the challenges they encountered as
undocumented students during their K-12 educational experience and challenges they faced once
completing high school. All of the participants provided a response that could be categorized as
relating to money, financial resources, or financial support. Malachi commented,“I think the
most challenging [aspect] is the money. I think the financial support because, you know, when
you do nothave the money to pay for the school, then they kick you out so that’s been the hardest
part – not being able to afford it.” Eugene echoed the comment shared by Malachi in
stating,“There’s always a person that takes a semester or quarter off because they can’t pay [for
school]. That adds years to their degree and it gets tough and sets them off a year behind. The
biggest challenge is dealing with the money and paying for college.” Eugene’s comment about
financial challenges was based on fellow classmates from an AB 540 student group on his
college campus. Rachel experienced first-hand the consequences of not having enough money to
cover college expenses. She stated:
My biggest challenge has been money. I’m actually in my 7
th
year right now in Cal Poly
Pomona, and I will graduate in Spring 2013. There have been times where I have to take
a quarter off because I do not have the money to pay for tuitions. When it’s good I get to
be a part time student and then go and take some classes. We [AB 540 students] are not
eligible for financial aid and especially now the way our economy is [the CSU system]
keep increasing the fees and it’s very frustrating and challenging.
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Many of the participants mentioned their completion of numerous scholarship
applications as an effort to secure the funds necessary to attend college. However, the
scholarship application and decision process is a frustrating one for applicants, especially those
who may not be able to enroll without enough financial support. Esther made the following
comment about the scholarship application process, “even though we are able to apply to private
scholarships, it was still really hard. I applied to maybe like 15 scholarships, but I only got one
and the one that I got was for $1,000, so it didn’t even cover my first semester. So, I think the
greatest obstacle for me was the money.” Financial struggles, even before stepping foot onto a
college campus,werea cause of concern for many of the interview participants. Several
individuals indicated that, in the process of submitting their college applications, they did not
qualify for fee waivers for the college application fees so they had to pay out of their own
pockets. This was problematic due to the costs of submitting a college application: $55.00 for
each CSU campus, $60.00 for each UC Campus and private colleges and universities have
varying costs ranging from $25-$80 per application submitted. Robert remarked,“My friends
that were born here [in the United States] they got like a fee waiver to apply to more colleges. If
I would have been able to have a fee waiver or anything that would have helped me pay the
money [for college application fees] I would have applied for more [colleges].”Several indicated
that the lack of financial support put added pressure on them to achieve in college. John
commented
It’s [challenging] knowing that the classes that I’m paying for in college, I have to do
well, there’s no ifs or buts about it because as soon as I pay that money, it’s already pretty
much coming out of my pocket, out of my own efforts and if I mess up you know
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academically at one class and that hurts my GPA and that’s possibly going to be like
damage my ability to qualify or apply for some scholarships.
Discussion.Schools, ideally, should be the place where students receive encouragement
from all stakeholders to accomplish their dreams and reach their full potential. Sadly, more often
than should be, schools are places where students endure or suffer low expectations or no
expectations to succeed and accomplish great exploits. Teachers and counselors were reported
by interviewees as individuals who engaged with them in a manner that would be characterized
as discouraging. The reason individuals in the school setting verbally discouraged students with
respect to their college hopes cannot be known without asking the direct source. However, the
possible cause of the discouragement could have been the school official’s lack of knowledge
regarding working with AB 540 students. This may have led teachers or counselors to quickly
advise a student to attend a community college directly after high school despite the student
qualifying for a more selective institution. Discouraging interactions with an adult figure on the
school campus can potentially to lead to negative outcomes for a student.
Money is arguably the main barrier to college access for AB 540 students. How to cover
expenses is a thought in the mind of AB 540 students long before the step onto a college campus.
Paying for college application fees, college entrance examinations, AP Test examinations, and,
ultimately, college tuition poses many obstacles for AB 540 students. US Citizens who meet
specified criteria qualify for fee waivers to cover their college application and college entrance
examination fees. When they making the decision as to which college to attend, they have
financial aid offers that they can consider when making their decision. This is not the case for
undocumented students who aspire to attend college. These students, instead, rely chiefly on a
close examination of their finances to determine an affordable college choice. The parents and
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other family members of the interviewees may not have been familiar with the college
application process, but oftentimes provided their financial resources so that the student could
pay necessary college related fees. Given that AB 540 students, at the time of this study,
qualified foronly a small portion of the scholarship resources available, other funding sources
need to be made available to this group of students.
Results for Research Question Three
Research Question 3 asked,“Do undocumented Latino students have access to
institutional resources and social capital groups that would increase postsecondary educational
opportunities?”The aim of this question was to determine whetherLatino AB 540 students had
access to individuals who could provide them with the skills necessary to navigate the higher
education pathway and college going process. The primary time period of reference for the
aforementioned question wasduring the individual’s middle and high school educational
experience. A key component of this question soughtto identify which individuals assisted the
students with their college aspirations and what specific actions these peopled engaged in as they
endeavored to provide a path to college for this disenfranchised population.
The research literature discusses the roles that teachers, counselors, and individuals such
as college outreach officials play in helping undocumented students navigate the challenging
path of college admissions and ultimately matriculation. Three factors emerged from the
interview data: (1) teacher interaction and support was cited as a factor in helping to provide
access to college, (2) counselor interaction and support was cited as a factor in helping to provide
access to college, and (3) the types of assistance provided by the supportive individuals.
Teacher interaction.In order to determine whether AB 540 students have access to
institutional resources and social capital groups, participants were asked about the role teachers
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on their respective campuses played in providing them with access to college. Specifically,
questions pertained to the practices teachers engaged in for the purpose of helping students to
pursue higher education and get into a college/university. Seven participants stated that at least
one teacher, either during their time in junior or senior high school, interacted with the student in
a manner that was beneficial for their college aspirations. John recalled that “my [high school]
instructors from Math and English would often give me advice on how to write my essays and
what to write or how – you know, how to properly fill [out] the application.” Irene also stated
that her teachers assisted her. She mentioned, “[my teachers] would help me with the personal
statement. My AVID teacher exposed me to all the deadlines and all the applications, things like
that. We would take field trips to universities and we would have guest speakers and [the teacher
would have] college students come talk to us in AVID.”
The most commonly cited (five out of eight participants) interaction method for teachers
with respect to the college-going process was providing the participants with information about
either the SAT or ACT examination required for college/university admissions. Esther
commented, “I took both [the SAT and ACT] and I knew about it through my teachers. My
English teacher [he] told us [about the test] and the SAT course and after that I just knew.” Also,
John’s awareness of the test stemmed from his teachers. He stated, “Yes, I took it [the tests] and
my professors in [my high school] were really emphasizing that. They were telling us to be
aware of the dates and it was extremely important not to miss a test because without those –
being accepted to a college is pretty much impossible so it was mainly for my teachers that I was
aware.” Closely following behind that were referrals that teachers made to the school counselor
to have students placed in Advanced Placement (AP courses). In response to the question
regarding the process for enrolling in AP courses, Esther responded, “I don’t know what the
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process was, but my teachers just referred me to my counselor and they just told him that I
should be considered for the AP program, and I just signed up for it.” This was most times done
as a result of the student’s performance in the current teacher’s class. For example, a 10
th
grade
regular or honors English teacher recommending that a student be given AP English Language
for his/her junior year English course in high school. Maria commented:
[The teachers] saw the progress you know that I was making in class and how I scored on
the tests and it was actually the teachers who recommended [I take more challenging
courses], who talked to the counselors. I remember a biology teacher of mines at a parent
conference; she told my parents that she was going to recommend me to be in honors
classes.
Counselor interaction.In addition, since counselors are primarily viewed as the
individuals on the school campus given the charge of making sure students are college eligible,
participants were asked about the role counselors played in providing them with access to
college. There are two types of counselors who fall into the large group of counselors routinely
found of the campuses of most comprehensive high schools. Type 1 counselors are commonly
referred to as academic or guidance counselors. Type 2 counselors are commonly referred to as
college or career counselors. Their roles overlap yet differ at the same time. Participants were
asked to distinguish between the different types of counselors when they discussed the
counselor’s role in providing them with access to college. Also, they were specifically asked to
describe their interactions with their academic/guidance counselor in high school.
All of the participants indicated that they were assigned to an academic/guidance
counselor during their high school tenure. Also, all of the participants stated that their high
school employed an individual who was solely responsible for providing college and career
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counseling services to the student body. Five participants surveyed felt that their contact with
the academic counselor was extremely limited (lack of meaningful counselor interaction).
Rachel had the following to say regarding her dealings with the academic counselor she was
assigned to during high school:
Minimal,I know that. I’m sure that there was stuff that I needed his signature and that’s
what I was given. Other than that, he was always out at lunch. I remember out of the
three counselors, everybody really like going to one who [was] always there and very
helpful but you were assigned counselors and not everyone had him. My counselor was
just, like I said, hardly there, and I was just get his signatures sometimes when I needed
it. I don’t remember what for.
When Eugene was asked to describe his interactions with his counselor, his response
echoed the sentiments shared by Rachel. Eugene stated,“[my interaction was] very minimal. I
think the only time that I talked to them is when I needed help to determine what classes would
meet the A-G requirements.” These two students did not provide a rationale for why they
believed their interactions were the way they were with the counselor. However, other
respondents mentioned ideas as to why they felt neglected by the academic counselor. Malachi
commented that “they [the counselors] knew I was in ASB, and I would always see them. They
know I was a good student, so they would tell me like whatever. They were more focused on the
students not getting good grades or getting in trouble, so they assumed that we would know what
to do [about applying to college].”
Assistance provided. Only five of the eight participants were able to recall instances in
which they interacted with either the college or career counselor in support of their college
endeavors. Robert recalled his high school having an IDEAS club which was supervised and run
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by the college counselor at his high school. This club met once a week during lunch time in the
college center. This club provided an opportunity for the AB 540 students on campus to get
information that was specifically tailored and addressed to their needs with respect to the college
going process. For example, students were given a list of scholarships that were designated for
AB 540 students. In addition to that, he stated,“we [did] fundraisers to raise money for
scholarships [for AB 540 students on our campus]. At the end of the school year the money was
used to provide scholarships to AB 540 students.” The provision of scholarship resources was
also provided at Malachi’s high school. He stated, “I got some of those scholarships [that I
applied for] as they were [from] a nonprofit organization and then I got some from the actual
high school because at the high school they gave scholarships too.”
The activities that counselors engaged in to help their students with the college
admissions process covered a wide range. For example, Irene discussedapplying to live in the
multi-cultural house as a housing option at UC Berkeley due to its inexpensive costs. She was
not accepted, and she shared her bad news with the academic counselor at school. Not really
expecting anything to come of her disclosure,Irene stated,“[the counselor] made some phone
calls [to UC Berkeley] and I was able to send in another application. Basically, he helped me out
because, eventually, I was accepted into this housing.” Esther’s interaction with the counselor
cameat the start of the college admissions process. She stated, “When it came time to fill out the
FAFSA and Cal grant forms and all that, I didn’t know that I wasn’t eligible for that kind of help.
So, I just filled it out and then my high school counselor told me [I wasn’t] eligible for this kind
of help and then she started talking me through the whole AB 540 process.” Eugene cited the
college center and college counselor at his high school with being instrumental in helping him to
get into college. He discussed how he received information about the SAT exam from the
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college center in addition to attending workshops that were held in the college center.
Workshops topics included information and tips from the college counselor on completing
admissions applications. For example, he stated“the college counselor assisted me with small
things like, when they ask you about the social security just leave it blank and stuff like that and
not to lie on the college application….how to fill out the applications for college.”
Discussion.There are some teachers on school campuses whohave a desire to assist their
students with their college endeavors. This is evident by the accounts provided by interviewees
of teachers who assisted them with the college-going process. It is commendable that these
teachers offer guidance to their students given that it is not their area of expertise or
specialization. It can be problematic, though, if teachers providestudents information that is
inaccurate or ill-advised. Some might argue that teachers are not equipped with the necessary
knowledge and skills to provide college advisement to their students. The research and interview
data gathered in this study suggest that the counselors are not the only individuals students seek
out for college advisement.
Counselors hold some of the primary responsibility of providing college advisement.
Given the numerous other tasks that counselors are responsible for completing, college
advisement is, arguably, one of the most important. However, based on the interview data the
participants’ interaction with the high school counselor was at best limited in scope. The
interviewees met with the counselor activities such as getting signatures on a form or getting a
quick question answered. It did not appear that the interviewees had any meaningful interactions
with their counselors. As a result, this caused participants to seek assistance from sources
outside the school or to rely on themselves in order to figure out the answer to their questions.
Counselors are arguably the most qualified on a school campus to provide college advisement to
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students, but, when their interactions with students are minimal andinsignificant,then students
arenot able to benefit from this institutional agent. This suggests that students received
inadequate academic advisement during their high school matriculation.
Summary of Results
There were five findings which emerged in response to the three research questions.
There were two findings related to research question one. The first finding was that schools and
school officials do an inadequate job of providing academic advisement or guidance for students
with respect to academic and curriculum offerings and in planning for their future postsecondary
educational endeavors. A second finding is that the AB 540 Latino students in this research
study sought out and received help from various sources of social support in their efforts to gain
access. There was one important finding related to research question two. Lack of knowledge
was a common theme for all stakeholders with respect to AB 540 students gaining access to
college. There were two important findings related to research question three. The first finding
was that counselors were not the only individuals who play a role in providing students with
access to college. A second finding similar to research question one was that students received
inadequate academic advisement during their time in high school.
The information presented in chapter four may lead the reader to infer that there are no
idiosyncratic features that distinguish this group of undocumented Latino students from other
disenfranchised or marginalized groups in society with respect to barriers in accessing higher
education and factors that contribute to enrollment in a four-year college/university.The research
data collected suggest that undocumented Latino students with college aspirations face the same
barriers in accessing higher education as low-income, minority, and first generation college-
going individuals. However, the role of financial matters plays a more prominent role in the
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college going process for undocumented Latino students in contrast to other comparable
marginalized groups as suggested by this study.
The role of finances is a known barrier to college access. For undocumented students in
this study, finances affected their college going/choice process in five ways: applying to college,
getting to college, choosing a college, staying in college, and pressure to perform. For the
students in this study, finances were a barrier at the onset of the college-going process. Applying
to college necessitated that the student and his/her family pay the college application fees. Low-
income documented students have various sources of financial support to help cover their college
application fees. This affords these individuals the opportunity to apply to numerous schools and
their families are not held financially responsible. Undocumented students are not given this
same privilege.
Secondly, for many undocumented students, the ultimate college choice or selection is
based on their family’s ability to pay for a college education. Documented students are given
financial assistance from the federal and state governments as long as they meet the specified
criteria. This financial assistance may be in the form of grants or loans. However, when the
students in this study applied and attended college,thesefinancial aid resources were not available
to them. Undocumented students in this study are distinguishable from their peers because of
their chief reliance on scholarships funds, their own personal savings, and financial support from
family to help cover their college expenses.Documented students do not have the urgency to
apply for scholarships or to find creative ways to help pay for college because they can rely on
financial aid. Participants in this study stated that it was because of scholarship awards and the
financial sacrifices of their family that they were afforded the privilege of attending a four-year
university directly after high school. Although, for some, the lack of finances at times would
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mean they would have to sit out a semester or quarter or two until they have enough money to
return to school. They did not have the ability to qualify for a loan to cover their educational
expenses.
Lastly, participants in this study stated that scarce financial resources imposed a
“pressure to perform” for the undocumented students. The idea or concept of “pressure to
perform” was alluded to by several individuals in the study. This means that, because the
students had to pay for their college expenses with their own or family’s money, it was
extremely important for the students to earn good grades in their classes. This was extremely
important for maintaining scholarships that had a GPA requirement or qualifying for additional.

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Chapter 5: Discussion of the Findings
Getting into college is an extremely difficult task that countless individuals struggle with.
There are a variety of factors or components involved in making sure that one is adequately
prepared to participate in the college going-process. For example, an individual must have the
knowledge of college entrance requirements, financial aid options, and the various types of
postsecondary institutions. For those who are considered disenfranchised and underserved,
gaining access to college can seem like an impossible feat. AB 540 students face tremendous
obstacles in their pursuit of higher education. Many of the AB 540 students in this study, similar
to other AB 540 individuals, were brought to the United States by their parents at an early age in
hopes of securing a better future.
One way parents hoped to ensure the foregoing was by instilling the importance of hard
work and getting an education. The doors of our nation’s primary and secondary schools
arguably provide equal access to education for these students and welcome then with open
arms.The doors to most four-year colleges and universities are closed to many AB 540 students
despite their exemplary academic achievements in high school. Many of the opportunities and
privileges that were afforded to them in the primary and secondary schooling cease once they
reach the completion of high school. However, some AB 540 students are resourceful and
resilient enough and they do not allow their citizenship status to determine their college plans
and goals. Many are able to identify key individuals within their social network who are willing
to serve as agents of change in the lives of these students.
AB 540 Latino students have the same aspirations of attending college as their American-
born peers but face unique challenges along the educational pipeline. The purpose of this study
was multifold: (1) discuss policies effecting the education of AB 540 students (2) identify and
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understand some of the challenges that a sample of AB 540 students faced in their quest for
higher education (3) discuss how AB 540 students were able to get assistance from important
individuals in their social network, and, lastly, (4) identify which types of support were
provided/not provided to these students as they navigated the K-12 educational system with the
ultimate goal of accessing their dreams of attending college.
Three research questions guided this study:
(1) What factors contributed to the enrollment of undocumented college Latino students in a
California four-year public institution vs. a California two-year community college?
(2) What are the barriers to college admissions and access for undocumented Latino
students?
(3) How do institutional agents alter the destinies of undocumented college Latino students?
Methodological issues
The recruitment plan consisted of reaching out to the relatives of former students. In the
researcher’s five years of working as a secondary counselor, a number of students shared
information about their families. Several students mentioned they had older siblings who were
undocumented students who had attended or were attending college. This recruitment strategy
was successful in helping to gather participants for the study. Some of these siblings referred
other individuals who met the criteria for the study.
Summary of Findings
There were four findings that resulted from this study. First, all stakeholders exhibited
some form of knowledge gaps with respect to AB 540 students attending a four-year college or
university directly after high school. Second, parents of AB 540 students are supportive of their
child’s college endeavors. Third, teachers were a form of social capital for students navigating
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the college process. Lastly, school officials, counselors in particular, neglected to provide
intentional academic advisement or guidance to study participants.
The lack of knowledge exhibited by all stakeholders was the first and main finding.
People can only act based on the knowledge and information that they have. When individuals
are not aware of certain information, it causes them to behave accordingly. Interview
participants suggested that school officials were not aware of their AB 540 status. Some
participants chose to keep their immigration status to themselves because they were embarrassed
or scared of how they would be treated by others. Gonzales’ (2010) study of 78 undocumented
immigrant students in Los Angeles supports the preceding. The researcher discussed how
immigration policies interact with school policies and the effect this has on the educational
outcomes of students. He suggested that the Plylerv. Doe legislation affords students the
opportunity to attend school without having to show proof of US citizenship. However, this
legislation does not require the school systems to enact policies that would help to ensure that
this group of individuals experiences equitable educational outcomes in the school setting.
The first step to improving educational outcomes for the group of students is to require
schools to identify or designate which students are undocumented or AB 540 students and
developing a team to help meet the specific needs of these students. This cannot be
accomplished if the school staff has a general knowledge that the students may exist on their
campus. All of the AB 540 students indicated that their parents could not provide them with any
practical help when it was time to apply to college. None of their parents had completed any
form of higher education, and they were unfamiliar with the college system here in the United
States. Since parents were not able to provide that type of assistance, participants relied on
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school officials and individuals from other organizations that were knowledgeable and willing to
assist them.
Given that lack of knowledge was an issue for all stakeholders, it is imperative that these
groups of individuals are given the information and understanding about the Federal “Deferred
Action for Childhood Arrivals”, AB 130 and 131 state policies and their implications for the
education of undocumented youth in the state of California. The state government does not have
a system in place that ensures individuals are provided with the information about AB 130 and
131. The responsibility to educate others about these policies falls on those in positions of power
and authority such as college officials, counselors, and other school staff at the K-12 educational
level.
The second finding indicates that the parents of the AB 540 participants in this study
played a role in helping the students with the college going process. Parents provided assistance
to their children in various ways such as financial support and verbal encouragement. Some
participants were not eligible to receive fee waivers to cover the costs of their application or test
fees and had to rely on their parents for the money. Countless times, parents willingly gave the
student the money to help cover the costs associated with applying to college. Parents also
helped the interviewees pay for college expenses in situations in which students did not have any
or enough scholarship funds to help pay their college tuition and other related expenses. Parents
were unable to advise or guide the AB 540 students with respect to college tasks such as
completing a college application, writing a personal statement, or factors to consider when
deciding which college to attend, but provided support in other ways.
Many times, in addition to financial support, the parents served as the biggest encourager
or motivator for pursuing higher education for the AB 540 students. They stressed the
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importance of working hard and getting a college degree in order to have more opportunities in
life. Auerbach et al (2002)conducted a study of Latino parents participating in a college outreach
program. Parents were participating in this voluntary college outreach program offered at a local
high school because they wanted to become familiar with the college going process and
hopefully serve as a resource to their child regarding college matters. The researchers concluded
that parents in the study relied mainly on the schools to advise their children regarding college
matters. Parents held the perception that their responsibility was to motivate and encourage their
child to attend college and provide a suitable environment at home for the student to complete
their school work. In addition, parents of the study participants believed that, since they lacked
the knowledge concerning college matters, it was in the family’s best interest to have the school
advise the student regarding college.
Relevant to the third finding, the interview data suggests that counselors were not the
only school officials who assisted students with college access. Teachers played a role in
helping their students to prepare for college. Teachers are not traditionally viewed as the
individual on a school campus who would assist students with their college goals. Interview data
suggested that students in this research study consulted teachers about general advice regarding
college, feedback on personal statements and scholarship application essays, and information
about college entrance examinations. Students sought assistance from teachers many times
because they were available and they had built a trusting relationship with this individual. This
finding is similar to the results collected in a study by Farmer-Hinton (2008). The author
interviewed a group of African American high school students enrolled at a college preparatory
high school in a suburb of Chicago. Her sample and the sample of this research study differ with
respect to national origin, but the author concluded similar findings about the role of teachers,
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counselors, and other school officials in helping student’s access college. She concluded that the
teachers at the Chicago suburban high school were eager and willing to assist their students with
the college process. Teachers oftentimes shared with students personal stories about their own
college experiences. Additionally, Farmer-Hinton concluded that teachers helped students to
prepare for college by proofreading admissions essays and giving students information about
scholarships.
Relevant to the fourth finding, the results suggest that the AB 540 students in the study
did not receive adequate academic advisement or guidance. All of the interviewees stated that
they completed the required courses in order to be eligible to attend a California four-year public
university upon high school graduation. When participants were questioned about interactions
with their counselor in high school, the responses ranged from the counselor was never available
to individuals only seeing the counselor to have necessary forms completed or quick questions
answered. Vela-Gadget et al.’s (2009) research findings were identical to those here. The
researchers explored eight Latino college students’ perceptions of the role of their high school
counselors. The themes that emerged in their study were also found to be true in this study.
Students’ perceptions can be labeled as falling into three categories: inappropriate or inadequate
advisement, lack of availability, and lack of individual counseling and attention. Ideally, the
counselor is the individual on the school campus delegated or charged with the responsibility of
meeting with the students either individually or in a group setting or informing or advising
students about their curricular options. Students who are unaware of the various academic
offerings provided by their school may be relegated to lower academic tracks in which
sometimes the possibility of becoming four-yearcollege eligible is nonexistent. Several
interviewees were fortunate enough to have middle school counselors who advised them or their
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parents about special academic opportunities (i.e. magnet schools, special interest academies)
available at high schools within their area. Other interviewees were advised by their teachers to
enroll in more of a college preparatory curriculum track after the student exhibited exemplary
academic performance in a class. In keeping with best practices in terms of academic counseling
or advisement, ideally, the administrators, teachers, and counselors should collaborate together to
devise a plan to provide strategic academic advisement services for all students.
As mentioned previously, counselors provided support to this population but it was not
enough. This resulted in participants’ seeking help from other sources. Research participants
perceived that counselors advised them differently because of their citizenship status. For
example, one research participant stated she recalled her friend being given numerous
scholarships to apply for and frequently meeting with the counselor at the high school but she
was not given the same attention. She believed this was due to her being an undocumented
student.
Implications for Practice
There were two implications that emerged from conducting this study. First,
administrators need to put systems in place that better addresses the needs of the student body.
Secondly, teachers and other school staff need to be given some type of training or professional
development in creating a college going culture on a campus.
One of the findings from conducting this qualitative study is that a lack of knowledge
seemed to characterize all stakeholders. Given the aforementioned finding, it suggests or implies
that school officials put systems in place to help address the knowledge gaps. Parents can be
assisted with their knowledge gaps by hosting presentations, workshops, and meetings on
campus that pertain to the college going process. The events need to be held at a time and a
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place convenient for parents and translation services should be provided on an as needed basis.
The school needs to have an advisement system in place that encourages a more thorough and
intentional advisement process for students. School staff members need to participate in
professional development activities in which they get information about assisting diverse groups
of students with the college going process.
Lastly, many schools do notdesignate or identify students from special backgrounds or
populations in their student database system. The sole purpose of tagging these students in the
schools database or computer system is that it enables the school staff to have a better knowledge
of the students that they serve. In conjunction with that, ideally, school officials will be aware
that they must engage in strategic or specific activities when trying to best meet the needs of
these students. For example, the counselor needs to know that the student is designated as AB
540 at the beginning of the students’ freshman year of high school. This can be done by having a
special designation in the schools computer system or students file. Ideally, this would ensure
that the counselor provides the student with information that is specifically geared towards
students that are identified as being AB 540. On the other hand, an individual could use the
information to engage with the student in a non-productive manner. Without making this
change, many counselors may not find out that a student is AB 540 until junior or senior year
when I may ultimately be too late to provide the student with the necessary and proper guidance
for preparing for their postsecondary plans.
Another finding from conducting this study is that teachers play a role in assisting their
students with the college going process. In addition to teaching their assigned subject matter to
students, teachers are often sought out for help and advice when it comes to students navigating
the unfamiliar territory of applying to college. Based on the preceding finding, teachers should
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be given training or professional development on how to assist their students with the college
going process. Teachers would participate in this training on a voluntary basis. One of the
counselors at the school site could facilitate the workshop for the teachers. This would assist the
counselors who are often overloaded with high caseloads and the other demands of their job.
The interview data suggested that some of the students’ teachers played an active role in helping
them prepare for college by writing recommendation letters for students or proofreading drafts of
essays for admissions or scholarships. All teachers attended college and they can assist the
counselor by helping students complete admissions applications or helping students to draft an
essay for a scholarship. The teacher is one individual whom the student may see on a daily basis
as compared with the counselor whom the student may not see as often. Also, some students
build or establish more rapport with a teacher and may seek this individual out for assistance
with the college going process.
Future Research
Four recommendations for future research based on the findings and existing research are
offered. Teachers were found to play a role in helping to provide access to college for their
students. Research should be conducted that examines teachers’ perceptions of their role in
helping their students get into college. Also, a study needs to be conducted that explores the
reasons why some AB 540 students are relentless in their pursuit of higher education despite not
being able to reap the benefits of having earned their college degree. Thirdly, future research in
this area should include at least a 50% sample drawn from a community college. Lastly, given
that many students of various backgrounds fail to successfully complete high school, one should
study the dropout issue among AB 540 individuals, since successful completion of high school is
a prerequisite for four-year college attendance.
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Teachers wear many hats in addition to the role as a content area instructor. One of the
many hats they wear, either willingly or reluctantly, is one of an advisor. Students oftentimes
have built rapport with one of their teachers and will seek out the advice and guidance of this
individual. This is quite often the case on a high school campus in which the student is given the
opportunity to interact with a group of teachers on a daily or consistent basis. According to the
research collected, some students were able to find teachers who assisted them with their college
endeavors.
This study focused on AB 540 students who were academically successful in high school
and with the assistance of much needed support were afforded the opportunity to pursue their
postsecondary aspirations. This is not the case for countless other AB 540 students who fail to
successfully complete their high school education due to a host of reasons. A study needs to be
conducted that examines the reasons why many AB 540 students fail to successfully earn their
high school diploma.
Several of the interview participants, when discussing the challenges that exist for
undocumented individuals mentioned the lack of employment options. In June 2012, President
Obama signed the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) legislation which included a
provision for individuals who are granted deferred action status the ability to apply for
employment authorization. This authorization would last for two years and would be renewed.
Given that the DACA legislation is in effect, a study is warranted that explores how students
might be able to reap the benefits of this legislation.
Lastly, in my original design of this research study it was my intention to gather a sample
of undocumented students who were admitted into a California four-year public college or
university directly after high school but due to circumstances enrolled at a California community
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college. There is a dearth of research that discusses why AB 540 students are relegated to
California community colleges due to money and financial issues. A study needs to be
conducted that explores the differences in high school or overall educational experiences K-12
for students AB 540 students who attend a community college in comparison to a four-year
college or university directly upon high school graduation.
Conclusion
In this research study, one of the goals was to share with the reader the educational
experiences of a small group of immigrant students with aspirations of attending college. The
immigrant experience within the educational system in our society is not widely discussed.
Furthermore, research and data about those immigrants who aspire to college is lacking due to
the abundance of literature that describes this group of student from a deficit model of thinking.
Sadly, undocumented Latino students do not pursue college opportunities at the same rate as
American citizens. In order to become a good society, it is imperative that individuals be given
equal opportunities to develop their intellectual capabilities. Creating barriers or denying access
to higher education for certain groups of individuals is a great detriment to our nation.
Lastly, there are a few policy changes that have occurred pertaining to undocumented
students and the financial support these students receive for college. The recent policy changes
such as AB 131 which “calls for the State of California to allow AB-540 status holders to
participate in any state-administered financial aid programs such as Cal Grants on the surface
appears to provide greater access to higher education for undocumented students. The extension
of financial aid opportunities to this population is only a part of the solution to address their lack
of participation in higher education. In addition, the Federal DREAM Act would allow students
to qualify for state and federal aid with the added feature of allowing them to become legal
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 117

permanent residents. Consequently, the members in this study who have already earned their
bachelor degrees would be able to pursue employment in their respective fields. Arguably,
finances is the main reason why undocumented students choose to enroll at a community college,
but other factors help contribute to this phenomenon. Educators and other stakeholders who
desire to increase college access for undocumented students must be willing to address the
known barriers which preclude this population’s participation in higher education. The actions
of those at the local level such as the educators in schools cannot be legislated to perform in the
best interests of the students that they serve, but, ideally, educators work to provide equal
opportunities for all students.

COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 118

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Appendix
Interview Protocol Questions
Background Questions
1. What is your name?
2. What is your age?
3. Where were you born?
4. Where were your parents born?
5. What was your parent’s occupation during your K-12 education?
6. Please describe the elementary school you attended?
7. Please describe the middle school you attended?
8. Please describe the high school you attended?
9. When did you first think about going to college?
10. Did you work in high school? Where and what were your responsibilities?
11. If you worked during high school, how did you spend your earnings?
12. When did you first become aware that you were an AB 540 student? How or what was
your reaction to this information?
Social Capital Questions
13. What curriculum track did you follow in high school (regular, gifted, magnet, honors,
AP, IB)
14. Was your high school gpa high enough for a UC or CSU campus at the beginning of your
senior year of high school
15. Did you apply for scholarships while in high school? Please be specific as to why or why
not. Where did you get the scholarship information from?
16. What colleges did you apply to as a high school senior?
17. How did you decide which college or universities to apply to as a high school senior?
18. Which colleges or universities accepted you for admissions?
19. How did you decide and select which college to attend after high school?
20. Which college did you attend directly after high school
21. Did you take the SAT or ACT Test in high school? How did you know about the test?
22. Tell me when you first thought about going to a college/university
23. If you were not an undocumented student, would you have applied to different colleges?
Would you currently be enrolled at a different college (taken from Perez)
24. Why did you want to pursue a college education? If so, who has encouraged you to do so
(i.e. parents, friends, teachers)
25. What assistance did your family provide in the college admissions process
COLLEGE ACCESS FOR UNDOCUMENTED LATINO STUDENTS 129

26. Were you allowed to choose your curriculum track in high school
27. Can you think of people in your life who encouraged you to apply to a
college/university? Who were they?
28. In what ways did these people encourage you?
29. Were there people who discouraged you about going to a college/university? If yes, tell
me about the people who discouraged you (in what ways did the people discourage you)
30. Do you think that the staff at your high school had high expectations for AB 540
students? If yes, how did they demonstrate their high expectations
31. What challenges have you encountered as an undocumented student? (taken from Perez)
32. What is the most challenging aspect of being an undocumented student? (taken from
Perez)
33. Who would you go to for academic help and why this individual
34. Who would you go to for help regarding personal issues and concerns and why this
individual
35. Who would you go to for help regarding the college application process and why this
individual
36. Did you visit a college campus while a student in high school? If yes, which campuses
37. Did your high school have a career or college counselor
38. Please describe your interactions with your academic/guidance counselor in high school
39. Did you ever meet with any college representatives at your school or at a college campus
40. Did your high school assist undocumented students? In what ways?
41. Are there any support groups on campus for undocumented students? If so, have they
been of help to you? In what ways? (taken from Perez)
42. What did your teachers in high school do to provide you with access to college
43. What did your counselor and other school staff do to provide you with access to college
44. Did anyone assist you with the college admissions process? (i.e. completing college
admissions applications, completing FAFSA forms, scholarship applications, knowledge
regarding college admissions exams)
45. Regarding number 44, if you did receive assistance, who provided the assistance and
what type of assistance was provided
46. Did you participate in any college summer programs? If yes, please describe the program
47. Did you participate in Upward Bound or any other college prep program? If yes, which
program(s)
48. Please describe the college prep program
49. What type of assistance did the college prep program provide
50. Did you know about scholarships available to undocumented students? How did you find
out

Asset Metadata

Creator Burman, Maurice (author)

Core Title Four year college access for undocumented Latino students

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 04/05/2013

Defense Date 01/08/2013

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag college access,OAI-PMH Harvest,social capital,undocumented Latino students

Language English

Advisor Venegas, Kristan M. (committee chair), Fischer, Linda A. (committee member), García, Pedro Enrique (committee member)

Creator Email trojanscdr12@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-231025

Unique identifier UC11293355

Identifier usctheses-c3-231025 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-BurmanMaur-1512.pdf

Dmrecord 231025

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Burman, Maurice

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This qualitative study explored how undocumented Latino immigrants navigated the educational pipeline to accomplish their goal of pursuing postsecondary studies. Eight (4 male and 4 female) undocumented Latino immigrants participated in in-depth qualitative interviews in which they answered questions about their educational experiences leading up to their enrollment in college. Participants were drawn from university campuses in the state of California. Study findings were reviewed in the context of research in the areas of social capital and college access. The purpose of this study was to explore the barriers faced by undocumented Latino immigrants in their pursuit of higher education and what factors made it possible for this population to enroll in four-year colleges/universities directly after high school graduation. Four findings emerged from this study: schools do an inadequate job of academic advisement for undocumented students, institutional agents were sources of support and assistance for undocumented students, all stakeholders represented lack of knowledge, and counselors were not the only individuals who provided access to college. This new knowledge will ideally assist educators and other interested individuals in becoming more informed about the plight of underrepresented groups of students who aspire to attend college.