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The role of critical literacy and the school-to-prison pipeline: what was learned from the life histories and literacy experiences of formerly incarcerated young Latino males
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The role of critical literacy and the school-to-prison pipeline: what was learned from the life histories and literacy experiences of formerly incarcerated young Latino males
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Running head: THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
1
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY AND THE SCHOOL-TO-PRISON PIPELINE:
WHAT WAS LEARNED FROM THE
LIFE HISTORIES AND LITERACY EXPERIENCES OF
FORMERLY INCARCERATED YOUNG LATINO MALES
by
Veronica Garcia
________________________________________________________________________
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2013
Copyright 2013 Veronica Garcia
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
2
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated first and foremost to my family for their unconditional and
unwavering support for everything I have accomplished both personally and professionally. My
partner Francisco, my parents, Ron and Bertha, and sisters, Monica, Christina, and Rebecca have
been my motivation and inspiration to pursue my dreams. My parents especially, have provided
me with everything I ever needed to be successful and I would not have achieved this milestone
without that strong foundation. My love Francisco and I have worked tirelessly to support each
other in our careers and education and I thank you for your hard work and sacrifice throughout
this process. I love you and proud to have you by my side. I dedicate this as well to my
grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins, who also have provided their love and help along the
way. They have all instilled in me the value of education and hard work ethic and I will continue
to make my family proud. I love you all very much.
I would also like to dedicate this dissertation to the four young men who allowed me to
be a part of their lives and shared their stories with me. Also to my former student David, who I
know will one day have his freedom and see blue skies. I am forever grateful for the opportunity
to learn about the true meaning of humanity and courage from each one of them.
This dissertation is also dedicated to the many powerful young people I have met and had
the opportunity to learn from over the years. From my days in UCLA’s Early Academic
Outreach Program to my teaching at Wilson High School, I thank each one of these young
people for teaching me the true meaning of being an educator.
Lastly, I dedicate this effort to my son Nicholas. He was with me from the beginning to
end and is my inspiration. I hope to continue to make him proud. I love you son!
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
3
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to acknowledge the following individuals:
Emily Lucietto: You have been my best friend since middle school and I am so grateful
for your friendship. Thank you for being there to listen and encourage me throughout the years.
You are one of my biggest supporters and I love you dearly!
Stephanie Sibley and Dr. Stella Flores-Montgomery: Two strong and intelligent women
who I admire and consider role models. They have each taught me so much about courage and
strength and I continue to treasure these friendships.
Wilson H.S. Colleagues (Lucia, Mariela, Medea, Maria, & Rudy): I learned so much
from each one of you. I truly value your friendships and hope that we will continue to stay in
touch. Thank you for the support and help along the way.
Dr. Richard Mora: Thank you for your guidance along the way as a friend, mentor, and
colleague. You provided me with encouragement and feedback that kept me focused and
reflective and I am greatly appreciative.
My committee members: To my chair Dr. Eugenia Mora-Flores, thank you for the
support throughout the entire phase. You kept me on track and dedicated your time to my
success. Thank you also Dr. Hirabayashi for your support and being a part of this important part
of my education and career. To Dr. Ernest Morrell: Thank your for being a mentor and colleague
all these years. I am grateful for the many opportunities you have provided to me and look
forward to our continued efforts in education.
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
List of Tables 5
Abstract 6
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 7
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature 22
Chapter Three: Research Methodology 78
Chapter Four: Results 99
Chapter Five: Conclusions 328
References 349
Appendices 363
Appendix A: IRB Approved Participant Consent Form 363
Appendix B: Participant Questionnaire 367
Appendix C: Life History Interview Guide 368
Appendix D: Literacy Inquiry Interview Guide 372
Appendix E: Amendment Questions 374
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
5
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Education Profile for Each Participant 87
Table 2: Academic Needs Not Related to the Juvenile Justice System 305
Table 3: Social Needs Not Related to the Juvenile Justice System 311
Table 4: Personal Needs Not Related to the Juvenile Justice System 313
Table 5: Academic Needs Related to the Juvenile Justice System 319
Table 6: Social Needs Related to the Juvenile Justice System 321
Table 7: Personal Needs Related to the Juvenile Justice System 324
Table 8: Personal Advice to Other Latinos 327
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
6
ABSTRACT
Critical literacy skills give one access to different ways of thinking, participating, and engaging
in society, ultimately providing a source of power in being able to better understand the world.
Latino male adolescents, in particular, are not having a supportive and engaging school
experience where academic literacy skills can develop and flourish, resulting in a school-to-
prison pathway. This study will provide an original contribution to the field of education due to
its specific focus on the population of formerly incarcerated young Latino males and the life
history method that inquires about the relevance of their personal and academic experiences.
This study provides life history narratives from a disenfranchised population with little access to
public dialogue about educational problems. A broad membership from the school community—
teachers, parents, literacy coaches, and educators in both traditional and juvenile school
settings—will benefit from learning about the lives and literacy experiences of this specific
population. The insights gained from the study will provide educators and community members
with ideas and strategies to keep Latino male youth who are struggling in school to stay on a path
towards school completion. Educators will also learn how to support youth from juvenile
institutions and provide them with appropriate services needed to successfully transition from
this setting to a public school.
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
7
CHAPTER ONE
OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
The school-to-prison pipeline is limiting the opportunities for many adolescents of color
to be active and participatory members of society (Meiners, 2007). In order to actualize these
youth’s potential, they need quality educational experiences, which includes a strong foundation
in literacy. Literacy skills help adolescents pursue post-secondary careers and educational
opportunities, skills that will be passed on to their own families and individuals around them
(Greene, 2008). One way to counter the negative and disabling effects of the school-to-prison
pipeline and outcomes, specifically for Latino male adolescents, is through education and
literacy. Statistics indicate the majority of people in prison are high school dropouts and
illiterate, and these lower rates of educational completion also correlate with lower levels of
literacy proficiency (Garcia, 2002; Haigler, Harlow, O’Connor, & Campbell, 1994). Latino
males who graduate high school have the potential to advance in their educational careers and
impact society as a whole. Just one Latino male high school graduate can save the criminal
justice system at least $38,000 (Ayra, Villarruel, Villanueva, & Augarten, 2009).
Thus, one area of research to further examine is the specific role of literacy in shaping the
lives and experiences of young Latino males who have been incarcerated and part of the school-
to-prison pipeline. Incarcerated youth have low literacy skills and experience retention, truancy,
and overall failure compared to their peers (Leone, Meisal, & Drakeford, 2002; Zabel & Nigro,
1999). Research on school discipline, for example, indicates that learning difficulties in the early
years, particularly in literacy, affect children’s later literacy progress and achievement (Feister,
2010; Miles & Stipek, 2006). These early encounters with discipline can affect youth’s overall
school and literacy experience and promote a negative perception of education, particularly
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
8
among African American and Latino boys (Hatt, 2011). These mostly minority youth are being
denied access to learning how to read and write while absent from the educational system in
unjustly disproportional ways (Winn & Behizadeh, 2011).
The attainment of positive schooling experiences and empowering critical literacy skills
for young Latino males can be one way to stop incarceration, increase recidivism, and keep these
youth on track to a successful future. With critical literacy skills that go beyond the rote
mechanics of reading and writing to include deeper analysis and transformation, adolescents can
have a positive educational experience (Freire, 1970; Greene, 2008; Gutierrez, 2008; Morrell &
Duncan-Andrade, 2008). Students may learn how to think critically, question, analyze, and
interpret their everyday lives and society around them. Yet, without a strong foundation in
literacy, adolescents struggle and their opportunities to participate in society diminish (Greene,
2008; Vacca, 2008). For historically marginalized youth of color, poor literacy skills, lack of
quality educational resources, and challenging learning experiences, have made the idea of
literacy become what is now being referred to as a civil right (Greene, 2008). Thus, it is
imperative that the most disenfranchised youth, such as those who become a part of the school-
to-prison pipeline or juvenile justice system, have access to a quality, critical literacy educational
experiences.
It is necessary to understand the kinds of literacy and schooling experiences Latino male
adolescents had before they became incarcerated and during their time in a juvenile institution.
Because many incarcerated youth come into juvenile correctional centers with low literacy levels
and negative schooling experiences (Foley, 2001; LeBlanc, Pfannensteil, & Tashjian, 1991;
Wang, Blomberg, & Li, 2005; Zabel & Nigro, 1999), understanding their education pathway can
help better serve their needs while detained and prepare them for continued schooling and
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
9
achievement in the future and as productive citizens of society (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Meiners,
2007). All students have a right to a quality education that prepares them for life-long critical
literacy skills. In today’s society, many low-income, Latino adolescents do not have a high-
quality schooling experiences where academic literacy skills develop and flourish, resulting in a
school-to-prison pathway.
Background of the Problem
The Latino community makes up a significant percentage of the U.S. population and will
continue to show growth in all age groups (Chapa & De La Rosa, 2004). According to the 2010
U.S. Census, Latinos/as (Hispanics
1
) account for 16.3% of the U.S. population and 56% of the
country’s growth from the period of 2000-2010 (Passel, Cohn, & Lopez, 2011). The Latino/a
youth population also showed dramatic increase from 2000 and children under 18 now represent
23.1% of this age group’s population compared to 17.1% in 2000 (Passel et al., 2011). The
Latino/a population is growing steadily. However, the education system has failed to educate
these students properly (Darling-Hammond, 2006; Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Rogers,
Bertrand, Freelon, & Fanelli, 2011).
The failure of the U.S. education system to educate Latino/a students has resulted in
historically poor academic outcomes (Darling-Hammond, 2006; Gandara & Contreras, 2009;
Rogers et al., 2011). Literacy and overall achievement for Latino/a show disproportionate
outcomes compared to their white or Asian peers; these have been seen as early as kindergarten
on reading tests (Gandara & Contreras, 2009). Latino/a youth trail behind their White peers in
1
Hispanic and Latino/a will be used interchangeably in the study to denote U.S. born
males and females of “Latin American origin or descent residing in the U.S.”; this “umbrella
term” can include individuals from Central and South America, but mainly will comprise those
of Mexican origin (Yosso, 2006, p. 17). When appropriate immigrant status of youth will be
noted.
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
10
reading scores in both the fourth and eighth grades by at least 25 points; this gap has not changed
significantly from 1992-2009 (Hemphill & Vanneman, 2011). Furthermore, recent data for
Latinos/as indicate that although nationally there has been both an increase in college-going rates
for these youth and a decrease in the high school dropout rates, Latinos/as still fall behind in
other college enrollment and completion rates compared to their white peers (Fry & Taylor,
2013). Understanding the low achievement outcomes by Latino/a youth requires further inquiry
into various factors associated with the school-to-prison pipeline and social conditions that
impact the overall success of this community.
School-to-Prison Pipeline
The criminalization of Latino adolescent males via school and social policies, coupled
with low literacy rates and overall school failure, all contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline.
The school-to-prison pipeline refers to how schools, teachers, and other school officials promote
practices in schools that criminalize mostly historically underrepresented students of color, and
thus, increase their likelihood of becoming a part of the juvenile and adult criminal justice
system (Darling-Hammond, 2006; Hatt, 2011; Wald & Losen, 2003; Winn & Behizadeh, 2011).
During the 1980s and 1990s, for example, several key local and national issues affected
the outcomes of the school-to-prison pipeline and eased the pathway for young Latinos and other
low-income adolescents of color towards incarceration instead of educational success. First,
education funding was targeted towards the literacy needs of elementary age youth, resulting in a
lack of attention to the needs of adolescents (Bumgardner, 2010; Farstrup, 2003; Haynes, 2011;
Jacobs, 2008; Vacca, 1998). The debates on phonics versus whole language as the only routes to
early reading took the focus away from holistic literacy effort that would have spanned from
childhood to adolescence (Vacca, 1998; Vacca & Alvermann, 1998). Reports such as the 1983 A
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
11
Nation at Risk and the 1984 NAEP Report Card, urged educators and policymakers to focus on
adolescent literacy, yet it was not until the late 1990s that efforts to revitalize the focus on
adolescent literacy occurred (Jacobs, 2008). Today approximately six million secondary level
students are still behind in reading, the majority youth of color (Bumgardner, 2010; Haynes,
2011; Jacobs, 2008).
Secondly, while funding towards adolescent literacy remained scarce, funding streams to
support prisons at the local, state, and federal levels increased during the 1980s. It is estimated
that corrections received a 900% boost in allocations during this time (Darling-Hammond, 2006;
Hatt, 2011). Nationally, from 1987-2007, spending on prisons was as high as 127% compared to
just 21% on higher education (Resnick, 2011). The U.S. holds the top world ranking for
incarceration rates and places sixth for college attainment rates, which is evidence of
disproportionate spending on prisons versus education (Resnick, 2011). In 2004-2005, the U.S.
Department of Justice reported that of the male population in their late twenties, approximately
15% of black and Latino males compared to 1.7% of white males were incarcerated in prison or
jail (Beck & Harrison, 2006).
School level discipline policies, Zero Tolerance in particular, heavily punish youth for
various school incidents and contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline (Losen, 2012; Mediratta,
2012; Noguera, 1995; Sallo, 2011). Zero tolerance policies, which ascribe harsh penalties for a
range of “major and minor violations of the school disciplinary code,” disproportionately affect
African American and Latino males (Skiba, 2010, p. 28). The Office for Civil Rights (OCR)
concludes that over 70% of Hispanic and African American students were “involved in school-
related arrests or referred to law enforcement” (2012, p. 2). Additionally, African American and
Hispanic represented 56% of the students expelled in school districts with strict Zero Tolerance
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
12
discipline policies, yet represented only 45% of the student body (OCR, 2012). Incarceration is a
potential outcome for youth who do not finish school and high school dropouts, males in
particular, are more likely to be arrested or incarcerated than those with a high school diploma
(Alliance for Excellent Education, 2006; Harlow, 2003; Lehr, Johnson, Bremer, Cosio, &
Thompson, 2004; Winn & Behizadeh, 2011). At least 59% of inmates at three levels—state
prison, federal, and jail—do not have a high school diploma and this rate reaches up to 75% for
state prison inmates (Alliance for Excellent Education, 2006).
Zero tolerance and state policies on Latino male’s life trajectories, however, significantly
impact their affiliation with the criminal justice system. States with heavy Latino/a populations
also have large populations of this group detained in juvenile facilities. The Office Of Juvenile
Justice And Delinquency Prevention reported that in Arizona, California, Colorado, Florida,
Nevada, New Mexico and Texas, one in four of incarcerated juveniles were Hispanic in 2010
(2012). Many Latino/a youth also live in states that treat youth as adults, resulting in harsher
punishments and experiences (Arya et al., 2009). Native-born Latino/as are more likely to be in
prison or jail (Arya et al., 2009; Fry, 2009). Native born incarcerated Latino/a youth represented
69% of the juvenile system compared to just 31% of foreign-born Latino/a youth in 2007 (Arya
et al., 2009). In 2007, at all prison levels—local, state, and federal—more native born young
Latino men were incarcerated than their foreign-born counterparts (Fry, 2009). If these young
men and their other racial and female peers do not finish school, the chances of entering prison
or jail increase, creating deeper racial gaps in education attainment levels and weakening the
economic stability of these individuals and their communities (Darling-Hammond, 2006;
Hemphill & Vanneman, 2011; Rogers et al., 2011).
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
13
Social Factors Contributing to the Pipeline
In addition to educational policies, several other social factors also contribute to the
school-to-prison pipeline for Latino male youth. Historically, Latino/a youth have encountered
discriminatory school systems based on issues with race and language (Valencia, 2002; Gandara
& Contreras, 2009). Today, Latino/a youth are often in schools with inadequate resources,
racially segregated from peers, and have disproportionate high school graduation rates compared
to their other racial/ethnic peers (Gandara & Contreras, 2009). Other school factors such as lack
of qualified teachers, limited funding, low quality materials and curriculum, and tracking
systems affecting poor students of color also account for the school-to-prison pipeline (Darling-
Hammond, 2006). Socio-emotional and psychological factors such as discrimination, self-
esteem, and motivation also play a role in shaping the educational trajectories of Latino/a youth,
males in particular either helping or hindering their life outcomes (Alfaro, Umana-Taylor, &
Bamaca, 2006; Alfaro, Umana-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bamaca, & Zeiders, 2009; Cammarota,
2004). The school-to-prison pipeline is impeding the opportunity for youth to live out a
successful and literate life, specifically for Latino male adolescents. It is important to hear from
the students themselves about their struggles in order to provide them with quality educational
programs and experiences, ultimately benefiting them, their communities, and the country.
Statement of the Problem
Latino male youth experience disproportionate rates in the juvenile justice system and are
not achieving high school, college, and other career successes (Arya et al., 2009; Gandara &
Contreras, 2009; Fry, 2009; OCR, 2012). They continue to fall behind their peers, increasing the
likelihood of becoming part of the school-to-prison pipeline (Arya et al., 2009; Fry, 2009). There
is limited research on how the personal and academic experiences of incarcerated Latino male
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
14
adolescents affect their overall life trajectory. In particular, there is inadequate information about
which school literacy practices can support their learning, engagement, and overall academic and
social success. Due to this lack of understanding of this specific population of incarcerated
youth, their needs remain unmet. The life history research approach for this study allowed for
narratives of formerly incarcerated young Latino males to lend insight into causes and influences
of their difficult life pathways, but also factors that could benefit their success and achievement.
Significance of the Study
This study provided an original contribution to the field of education due to its specific
focus on the narratives of formerly incarcerated young Latino males and the life history method
that inquires about their personal and academic experiences. This study consisted of narratives
from a disenfranchised population with little access to public dialogue about educational
problems. The life histories detailed a chronological account of students’ lives from early
childhood to young adulthood. Teachers, parents, literacy coaches, and educators in both
traditional and juvenile school settings will benefit from learning about the life histories of this
specific population due to its focus on both personal and academic factors that can reveal areas
of need for Latino males. The insights gained from the study will give educators and community
members with ideas for strategies to keep struggling Latino male youth on a path towards
completion. Educators will learn how to support youth in juvenile institutions and provide
appropriate services for them to be successful while incarcerated and/or transitioning from this
setting to a public school.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was the following: (1) to learn about the life histories and
literacy experiences of formerly incarcerated Latino males; (2) to understand how these
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
15
experiences have affected their academic trajectory; and (3) to gather the perspectives of
formerly incarcerated Latino males about how to support youth and families. The research
helped fill the gap in the paucity of research on Latino males by providing actual narratives of
formerly incarcerated Latino males, a specific population absent from the literature. Formerly
incarcerated Latino males are rarely given the opportunity to provide personal insights and
perspectives about critical educational issues that directly impact them or provide
recommendations that can support better academic and social outcomes for youth like
themselves. This study allowed for formerly incarcerated Latino males to engage in the research
process by providing the opportunity for them to share about their life experiences, as well as
make recommendations from their perspective about how to address their needs. Educators,
policymakers, and local communities will benefit from learning about critical factors influencing
Latino males’ literacy development and overall school experiences. Suggestions for education
practices that can support Latino male youth are described. Much needed information about how
to reverse the school-to-prison pipeline and promote successful literacy outcomes for Latino
male youth for life-long success are also generated from this research. The study contributed to
the scholarly areas of teacher education, curriculum development, and provided
recommendations of interventions for incarcerated youth in both public and alternative school
settings, including juvenile education centers.
Research Questions
The following questions (adapted from Griffith (2009)) guide this research study:
1. What do the life histories of formerly incarcerated young Latino males tell us about
their literacy and life experiences?
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
16
2. How did these experiences stagnate, diminish, or contribute to their engagement in
school literacy practices and learning?
3. What are the perspectives of formerly incarcerated Latino males to support youth and
their families’ academic, social, and personal needs?
Methodology
This qualitative study used a life history methodological approach. This study is adapted
from a prior dissertation by Griffith (2009), who completed a study of the life histories of three
incarcerated African American adolescent males. There are unique components to this current
study such as participant demographic, research question, and data collection that spans areas of
both traditional and juvenile education settings. Four formerly incarcerated Latino males
between the ages of 18-24 were interviewed. This research method was appropriate for capturing
the life histories of formerly incarcerated Latino males due to the focus on the lived human
experience and analysis of it within a broader social context (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Haglund,
2004; Tierney, 2010; Warren, 1982). The researcher conducted in-depth interviews with these
males about significant events and individuals in their lives from childhood to young adulthood.
Thus, the life history method supported an analysis of the experiences of these young men that
helped develop a rich understanding of their lives that was tied to the broader social context.
Assumptions
The researcher had several assumptions about this study. First, the researcher assumed
that participants would likely have gaps in their education program due to their involvement in
the juvenile system; these gaps may be significant for participants with repeated offenses.
Another assumption was that the participants would likely have encountered on-going negative
education experiences due to their disengagement in school. The disengagement may also have
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
17
led to disciplinary actions on the students, which could also account for anticipated gaps in their
education. Despite anticipated negative school experiences, it was assumed that the participants
possessed an innate desire to learn and achieve their educational goals, such as high school and
college graduation. For purposes of this study, it was also assumed that subjects would respond
honestly to the participant questionnaire and interview guides.
Glossary of Terms
Various terms are used throughout the dissertation study and can be defined in the
following ways:
• Adolescent/Youth: There are three stages of the adolescent period that are broken into
three general subgroups: early (ages 11-13), middle (ages 14-18), and late (ages 18-
24) adolescence (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2012). The middle
adolescence range will be the focus of this study.
• Adjudication: “The act of a court in making an order, judgment, or decree” (Bureau
of Justice Statistics, 2012).
• California High School Exit Examination (CAHSEE): The CAHSEE exam is taken
by all tenth grade high school students in California. In order to earn a high school
diploma, a student must pass this exam, which tests skills in math and English. There
are some exemptions for students with disabilities. If students do not pass the test the
first time in tenth grade, there are other opportunities to pass the exam before high
school graduation (California Department of Education, 2013).
• California Three Strikes Law: In 1994 California adopted the three strikes law, which
delivers harsh punishments to an individual with three serious crimes (Cole, 1998).
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
18
• Critical literacy: Critical literacy takes into account diverse perspectives, such as race,
class, gender, language, social class, and other social and political issues in the study
of text and information to recognize the role of power and knowledge (Freire, 1998;
Morrell, 2008; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Souto-Manning, 2009).
• Culturally relevant pedagogy: There are three core criteria involved in culturally
relevant pedagogy: “students must experience success; students must develop and/or
maintain cultural competence; and students must develop critical consciousness
through which they challenge the status quo of the current social order” (Ladson-
Billings, 1995, p. 160).
• English Language Learner (ELL): An English language learner is “A national-origin-
minority student who is limited-English-proficient. This term is often preferred over
limited-English-proficient (LEP) as it highlights accomplishments rather than
deficits” (Office for Civil Rights, 2005).
• English as a Second Language (ESL) Program: A programmatic approach to
providing English skills to non-native English speakers. Instructional goals include
for students to “communicate in social settings, engage in academic tasks, and use
language in socially and culturally appropriate ways” (Linquanti, 1999).
• Federal prisons: Inmates committed to a federal prison are under the command of the
federal government and Federal Bureau of Prisons (Bureau of Justice Statistics,
2012).
• Hispanic and Latino/a: The term Hispanic and Latino/a will be used interchangeably
throughout the study to denote U.S. born males and females of “Latin American
origin or descent residing in the U.S.”; this “umbrella term” can include individuals
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
19
from Central and South America, but mainly will comprise those of Mexican origin.
When appropriate immigrant status of youth will be noted (Yosso, 2006, p. 17).
• Incarceration: This term will be used interchangeably to describe those youth who are
“confined in a prison or jail” (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2012). This confinement
can include a range of institutions, such as “halfway-houses, boot camps, weekend
programs,” but also facilities where “individuals are locked up overnight” (Bureau of
Justice Statistics, 2012).
• Jail: A short-term facility that houses adults and in some cases, juveniles (before or
after adjudication). Sentences for jailed inmates vary; options are inmates in the
process of waiting for trial, sentencing, or transfer (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2012).
• Juvenile: In the criminal juvenile justice system, a juvenile is an individual within at
least 10 years of age and the highest age set by the state law (Puzzanchera, Adams, &
Hockenberry, 2012).
• Juvenile Court Schools (JCS): youth who are “removed from their home and school
districts due to delinquency or for residential placements” (California Department of
Education, 2013).
• Latina: This term will refer to females of Hispanic descent. Hispanic female and
Latina will be used interchangeably in the study to denote U.S. born females of “Latin
American origin or descent residing in the U.S.”; this “umbrella term” can include
individuals from Central and South America, but mainly will comprise those of
Mexican origin (Yosso, 2006, p. 17). When appropriate immigrant status of youth
will be noted.
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
20
• Latino: This term will refer to males of Hispanic descent. Hispanic male and Latino
will be used interchangeably in the study to denote U.S. born males of “Latin
American origin or descent residing in the U.S.”; this “umbrella term” can include
individuals from Central and South America, but mainly will comprise those of
Mexican origin (Yosso, 2006, p. 17). When appropriate immigrant status of youth
will be noted.
• Latino/a: This term will be used when referencing both males and females of
Hispanic descent.
• State prison: This type of facility is run by the state and inmates are under the
guardianship of the state; inmates typically serve sentences over one year (Bureau of
Justice Statistics, 2012).
• Prison: A long-term facility for inmates with sentences usually of at least a year; these
facilities are property of state or federal government (Bureau of Justice Statistics,
2012).
• Social capital: relationships (instrumental or supportive) with individuals called
institutional agents who have the power to transmit vital resources and information
for social and academic mobility or resilience (Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Organization of the Study
Chapter 1 of the study presented the introduction of the problem being addressed with
support from the literature. It introduced the methodology and interview protocols. Chapter 2
discussed literature covering the school-to-prison pipeline, incarcerated youth, juvenile education
programs, adolescent literacy, the educational experiences of Latino students, and Latino social
factors. Chapter 3 is the methodology section and included the research design, population and
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
21
sample, instrumentation, data collection procedures, and ethical considerations. Chapter 4
presented an analysis of data collected. Chapter 5 discussed and analyzed the results, which
culminated with conclusions and recommendations for how to support incarcerated Latino males.
THE ROLE OF CRITICAL LITERACY
22
CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Latino adolescents are struggling to succeed academically and be successful and engaged
members of the broader society (Arya et al., 2009; Darling-Hammond, 2006; Fry, 2009; Gandara
& Contreras, 2009; Hemphill & Vanneman, 2011; Meiners, 2007; Rogers et al., 2011). Many are
entering the school-to-prison pipeline from an early age. A variety of important academic and
social variables are involved in pushing them into the pipeline—early difficulties with literacy
skills and overall academic success are key factors in these students’ future disciplinary
problems, school failure, and incarceration.
As the most struggling students move into the juvenile system, they bring with them low
levels of literacy and school achievement, repeated disciplinary infractions, and long histories of
truancy (Foley, 2001; Wang et al., 2005; Zabel & Nigro, 1999). Juvenile detention facilities are
ill prepared to address the academic and social needs of incarcerated youth. Thus, a closer
examination of school practices, literacy practices in particular, is necessary to understand how
students are affected.
The ways in which adolescent literacy practices are implemented in schools have
historically ignored the cultural and critical theoretical frameworks that can support literacy
development of Latino students. Research also highlights that various social and psychological
factors, such as motivation, access to social capital, and mentor support systems, play a role in
shaping the everyday lives of Latino youth (Alfaro et al., 2006; Gandara & Contreras, 2009;
Ream & Rumberger, 2008; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Umana-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007).
This literature review examines the following areas: (1) school-to-prison pipeline; (2)
incarcerated youth; (3) juvenile education programs; (4) adolescent literacy; (5) Latino/a
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23
students’ academic experiences; and (6) Latino/a social factors. The literature review illustrates
limited qualitative research on how the personal and academic experiences of formerly
incarcerated Latino adolescents affect their life trajectory. Specifically, not much is known about
how school literacy practices affect Latino adolescents’ learning, engagement, and overall
academic and social outcomes. The majority of the research on incarcerated youth provides little
evidence of the specific literacy needs, challenges, or solutions of adolescent native-born
Latinos. The research also does not provide adequate information about how the experiences
outside of school contribute to or even act as a barrier to Latinos’ entry into the school-to-prison
pipeline. Moreover, the voices of Latino youth are absent from the literature. Thus, the present
study contributes to the literature by arguing that Latino youth must be exposed to critical
literacy practices and rich, culturally relevant experiences throughout their education.
School-to-Prison Pipeline
Latino/a youth face disproportionate rates of incarceration and contact with the juvenile
correctional system (Arya et al., 2009). Across the United States, nearly 18,000 Latino/a youth
are incarcerated “on any given day” (Arya et al., 2009, p. 6). In 2006, an estimated 47,250
Latino/a youth were arrested (Moeller, 2011). In 2008, 52.9% of youth arrested in California
were of Latino/a background, resulting in 121,120 arrestees (Moeller, 2011). Arya et al. (2009)
report that 90% of Latino/a youth live in states that allow detainment of these youth in adult jails
prior to prosecution in the adult correctional system; these youth are between the ages of 10-17.
Latino/a youth also have an increased likelihood of being tried as an adult and/or have their cases
submitted to the adult court system based on the state’s prosecution process (Arya et al., 2009).
They are also more likely to be held in a juvenile correctional facility (Conley, 1994).
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24
The statistics for native-born youth point to more difficult experiences than those of their
foreign-born counterparts. Native-born Latinos/as incarceration experiences are also close to
home. Eighteen percent of these youth report having an immediate family member (or they
themselves) who was in jail or prison within the past five years (Arya et al., 2009).
Latino/a youth face harsh punishment once they have been committed to the juvenile
justice system. According to Saavedra (2010), “more than one in three Hispanic youth is held in
long term secure facilities for youth” (p. 1). Arya et al. (2009) also reports that compared to their
white peers. Latino/a youth are more likely to be “removed from their homes and placed in a
residential facility” (Arya et al., 2009, p. 39).
Youth’s school experiences are an important link to understanding the factors that
contribute to becoming part of the school-to-prison pipeline. Latino/a youth, along with African
American and American Indian students in California, for example, are far less likely to have
experienced quality teachers at the middle school level (Rogers et al., 2011). This rate has been
found to be up to 10 times more likely than their White and Asian peers (Rogers et al., 2011).
Access to quality teachers is critical given the link between early literacy achievement and the
school-to-prison pipeline.
In the elementary school years, for example, students who do not read by third grade are
more likely to drop out of school (Feister, 2010). Feister (2010) note that reading before third
grade involves skill development or learning “how” to read. By fourth grade literacy instruction
and development become more focused on comprehension and critical literacy (Feister, 2010).
Students need a strong early foundation to engage in the more complex demands of literacy in
upper elementary and beyond. Without the basic developmental literacy skills early on, students
will fall behind in later grades and behavior problems will develop (Feister, 2010). The academic
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trajectory of Latino youth, then, can be impacted without attainment of literacy skills in these
elementary grades.
Miles and Stipek (2006) examined the relationship between early literacy achievement
and prosocial or aggressive behavior. The study involved two cohorts of children: 237 in
kindergarten and 140 in first grade. The children were African American, Latino/a, Caucasian,
and mixed ethnic youth from low income families. Findings indicated significant correlations for
literacy achievement in the first and third grades, with predicted aggressive behavior in the third
and fifth grades. Teachers’ ratings of the students’ behaviors also showed a similar trend as grade
levels increased. The authors note that students may negatively express or act out their
frustration with reading, ultimately showing aggressive behavior (Miles & Stipek, 2006). The
study did not analyze outcomes by gender or race, making it difficult to determine just how
influential low early literacy achievement impacts a population such as Latinos. Teachers’
reasons for rating students’ behaviors by race or gender was also not presented. Thus, students
who did not develop their grade level literacy skills in these early elementary years became
disengaged and frustrated, resulting in aggressive behavior (Miles & Stipek, 2006). Additional
research has found similar patterns of negative behavior as students with limited literacy skills
progress through the grade levels.
Balfanz, Spiridakis, Neild, and Legters (2003) found a correlation between academic
difficulties and incarceration. Eighth and ninth grade in particular were key grades predicting
incarceration and drop out for youth who eventually entered the juvenile correctional system.
This five-year study of a large mid-Atlantic school district had approximately 1,500 students
passing from eighth to twelfth grade. Students attended high-poverty, non-selective
neighborhood schools. Ultimately, about 2% of these youth left the school system (and the study)
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due to incarceration. As early as the eighth grade, the students in the study who ended up
incarcerated showed significant academic failure and difficulty in reading, attendance patterns,
and grades, in addition to school suspensions. The incarcerated students came from a difficult
background: had been incarcerated in the ninth grade, were ninth grade repeaters, and were
slightly older than their non-incarcerated peers at this grade level. Most of the ninth graders
(first-time and repeaters) who were incarcerated returned to school after release, however, within
four years over 85% eventually dropped out of school (Balfanz et al., 2003). Many of these
incarcerated youth did not have the academic or social supports from their schools to be
successful when returning from the juvenile system. Students’ eighth grade academic records
predicted future graduation status; students with significant absences and fails were not likely to
graduate (less than 10%) (Balfanz et al., 2003). Thus academic achievement in middle and early
high school years can also predict future academic success, drop out, or incarceration.
In addition to low literacy skills and overall academic achievement, race and gender also
emerge as strong predictors of the school-to-prison pipeline. The disproportionately high
disciplinary rates for youth of color at the school level, males in particular, are evidence of this
trajectory (Gregory, Skiba, & Noguera, 2010; Noguera, 2003; Wald & Losen, 2003). The focus
on punishment, Zero Tolerance for behavior problems, and the policing of schools have resulted
in numerous suspensions, expulsions, and arrests for minor school infractions (Medirrata, 2012).
For example, the Children’s Defense Fund reports that every seven seconds during the school
year, a Latino public school student is suspended (2011). According to the 2007 National Center
for Education Statistics (NCES) statistics, Latinos have higher rates of suspension, grade
repetition, and expulsion compared to Latinas (Saenz & Ponjuan, 2011).
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Lopez’s (2002) observations of a predominantly Latino/a (mostly Dominican) urban
public high school in New York found race and gender differences in the treatment of youth.
Lopez concluded that males were targeted and profiled as criminals, creating a climate of harsh
punishment and treatment towards them; staff treated females less aggressively. Even ninth
graders were given strict rules to follow and housed in an area of trailers often referred to as
another “Riker’s Island” or prison by faculty (Lopez, 2002). Male students reprimanded for
problems in the school were arrested, even for minor altercations. In the classroom, male
students were often observed being shut down by teachers’ authoritarian pedagogical nature and
exhibited disengagement from classroom instruction. Lopez’s (2002) observational study gives
insight into how classroom interactions between students and teachers can result in practices that
hinder rather than encourage Latinos’ participation and engagement needed to be successful.
Lopez (2002) suggests changes to the presence of security and policing processes within the
school, such as zero tolerance. Culturally relevant pedagogy and curriculum, which provides
rigorous learning opportunities that students can connect with on a personal level, was
recommended as well as a creating a more welcoming and positive school climate both inside
and outside the classroom for Latinos.
Peguero and Shekarkhar (2011) surveyed over 7,000 tenth grade white and Latino/a
youth about their instances of misbehavior and school punishment. According to these self-
reports, while females are overall less likely to misbehave than their male peers, the study found
no statistical differences in rates of misbehavior between white and Latino/a students. Compared
to white males, first generation Latino/a students were less likely to misbehave; no statistical
differences existed between levels of misbehavior of second and third generation Latinos/as and
white males (Peguero & Shekarkhar, 2011). Although all misbehaving students in the sample
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had a higher likelihood of being punished, Latinos/as were more likely to be punished than white
male students, and white females were the least likely to be punished overall. Third generation
Latino/a students were the most likely to be punished compared to their first and second
generation counterparts. The patterns of misbehavior do not match the reports of school
punishment for Latinos/as; however, the findings reveal a difference in racial perception between
white and Latino/a students. Latino/a students self-report being punished at higher rates even
though they were not misbehaving more than white peers. The causes of the higher punishment
rates and role of adults are not explored; gender differences are also unexplained. The study also
reveals the influence of generational factors, such that negative behaviors were less likely to
occur among the first generation students (Peguero & Shekarkhar, 2011). While
recommendations that target second and third generation students behaviors were recommended,
the ways in which adults perceive student behavior or an inquiry into the school environment as
an influence on the study’s outcomes were not discussed.
Summary
In summary, these studies show how multiple factors feed the school-to-prison pipeline.
Students who have early low achievement in literacy and school overall are at risk for a variety
of problems later in their academic pathway (Miles & Stipek, 2006). As academic and behavior
problems increase towards middle and early high school grades, the risk of entering the school-
to-prison pipeline increases (Balfanz et al., 2003). Missing school compromises students’
learning opportunities and they ultimately miss out on valuable class time with teachers and
peers (Gregory et al., 2010; Miles & Stipek, 2006). Students who face suspensions, expulsions,
or long-term detainments are less likely to return and finish school and these school absences can
have detrimental effects on students’ school career (Wald & Losen, 2003).
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Race, gender, and generational status also emerge as significant school-to-prison pipeline
factors. Latino/a students are punished more often than their White peers even though their
misbehavior rates do not show more instances of wrongdoing (Peguero & Shekarkhar, 2011).
Third generation Latinos/as experienced more punishment than whites or their first and second
generation Latino/a peers (Peguero & Shekarkhar, 2011). These studies call into question how
teachers perceive the behavior of students based on factors of race, gender, and generational
status (Miles & Stipe, 2006; Lopez, 2002; Peguero & Shekarkhar, 2011). Evidence of generation
status differences also indicates a need to further examine the behavior of native-born versus
immigrant Latino/a adolescent youth (Peguero & Shekarkhar, 2011).
These studies highlight critical factors in the school-to-prison pipeline; however,
students’ personal perspectives and insights about their school setting are missing from the
literature. Specifically, the voices of young Latinos are absent. Evidence of the relationship
between early literacy achievement and discipline outcomes for Latinos from a qualitative
perspective remains unknown. Additionally, there is a gap in knowledge about the role of school
culture in the school-to-prison pipeline for Latinos. The academic and disciplinary experiences
of youth who may have gone through the juvenile system and then cycled back into traditional
schooling are not documented. The challenges confronting youth, who struggle early on in both
academics and with discipline, continue to follow them into the juvenile system. Thus,
adolescents who eventually enter the criminal justice system at a young age, come with difficult
backgrounds and characteristics.
Incarcerated Youth
Incarcerated youth come from unsuccessful education backgrounds that suggest they
have encountered difficult school experiences. While not all incarcerated youth are academically
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behind, many studies find their average academic performance level is at least one grade below
expected grade level performance (Foley, 2001). Academic functioning levels of juvenile
offenders tend to range between the fifth to ninth grades (Foley, 2001). LeBlanc et al.’s (1991)
three year study of state-operated juvenile and adult correctional education programs found that
juvenile offenders averaged three years below grade level compared to their same-aged peers. In
addition to below grade level skills, these youth are also more likely to have other school
challenges and characteristics (Foley, 2001; Wang et al., 2005; Zabel & Nigro, 1999).
Incarcerated youth’s characteristics indicate they have lower GPAs, grade retention, and
disciplinary actions in their backgrounds (Foley, 2001; Wang et al., 2005; Zabel & Nigro, 1999).
To gain insight into the extent of these factors, Zabel and Nigro (1999) interviewed 266 12-18
year old incarcerated youth about experiences and characteristics of their personal lives, homes,
and schools. The sample was analyzed in two student groups: special education and non-special
education. Academic outcomes indicated that juvenile offenders had difficult educational
experiences early on and throughout their schooling. For all students, at least 90% or more
reported getting in trouble at school or suspended, up to 70% failed at least one class, and 41%
were retained at least one grade level (Zabel & Nigro, 1999). A majority of all students similarly
had intentionally missed classes during the current semester (70%) and over 50% did not
participate in extracurricular activities. Nearly 40% of students reported being in special
education and of those students, 85% were male (Zabel & Nigro, 1999). Slightly more special
education students had attended at least three or more elementary schools than non-special
education students. More special education students also indicated trouble in the elementary
years (kindergarten to third grades and fourth to sixth grades) and had earlier court appearances
compared to non-special education juvenile offenders. Multiple indicators of failure and
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difficulty appear in the lives of incarcerated youth, particularly those with special education
status and high mobility. However, factors such as race, gender, generation status, or
interventions were not explored in the study.
Special Education
Many juvenile offenders have a history of special education services and tend to be
overrepresented in juvenile facilities (Katsiyannis & Archwamety, 1999; Leone & Malmgren,
2000; Leone et al., 2002; Zabel & Nigro, 1999). In the fall of 2000, Quinn, Rutherford, Leone,
Osher, and Poirier (2005) surveyed 38 state correctional facilities housing incarcerated and
committed youth under age 22. The responses from heads of these facilities indicated that 33%
of the incarcerated youth had a disability. The majority of juveniles were classified as having
emotional disturbance conditions (47%) and specific learning disabilities (38%) (Quinn et al.,
2005). The latter figure was nearly four times higher than the public school average at that time.
Although the survey data was limited in demographic data and knowledge of quality of services
for students, the authors argue that it does provide a strong estimate of the amount of students
diagnosed with disabilities in juvenile facilities. This study is another example of the deep
academic challenges incarcerated youth face, much higher than what is seen in public schools.
However, the authors fail to discuss how factors such as race, language, generational status,
culture, or gender influence these youth’s classification in special education.
Reading Levels
Reading skills are found to be low among incarcerated minority youth (Baltodano, Harris,
& Rutherford, 2005; Harris, Baltodano, Bal, Jolivette, & Malcahy, 2009; Leone & Malmgren,
2000). Harris et al. (2009) tested the reading achievement of 398 European, African American,
and Hispanic male youth across three long-term U.S. juvenile detention centers. The youth were
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32
tested on word attack, word identification, and comprehension. Fifteen to seventeen year-old
incarcerated youth tested one standard deviation below the mean in reading achievement; 18 year
olds had the lowest scores overall. However, results by race showed different outcomes. While
non-special education Europeans and African American students scored within average on the
majority of the tests, Latino/Hispanic students of the same category scored lower than the
average on all three tests (Harris et al., 2009). Students in all three racial groups who were in
special education had below average scores on three different reading tests; yet European special
education students scored higher overall. The study combined Hispanics and Mexican Nationals
into one racial/ethnic group, which could also account for low scores, as some may have been
English Language Learners (ELLs). While this study shows lower reading achievement
outcomes for incarcerated Latino youth compared to their African American and White peers in
both regular and special education categories, it does not explain possible generational affects for
Latino youth. Factors such as cultural or language barriers, or resource allocation disparities are
suggested for possible affects on these students’ education performance, but no extensive
analysis describing students’ former experiences is discussed.
Baltodano et al.’s (2005) assessment of reading levels, however, found that incarcerated
male youth ages 13 to 17 in Arizona read above the fifth grade level, which contradicts previous
studies indicating these youth read below this particular grade level. The authors tested 174
adjudicated male youth on reading and math skills using both standardized and curriculum based
assessment methods. The majority of students were Hispanic (including Mexican Nationals)
(47%) and Caucasian (35%) (Baltodano et al., 2005). The authors note that Hispanics and
African Americans were overrepresented in the juvenile facility and in special education status
relative to their population in that state. For the minority youth, scores were at least one standard
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33
deviation below the mean on the majority of reading test assessments compared to Caucasian
youth. Students labeled as special education were more than one standard deviation below the
mean. Baltodano et al. (2005) highlights the overrepresentation of minority youth in juvenile
settings, but also their lower academic levels relative to their White peers. While this study did
not focus on interventions, it does reveal the need to better understand the broader school
experiences of Latinos, and how possible language or other cultural factors may influence and
affect their academic assessment and approaches appropriate to their needs. Lack of access to
other academic information for the students and possible biased testing instruments of the state
also limited the authors’ ability to conduct a more adequate analysis of the students’ academic
levels.
Recidivism
Students with lower levels of education and disabilities are also found to have higher
rates of recidivism, further increasing their time away from school and learning as they cycle
through the criminal justice system (Archwamety & Katsiyannis, 2000; Barnard-Brak & Sulak,
2010). Recidivism is defined as the return to or relapse into a former behavior; in the context of
criminal justice, recidivism pertains to one’s criminal behavior (National Institute of Justice,
2010). This behavior relapses after one receives interventions or sanctions (punishments) for
past crimes (National Institute of Justice, 2010).
One comparison study of 549 recidivist and non-recidivist juveniles (Katsiyannis &
Archwamety, 1999) found that the former had lower academic skills, were younger at first
offense, and had overall lower educational performance than non-recidivists. To more closely
examine the variables of academic achievement and recidivism, Archwamety and Katsiyannis
(2000) studied 12- to 18-year-old committed males placed in remedial math and reading groups
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34
each year over a seven-year period. Results indicated recidivism and parole violation was twice
as likely to be experienced among students in remedial reading and math groups compared to
students in the control group. Students in the math group also showed additional challenging
background characteristics: lower skills in reading and writing, younger age at first offense and
detention, and overall lower cognitive ability. While specific demographic rates were not
provided, more African American and Latino/a youth in the study were represented in the
remedial math group. This study illustrates severity of circumstances experienced by repeat
juvenile offenders, the majority representing those students furthest behind (Archwamety &
Katsiyannis, 2000). These outcomes also suggests a strong need for reading and writing
intervention as students placed in remedial groups may have even lower skills than their other
incarcerated peers. The authors recommended targeted intervention for struggling students early
on in their education to prevent youth crime and juvenile detention at a young age; however, no
interventions for the minority youth were provided despite their high representation in the study
(Archwamety & Katsiyannis, 2000).
LeBlanc et al. (1991), however, found that the most salient single predictor of whether or
not a juvenile offender returned to school was age. A majority of youth indicated their goal to
return to school (or work) but many did not fulfill that intent; older youth in particular were less
likely to return and stay in school. Eighty-six percent of youth under age 16 remained enrolled
after five months of release compared to less than 20% of those 17 years and above. Only one-
third of Hispanic (and white) youth enrolled in school after being released compared to 50% of
black youth (LeBlanc et al., 1991). The authors state that while a majority of youth indicated a
desire to return to school, nearly the same had the desire to work or join the labor force.
Returning to the same neighborhoods and circumstances was named as one impeding factor in
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whether or not students fulfilled their academic goals. LeBlanc et al. (1991) suggest that age may
be a more important factor in recidivism rates of incarcerated youth instead of one’s academic
level. Younger offenders may be more likely to stay in school after release, yet the conditions
supporting their retention in school are not discussed. Additionally, the relationship between age
and the role of the community after the student’s release is not provided. The circumstances
surrounding the home and community environments of Latinos that influence recidivism or
school retention is also not explained. These are important qualitative factors that must be
addressed.
Summary
In summary, the finds that the academic profile of incarcerated youth is complicated and
troubling, especially when examining the outcomes for youth of color and those with special
education status. Most juvenile offenders are behind in expected grade level achievement and
have low level reading scores (Baltodano et al., 2005; Foley, 2001; Harris et al., 2009; Zabel &
Nigro, 1999). For minority youth and those classified as special education (an overrepresented
population in the juvenile setting), the achievement and reading levels are even lower (Baltodano
et al., 2005; Harris et al., 2009; Katsiyannis & Archwamety, 1999; Leone & Malmgren, 2000;
Leone et al., 2002; Zabel & Nigro, 1999). Skill level, age, and community environment are
important factors in recidivism (Archwamety & Katsiyannis, 2000; Barnard-Brak & Sulak, 2010;
LeBlanc et al., 1991). These studies also highlight other problems that incarcerated youth
encounter, such as discipline problems, truancy, mobility, and overall disengagement in school
(Zabel & Nigro, 1999).
Research about specific characteristics and challenges for incarcerated Latinos, however,
is vague. There is a lack of clarity about and attention to strategies to address their needs,
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36
specifically in the area of reading (Baltodano et al., 2005; Harris et al., 2009). These studies do
not explain how factors, such as generational status, language, and/or academic characteristics
influence the outcomes and experiences of Latinos. No qualitative approach to studying the
backgrounds of Latinos is available, which would include information about their personal and
community influences and the types of support available (or not) to them. The quantitative
studies highlight the academic challenges incarcerated youth face, but do little to explain how or
why these outcomes exist (Archwamety & Katsiyannis, 2000; Baltodano et al., 2005; Barnard-
Brak & Sulak, 2010; Foley, 2001; Harris et al., 2009; Katsiyannis & Archwamety, 1999;
LeBlanc et al., 1991; Leone & Malmgren, 2000; Leone et al., 2002; Quinn et al., 2005; Wang et
al., 2005; Zabel & Nigro, 1999) In addition to the literature describing the academic profiles of
incarcerated youth, insight into the juvenile education programs that serve them is also needed.
Juvenile Education Programs
Education programs in juvenile correctional facilities have potential to keep adjudicated
youth on an academic track. Offenders who are exposed to and participate in education programs
while incarcerated fare better in society; they are more likely to get access to jobs and less likely
to recidivate back into the correctional system (Foley, 2001; O’Cummings, Bardack, &
Gonsoulin, 2010; Vacca, 2008). Many juvenile facilities offer a range of curriculum for youth
spanning elementary and secondary grades, GED, vocational, and post-secondary level services
(Foley, 2001; Foley & Gao, 2002). Students in these programs tend to follow strict procedures
and rules and a classroom-like setting is promoted; however, interruptions are common for
appointments, counseling, or case hearings (LeBlanc et al., 1991). In spite of attempts to provide
a typical classroom setting, the quality, structure, and implementation of these programs varies to
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37
a great extent. Additionally, research about the role of critical factors such as culture and student
voice in juvenile education settings is scarce.
Lawsuits
Many juvenile education programs are not providing quality education to incarcerated
youth. Lawsuits have been filed in many states against correctional systems for not providing
proper educational services that all children deserve, regardless of their academic level and needs
(Gagnon, Barber, Van Loan, & Leone, 2009; Mathur & Schoenfeld, 2010; Nelson, Jolivette,
Leone, & Mathur, 2010). The Individuals with Disabilities Act (IDEA) mandates that “all
children under 21 who meet eligibility criteria, including those detained in the criminal justice
system, must receive special education services” (White, 2002, p. 176). One reason for
inadequate juvenile education services is due to a lack of oversight in regulating the 52 different
juvenile correctional systems across the United States (Nelson et al., 2010). An overall absence
of information about the accreditation and licensure of juvenile facilities and implementation of
curriculum (federal mandated or independent) has created a system with little accountability
(Gagnon et al., 2009). A survey of juvenile educational programs in 20 states conducted by the
Training Resource Center at Eastern Kentucky University found a wide variety in how they were
implemented (Wolford, 2000). The curriculum was inconsistent and there were ranges in per
pupil expenditures, school year, hours in school, and student-teacher ratio (Wolford, 2000).
Wolford (2000) concluded the differences were due to the variability in programs and how they
are governed (i.e., state, local, county). The fact that 20% of the states had federal interventions
to ensure that youth received the appropriate education at these correctional institutions showed
the importance of providing quality services in these facilities (Wolford, 2000).
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38
Range of Instructional and Assessment Methods
In addition to inadequate regulation of the juvenile education system, these programs also
tend to implement inconsistent instructional and assessment methods (Foley & Gao, 2002;
LeBlanc et al., 1991; Macomber, Skiba, Blackmon, Esposito, Hart, Mambrino, Richie, &
Grigorenko, 2010). Academic textbooks, individual assignments, and worksheets are commonly
cited as frequently used instructional materials (Foley & Gao, 2002; LeBlanc et al., 1991). In one
study 74% of teachers said they use individual instruction (Foley & Gao, 2002). In another study,
over 40% of teachers indicated they make adjustments to the amount and content of the
curriculum for students but also create their own curriculum as needed (Macomber et al., 2010).
In LeBlanc et al.’s (1991) investigation, less than half of teachers used material associated with
real-world context for students, such as a newspaper (1991). These studies show inconsistencies
in accountability that negatively impact students. These authors also note a lack of rigor and
basic skills approach to the assignments, as well as materials that may not be effective for the
majority of already struggling students who enter the institution (LeBlanc et al., 1991). This
research suggests that students receive a variety of instruction in juvenile programs and many
teachers prepare individualized curriculum for students. The curriculum, however, may not
incorporate opportunities for personal connections with the learning.
Assessments in the juvenile education setting are also problematic. In Macomber et al.’s,
(2010) study, 31% of teachers indicated that no initial education assessment was conducted upon
admission of the juvenile. This finding was verified through student records, which showed only
55% of students were initially assessed at the detention center. Forty-six percent of teachers said
they usually do not receive documents for the incoming student from his/her school district and
88% indicated juveniles had no assessment prior to release (Macomber et al., 2010). If
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39
assessments are given, the student’s new location or parents rarely receive these academic
records. Social workers, general staff, or program officers can administer student assessments
and no standard process is followed or used to assess students’ needs accurately. Without proper
and consistent diagnostic procedures and students’ prior academic records, juvenile education
teachers cannot develop an appropriate instructional program for these youth. Ultimately, the
students suffer for the inadequacies of the juvenile education system to properly assess their
academic needs.
Administrators also voice concern about alignment of procedures in their programs.
Gagnon et al. (2009) conducted a random survey of 131 juvenile correctional principals.
Although on average, principals reported positive responses to questions regarding alignment of
curricula and supervision with state education agencies, approximately one third of them
described their program’s instructional materials and assessments as somewhat to not aligned
with the state (Gagnon et al., 2009). Similarly, one-fourth of principals gave the same response
when asked about alignment of state assessments in reading and math. The authors also noted
that although over half of the schools were accredited by their state or through the American
Correctional Association, over a third of them followed their own curricular policies independent
of the state and local education agencies. Gagnon et al. (2009) suggested that perhaps the
juvenile facilities were unclear as to the policies and guidelines to follow or that the schools did
not feel pressured to follow the state accreditation process. There is a misalignment of state and
federal regulations with the juvenile settings. Even with knowledge of required assessments and
materials, these studies show many juvenile facilities act independently.
Another critical element that is absent from the literature regarding educational programs
for adjudicated youth is the role of culture and students’ backgrounds. Harris, Baltodano, Artiles,
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40
and Rutherford (2006) examined literature over a 30-year period on the presence and role of
culture in literacy interventions and the interaction of culture within the juvenile institution. Of
the 18 studies that fit the criteria, only one study from Sweden included an in-depth analysis of
students’ culture and its influence on student literacy outcomes. That study included both
immigrant and native-born juvenile offenders and drew upon their prior knowledge and literacy
backgrounds to inform a reading program (Harris et al., 2006). Harris et al. (2006) found that
only one study (Svenson, Lundberg, & Jacobson, 2003) discussed the culture of the juvenile
institution as a factor in the students’ achievement and opportunities to learn. Similarly, Harris et
al. (2006) noted that disproportionality was mentioned in only two studies (Baltodano et al.,
2005; Drakeford, 2002) where minorities were overrepresented in the juvenile population. The
authors also noted an overall inattention to race and culture beyond use as variables; deeper
analysis of these factors was rarely completed (Harris et al., 2006). Lastly, studies incorporating
students’ voices were also missing from this literature analysis (Harris et al., 2006). This study
highlights the absence of critical factors such as culture, race, and other important features of
students’ backgrounds in the development of reading interventions, programs, and education
services for incarcerated youth. Student voice, however, continues to have a scarce presence in
the juvenile education literature.
Institution Culture
The culture within the juvenile setting has an impact on students’ experiences and
outcomes, yet very few studies ask students about their experiences (Harris et al., 2006; Lane,
Lanza-Kaduce, Frazier, & Bishop, 2002). Studies that describe students’ views portray a punitive
and restrictive setting, but lend insight into issues with staff, programming, community
environment, and students’ future goals.
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41
Juvenile facilities tend to be viewed as punitive institutions by students and adults rather
than places where students receive the academic services they need (Foley & Gao, 2002; Gagnon
& Barber, 2010; Macomber et al., 2010; Nelson et al., 2010). Security guidelines can prevent the
delivery of quality education services because the focus is on protective measures of the youth
and not learning (Beck, 2005; Mathur & Schoenfeld, 2010; Young, Phillips, & Nasir, 2010). For
example, Young et al. (2010) conducted observations of seven juvenile correctional classrooms
and 17 class periods, as well as 40 interviews with incarcerated youth about their past, present,
and future educational experiences both inside and outside the juvenile institution. There were 31
males and nine females; the majority of students were Latino/a (40%) (Young et al., 2010).
Observations described some decorated classrooms and wall space, yet one classroom was bare
and the window was covered up (Young et al., 2010). Students were observed working on packet
assignments or from the textbook, which mostly took the form of independent work. A high
security presence in the classroom environment was also noted; students could not move unless
given permission. Pencils were closely monitored and collected at the end of class due to
possible use as a weapon. Instructional time was compromised when disruptions occurred and
students had to return to their cells. The cell-like classrooms had little feel of a school setting,
which contributed to the punitive feel of the students’ learning environment. Students’
perceptions revealed ambivalence towards the school’s punitive nature. They described the
interruptions of security in classroom matters and how these adults and even some teachers
treated them as criminals (Young et al., 2010). Students desired more explicit instruction from
teachers and noted the easiness of the curriculum, which they characterized as elementary level.
The students also described frustration in being unable to obtain their academic records, resulting
in lack of information about their own schooling and delays in getting the appropriate juvenile
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42
courses. In spite of these challenges, students appreciated being able to earn easy credits that
would help move them along once released.
Young et al.’s (2010) study provides descriptive information about what actually occurs
in the juvenile facility and the educational environment. Observations allude to the difficulty of
establishing positive learning spaces due to a high security presence and perception of youth as
criminals and not students (Young et al., 2010). Students’ interviews reveal their own
frustrations with being negatively labeled and restricted access to information about their own
academic history (Young et al., 2010). While providing significant insight into the juvenile
setting from students’ perspectives, this study did not address specific literacy or educational
needs of youth. Given that the majority of students were Latino/a, the study also does not
examine gender and cultural factors in more detail.
Mincey, Maldonado, Lacy and Thompson (2008) and Lane et al.’s (2002) interviews with
incarcerated youth produced similar sentiments. Mincey et al. (2008) interviewed nine former
incarcerated Florida students ages 18-23 about their experiences during their time in the
correctional system. These students had completed their sentences and were employed or
enrolled in a postsecondary college or vocational school. No gender or racial demographic
information about the students was provided. Lane et al. (2002) further interviewed 144 serious
male youth offenders (multiple arrests and early age of offending) ages 17-20; half were detained
in juvenile facilities and the other half in adult prisons. The students were majority Black (52%)
and white (44%) youth (Mincey et al., 2008).
Student interviews from both studies (Lane et al., 2002; Mincey et al., 2008) generated
several common findings from the youth offenders. First, many students described the difficulty
of returning to their former neighborhoods after release, and for some, that environment
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43
increased recidivism. Upon release, the students encountered the same conditions, individuals,
and negative influences (i.e., drugs) in their communities, which has been highlighted as factor in
recidivism in other studies (LeBlanc et al., 1991). Second, the type of educational program had a
significant impact on the students’ attitude and progress (Lane et al., 2002; Mincey et al., 2008).
Programs providing both education courses (i.e., GED, vocational, postsecondary) and life skills
or counseling courses were most beneficial to students. Students cited the opportunity to work
towards or earn a degree while incarcerated, but also learning skills for managing their behavior,
stress, and pressures. Third, the youth commented on the treatment received by staff and teachers
in their programs and in the general juvenile facility (Lane et al., 2002; Mincey et al., 2008).
Some staff treated the juveniles as criminals and/or were unsupportive. Students were
encouraged by staff and teachers who showed caring attitudes and made efforts to help with
behavior and school problems. Another common finding was the perception by students that
harsher, adult-like sanctions were more influential in changing their behavior, yet they needed to
be able to carry out these punishments in the juvenile facility (Mincey et al., 2008; Lane et al.,
2002). Despite criminal activities, the offenders appreciated given the opportunity to be treated
as youth in a juvenile setting and not among adult prisoners. Lastly, the majority of students in
both studies expressed a desire for a better future and life outside of incarceration. The
possibility to change their lives and their families via engagement in positive activities and
behaviors was a goal many of them strived to achieve.
The studies by Young et al. (2010), Mincey et al. (2008), and Lane et al. (2002) highlight
the overall restrictive and punitive nature of the educational programs in juvenile facilities. These
institutions are strict environments with tight monitoring of materials and classroom space
(Young et al., 2010). The students perceive harsh treatment from adults; yet appreciate staff who
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44
are positive and supportive (Lane et al., 2002; Mincey et al., 2008; Young et al., 2010). Students
value the opportunity to rehabilitate or carry out their sentences in juvenile instead of adult
facilities (Lane et al., 2002). Additionally, students spoke highly of programs that provide both
life skills and academic services, showing a desire to improve on a personal and not just
educational level. However, one concern raised by these studies was the struggle for the youth to
stay successful when returning to the same environments and conditions that were factors in their
criminal histories (Lane et al., 2002; Mincey et al., 2008). While informative of students’
perspectives, these studies provided little (if any) insight from the Latino male population.
Summary
In summary, the literature on juvenile education programs reveals a lack of consistency
of instructional and assessment methods, implementation, but also little attention to race and
culture in these programs (Foley & Gao, 2002; Harris et al., 2006; LeBlanc et al., 1991;
Macomber et al., 2010; Wohlford, 2000). Platt et al. (2006) state that the No Child Left Behind
Act’s emphasis on standardized measures of assessment complicates the delivery and quality of
services to incarcerated youth. They argue for a more holistic educational approach for juvenile
offenders and curriculum that is not solely focused on standardization. The impact of a
standardized focus shows up in how teachers and administrators describe the challenges
regarding assessment procedures and alignment with state exams (Gagnon et al., 2009;
Macomber et al., 2010). Insufficient professional development for teachers and limited oversight
of programs also contribute to difficulties in sustaining a quality program for juveniles (Gagnon
et al., 2009). A strict school setting organized around worksheets and independent practice also
does not help make learning engaging and differentiated (LeBlanc et al., 1991; Young et al.,
2010). Secondly, students’ voices and feedback highlight a punitive culture yet the innate desire
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45
of incarcerated youth to be successful and re-engage in society remains strong (Lane et al., 2002;
Mincey et al., 2008; Young et al., 2010). Many students commented about the harshness of
adults and how that negatively affected their participation in their school or rehabilitation
programs (Lane et al., 2002; Mincey et al., 2008; Young et al., 2010). Despite these conditions,
the students still voiced hope in the future and being able to make their families proud (Lane et
al., 2002; Mincey et al., 2008). The studies also showed the importance of comprehensive
programs (with adult teachers) that address students’ personal, social, and academic needs (Lane
et al., 2002; Mincey et al., 2008). These programs were helpful in guiding the incarcerated youth
towards a more successful future outside of imprisonment.
However, research about education programs in juvenile institutions lacks sufficient
evidence specifically from the Latino population (Harris et al., 2006; Lane et al., 2002; Mincey
et al., 2008; Young et al., 2010). The lack of attention to students’ cultures and backgrounds in
educational programs, specifically in reading, is also concerning given the high minority
representation in the juvenile justice system. This research fails to consider students’ prior skills
or literacy knowledge as they investigate programs or instructional methods (Harris et al., 2006).
Not enough is known about the youth’s prior relationships with or experiences in their
communities, which was a concern for many with multiple arrests and time in the juvenile
setting. The literature illustrates the need for quality juvenile education programs that can
address the needs of Latinos (and their peers), thus it is important to examine the area of
adolescent literacy.
Adolescent Literacy
It is imperative to understand the relationship between literacy experiences and the
school-to-prison pipeline given the relationship between illiteracy, imprisonment and low
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46
educational attainment (Garcia, 2002; Haigler et al., 1994). Thus the attainment of literacy skills
for Latinos must be addressed through quality teaching experiences, attention to culturally
relevant literacy practices and critical literacy and pedagogy (Winn & Behizadeh, 2011). The No
Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) mandates all students be proficient in reading (and math) by
2014; this mandate includes students in the juvenile system, even as they enter and reenter
traditional schools. Despite an extreme focus on standards and high-stakes policies that NCLB
encourages, educators must stay focused on providing inclusive, democratic, and civic
educational experiences for youth of color (Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Gandara & Rumberger,
2009; Greene, 2008).
Literacy Definitions
The basic definition of literacy is the ability to read and write. The National Institute for
Literacy (NIL) defines three types of literacy: prose, document, and quantitative (2008). These
literacies deal with reading and comprehension of text, understanding of a variety of documents,
and being able to “perform computations” with documents, respectively (NIL, 2008). The
National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) offers a more comprehensive literacy definition
of what readers and writers should be able to do in the 21
st
Century; skills include technology
proficiency, problem-solving, synthesis of information, engagement with multi-media texts, and
ethical responsibilities associated with various literate environments (2013).
Street (2003) identifies two literacy frameworks: autonomous and ideological. In the
autonomous model, simple notions of reading and writing “automatically” improve one’s literacy
skills. Basic literacy skill development is a neutral and individualistic process. In contrast, the
ideological model acknowledges the role of culture and sees literacy as a social and interactive
practice (Au, 1998; 2003; Gee, 2001; Street, 2003). As individuals exchange knowledge,
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47
interact, and learn from one another, their ideas of literacy are debated and reconstructed within
their contexts. Literacy is constructed and situated within the contexts that individuals are
members of. Thus, social interaction and culture are significant aspects of the ideological model
of literacy that are overlooked when considering only basic skill development and an
autonomous model of literacy.
Literacy and Culture of Education
Culture and context are important when considering how to support youth’s entry into a
literate world. Providing students with a successful education experience is complicated by many
factors, such as attention to culture and context. Disenfranchised youth (i.e., minority,
incarcerated, poor) are more likely to be affected by adverse educational conditions and
resources, but also teaching strategies that promote traditional Americanized practices and lack
cultural relevancy (Nieto, 2005; Winn & Behizadeh, 2011). For many years, negative
perceptions of minority and poor youth have formed the basis of ideas about issues of
curriculum, pedagogy, expectations for students, and the overall schooling experience (Nieto,
2005). Efforts towards multicultural approaches in education that honor students’ diverse
backgrounds as resources to learning and value their differences have received backlash (Nieto,
2005). While there are concrete examples of poor and minority youth exceeding academic
outcomes because of high expectations and efforts by teachers, a majority of educators continue
to give these students less than what they deserve (Delpit, 2006).
A diverse set of ideas and research exists to address what is essential for adolescent
literacy development and engagement. Street’s ideological model’s emphasis on culture and
literacy as a social practice, lends itself to Lev Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory. From a
sociocultural perspective, students continuously construct new knowledge and make sense of
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48
their world with the help of adults and others (Au, 1998). Au (1998) builds on sociocultural
theory and argues for a diverse social constructivism approach for literacy that focuses attention
to ethnicity, language, and social class as students develop and deepen their literacy skills. This
approach builds on and validates students’ cultural backgrounds as they engage with literacy,
empowers students (Cummins, 1994), and helps them feel ownership in their identity as learners
(Au, 1998). Others emphasize the need to affirm and incorporate the developmental needs of
adolescents and interaction of multiple forms of knowledge (Alvermann, 2009; Langer, 2009).
When students are stimulated with knowledge and information, opportunities for them to become
lifelong literate thinkers and learners is enhanced (Langer, 2009).
Another foundational concept for effective teaching of ethnically diverse students is
Gay’s (2002) culturally responsive teaching (CRT). CRT positions the lives of these students as
central to development of academic skills they need to acquire (Gay, 2002). Teachers who use a
CRT model actively seek out knowledge about students and their cultural backgrounds and
include diversity in the curriculum. These educators create respectful communities and foster
communication with all students (Gay, 2002). Importantly, the knowledge base concept of CRT
is the starting point for educators to engage in CRT. Being informed of the deeper sets of
information about ethnic groups, which includes attention to gender differences, can help
teachers see the connections between their students’ culture and their content areas, instead of
separate entities that cannot support one another (Gay, 2002).
Bomer and Skerrett (2011) studied the intersections of students’ out of school literacies
with classroom learning, which they termed the “borderzones.” Their qualitative study examined
a high school English teacher’s literacy practices with approximately 13 mostly Latino/a ninth
graders reading below grade level (Bomer & Skerrett, 2011). The teacher acknowledged and
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49
incorporated students’ out of school literacy activities to support their classroom learning and
access the traditional curriculum. The students and teacher created their own definition of
literacy based on their personal experiences as well as the students’ action research within the
school. Bomer and Skerrett (2011) illustrate the potential for youth of color to engage and
participate in powerful literacy practices when their own prior literacy experiences are
acknowledged and affirmed in the classroom. In addition, this study warrants attention to literacy
needs based on gender.
When educators acknowledge the resources children bring with them into the classroom
from their homes community, learning opportunities are enhanced for students (Moll, Amanti,
Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992). Family members, the home, neighbors, and community can all be
considered funds of knowledge; these individuals and contexts are rich with “cultural and
cognitive resources” for students to utilize in the classroom (Moll et al., 1992, p. 134). Moll et al.
(1992) worked with 10 teacher researchers who then selected approximately three students’
households over the course of a year and conducted observations and interviews with Mexican
and Yaqui family members. The teachers’ research and interaction with families deconstructed
previously held stereotypes about the students, their families, and experiences. The teachers
reversed their roles and became the learners, gaining critical insight about their students’ worlds
from the families. This ethnographic journey of teachers supported their development as
mediators, ultimately bridging the household context with classroom learning (Moll et al., 1992).
Critical Literacy and Pedagogy
In addition to acknowledging and incorporating a multicultural approach for youth of
color, critical literacy and pedagogy provide a lens for how youth of color engage in their
education experiences. Critical pedagogy emphasizes a problem-posing approach to education,
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50
students and teachers together pursuing agency and change in society, and a relationship that
values reflection and action (Freire, 1970). Critical literacy is taking into account diverse
perspectives, such as race, class, gender, language, social class, and other social and political
issues in the study of text and information to recognize the role of power and knowledge (Freire,
1998; Morrell, 2008; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Souto-Manning, 2009). In critical
literacy, adults and students do not just read, write, and think, but do so in a powerful way that
builds consciousness and support in pursuit of a greater society (Freire, 1998). Being able to
access and engage in critical literacy skills, positions literacy as a civil right (Greene, 2008).
These critical skills are necessary to participate and compete for jobs, in postsecondary
education, but also engage in everyday society (Greene, 2008).
Sociocritical literacy theory (Gutierrez, 2008) provides a more expansive and social
justice lens from which to view the significance of critical literacy for Latino/a youth. In
sociocritical literacy, both historical and present day experiences inform and mediate one’s
learning (Gutierrez, 2008). Students engage in reading, writing, and dialogue in languages of
Spanish and English, using them to undergo “transformative understandings” of their
experiences and make new meanings of their lives (Gutierrez, 2008, p. 179). Although originated
from work with English Language Learners, this “toolkit” provides support for literacy and
academic literacy practices that empower all oppressed communities and value the cultural,
historical, and political resources and knowledge they bring to learning (Gutierrez, 2008).
There have been successful efforts to engage with youth around critical literacy practices
that acknowledge the larger sociopolitical context and culture of communities. Morrell and
Duncan-Andrade’s (2008) work with minority urban high school teenagers in an English
classroom in Oakland shows the importance and success of critical literacy and pedagogy, and
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51
multicultural education strategies. They enhanced the ELA standards based curriculum with
opportunities for students to think critically about both canonical and popular cultural texts, film,
and music in relation to the students’ own life experiences. Over the years, the students
developed critical analysis skills and student agency, and gained academic literacies necessary
for academic achievement. Students produced a variety of their own texts in the English genre
and became motivated and engaged in improving the lives of their communities and schools.
Similarly, Cammarota and Romero (2006) suggest a critically compassionate pedagogy,
which is also inclusive of the significant concepts and theories of critical pedagogy, social
justice, but also authentic caring (Valenzuela, 1999). Their social justice course and program in
Arizona provided Latino/a high school students the space to cultivate their own voice about
issues of injustice affecting their lives and in broader society. The students developed a sense of
agency, academic skills, and the opportunity to speak out and act upon problems they identified.
Like the Oakland students, these youth became empowered in their studies and civic life through
the critical teachings and practices, but also opportunities to research, analyze, and make
connections with classroom learning and social issues. Cammarota and Romero (2006) note how
the students “unpacked” years of oppressive education practices in their course, which ultimately
developed their consciousness about their own potential and for social change.
Beck (2005) argues that critical literacy strategies and pedagogy is appropriate for
incarcerated youth and adult populations. In her teaching of incarcerated adults, Beck discusses
the importance of helping her students reflect on their experiences and think critically about
society. Despite a prison structure that is organized around restraint, rules, and order, critical
literacy, engaging these individuals into community-oriented dialogue instead of individualist
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52
thinking could provide a means for considering different perspectives and becoming better
citizens.
Summary
In summary, successful adolescent literacy models incorporate and connect the out of
school literacy practices for youth with traditional school strategies. Literacy for adolescent
youth of color must also be grounded in culturally relevant theories and practices, and provide
students with opportunities to be critical thinkers and agents of change. Street’s (2003)
autonomous and ideological models provide contrasting perspectives on how literacy is
constructed and conceived of; the former ignoring the social and cultural importance while
validated in the latter framework. Given the historical lack of attention to diversity of student
populations, teachers of ethnically diverse students must incorporate cultural and personal
experiences and resources students bring into the classroom.
Adolescent literacy practices that acknowledge students’ histories, community and
cultural resources, and adolescent development, while also providing a critical lens or framework
can support the literacy and educational experiences for Latino youth (Alvermann, 2009; Bomer
& Skerrett, 2011; Cammarota & Romero, 2006; Langer, 2009; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade,
2008). Latino/a youth can thrive in their learning and literacy development with the appropriate
teaching practices, culturally relevant and personalized curricula, and critical thinking skills
embedded in the curriculum (Bomer & Skerrett, 2011; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008). The
academic literacy skills that support engagement in a social justice and culturally relevant
oriented curricula, act as a means for more civic participation in the broader society (Cammarota
& Romero, 2006; Gutierrez, 2008; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008). These practices can then
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53
support the development of an academic pipeline and dismantle the school-to-prison pipeline that
currently exists for Latino youth and their peers (Meiners, 2007).
There still exists a gap in research concerning how these critical adolescent literacy
experiences affect Latino adolescents. Given the school-to-prison pathway for these youth,
appropriate and targeted research is necessary to better understand their specific literacy
experiences and needs. Studies describe the experiences of male and female Latino/a students or
minority youth as a group in their current school settings, yet none exist documenting the
pathway that occurred before the adolescent period. The related school experiences of Latino
youth in their schools and classrooms are essential in understanding their achievement. Research
into social factors affecting the Latino male youth population, however, can lend additional
insight into other influences that have consequences on their academic outcomes and literacy
attainment and experiences.
Latino/a Students’ Academic Experiences
The educational outcomes of Latino/a youth in U.S. public schools suggest difficult K-12
experiences. Historical and present day discrimination and segregation in schools, coupled with
early literacy difficulties and gender differences attaining postsecondary educational, are just
several factors involved (Gandara & Contreras, 2009; San Miguel & Valencia, 1998). Examining
issues such as school culture and belonging, teacher care, and future aspirations at a closer level
indicate that there exists a strong sense of cultural disconnect and disengagement that affects
Latinos more than their female peers.
History
Latino/a students have historically been marginalized in the public school system. Racial
and ethnic discrimination, racial segregation of Latino/a students, tracking, and lack of
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54
representation in the school curriculum influenced the treatment of Latino/a youth (Bennett,
2001; Garcia, 2002; San Miguel & Valencia, 1998; Valencia, 2002). Early records of the
educational history for Latino/a students in the U.S. showed they were heavily discriminated
against because of their skin color and Spanish language, which was thought to be inferior to
English (San Miguel & Valencia, 1998; Valencia, 2002). Today, Latino/a youth who are Spanish
speaking are linguistically segregated from students who speak mainstream or academic English
and even from peers within their own schools (Gandara, 2010). Latino/a youth in general are
more likely to attend overcrowded, under-resourced schools, many of them labeled as failing by
national achievement standards (Darling-Hammond, 2006; Gandara & Contreras, 2009). The
racial, ethnic, cultural, and linguistic biases inherent in the public education system unfairly
treated these youth differently because of their skin color and language, which was seen as
different or inferior to mainstream American culture. The historical discrimination and
segregation of Latino/a youth has had lasting effects on their present-day learning conditions,
particularly, young Latinos (Gandara, 2010; Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Garcia, 2002; San
Miguel & Valencia, 1998; Valencia, 2002).
K-12 Pipeline
NCES reports that Latinos are less likely to be enrolled in preschool and as a result, tend
to enter elementary behind grade level compared to their female counterparts (Saenz & Ponjuan,
2009). These gender differences show up in the education pipeline. The educational pipeline for
Latino/a students shows that for every 100 elementary students, only 52 will graduate from high
school, 10 will graduate from college, four from graduate school and less than one will attain a
doctoral degree (Solorzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005, p. 279). Mexican American female
youth do just slightly better than their male counterparts. For every 100 Mexican American
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55
females in elementary school, 47 females will graduate from college, compared to 44 males,
resulting in the loss of 53 Latinas and 56 Latinos from the school system without a traditional
high school diploma (Soza, 2007). The disparity between Latinos and Latinas achievement
shows up early on in their educational career. Consequently, the dismal outcomes for high school
and post-secondary graduation rates illustrate their significant population loss from childhood to
adolescence.
Birthplace and race also influence academic outcomes for Latinos/as. Despite a decrease
in dropout rates since 1970 for Latino students, data for 2007 indicates native born U.S. Latino
youth were still about twice as likely to drop out of school compared to white students; 10%
versus 5% respectively (Fry, 2009). A 2009 report of Latino/a native and foreign-born youth
indicated that U.S. born Latinos/as’ high school completion rate was 87%, just slightly lower
than their second-generation peers at 89%. (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009). Second generation
Latinos/as have the highest rate of high school completion also compared to third and higher
generations (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009). However, all U.S. and immigrant Latinos/as are still
behind high school completion rates of white students, which is nearly 94% (Pew Hispanic
Center, 2009). Compared to other black and white males, Latinos are more likely to drop out
(Fry, 2009; Santiago, 2008). Latinos also have overall lower levels of education for men 18 and
over (Fry, 2009; Santiago, 2008). According to the Pew Hispanic Center, although high school
dropout rates have dropped throughout the decades, Latino/a youth still dropout at “nearly three
times” higher (17%) than their white (6%) and black (9%) peers (2009, p. 18).
The education outcomes for Latino males (and their female peers) highlight disparities in
their school completion rates by gender, race, and birth status. It is important to note that school
outcomes for immigrant Latinos/as are counted in the same outcomes for native-born Latinos/as,
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56
which complicates the overall analysis for all Latino/a youth (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009).
However, the data still show that native-born Latino/a youth are not following their white or
African American peers in high school completion rates, Latino males in particular. These
disproportionate outcomes continue to show up in higher education rates.
Higher Education
Although more Latino/a high school completers were enrolled in college in 2007, this
group still remains behind white and Black youth enrolled in college (Fry, 2009). Latino males
lag in college enrollment figures among other racial and female groups (Fry, 2009). Latinos also
have overall fewer bachelor degrees compared to Latinas according to the 2010 Census, and a
majority of these males still have less than a high school degree. College undergraduate
enrollment figures for Latinos increased from 1970-2007, yet the increase was not as dramatic as
their female counterparts; more native than foreign-born Latinos attributed to this increase (Fry,
2009). Data also indicate that Latino males, although making improvements, continue to lag
behind females in attaining both four-year and associate degrees (Fry, 2009). In 2009, only
52,700 associate and bachelor degrees were earned by Latinos compared to 140,080 by Latinas
(Saenz & Ponjuan, 2011). Latino males, however, did increase their attainment of doctoral
degrees more than black or white males during 1995-2005 and associate degrees during 1995-
1996 and 2005-2006 (Santiago, 2008). Statistics for Latino/a youth’s K-12 and post-secondary
educational outcomes illustrate the need for improvement and research into significant factors
that cause and influence these results.
Literacy
The literacy achievement of Latino/a youth is one area that is cause for concern. Latino/a
youth show lower levels of literacy achievement than their white peers (Gandara & Contreras,
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57
2009). According to NCES and the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), there
exists a gap of approximately 25 points between Latino/a and white youth at both the fourth and
eighth grade levels (Hemphill & Vanneman, 2011). This reading score gap has not changed
significantly between the two groups since scores were compared in years 1992 and 2007
(Hemphill & Vanneman, 2011). While Latino/a students’ scores have increased over the years,
they still lag behind their white peers in the same grades who hold higher scores overall.
For example, Sanchez, Bledsoe, Sumabat, and Ye (2004) examined the gap in literacy
between Texas Latino/a students and their peers. Using the Texas Assessment of Academic
Skills (TAAS), the authors compared the reading scores of 50,000 Hispanic students with
approximately 45,000 non-Hispanic youth on variables such as gender, ethnicity, grades, and
academic program. Students’ scores were obtained from those in grades three to eight and tenth
grade. Native or immigrant status was not noted. Overall, Latino/a youth taking the English test
version scored higher than their Latino/a peers taking the Spanish version of the test. Latinos/as
scored significantly lower than white, Asian, and African American students on six different
reading objectives, including summarizing and word meaning. Reading scores examined by
grade levels did not show any specific trends for Latino/a students. Scores did increase from
grades six to 10 overall for Latino/a youth; thus, scores went up as grade levels increased.
Sanchez et al. (2004) also found that while Latino/a students in the gifted program
showed a positive correlation with their program status and literacy rates, all other programs
(Title 1, Economically Disadvantaged, Bilingual, Special Education, Limited English Proficient,
Migrant, English as Second Language, and At Risk) resulted in a negative correlation with
students’ reading scores. By gender, Latinas scored higher than Latinos on all objectives, but the
trend was not significant for the 10
th
grade scores. The authors recommend attention to students’
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58
language and cultural needs and the male population, as well as increase in parent involvement.
Also suggested was additional research into the presence of test bias in the early grades due to
the score increase found as students moved up grade levels. While this study highlights
important gaps in literacy achievement between Latino/a and white youth, as well as Latino/a
gender disparities, it does not provide a discussion of why these gaps may exist.
School Culture
School culture is a critical feature of Latino/a youth’s education experience and may
explain possible reasons for their low achievement. Valenzuela (1999) provides a well-
documented longitudinal ethnographic study of the schooling experiences of Mexican American
and first generation students in an urban public high school in Texas. Her insight into the school
environment for students found that students and teachers viewed one another as “not caring”
based on different perspectives and ideas about what caring entails. Authentic versus aesthetic
forms of caring were described. The study found that students valued authentic caring which is
founded on the following vision: “They articulate a vision of education that parallels the
Mexican concept of educación [education]…they prefer a model of schooling premised on
respectful, caring relations” (Valenzuela, 1999, p. 61). She found more ninth grade males (and
males overall) exhibiting “uncaring” characteristics that were expressed as deviancy due to social
and academic factors and pressures, as well as overall more positive schooling experiences from
immigrant versus U.S. born youth. Valenzuela concluded that the school exhibited great
difficulty in providing an environment of authentic caring for students; instead, subtracted or
took away from their culture and histories in favor of emphasis on traditional American
structures and processes. Particularly, for U.S. born youth, their academic struggles, according to
Valenzuela (1999), may be a “consequence of schooling…a culturally subtractive schooling
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59
process that encourages youth to de-identify from Mexican culture…” (p. 262). Thus, as these
youth moved farther along in school, their overall identities, achievement, and future visions of
success diminished.
Sanchez, Colon, and Esparza (2005) examined the impact of sense of belonging on 143
twelfth grade Latinas and Latinos from an urban Midwestern public high school; 48% (69) were
males of various Latino ethnicities. Results indicated that there were no gender differences in
sense of belonging; however, the academic outcomes for females were more positive than for
males. The gender difference showed Latina students had higher scores on GPAs, intrinsic value
for English class, academic effort, and educational aspirations. All students showed a positive
effect for sense of belonging with academic motivation (related to English subject), academic
effort, and absenteeism. While Latino males seem to feel some benefits to sense of belonging in
school, the authors note that this study focused on seniors who were still enrolled at this point of
their high school career; this school has a dropout rate of over 50% thus, these students may be
higher performing and more attached to the environment (Sanchez et al., 2005). This study also
focused on the highest secondary school grade level, which excludes younger Latinos/as who
may have different outcomes on these variables.
Teachers and Caring
Perceptions of caring have also been found to influence how Latino/a youth interact in
their school environment, and these perceptions differ slightly from their White peers. Garza
(2009) studied the perceptions of 49 Latino/a and 44 white 14-18 year old Texas high school
students on their perceptions of caring behaviors of their teachers. Findings from teacher
interviews, student questionnaires and classroom observations indicated five core themes
reflecting teacher behaviors such as scaffolding, kindness in actions, availability, interest in
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students’ personal lives, and affective academic support. Both White and Latino/a youth valued
these caring behaviors by their teacher, yet differed in how they prioritized the themes.
Scaffolding during a teaching episode, provides affective academic support in the classroom
setting, and shows a personal interest in students’ well-being both inside and outside the
classroom were the top three categories for Latino/a students. Compared to White students who
prioritized “actions reflect a kind disposition”, scaffolding, and “always available to the student”
as their top three categories, Latino/a youth seem to indicate caring via more academic supports.
Garza (2009) attributes differences in more pressure for Latino/a youth to pass state-mandated
tests and less focus on more personal caring behaviors. However, Garza (2009) did not separate
out an analysis by gender and the sample of Latino males was limited to 13, the smallest of the
groups.
Shaunessy & McHatton (2009) also sought to understand students’ perceptions of teacher
care from ninth to twelfth grade Latino/a and white high school students. The students were in
special education, general education, and honors courses in a school located in a southeastern
part of the U.S. The authors conducted surveys and focus groups with conducted with 577
students (Shaunessy & McHatton, 2009). Results showed special education and male students
reported more punitive feedback from teachers, whereas Latino/a youth reported more supportive
feedback from teachers than White students reported. White students reported fewer instances of
punitive or supportive teacher feedback. Despite significant gender findings, the study did not
analyze results by gender and race, nor students’ race and class program. Additionally, the focus
groups provided detailed insight into students’ classroom interactions, yet racial differences were
not presented. Therefore, it is unknown how Latino males perceived the support and care from
their teachers compared to their Latina counterparts or other white peers.
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Future Aspirations
Studies on how Latino/a students’ perceive their futures suggest growing dissatisfaction
over time in school. Quiroz (2001) analyzed 27 narratives of mostly U.S. born Puerto Rican and
Mexican male and female students from Chicago about their identities, backgrounds, and
schooling experiences. Narratives were first written in the eighth grade and again in junior year
of high school. Similar to Valenzuela’s study (1999), the narratives illustrate how the students’
perceptions and attitudes towards school and their futures changed over time from junior high to
high school. Students became less hopeful over time about achieving future goals than originally
expressed in eighth grade. The students also became more critical of their high school. Students
blamed the system and adults for issues such as not caring about the student, high teacher
mobility, boredom, and lack of teacher support and relationships. Students also expressed
experiences with discipline and punishment in their narratives at both grade levels. As eighth
graders, students blamed themselves for their school failure; however, in the eleventh grade,
students were more critical of the school system and conditions as the cause of their low
achievement and expectations for the future. Although, gender and generational differences were
not assessed, overall, the students encountered a break down in their future aspirations and
disengagement in their schooling experiences.
Few studies focus specifically on the experiences faced by Latino males and highlight
gender differences. Lys (2009), however, surveyed 74 eighth grade Latino/a students about their
perceptions of and future achievement in the high school setting. The students were from a
growing Latino/a state in the South; 39 were first generation Latino/a immigrants. Almost 40%
of all Latino/a youth worried about not graduating high school; however, Latino males were less
positive about finishing high school and advancing in their academics than their female
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counterparts (Lys, 2009). The older middle school Latino male students in the sample, ages 14
to15, were also more at risk for dropping out of school based on these negative perceptions of
their future secondary experience. Students with Spanish as their home language reported more
positive perceptions of future high school graduation, suggesting a greater sense of optimism
from foreign-born versus native-born Latinos/as. Lys’ (2009) research highlights a concern for
less positive perceptions of the school environment for Latinos, particularly at a critical transition
to high school. However, the study does not inquire about the causes of these feelings to
determine what factors may be influencing the youth’s perceptions towards the school
environment and future.
Halx and Ortiz (2011) found three major themes in their study of 12 18-20 year old
Latino males who were struggling to remain in school (five), back in school after leaving (six),
or had dropped out (one). Interviews with the students revealed several themes. First, these
students considered working to be of a higher priority than education because of the immediate
financial gains associated with getting a job. Another theme showed students have future
aspirations, but education was not necessarily a priority within those goals. Lastly, this study
revealed students lacked personal connections with adults in their schools. Halx and Ortiz (2011)
sum up their study by encouraging educators to help Latino males see the importance of
education. They also advocate for schools to forge personal relationships with students that
acknowledge their desire for future goals and utilize their strong work efforts.
Summary
In summary, the research on Latino/a youth’s academic outcomes and experiences shows
difficult encounters with the education system at all levels. The historical marginalization of the
Latino/a community in U.S. schools continues to impact their outcomes today (Gandara &
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63
Contreras, 2009; Valenzuela, 1999). Latino/a youth are behind in high school graduation and
college attainment and completion rates. When examining early education influences, literacy
rates for Latinos/as remain behind their white peers in the primary grades (Gandara & Contreras,
2009; Sanchez et al., 2004). These gaps have not decreased in the last 20 years (Gandara &
Contreras, 2009). A gender difference also appears in access to preschool preparation and
literacy scores in elementary and middle school, which indicate young Latino males fall behind
early on (Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009; Sanchez et al., 2004). Statistical academic outcomes for Latino
male youth continue to show the lowest levels of achievement also when compared to their male
peers of other races (Fry, 2009; Santiago, 2008).
The role of culture, sense of belonging, teacher caring, and future aspirations are critical
factors within the school institution that impact the experiences of adolescent Latinos/as and
their interactions with adults. A cultural disconnect with school exists for Latino/a youth,
especially in the younger middle and early high school grades and among males (Halx & Ortiz,
2011; Lys, 2009; Valenzuela, 1999). However, older Latino/a adolescents who are still in school
may feel more supported by teachers as they have maintained their enrollment and not left the
system (Sanchez et al., 2005). The transition from middle to high school may be a worrisome
time for Latinos/as (Lys, 2009). This period, academically, has also revealed challenges as data
show that Latino/a eighth graders score lower in reading and math compared to their white and
Asian peers (Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Lys, 2009).
Despite anxiety and worry among eighth graders, particularly for Latino males, both girls
and boys at this grade level have been found to hold a sense of hope about achieving their future
goals (Lys, 2009; Quiroz, 2001). However, a diminished sense of future and goal attainment
eventually takes over, resulting in a “subtractive” education process for many Latino/a youth
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64
during the transition to secondary school (Quiroz, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999). The role of teachers
and personal connections in school appears critical to the experiences of these male youth (Halx
& Ortiz, 2011; Valenzuela, 1999).
Outcomes for Latino males illustrate patterns of difficulty and failure that begin early on
and continue throughout the K-12 and college pipeline. Latino males are not succeeding in
proportion to their population and within their own community as compared to Latinas (Fry,
2009; Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009; Santiago, 2008; Solorzano et al., 2005). However, there still exist
few studies that focus specifically on the schooling and literacy experiences of young Latino
males, particularly those who have been through the juvenile system and/or have even returned
to the school setting. The studies providing literacy statistics for Latino/a youth lack insight from
students themselves about their needs during the development of literacy skills. Also most of the
qualitative studies that do examine Latino/a school outcomes focus on youth who were still in
school (Garza, 2009; Lys, 2009; Sanchez et al., 2005; Shaunessy & McHatton, 2009; Quiroz,
2001; Valenzuela, 1999). One study that captures the voices of Latino male dropouts did not
include youth with experience in the juvenile system (Halx & Ortiz, 2011). The findings and
recommendations of these studies are not applicable to students, Latino males in particular, with
experiences in both traditional school settings and the juvenile justice system. Thus, these
education challenges facing Latino males requires further examination of additional factors that
may also play a role in their education experiences and outcomes.
Latino/a Social Factors
The social world that surrounds Latino adolescents influences their life trajectories,
attitudes, and beliefs. Individuals who can provide these youth with healthy and positive
relationships and networks that extend throughout home, school, community, and broader society
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65
are important in their success and well-being (Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003). Research on
social factors that impact Latino/a students trajectories highlight the role of both family and
school adults, community and society influences, and gender differences that contribute to
disproportionate and troubling outcomes for Latino adolescent males.
Latino/a youth can benefit from relationships and interactions with various individuals.
Social capital theory argues that low-income minority youth benefit from relationships with
individuals, called institutional agents, who can provide access to similar knowledge and
resources (Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). These individuals have the
potential to transmit vital information and resources, called social capital, that are not easily
accessible to low income minority youth (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Minority youth in low-income
urban communities have limited access to networks, resources, and individuals to build and
sustain social capital (Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003). This is especially
true for Latino/a youth and their parents, the latter who often have low levels of schooling
necessary to navigate educational and social institutions at all levels (Gandara & Contreras,
2009; Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
The diversity of Latino/a families’ educational experiences and attainment and the
academic outcome disparities in the educational system require a need for others to help these
youth navigate the school system. Latino/a youth also see few individuals who share similar
racial and cultural backgrounds in the school setting (Flores, 2010; Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009;
2011). According to the Center for American Progress, in 2008, there were only approximately
17% of teachers of color while the population of students of color was just over double that
percentage (Boser, 2011). In order to support Latino/a youth, they need access to culturally
diverse role models, mentors, and educators throughout their educational experience who can
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66
share and provide access to critical information and resources. Most models of adolescent
socialization are based on mainstream Eurocentric youth. Working class minorities, however,
come into contact with different social forces, such as a racial social context that influences their
development and competencies (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Thus, for minority youth, an alternative
perspective on social capital and the relationships between these youth and adults is necessary.
Family, Teachers, Peers, Mentors, and Role Models
Alfaro et al. (2006) studied the influence of support from mothers, fathers, teachers, and
peers on Latino/a youth’s academic motivation. The study surveyed 301 9
th
and 10
th
graders,
mostly U.S. born and of Mexican origin from the Midwest about their perceptions of help from
these three types of individuals. Teacher support was significantly and positively related to
motivation for both males and females. Latinas’ motivation was positively influenced by their
mothers and not fathers or peers; boys only by their fathers. Generational status was negatively
correlated to academic motivation for the Latino males. This study shows the importance of
support from teachers and fathers in particular. It also highlights the negative relationship of
generational status and motivation for boys. These findings identify specific individuals who are
influential for young Latinos in the early high school grades and adolescent years. However,
insight into the types of behaviors and actions fathers and teachers do to support Latino boys
must be further examined, as well as the effect of generational status.
Latino/a youth’s peer networks also influence their educational experiences. Ream and
Rumberger (2008) surveyed over 1000 Mexican American and approximately 8,500 white youth
in both the eighth and tenth grades. The purpose of the study was to examine the types of peer-
to-peer interactions or friendship networks the students maintained and the influence of these
relationships on completion or dropping out of high school. Findings showed that the Latino/a
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67
youth were more likely to know someone who had dropped out of school, scored lower on
involvement in unstructured school activities (i.e., homework and preparation for school), and
were less engaged in school structured extracurricular activities than white students. When asked
about having friends who “value education”, the Latino/a youth scored lower than white
students. School preparedness served as a buffer for dropping out of school for the Latino/a
youth. However, while engagement in various school activities also benefited their chances of
finishing school, having friends who dropped out of school negated these positive effects for the
Mexican American youth. This study illustrates the strong influence of adolescent peer
relationships for Latino/a youth and how these friendships may factor in the students’ school
behaviors and engagement (Ream & Rumberger, 2008). More insight is needed to understand the
influence of having friends who drop out of school particularly for Latino youth who may be
already be struggling in school.
Mentors and role models also play a role in shaping Latino/a youths’ beliefs about
education (Gandara & Contreras, 2009). In their critical ethnographic study of Mexican-origin
high school youth in San Diego (from a larger study), Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2003)
investigated the role of social networks, informal mentors and role models in particular. While
gender differences were not discussed, informal mentors for Latino/a students served as
individuals who could help in a time of distress, offer advice, and even social and emotional
support. These informal mentors were not constant or permanent figures in the students’ lives,
but still expressed an “authentic” form of caring to show genuine and in-depth interest for the
youth (Valenzuela, 1999). Role models exhibited more specific behaviors and skills that
demonstrated a successful lifestyle (i.e., college student) and encouraged the Latino/a students to
overcome difficult life circumstances. The authors argue against an ideology of individualism
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68
that is often promoted for one that recognizes the importance of social networks and
relationships as key to the success of low-income minority youth who do not always have access
to social capital resources. Stanton-Salazar and Spina (2003) show that Latino/a youth benefit
from relationships and interactions with individuals who are supportive and caring, but also help
promote a positive vision for the future. However, insight into the benefits of these networks for
Latino males who have experienced contact with the juvenile system is unknown.
Discrimination and Motivation
Studies find that discrimination is a consistent and significant factor in the academic
achievement of Latino/a youth. Cammarota (2004) performed an ethnographic study of three
female and three male Latinos/as who represented a larger sample of 40 life history interviews
with Latino/a youth. The students were U.S.-raised first and second-generation recent high
school graduates and dropouts ages 17-24. Latinas’ interviews revealed experiences with low
expectations from their school and families stemming from cultural notions of male hierarchy
and female subordinate caretaking roles. They also expressed a desire to overcome these
traditional cultural beliefs about females, attain educational degrees (high school and beyond),
and gain equal levels of respect with their male counterparts. Male interviews consisted mostly
of stories of police harassment and surveillance in the broader community (i.e., stores, schools).
These experiences then fostered a negative orientation towards education and more time with
peers outside of school. Latinos spoke about cutting classes due to teachers with low
expectations for achievement in higher-level courses, boredom, and policing that occurred on
campus as well as in the streets. One male’s mentor relationship with a community organizer was
the only source of support that helped this young man enter college. Cammarota (2004)
highlights distinct gender differences in perceptions and experiences with school, family, and
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69
community for Latino/a youth. Females face cultural stereotypes inside the home regarding their
education and professional attainment; males are considered criminals and treated in ways that
push them away from school. This study raises concerns about the criminalization of Latino
males both inside and outside of school, a process that contributes to the school-to-prison
pipeline (Cammarota, 2004).
Research has also found a link between discrimination and academic motivation. Alfaro
et al. (2009) studied the potential of academic motivation to serve as a resilience factor for
perceived discrimination on Latino/a students’ academic outcomes. The majority of the 221
Mexican students surveyed were born in the U.S. and in the ninth or tenth grade; data came from
a four-year longitudinal study. Findings indicated that although male and female students with
high academic motivation also had higher GPAs, the more Latino males experienced
discrimination, academic motivation and GPAs decreased. U.S. born Latino males also showed
higher GPAs but less academic motivation than their foreign-born male peers. This study
highlights the impact discrimination can have on the academic outcomes and affect of young
Latinos/as, which are particularly influential on native-born Latino males. The effects of
prolonged discriminatory experiences on Latino males in the school setting must be further
explored.
Mental Health
Discrimination may have mental health effects on youth of color. Umana-Taylor and
Updegraff (2007) studied the impact of discrimination on Latino/a youth and potential buffers
that may protect them from the effects of these experiences. Using the same data set (Alfaro et
al., 2009), this study sought to examine whether or not high self-esteem and ethnic identity could
mediate risks, such as depression, for discriminated youth. The sample contained 273 mostly
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70
U.S.-born Mexican youth from the Midwest approximately 16 years of age (Umana-Taylor &
Updegraff, 2007). As expected, the results indicated higher rates of discrimination were
associated with lower self-esteem and higher depressive symptoms for students; lower self-
esteem indicated higher depressive symptoms as well. Students with higher levels of ethnic
identity also showed higher self-esteem, which the authors note can serve to negate the effects of
discrimination and contribute to more positive adolescent mental health. For males, those more
acculturated to mainstream culture were more at risk for experiencing negative risks associated
with perceived discrimination. Results also showed a positive influence of Latino males’ strong
ethnic identity when accounting for perceived discrimination, such that it served to protect the
students’ self-esteem (Umana-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007). Thus, a bond or connection to Latino
culture may help these young men’s mental health when faced with discriminatory situations.
Perceived discrimination was also found to cause higher rates of distress among Latino/a
youth and their racial/ethnic peers more so than white students in both school and broader social
contexts. Fisher, Wallace, and Fenton (2000) surveyed 177 ninth to twelfth African American,
Hispanic, White, and East and South Asian students in one high school to determine how
perceived discrimination resulted in distress. African American and Hispanic students expressed
more discrimination at their school for issues such as trying to enroll in Advanced Placement
courses, being disciplined, receiving racial insults, and being excluded from activities. At the
institutional or broader societal level, these two groups reported feeling perceived as dangerous,
not intelligent, and having negative interactions with police and even restaurant service.
Latinos/as (and South East Asians) specifically reported racial bias due to their cultural language
background. Across grades, seniors reported the most distress associated with perceived
discrimination. While the sample did not provide within racial/ethnic group outcomes, no
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71
significant gender differences were found. This study is significant for highlighting the pervasive
discrimination that youth of color encounter in both school and social environments on a variety
of issues. More insight into the impact of these negative encounters on youth’s development
must continue to be explored.
Behnke, Plunkett, Sands, and Bamaca-Colbert (2011) examined the influence of Latino/a
youth’s perceptions of their neighborhoods, discrimination, and parenting on self-esteem and
depressive symptoms. The surroundings and resources within Latino/a students’ environments
are also important to their success and well-being (Gandara & Contreras, 2009). The sample
included 383 Latino/a ninth graders, mostly second-generation status. Results showed a direct
relationship between self-esteem and depression, which was particularly salient for girls.
Father’s support had a significant impact on boys’ self-esteem and thinking patterns, especially
related to issues of conflict. Boys exhibited a more negative association for perceptions of
neighborhood risk and self-esteem than girls. This also held true for perceptions of neighborhood
risk and depression symptoms. Lastly, Latino/a youth’s perceptions of societal discrimination
also showed a significant relationship to depressive symptoms.
Summary
In summary, Latino/a adolescent youth interact with a variety of influences in the school
and broader institutional settings that influence their social and academic outcomes. Adults are
important to Latino/a youth’s academic achievement, for example, the support from parents and
teachers is significant to Latino/a youth’s motivation (Alfaro et al., 2006). Fathers appear to have
a stronger effect on their sons’ experiences, in areas such as academic motivation, self-esteem,
and ability to handle conflicts (Alfaro et al., 2006; Behnke et al., 2011). The influence of mentors
and role models also alludes to the importance of consistent, deep, personal, and cultural
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72
connections with adults that provide Latino/a youth access to critical social capital (Stanton-
Salazar & Spina, 2003).
Peer networks can shape how Latino/a youth internalize their education trajectory and are
related to their academic behaviors (Ream & Rumberger, 2008). However, Latino/a youth are les
engaged in high school related activities compared to white adolescents (Ream & Rumberger,
2008). The large number of Latino/a youth in this study who already knew a dropout at this
young age shows the students’ close proximity to the influence of school failure (Ream &
Rumberger, 2008).
However, the studies highlight a consistent and negative pattern of experiences and
outcomes for adolescent Latinos. This group shows higher rates in the areas of depression and
self-esteem (Alfaro et al., 2006; Alfaro et al., 2009). These youth also have more dismal
perceptions of their neighborhoods and higher rates of discrimination, which can ultimately
impact their mental health (Alfaro et al., 2009; Cammarota, 2004; Fisher et al., 2000; Umana-
Taylor & Updegraff, 2007). These students feel tracked and targeted for activities and minor
behaviors, such as entering a store or harassment from police, that contribute to a negative
outlook on their overall well-being (Behnke et al., 2011; Cammarota, 2004). Many of these
studies sampled younger adolescence Latino/a youth, mostly in the early high school grades and
of U.S. born status. The potential of long-term negative effects of perceived discrimination on
self-esteem, depression, and overall mental health of Latino/a youth, particularly for young
native-born Latino males, requires more attention.
These studies lend insight into the internal beliefs of Latino/a youth on critical social
issues, however, none are specific to incarcerated (or even previously incarcerated) Latino
adolescent native born males (Alfaro et al., 2009; Behnke et al., 2011; Cammarota, 2004; Fisher
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73
et al., 2000; Umana-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007). The youth in the studies were all attending
traditional public high schools and even disciplinary experiences, if any, were not taken into
account or discussed. Students who have been through the juvenile system might not have the
same types of beliefs, perceptions, or experiences with school and their community than students
without this exposure. Thus, more research must address the impact of these social issues in the
lives of young Latino males who have had contact with the juvenile system.
Summary of Literature Review
The literature addressing the school-to-prison pipeline, incarcerated youth and juvenile
education programs, adolescent literacy practices, and academic and social factors and
experiences affecting Latino male adolescents, unearth a troubling educational and social
trajectory for these youth. The potential for young Latino males to attain the critical literacy
skills necessary to fully participate in their schools, community, and broader society is being
disrupted by negative and disabling experiences and interactions throughout their young lives.
The factors contributing to the school-to-prison pipeline can appear in the elementary
years for youth. The literature shows a relationship between literacy attainment, discipline and
future academic challenges for youth (Balfanz et al., 2003; Feister, 2010; Miles & Stipek, 2006).
As early as the third grade, aggressive behavior becomes problematic in students who struggle
with reading skills (Miles & Stipek, 2006). Factors, such as race, gender, and generational
differences, influence rates of punishment and treatment of students in schools, particularly for
males of color (Lopez, 2002; Peguero & Shekarkhar, 2011). Although third generation
Latinos/as tend to misbehave more than their first and second generation Latino/a peers (via self-
report), overall, these youth are punished more often than white students without evidence of
more misbehavior (Peguero & Shekarkhar, 2011). Little is known, however, about how teachers
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74
understand the behavior of young Latino males and make judgments about disciplinary actions
(Lopez, 2002; Miles & Stipek, 2006; Peguero & Shekarkhar, 2011). School culture for Latino
males (and their peers) can be a tough and exhibit a police-like environment (Lopez, 2002). The
future outcome for many of these youth of color struggling academically and being disciplined
early on in school is dropout status or incarceration (Balfanz et al., 2003; Feister, 2010).
Students’ academic and behavior struggles in traditional settings continue with them in
the juvenile system. Many incarcerated youth enter juvenile institutions with low literacy skills,
academic learning disabilities, chronic school failure, and overall disengagement in their
schooling (Baltodano et al., 2005; Foley, 2001; Harris et al., 2009; Katsiyannis & Archwamety,
1999; LeBlanc et al., 1991; Zabel & Nigro, 1999). These studies show that incarcerated minority
youth, specifically African American and Latino/a youth, are also disproportionally
overrepresented in juvenile correctional facilities (Baltodano et al., 2005; Harris et al., 2009;
LeBlanc et al., 1991). These disparities in achievement also mirror the gaps along the K-12 and
college pathway between African American and Latino/a youth and their White and Asian peers
(Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Rogers et al., 2011).
Juvenile offenders who are engaged in positive activities, such as continued schooling
once released into the community are less likely to recidivate and continue the cycle of
incarceration (Bullis, Yovanoff, Mueller, & Havel, 2002; Foley, 2001; O’Cummings et al., 2010;
Vacca, 2008). However, the literature shows that juvenile education programs are inconsistent in
the implementation and delivery of quality services to incarcerated youth. The research describes
programs that are largely not meeting federal guidelines (Gagnon et al., 2009; Mathur &
Schoenfeld, 2010; Nelson et al., 2010). Instructional services for incarcerated youth are
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described as inconsistent and create difficulty in measuring their success (Foley & Gao, 2002;
LeBlanc et al. 1991; Macomber et al., 2010; Wolford, 2000).
Students’ perspectives about their educational experiences while incarcerated remain
vague and inadequately explored (Harris et al., 2006; Mincey et al., 2008; Young et al., 2010).
They describe the education settings as punitive (Foley & Gao, 2002; Gagnon & Barber, 2010;
Nelson et al., 2010) and where security and compliance have a strong presence in the learning
environments (Beck, 2005; Mathur & Schoenfeld, 2010; Young et al., 2010). Student feedback
also highlights the need for positive staff, comprehensive programs, and attention to and support
to deal with the community outside of the juvenile facilities (Harris et al., 2006; Lane et al.,
2002; Mincey et al., 2008; Young et al., 2010).
Historically, this group has been forced to engage with a mainstream traditional
curriculum that is not inclusive of their culture (Delpit, 2006; Nieto, 2005; Winn & Behizadeh,
2011). The standards-based testing environment has made learning experiences for youth more
narrowly confined, particularly in the area of literacy (Gandara & Rumberger, 2009; Greene,
2008). Thus reading and overall literacy skills become reduced to the attainment of basic skills
and not a process where social interaction and context are considered in literacy (Street, 2003).
Culturally relevant pedagogical practices, in addition to acknowledging the resources students
bring to the classroom, are essential to creating a learning environment that is conducive for
youth from diverse racial, cultural, linguistic, and socioeconomic backgrounds (Gay, 2002;
Gutierrez, 2008; Moll et al., 1992; Nieto, 2005). An authentic literacy experience for Latino
males must incorporate critical pedagogy and critical literacy practices (Cammarota & Romero,
2006; Gutierrez, 2008; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008). The repeated studies of perceived
discrimination and disciplinary experiences reported by Latino adolescent males from broader
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society and in their schools warrants urgency for a curriculum for these youth to express
themselves (Alfaro et al., 2009; Behnke et al., 2011; Cammarota, 2004; Fisher et al., 2000;
Umana-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007). A critical literacy curriculum can be standards-based and
still provide youth with the skills they need. Learning with a critical perspective, however, can
also provide Latino males with empowerment and confidence to understand and challenge the
social inequities and circumstances they face throughout their schooling (Cammarota & Romero,
2006; Gutierrez, 2008; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008).
What is known about academic experiences and outcomes for Latino males suggests
historically difficult trajectory (Darling-Hammond, 2006; Gandara, 2010; Valencia, 2002).
Latino males fall behind in the early grades in areas of literacy achievement, unequal early
education preparation, and lower rates of postsecondary success compared to their peers (Fry,
2009; Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Hemphill & Vanneman, 2011; Saenz & Ponjuan, 2009;
2011). The reasons why Latino males fall behind so early must be explored from their
perspective. The studies focusing on the experiences of the Latino/a adolescent age group mostly
consisted of eighth to tenth graders, another important school transitionary period. The sense of
hopefulness, but also academic struggles requires a closer examination of Latino males’
experiences at this critical juncture (Lys, 2009; Quiroz, 2001). By the latter period of high
school, the “subtractive” nature of schooling impacts how students perceive their educational
attainment and success (Quiroz, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999). Latino male youth must be given the
opportunity to express their experiences with literacy, school culture, teachers and caring, but
also the future. Thus far, their voices are absent from this dialogue and research.
In both the school and larger society/community environment, adolescent Latino males
face discrimination and stereotyping. They are targeted by security personnel and have more
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frequent interactions with police (Cammarota, 2004; Lopez, 2002). They feel inferior and treated
as if they are criminals (Alfaro et al., 2009; Fisher et al., 2000). Fathers and teachers, in
particular, have a greater impact on Latino adolescent males than other individuals in the area of
academic motivation (Alfaro et al., 2006).
These studies, however, do not ask students why support from these specific adults is
more helpful than from other individuals (Alfaro et al., 2006). If teachers are a significant source
of academic motivation for Latino males, the question of why these youth do not fare better in
school must be explored. Students’ perspectives on how they are socialized in the school setting
by adults and their peers, and its impact specifically on their literacy development, is also
unknown. The role that adults have in mediating negative experiences such as discrimination, but
also their internal belief systems for Latino males is necessary.
Therefore, this study will provide Latino native-born adolescents the opportunity to share
their stories and give insights into the ways that the school-to-prison pipeline and related
academic and social factors have influenced their literacy and overall schooling experiences.
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CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The literature describing the life factors and literacy experiences of incarcerated youth
does not adequately describe the specific experiences of native-born Latino males. Research that
does exist generalizes the literacy needs and experiences of all juvenile offenders and does not
provide specific gender and racial/ethnic analysis.
The purpose of this study was: (1) to learn about the life histories and literacy
experiences of formerly incarcerated Latino males; (2) to understand how these experiences have
affected their academic trajectory; and (3) to gather the perspectives of formerly incarcerated
Latino males about how to support youth and families. The research helped fill the gap in the
paucity of research on Latino males by providing actual narratives of formerly incarcerated
Latino males, a specific population absent from the literature. Formerly incarcerated Latino
males are rarely given the opportunity to provide personal insights and perspectives about critical
educational issues that directly impact them or provide recommendations that can support better
academic and social outcomes for youth like themselves. Educators, policymakers, and local
communities will benefit from learning about critical factors influencing Latino males’ literacy
development and overall school experiences. Suggestions for specific education practices that
can support Latino male youth are described. This methodology chapter outlines and describes
the research questions, research design, population and sample, instrumentation, data collection,
data analysis, and limitations of the study.
Research Questions
To gather the personal and educational life histories of formerly incarcerated native-born
Latino males, the following research questions (adapted from Griffith (2009)) guided the study:
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1. What do the life histories of formerly incarcerated young Latino males tell us about
their literacy and life experiences?
2. How did these experiences stagnate, diminish, or contribute to their engagement in
school literacy practices and learning?
3. What are the perspectives of formerly incarcerated Latino males to support youth and
their families’ academic, social, and personal needs?
Research Design
To capture the stories of young Latino males the research took a qualitative narrative
approach (Connelly & Clandinin, 1990; Patton, 2002; Tierney, 2010). Narrative research
concerns the essence of the human experience and stories of lived experiences (Cole & Knowles,
2001; Connelly & Clandinin, 1990). The study of hermeneutics addresses the meaning of some
experience, but the original cultural context of the experience and the interpretation of that
experience are most important (Patton, 2002). While the interpretation is made from rich
description of the events, ideas, and details being provided, the interpretation also remains a
separate and distinct component that provides a more holistic analysis of the study, individuals,
groups, or events (Patton, 2002). The story gathered by the researcher of an individual(s)
provides insight into “cultural and social patterns” that reveal a deeper analysis of experience
(Patton, 2002, p. 115). This analysis then exposes broader societal relationships and structures
(Patton, 2002).
The researcher maintains a critical role in shaping the individual’s narrative as multiple
actions simultaneously shape the story. The experience being shared is lived, told, retold, and
relived (Connelly & Clandinin, 1999). Both the researcher and participant have a voice in
projecting the essence of the narrative, the latter though, becoming unsilenced in the process of
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sharing (Connelly & Clandinin, 1999). The experience becomes one that is about “depth over
breadth” in that the focus for the researcher is to become as close as possible to understanding
the lives and broader social context of the participants’ experiences (Cole & Knowles, 2001, p.
70).
Life History Research
Life history research is a specific area of narrative research (Patton, 2002). Life histories
focus on the lived experiences of the individual, who is the main focus of analysis; yet, incite
broader social questions about the human experience (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Haglund, 2004;
Tierney, 2010; Warren, 1982). This method provides the researcher a window into the past,
present, and current experiences of individuals where memories are drawn into a larger
recollection of life events (Haglund, 2004). The life history is a multifaceted way of
understanding one’s daily interactions and situations (Cole & Knowles, 2001). Conducting life
history research can provide an understanding of how individuals make sense of their world by
reflecting on past events that inform the person’s present situation (Cole & Knowles, 2001;
Haglund, 2004; Warren, 1982).
In life history research, the researcher takes on a subjective role and becomes the lens
from which the data is viewed (Cole & Knowles, 2001). The interpretations that arise from
making meaning from one’s lived experiences go beyond the individual level to public shared
experiences with individuals and groups based on realities and subjectivity (Cole & Knowles,
2001; Warren, 1982). The context of one’s environment is critical to life history research as it
provides details and descriptions that support new insights and meanings about that experience
(Haglund, 2004; Warren, 1982). Thus, although life history is a narrative method, it provides a
broader analysis of the human experience as it is situated within a social context.
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Life history research has four key principles: relationality, mutuality, reflexivity, and
care, sensitivity, and respect (Cole & Knowles, 2001). These principles ensure that the research
is carried out in an authentic manner, which ultimately will provide quality data and rich
experiential outcomes for all participants (Cole & Knowles, 2001).
Relationality deals with the relationship that forms between the researcher and
participant. In life history research, “intimacy” and “authenticity” (p. 27) are key elements
necessary in the relationship in order for the study to be rich and rewarding for all participants
(Cole & Knowles, 2001). To ensure relationality in the research process, the researcher met with
each participant informally to share introductions and establish rapport and initial
communication. The researcher shared her background in education and working with youth
from historically marginalized communities as well as her familiarity with the juvenile justice
system in her teaching experience. This sharing helped give credibility for the researcher’s
purpose in the dissertation focus. It also provided the researcher and participant the opportunity
to get to know one another and build trust for the research project knowing the researcher’s
intentions.
The principle of mutuality is concerned with the way in which both the researcher and
research participants engage with one another about the decisions and structure of their
relationship. Agreements and identification of issues that will support the researcher-participant
partnership during the life history research is critical to an “informal, natural, and mutually
satisfying relationship” (Cole & Knowles, 2001, p. 29). To ensure mutuality during the research
process, the researcher provided the participant with a consent form, which included
confidentiality rules, participant requirements, scheduling, and recording methods (see Appendix
A). The participant had the opportunity to ask questions about his participation and discuss with
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the researcher any concerns or adjustments in order to support a mutually satisfying and
rewarding research process (Cole & Knowles, 2001). The participant was told that any questions
he did not feel comfortable asking could be bypassed at no harm to the interview and data
collection process.
Reflexivity concerns how the researcher comes to develop empathy during the research
process (Cole & Knowles, 2001). The sensitive and highly personal nature of life history
research necessitates the researcher be reflective and aware about the delicacy of the other’s
experience (Cole & Knowles, 2001). Reflexivity on the part of the researcher about his/her role
in the actual research process is critical for acknowledging the potential influences of politics,
bias, discomfort, and/or questioning that may occur during the process (Cole & Knowles, 2001).
Reflexivity also involves being caring and understanding in the research process (Cole &
Knowles, 2001). Being able to empathize with the participant is a responsibility of the
researcher; seeing oneself as the “other” can help in developing a respective relationship (Cole &
Knowles, 2001, p. 43). The researcher must be empathetic but is also required to be subjective so
that the interpretation and broader examination of the data can be conducted (Cole & Knowles,
2001). To ensure reflexivity during the research process, the researcher drew upon her
experience as a high school teacher and mentor to empathize with participants with difficult
circumstances. The researcher’s previous experiences with youth who have been through the
juvenile justice system from her classroom teaching experience helped in being empathetic and
understanding towards the issues students faced.
The principle of care, sensitivity, and respect involves specific relational elements of the
interaction between the researcher and participant, ultimately influencing the relationship.
However, boundaries must also be established so that if the participant does become distressed,
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he/she can handle the situation without interference from the researcher (Cole & Knowles,
2001). While the relationship can be centered on these values, both individuals must maintain
enough emotional distance in the research process (Cole & Knowles, 2001). To ensure care,
sensitivity, and respect during the research process, the researcher continually checked-in with
each participant to ensure that the interview process was a comfortable experience. Rescheduling
was offered when the participant could not attend the scheduled interview.
In addition to specific principles guiding life history research, reflexive journals are
another important and necessary component to life history research. Reflection on the interview
and data collected with the subject is critical and must be immediate so that “impressions,
thoughts, ideas, questions, and puzzles” can be noted by the researcher (Cole & Knowles, 2001,
p. 90). The researcher needs a way to handle the information and use notes to support the
succeeding conversation (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Patton, 2002). The reflexive journal can be
helpful for the researcher to digest the richness of data that can come from life history research
and be prepared to build upon the next encounter (Cole & Knowles, 2001). The researcher used a
reflective journal after each interview to note thoughts, and questions from the interview as well
as to help prepare for the following interview and data analysis process.
Life history research with adolescents can be positive and beneficial to understanding the
lives of young people at a deeper, analytical level. Despite the youthfulness of experiences,
adolescents have a closer proximity to significant life events and situations (Haglund, 2004).
This closeness in timeline may aid the recall necessary to provide the rich and informative
descriptions that are crucial to life history research (Haglund, 2004). Reversely, adolescents may
also have a difficult time remembering early childhood experiences and the life history may
contain inaccurate or incomplete areas in the data (Haglund, 2004).
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Additionally, qualitative research with formerly incarcerated young adults (18-24 years
old) has also been shown to positively impact the understanding of their lives both past and
present when done strategically. Studies that engage in life history research methods or in-depth
interviews to understand the lives of formerly incarcerated individuals have provided rich
information about this population (Arditti & Parkman, 2011; Bullis & Yovanoff, 2006;
Copenhaver, Edwards-Willey, & Byers, 2007; Todis, Bullis, Waintrup, Schultz, & D’Ambrosio,
2001). In order to design best practices that represent the appropriate needs and services for those
associated with the juvenile correctional system, qualitative research design lends itself to more
fully capturing these experiences from those individuals with firsthand experience (Arditti &
Parkman, 2011; Todis et al., 2001). Researchers in these studies largely relied on connections
with the juvenile correctional system to recruit participants, which not only provided greater
access to this population, but also gave the researchers credibility need to recruit participants
who feel comfortable sharing their stories (Arditti & Parkman, 2011; Copenhaver et al., 2007;
Todis et al., 2001).
Population and Sample
Recruitment.
In addition to alarming juvenile incarceration statistics, academic outcomes are also
dismal for native-born Latinos/as (Gandara & Contreras, 2009). Therefore, this study focused on
native-born Latino males. It would be expected that those born in the U.S. would fare better
educationally and thus, less likely to be incarcerated; yet, this is not the case. Native-born
Latino/a youth have faster growth rate, longer time in the U.S. school system, yet still with
academic outcomes lagging behind their White and Asian peers (Gandara & Contreras, 2009).
Gandara and Contreras (2009) allude to a “glass-ceiling effect” (p. 18); immigrant families
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improve their educational outcomes with succeeding generations, however, this effect does not
similarly hold true for second and third generations. The focus on native-born Latinos provided
more information about their educational experiences while in traditional school settings and
while incarcerated, but also ask questions about literacy.
To recruit potential participants, the researcher sought the help of a writing program that
works directly with incarcerated and formerly incarcerated youth in a large metropolitan city in
the Southwest. The researcher relied on a personal connection with an individual who worked
with the writing program to gain access to the participants. This connection helped give the
researcher credibility amongst the program staff and participants. The program visits juvenile
offenders in detention centers to conduct writing workshops and sessions. The program also
supports formerly incarcerated youth and young adults (called alumni) in their return to society
in areas of education, literacy development, employment, and other resource-focused
opportunities. There are weekly writing workshops, public speaking opportunities, and other
activities with the alumni group provided by the writing program. Staff has strong relationships
and frequent contact with alumni, and tailor the program to meet the needs of the alumni so they
can successful reintegrate into society.
Once the researcher obtained consent from the University of Southern California
International Review Board (IRB), the researcher and the staff discussed the process of recruiting
and the possibility of a space in their facility to conduct the interviews. The staff and director of
the program granted permission for the researcher to conduct interviews at the site. The program
provided a list of seven males who fit the profile of Latino descent, age range 17-26, and
formerly incarcerated in the juvenile justice system. The staff informed the participants that an
opportunity to participate in a research study would be offered to them and they would meet the
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researcher to discuss the study and possible participation. The researcher was able to call the
potential applicants to set a time for an initial meeting at the program site. The researcher then
met with the males at the program site and introduced herself and thoroughly explained the
study. The participants had the opportunity to ask questions about the study. Each was informed
that the study was voluntary and they had the opportunity to decline but also withdraw at any
time if they gave consent.
Five males initially agreed to participate in the study. Shortly after the study began, one
participant decided to discontinue his participation for non-disclosed personal reasons after
completing one two-hour interview with the researcher. His data was discarded and not used in
the study. The participants each signed their own consent form (Appendix A). No other
signatures were required for this interview-based study because the participants were 18 years
old. Each participant was offered the opportunity to create his own pseudonym as an identifier
for the entire study; two participants chose their own names. The other two participants did not
have a preference and gave the researcher permission to create pseudonym.
Participants.
Joe is a 24 year-old Latino male who became involved with the juvenile justice system in
his early elementary years. At age 15, he began a four-year sentence in both juvenile and adult
penal institutions from ages 15-19. Joe has two California Strikes
2
and is currently a community
college student in Metropolis. He will earn his Associate of Arts degree in Spring 2013.
Ricardo is a 24 year-old Latino male who currently resides in a large metropolitan city in
the southwest. He served three years of an eight-year sentence in juvenile facilities from ages 17-
2
Juvenile offenders are at risk of having their crimes (certain ones) committed as
juveniles count towards their adult punishments, which can increase their likelihood of serving a
life sentence (Cole, 1998).
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20 for pleading guilty to assault with a firearm. He is currently going to community college,
working on community and film projects, and addressing his alcohol addiction.
Edgar is an 18 year-old Latino male. His involvement with the juvenile justice system
began at the early age of 12. Edgar chose not to disclose his specific charge but the crime was
gang-related. Edgar served three years in a juvenile facility from ages 14-17 years old. He turned
18 years old in fall of 2012. He is currently a first year community college student in Metropolis.
Eddie is a 23 year-old U.S.-born Latino male. He is currently enrolled in Eastern Beach
Community College for his third semester of school to pursue his associate’s degree. He served a
four year and eleven month sentence for voluntary manslaughter and was incarcerated in a
juvenile facility from ages 17-22.
Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie faced similar situations in school and the juvenile justice
system. Table 1 describes the education profile for each participant that includes significant
incarcerations and ages, as well as total number of years of formal school.
Table 1
Education Profile for Each Participant
Subject
Age of middle school
incarceration and grade level
Age and years of long-
term incarceration
# Of years formal
schooling
Joe 13 years old, eighth grade year 15 years old; four years 7.5
Ricardo 13 years old; Seventh grade 17 years old; three years 8 years
Edgar 13 years old; eighth grade year 14 years old; three years 8 years
Eddie 14 years old; ninth grade year 17 years old; four years
and eleven months
9 years
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Interview Protocols
Oral interviews were the main method of data collection. Interviews represent a
qualitatively sound method of gathering data from participants because it is a way to gather one’s
perspective on the subject of focus (Patton, 2002). Four interview protocols were used to collect
the oral life histories from the participants via individual interviews: Participant Questionnaire
(Appendix B), Life History Interview Guide (Appendix C), and Literacy Inquiry Interview Guide
(Appendix D). These three instruments were taken and adapted from the dissertation by Griffith
(2009) entitled “A study of the literacy experiences and related life experiences of incarcerated
black adolescent males” conducted at Arizona State University. An additional set of questions
labeled Amendment Questions was also included as the fourth interview guide to ask about the
participants’ educational experiences in juvenile hall and their community or neighborhoods
(Appendix E).
Participant questionnaire.
The participant questionnaire (Appendix B) provided initial background information
about each participant. This questionnaire asked participants about their birthplace,
race/ethnicity, childhood school locations, family education history, and personal literacy
questions (i.e., Do you like to read? Do you like to write?). The participant questionnaire
provided an initial profile of the participant from which to conduct the interview guides to
follow. These responses guided future questions about each participant’s home, community, and
school life.
Interview guides.
An open-ended interview process using interview guides provided the main method for
participants to respond to questions. Interview guides allowed for the collection of raw data
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about the participants’ perspectives and experiences (Patton, 2002). The interview guides
followed a chronological timeline to support a logical order of retelling for participants
(Haglund, 2004). Additionally a consistent set of questions for each participant ensured everyone
responded to the same data collection format (Haglund, 2004; Patton, 2002).
The Life History Interview Guide (Appendix C) contained questions in the following
categories: Biographical information, family background, community environment, elementary
school years, and high school years. The purpose of these questions was to understand the major
events in the participant’s life that shaped behaviors and other situations. The life history guide
followed a chronological order, beginning with an inquiry into the early childhood years to
adolescence. Understanding the participant’s experiences in life areas, such as family,
community, and school provided a broad portrait of the significance of these time periods.
The Literacy Inquiry Interview Guide (Appendix D) asked questions about the following
categories: background literacy experiences, and classroom literacy experiences. The purpose of
these questions was to understand how the participant’s literacy development was shaped
throughout their elementary, middle, and high school years. For example, questions asked
participants to reflect on specific instances of early reading development at home and in the
classroom. The Literacy Interview Guide also prompted participants’ reflection on teacher
practices that supported or inhibited their literacy development over time. This guide provided
information about how individuals or other factors influenced each of the participant’s literacy
outcomes. Questions specific for middle school literacy experiences were added to this section as
this school level was not specifically categorized in its own section in Griffith’s (2009) protocol;
rather, the dissertation included these years in the early literacy section of questions (ex.
elementary-middle grades).
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Amendment Questions: Amendment questions (Appendix E) addressed the areas of
community literacy, reflections and experiences in the juvenile correctional facilities and
education programs, as well as with services to aid in the transition from incarceration to general
society. Given that all of the participants had at least three years of long-term incarceration (and
repeated entries prior to that), they all had significant experiences with these areas of focus.
Data Collection
Data collection occurred during the months of December 2012 to April 2013. Each of the
participants was interviewed using the Participant Guide, Life History Guide, Literacy Inquiry
Interview Guide, and Amendment Questions Guide. Interviews were tape-recorded and
transcribed by the researcher and an accredited transcription service. Tape-recorded transcripts
were secured in a private location. Each participant was interviewed three times for
approximately two hours for each interview. Each interview was tape-recorded and the
interviewer took notes in a personal journal solely for the dissertation. During times when the
writing program office was not available, the researcher met with the participants in a private
location in a local coffee shop nearby away from patrons to ensure confidentiality of the material
and conversation.
To support the participants in being able to share openly about their lives with the
researcher in this sensitive information research process, the researcher provided a flexible and
comfortable research experience. When necessary, the researcher allowed the participant to
move in a different direction of the questioning to prevent unnatural breaks in the conversation
(Cole & Knowles, 2001). Given that the conversations were meant to be natural for the
participant, the researcher did not want the participant (or herself) to feel constrained by the
question order on the protocols (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Copenhaver et al., 2007). As the
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interviews progressed, the interview process became more like a “conversation between friends”
rather than forced discussion (Cole & Knowles, 2001, p. 72). The participants were allowed to
speak in their natural language and the researcher did not alter their words or ideas to change the
perception of their voice or identity (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Patton, 2002). If the participant
spoke Spanish, the researcher was able to determine what was being said because she knew some
Spanish. The English translation was also included in the Life History narrative when needed.
Following the initial data collection phase, the researcher met with each participant to
discuss the write up of the Life History narrative as well as to discuss follow-up and clarifying
questions the researcher had while drafting their stories. In these follow-up meetings, each
participant was also given a hard copy of his story to read through and check for accuracy. These
follow up meetings were approximately 1.5-2 hours long depending on the time needed to read
the narrative and discuss follow up questions. Follow-up meetings were tape-recorded. One
additional follow up interview was also arranged with Ricardo via phone and tape-recorded due
to scheduling conflicts to meet in person.
In the follow-up meetings, the researcher also wanted to ensure that each participant felt
comfortable with the life history narrative that was created by the researcher. Patton (2002)
writes, “Indeed, the skilled analyst is able to get out of way of the data to let the data tell their
own story” (p. 457). Thus, having the participants read their own stories for accuracy not only
increased the validity of the data, but also helped show the participants that the researcher did not
alter their story and let the data speak for itself (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Patton, 2002). The
participant was allowed to make any edits to the hard copy, for example, to correct dates or
details of an event. Overall, each of the four participants felt positive of their written story and
had no serious concerns about its publication and use for further study. The researcher had been
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forthcoming about the data collection and analysis process with each participant, and as they
read their stories, the participants said they felt valued and appreciated her efforts to capture their
lives in a respectful and authentic manner (Cole & Knowles, 2001).
Data Analysis
This study addresses the life histories of formerly incarcerated Latino males. In-depth
interviews were conducted with each participant to better understand the significant events,
individuals, and issues that affected their lives. The core of the qualitative data analysis process
was built around the richness of the interviews conducted with participants (Patton, 2002). The
interview guides served as a descriptive analytical framework for the analysis (Patton, 2002).
Life history research is a part of narrative research, which values interpretation as central
to the analysis of the story (Patton, 2002). However, in life history research, a holistic process of
data interpretation must be honored and not the separation of parts of the data (Cole & Knowles,
2001). The researcher’s intuition is a significant element to data analysis as he/she has been
immersed in the participant’s life. The researcher has to be subjective, but also be able to “walk
in their [subject’s] shoes” in order to make meaning of the data (Cole & Knowles, 2001). The
nature of life history research and its emphasis on human relationships and the human experience
required the researcher to analyze the data in a way that was respectful and authentic (Cole &
Knowles, 2001).
An inductive reasoning process was used in order for the researcher to discover “patterns,
themes, and categories” from the life history data (Patton, 2002, p. 453). This type of analysis
came from the concept of grounded theory, which is a process whereby the researcher is
immersed in the data (Patton, 2002). As the researcher interprets the life histories, patterns and
consistent themes will be developed; those with substantive significance will be presented as
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main findings (Patton, 2002). Thus, the researcher relied on her judgment, the participant’s
responses, and feedback from a university writing director and professor of sociology to arrive at
significant findings (Patton, 2002). This allowed for some creativity with the data analysis
process so that the researcher was not confined to a rigid and strict process in coding, ultimately
keeping this process from being compromised by structure (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Patton,
2002).
To engage in a thorough understanding of the data, the researcher maintained a consistent
data analysis process with each participant’s story. After each interview, the researcher took
notes in her notebook about the interview to highlight any interesting or intriguing questions,
comments, or ideas that she noticed during the interview (Cole & Knowles, 2001). These notes
were reviewed again during the development of each participant’s story, as well as during the
development of the themes process to remind the researcher of her initial thoughts related to the
content.
After the interviews were transcribed, the researcher thoroughly read through the
transcripts for each participant. This was important for the researcher to become familiar and
immersed in the data (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Patton, 2002). The researcher had also
strengthened her familiarity with the data by transcribing some of the interviews (Patton, 2002).
The researcher first just read through each story to take in the details, become familiar with the
data and help remember the flow of the conversations with the participants. Following the initial
read of each of the participant’s transcripts, the researcher re-read the interviews and began
highlighting key quotes and experiences that stood out in the interviews. Being able to
continuously read and reflect on the data (and sometimes replay the actual interviews) helped the
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researcher’s understanding of the stories so that she knew the individual’s life histories on a
deeper level after each interaction with the data (Cole & Knowles, 2001).
Next, the researcher developed codes based on the categories in the interview protocols
for the data that was highlighted. This helped organized the data from the participants’
transcripts in order to write each personal narrative. The categories that structured the interview
questions were sectioned as Family, Community, Elementary School Years, Middle School
Years, High School Years, Background Literacy Experiences, and Classroom Literacy
Experiences. For example, “ELEM” referred to interview data that referenced the participant’s
time in elementary school. The researcher used “TRAN” to refer to instances when the
participants referenced their transitions from the juvenile setting to a traditional (or alternative)
education setting (not associated with the correctional system). The word “REC” was created to
show when the participants made recommendations that addressed the third research question.
After completing this process with the first participant, the researcher was able to then develop
additional and more specific codes as she started to see patterns in the subsequent readings of the
interview transcripts. A category of “ELEM” became a code, “ELEM IDENTITY”, to represent
the identity development that surfaced in the participant’s experiences during this school period.
Or, “ELEM” became “ELEM TRAN” to show that the participant had a transition from juvenile
hall during elementary school.
The next step in data analysis was to write the actual stories for each participant. The
codes helped the researcher craft the stories because she was able to locate the information easily
in the transcripts as she developed the individual life histories. The researcher created the
following structure for each story:
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1. Epitaph: The researcher selected one quote from each participant’s interviews that she
felt captured the essence of his story.
2. Background information: Following the epitaph, each story continued with a brief
description of the participant’s current age, age of incarceration, crime committed,
and current status.
3. Life history narratives: Each narrative was written using the same headings. The
headings in each life history narrative were organized as follows: Family,
Community, Elementary School Years (grades K-5), Middle School Years (grades 6-
8), and High School Years (grades 9-12). To organize the data collected addressing
literacy and present circumstances, the following headings were created: Early School
and Home Literacy (0-14 years old), Education in the Juvenile Justice System,
Literacy in the Juvenile System, and Post Incarceration to the Present.
After the stories were complete, the researcher returned for additional readings of the narratives
and review of transcripts. These continuous readings of the transcripts and stories helped the
researcher identify reoccurring patterns in the stories. The researcher made a conscious effort to
return to the transcripts for the first participant to make sure no patterns or data were overlooked
since it was the first story she read.
After each story was created, the researcher then reviewed the stories and codes, and
focused on identifying patterns and then themes to represent all the stories. Given that each story
had been created in its entirety and codes were developed, the researcher was able to engage with
the data from multiple data sources (Patton, 2002). All possible themes or insights were multiple
interpretations as this research lends itself to many ways of making meaning (Warren, 1982).
The inductive reasoning process helped the researcher engage with the data so that these patterns
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emerged naturally from the data (Patton, 2002). The “ongoing visitations” of the data was
necessary for the researcher and provided additional comfort with the themes that did emerge
(Cole & Knowles, 2001). When considering the themes, the researcher always referred to the
research questions as the focal point for how the themes should be developed.
To address the first research question, the themes were organized in two categories: Life
Experiences and Literacy. In these categories, the researcher then provided a topic, theme
statement, description of the theme, and a quantifiable explanation for how the stories
represented that theme. An example of how a theme was organized in the Life Experiences
section is as follows:
1. Category: Life History.
2. Topic: External Perceptions.
3. Theme: The participants’ identities were shaped in their early and adolescent years in
ways that demonstrated power and rebelliousness, yet the participants also showed
evidence of having conflict in these identities.
4. Explanation of theme: All four of the participants characterized their identity as
young children and adolescents as powerful, intimidating, and rebellious.
5. Quantifiable Justification: Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie expressed conflict with themselves
over their hard-lined identities growing up, yet did not have an outlet or someone to
ask for help.
For the second research question, one theme was created to address each of the terms
“stagnate”, “diminish”, and “contribute”; this followed Griffith’s (2009) organization. For
research question three, the researcher organized the participants’ suggestions according to the
terms “academic”, “social”, and “personal” to reflect the specific categories in the research
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question. These themes then contributed to ideas to discuss the larger implications and
significance of the themes in Chapter 5.
It is important to note that the researcher was unable to use the entirety of data collected
in the interviews from each participant, which does occur with qualitative research methods,
such as the life history (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Patton, 2002). Thus, it was important for the
researcher to maintain focus on the research questions to ensure that data included in each
participant’s life history addressed the essence of the overall topic; data that was “not related” to
the research purpose was set aside (Cole & Knowles, 2001, p. 94; Patton, 2002).
Ethnical Considerations
The IRB rules, regulations, and procedures were followed to obtain the highest ethical
standards possible for this study. Permission forms explaining the study and volunteer
participation were explained to each participant. The participants each signed their consent form
and received a copy of the document. The researcher maintained the original copy of the consent
form.
Summary of Research Methodology
This study incorporated life history research methodology to capture personal and
academic experiences of formerly incarcerated Latinos. The life histories of the four young men
provided an opportunity to analyze and understand their lives both inside and outside the juvenile
correctional setting, as well as role of literacy within a broader social context (Cole & Knowles,
2001; Haglund, 2004; Tierney, 2010; Warren, 1982). This methodology is appropriate for this
study due to its in-depth focus on two key areas of the participants’ lives (life experiences and
literacy) and broader social implications for the findings. The researcher had the opportunity to
conduct in-depth interviews with Latino males about their childhood, adolescence, and early
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adulthood (once released). The participants were prompted to share detailed descriptions of
significant events, individuals, and issues that affected them up to the state of incarceration and
after release from their detention facilities. A collection of descriptive data about the
participants’ literacy experiences both inside and outside the classroom added to the story of
their lived experience. These life histories provided information about the quality and conditions
of the education and social systems in place for Latinos. The life histories of formerly
incarcerated Latinos gave insight into their lived human experience, and were an appropriate
method for conducting this research (Cole & Knowles, 2001; Haglund, 2004; Tierney, 2010;
Warren, 1982). Understanding their academic and personal experiences at an intense and deep
level has significant implications at the school, community, and policy levels.
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CHAPTER FOUR
RESULTS
Described in this chapter are the life histories and literacy experiences of four young
Latino males, referred to as their “Life History.” Each life history, narrative, began with an
epitaph that provides a quote from each participant. These quotes captured the essence of each
young man’s story. Following the epitaph, each story continued with a brief description of the
participant’s current age, age of incarceration, crime committed, and current status. Following
the opening descriptions, each narrative is organized with the following sections: Family,
Community, Elementary School Years (grades K-5), Middle School Years (grades 6-8), High
School Years (grades 9-12), Early School and Home Literacy (0-14 years old), Education in the
Juvenile Justice System, Literacy in the Juvenile System, and Post Incarceration to the Present.
Each participant was told to choose his own pseudonym; however, two gave the researcher
permission to choose the name since they did not have a preference. All names, cities, and places
have been changed. To maintain the integrity of the interview process with each participant,
language was kept as told to the researcher, thus no words have been altered. The brevity of one
section over another is based on the participant’s responses. Following the personal narratives,
there is a section labeled “Themes” that describes themes the researcher has culled out from the
data to discuss significant patterns and experiences that were common in the four stories.
Life History: Joe
I was away from home a lot. Yeah, I was really fed up. Any time that I went back, it hurt a
little more you know? They were always locking me up. When my mom was always threatening
me with that, and it made me resent her a lot. And just around her I would act like I didn’t care,
but deep down I cared…I didn’t want to go back to jail…It was the worst just being locked in a
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room. It was too familiar. That loneliness, that solitude was too familiar for me that it was a
nightmare, you know? And no matter what I kept going back. Joe, 01/15/13.
Joe is a 24 year-old Latino male who became involved in high-risk behaviors during
elementary school. At age 15, he began a four-year sentence in both juvenile and adult penal
institutions from ages 15-19. Joe has two California Strikes and is currently a community college
student in Metropolis. He will earn his Associate of Arts degree in Spring 2013.
Family
Joe’s parents immigrated to the United States from the Mexican states of Sinaloa and
Nayarit at a young age. They settled in South Metropolis. His parents obtained an education level
comparable to the sixth grade in Mexico. They did not have money to continue their education
and believed moving to the U.S. would improve their lives. Joe said that his parents would make
reference to their “struggle” in coming to America, but that it did not seem important to him
growing up:
…they would always say something about some struggle, like they had to cross the
border when they would be mad. Like, ‘I gave you birth and I had to cross,’ and this and
this.
His father ended up working in the sewing industry and his mother stayed home. His
parents are both Spanish speakers with limited English skills. There are eight children in the
family and Joe is second oldest. His siblings are all close in age to one another, separated mostly
by one year. His siblings struggled to finish high school (only a few receiving diplomas as
adults) and Joe is the first to attend college.
Joe’s family struggled financially over the years. He said the family received welfare
throughout his childhood, as well as donations of clothes, food, and other needed items from
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churches and organizations. Joe remembers being “embarrassed” that his mom would get the
family clothes from a secondhand store because they were used clothes:
I can’t remember the name of the program but there was a program through the school
where they would take us somewhere. I can’t remember where. But they would give us
larger – brand new clothes, brand new shoes, toys. I remember going about three times.
I really don’t know of any programs that would do something like that – donate brand
new clothes where you don’t feel like, ‘I can’t wear this to school,’ and it was
embarrassing.
He also felt the clothes were not his style or “cool” at the time. Joe wanted his clothes to be more
“baggie” and tried to get his own clothes in other ways, such as with his own money. His family
also lived in different apartments and moved frequently. Joe expressed some disappointment
with his parents’ efforts to get jobs:
At that point in time I think finding a job wasn’t as difficult as now. I think they could’ve
done a little bit better. I see a lot of undocumented people that have pretty decent lives.
They bust their ass but they have pretty decent lives. They’re chosen – My friends; they
didn’t have it as bad as we did. They had brand new shoes. They had brand new clothes.
He felt his family might “all been better off” had his parents had more stable jobs, but indicated
that number of children to take care of was a challenge to that.
His father was a drug addict for most of his childhood up until Joe’s release from prison
at age 19, which also contributed to the family’s financial problems. There were times Joe stole
his father’s drugs to sell or take himself. He also would find ways to confuse his father when
drugs were in the home:
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My dad did a lot of drugs. It’s kinda funny ‘cause sometimes I would get Ajax ‘cause it’s
a little bit white. Has a little bit of blue in it, but I would make a little stash and leave it
there so he could smoke it and then just for games and he would. It’d be kinda funny to
me.
Joe said his father “never really cared” about what he did. However, when his parents
separated around age nine, Joe chose to live with his father, also in part because of the freedom
he had to be with friends and be out. Joe maintains little contact with his dad, who is now a
reformed Christian. He prefers to stay distant due to his father’s religious beliefs and potential to
impose them on Joe.
His relationship with his mother was also unstable. He described his mother as strict. She
used to threaten Joe often in his early years that police would be called to take him away because
of his acting out. However, this made Joe care even less and act out more, just “fueling” his
attitude and rebelliousness.
My mom, I can’t really put it together what exactly she was. I don’t really know and I
don’t think I really even cared, especially for my mom. I cared more for my dad. When
they split I left with my dad. He really never cared what I did so I was always doing
whatever I wanted to… She was really strict I thought. I think I was about 12 when I got
locked up. Living with my dad. He got deported. He got locked up, too. So the court
contacted my mom and told her that basically I was under her custody now ‘cause he was
gone… We didn’t really like each other ‘cause she knew that I didn’t like her. I chose my
dad over her and it was always like a threat. Like oh yeah, do something and I’m gonna
tell the judge to take you to jail, call the cops… But she was always like that person that
would be filled with threats.
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His relationship with his mother today is better, but not extremely close.
Joe expressed a difficult relationship with his parents overall, particularly for not
providing a supportive home environment for him. He said his parents did not know how to take
care of the family, as they struggled financially and could not provide for everyone. At one point
when he was about 11 years old, all the children were removed from his father’s home and
placed in foster care:
They [parents] had split up. My dad had most of us. We were stealing a lot. Well I was
stealing a lot. One day my dad left to work and I guess somebody had reported that all the
kids were home, nobody was there looking out for them and they were all dirty and they
didn’t get nothing to eat. Who knows what the hell they told them [cops], but cops came,
took everybody to foster homes.
Joe said he was very angry about being in the foster home, even though it provided basic
necessities, clean clothes, and a nice place to stay. At one point, he wanted his friends to help
him get released from foster care:
The friends I used to hang out with for awhile, I was kinda’ angry at them ‘cause my
perspective was that they could help ‘cause they were older. I thought that they could
help. That they could come and get me out, but they couldn’t.
He understands his family’s situation better now as a young adult and knows they had a lot to
manage during his childhood with so many children and no support from family who were all in
Mexico. Today, his two youngest siblings remain in the foster care system.
Joe provided vague memories of positive childhood experiences when the family was
together. He did remember the conflict he felt when he was compared to his siblings:
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My dad would tell me, it would be like, ‘You should be like him. You should be doing
your homework.’ This, this and that. He would be helping him with his homework a few
times. I was pretty much the one that they had no hope for. Everybody was like, ‘He’s
just not gonna be anything.’ They said it a few times. I believed it. I believed I wasn’t
gonna make it.
Joe described some moments when he and his siblings used to play together, but they gradually
took to their own interests. He remembers playing Super Nintendo with his siblings and getting
in trouble for playing too loud and late at night. Holidays were celebrated to some extent. For
Christmas, his family would receive gifts from the church close to their home. He remembers
one Thanksgiving feast at his dad’s house shortly after the children were released from foster
care. His mom attended the dinner as well, and it was a nice time because everyone was together.
He remembers a few times his parents cooking in the kitchen and the children playing, but he
had very little significant or consistent memories of family time.
Over time, and when he was gone for his long-term sentence, Joe’s relationship with his
family grew distant and nonexistent.
‘Cause for a really long time even towards the end of my sentence, I would send them
letters with paper envelopes and stamps inside the letters and tell them, ‘You don’t have
to write to me. Just send me some paper. It’s already addressed to me. Just send it back.
Just let me know you guys are out there.’ Something. For a really long time. It just never
happened. It never happened. It just never did… When I was about 15 years old I got
sentenced as an adult and they thought I was never coming home. So they changed their
addresses, phone numbers and I was on my own for four years. For four years I was on
my own…
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Community
Part of the reason Joe said he had vague memories of his childhood is due to that fact that
he spent most of his time in the neighborhood with friends and older gang members. Although he
lived in neighborhoods that had a strong presence of gangs and crime, he says going outside
“was like a big playground” for him and his siblings. He recalled the tension of gang wars
between African Americans and Latinos/as. He described one day walking with his mom and
another sibling who was in a stroller when he was a small child. A car came up and shot another
man right in front of him. He was “stunned” that it happened right in front of him.
Slowly Joe began spending time with gang members and they had a significant influence
on his behavior and activities. There was a particular group of gang members from the same
family (brothers) that Joe came to see as part of his own family outside of his home. The guys
sometimes fed Joe and other neighborhood children who were also spending time in the streets
and took them to horse races in the city. They helped the younger kids fix bikes that they used to
ride around the neighborhood to steal and get into trouble. However, these men also sold drugs in
and around the community and guns were easily available and present around Joe. While he says
the guys warned him against getting involved in gangs and drug activity, Joe was persistent and
they too continued to keep him around.
This became a powerful group for him and eventually led to more serious interactions
with stealing, drugs, guns, and violence. As early as age nine, Joe began contact with the cops for
stealing. By ages 11 and 12, Joe said it was “all downhill” and his behavior troubles increased:
I would come to school with money, with so much money, like money would have blood
on it. I would have drugs on me all the time. I would have guns on me all the time on the
way to school and the way back. I really felt like I needed money. I really didn’t, but I
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always had to get for my own. Kinda made my little brothers the same ‘cause they saw all
that so they wanted to get their own, too.
He also described the large presence of “bums” in his neighborhood alleys and streets, and called
his home area “bum land”. He remembered the bums tried to “sell their cans trying to get some
drugs.” Joe was able to sell drugs to the “bums” for his friends because he was unsuspecting. He
also attributed his activity to his “persistent” attitude with the older guys so they would allow
him to participate in the drug trade.
Around the ages of 12 and 13, he began carrying around guns in his neighborhood and
also bringing them to school in broad daylight. He said he would sometimes take guns without
the older guys knowing and even got beat up a few times by his friends for having them. His
friends’ parents knew guns were around and tried to reprimand the brothers and Joe, but with
little effect:
There was a lot of guns. My friends were gang members and they just had them. That
was the first thing that was like a love at first sight type thing. Damn, some them and I
was afraid of shooting them ‘cause they were really loud. My friends didn’t even know I
had them. I would be taking them from them…a few times they actually hit me for
having them. One time I had a 357 and the thing is huge. It was a big old gun, big old
revolver. I was inside of a trailer and I was playing Russian roulette and they walked in.
So, ‘What the hell you doing?’ And started hitting me. Beat me up pretty bad.
Slowly Joe’s reputation began to grow and other parents’ kids in the neighborhood would
tell their children to stay away from Joe because he says he “was always up to no good.” Joe
would leave his home for days to be out in the streets while his parents and siblings searched for
him, sometimes unsuccessfully. Even if he was found, he was back to the streets the next chance
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he got. He learned to steal car radio systems from his older friends and that gradually turned into
stealing cars on a regular basis:
At first I didn’t get it [how to steal]. Then it was just like something that became my MO
kind of thing. I was stealing sound systems. So I was always about the sound systems. I
would look in every car, see what they had, and I would just take it.
When asked about positive community resources, Joe remembered the local Young
Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) and park in his neighborhood, although it had little overall
effect on his behavior. When he was in third grade, he said his elementary school gave students
YMCA passes for the summer and he participated in the activities, such as swimming. When he
was in the fifth grade, he played for the park’s baseball team by chance, which had a league for
the youth. One day an African American lady who worked at the park came up to him. This lady
was a stranger to him, but told Joe she had seen him around the park, always playing with sticks
and rocks. She wanted to get him involved on the team and paid for his spot:
She was like, ‘Well I’m gonna pay for your uniform and for you to be on the team, for
your pictures and your trophy.’ I think it was like 25 bucks. But yeah, she paid it. It was a
trip. We played. Every weekend we played and my boys were there, my brothers were
there. At the time we didn’t get along with the Blacks at all. So they would be there. We
would always be in fights afterwards, but it was so much fun though, man, because there
were so many teams that I could recall... They had the Dodgers and they were like the
best team… They were the number one team and I was on the Orioles and I had two girls
in my team and we sucked… We were playing against the Dodgers… We actually beat
them. They were crying. They were mad. Oh, man. I won’t never forget that day, but we
beat them. We beat them and it was just crazy because we had no hope.
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Joe said that team was the only one he ever participated on and after that game, everything went
“back to normal,” he and his friends continued to remain enemies, fight, steal, and get into
trouble with the law.
Over the next two years, into ages 12-13, his trouble with the police would escalate, as
would his involvement with gang and neighborhood related activities. He would receive several
charges for Grand Theft Auto before he was 15 years old and spent time in and out of juvenile
facilities, at one point being put on house arrest in middle school. His eventual long-term charge
was for robbery and assault, for which he received four years in both juvenile and adult
institutions.
Elementary School Years (Grades K-5)
Joe entered elementary school in the first grade. He did not attend pre-Kindergarten or a
Head Start program. Although Spanish was his first language, he understood English well
enough to start school and spoke the language more than he spoke Spanish. Joe and his siblings
would eventually speak more English to their parents, but still spoke Spanish around friends and
each other. He was classified as an English Language Learner (ELL) student and remembers
seeing this classification on his transcript. He is not sure if his parents were ever notified about
his status.
One of the most significant and life-changing events of Joe’s life was being placed in
special education at First Street Elementary. He thinks the placement came in either the first or
second grade after he had a fight with another classmate, an African American boy. The
classmate remained in regular classes, but Joe was moved to special education:
I really didn’t know what it was until my brothers and my sisters started making fun of
me. I remember a kid in my class. His name was Arthur and he had glasses and a helmet.
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There was this other girl who was chubby and also had a helmet. I was like, ‘What am I
doing here?’
From that point, he fought regularly with his teachers and the school really did not know how to
handle his behavior. The administrators tried putting him in class with his brother, who was in
the third grade, to see if the presence of a sibling would help Joe’s behavior. He remembered
receiving stars for positive actions and rewards of pizza or a toy for good behavior. However, the
positive behavior did not last long before he would soon get in trouble again. Joe recalled the
differences in types of learning activities he received in his brother’s regular class and special
education, the latter he characterized as worksheets, little incentives, and not much of anything:
It seemed like everybody was doing something different that I wasn’t sure what I was
doing there. I was kinda lost. I thought I was dumb. I started believing I was dumb. So I
wasn’t even trying anymore…
Math was one area Joe remembered being good at and slightly ahead of his older brother, was
math during elementary school:
They had those four digit math problems and I got the hang of them. My brother didn’t
know. He only knew the two-digit ones and I learned the four-digit ones. Then I taught
him how to do it, but he was already way far ahead of me. He was doing multiplication
and division. I didn’t know any of that, but I knew the four-digit to add and subtract so I
kinda’ had him there for a little bit.
The special education placement, however, changed Joe’s outlook on school and increased the
severity of his behavior:
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It was a little setback cause it really lost my interest. I’m getting clowned on by
everybody. I guess the best way to hide it was to just pump fear into people. I won’t have
nothing to say.
He also described dislike for how his special education peers acted in class. He felt they were
“crybabies,” which is the opposite type of young child he was at the time:
Like you couldn’t like punch them [special education classmates] a little bit or tap them
because they would be like ‘Aww,’ or, you know, or for any little thing they would run
up to the teacher and like ask, you know, little stuff like that that I wouldn’t have done.
I’d probably take something before I ask where they would ask before they would take.
Yeah, they were just really – I was just sort of like – to me they were crybabies, you
know. I mean, I guess I really didn’t like that… I really don’t know. I just know that I
wasn’t going to be the one to be soft, you know, because it just wasn’t in me… I can’t
explain if I was trying to be something I wasn’t but in trying to be something I wasn’t, I
was already that person… I was already somebody who didn’t want to listen, didn’t want
to follow rules.
Despite his difficult time being in special education, Joe says the experience taught him to be
more sympathetic towards people with disabilities. His anger may have been misdirected at them
sometimes, but he says, his main “issue was more on the streets.” Joe explained that he was
never prepared for school and acted older than his age:
It was ridiculous. I had huge clothes. I always had huge clothes. I always went to school
bald. I never had a backpack. I always had everything in my pocket. I was pulling stuff
out of my pocket.
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Trouble and suspension continued during these early elementary school years for Joe,
which is also the time he is hanging out with older guys from the neighborhood. He was
eventually expelled from First Street Elementary School for throwing rulers at the principal in
the third grade. Joe had already been suspended before this incident and returned to school the
“next day anyways just to mess around.” So his expulsion was Joe’s last chance. At his next
elementary school, South Park, his troubles continued. He continued to fight and just make
trouble on purpose:
You know, I would be having a really good day and I would just like, it would just pop in
my mind that is just needed to get in trouble on purpose, just for kicks, just inside my
head, I mean. I just didn’t even try. Sometimes I know that I didn’t, that I couldn’t find a
way to get in trouble unless I picked up a stick and hit somebody so then I would just
start teasing someone until someone would start to say ‘stop’ or something, and then I
would escalate it to another level.
He met his best friend and by the fourth and fifth grades, they had reputations for being the
school bullies, which Joe said gave him a “thrill” to be able to put fear in others. His new friend
also had “a lot of stuff going on in his family that he really just didn’t care.” Joe also perceived
himself as someone who had the ability to scare others during his elementary years, especially on
school campus:
I saw myself more as somebody that wanted to make money, somebody that wanted to
come up on something, but once he came in the picture it was like yeah. It was kinda’
fun, like thrill. That you could walk down to the restroom. ‘Can I go use the
restroom?’…You see somebody down the hallway that’d be scared of you right away.
That’s how it was. A lot of people just afraid and we were just fourth graders at the time.
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During this time, the school provided Joe with an anger management counselor to talk with him
about his behavior, but Joe was resistant to the help and hesitated talking about his family to the
counselor because he feared it would get his family in trouble to divulge all the details of his
home life:
…it always triggered me, you know. Especially after I had gone to a foster home. I was
really angry… I didn’t think that it was right to have social workers come to the house
and check up on me. It really frustrated me when they came over that I would leave with
an attitude…
The school counselor even offered Joe two Dodger tickets in return for good behavior, but never
earned them because he could not stay out of trouble. He said the anger he carried was something
he “couldn’t let go of,” but he also “knew that if I would say something, that they’d all be getting
in trouble.” Joe was eventually passed along to the fifth grade even though he said he should
have flunked. He said it was mostly due to the fact that the teacher did not want to deal with him
anymore and told Joe that junior high would not let him get away with his bad behavior. Joe
explained that there were teachers and staff that tried to reach out and talk to him about his
behavior, but that he did not accept their attempts:
I think they all were in some way or another, they all were. Cause I remember them
trying to be nice to me and then I remember that I just wanted to make them feel stupid
because they were being nice to me. So I would just take advantage of that and just
totally flip out of nowhere. I wouldn’t even know what I was saying. I would just say it. I
wouldn’t even make sense. I would just start saying bad words.
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Overall, Joe could not remember any positive memories of elementary school. He missed out on
the majority of grades first through third because he was mostly ditching and spending time on
the streets with his older friends:
Nothing good. Nothing good really. I was mostly ditching… I can’t remember doing my
homework. Can’t remember turning in no homework, at least not complete or anything I
was proud of.
Middle School Years (Grades 6-8)
The middle school (grades 6-8) continued to be difficult for Joe both academically and
behaviorally. He spent time between three middle schools. The day his mother tried to enroll him
at his first middle school, he was caught fighting on school grounds. The police already knew
him from prior trespassing tickets, so he was not allowed to attend the school. He spent about six
months at the next middle school before he was charged with Grand Theft Auto at age 12. He
spent about two months at his third middle school and then received another car robbery charge.
His total time in middle school grades lasted about eight months.
Joe remembered very little about middle school and could not recall the names of
teachers or specific classes or events because he was hardly there. The only class he consistently
attended was homeroom because “that was the one you needed to go to before they would call
your parents.” He does not recall ever attending a full day in school.
When he was in math class, Joe recalled that playing dominos helped him with math and
said that “numbers came quick to me…just keeping track of money and stuff like that,” yet none
of his teachers inquired or asked about any outside activities for learning:
Yeah. I remember getting sheets, like in middle school, getting sheets. They give you 50-
60 problems of little, simple multiplication and subtraction and addition, math. Yeah, I
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would just fly through them. I was always quick. Even if I got them wrong I was always
really quick at it… Math, the numbers, was always my thing. I used to play a lot of
dominoes growing up. So numbers came really quick to me. Just keeping track of money
and stuff like that.
Joe mostly took advantage of opportunities around campus to ditch. He describes the ease
with which he and his friends could leave campus by hopping over a fence or through a partition
in a wall out by the baseball fields. He says his behavior was similar to what he did in elementary
school, just more advanced. He continued to bring guns to school and fight, which now took on a
more serious tone as his third middle school was populated by his enemy neighborhood:
…we had those girls that we used to hang out with so we would be walking around the
field and they would be like our blind spot so we could run through the wall and then
we’d jump. And then I remember, because at that school, there was sort of enemy
territory, and then I would always have to run there, and then I would leave behind the
wall so right when we hopped over the fence, I would pick up a gun and leave, and, you
know, pretty much the same things that I was doing in elementary. I would ditch and
walk over to another area, asking for money, or breaking windows through the cars if I
saw like a fur or something, take it, you know, we would go to eat at Sizzlers, and then at
Sizzlers we would try to take as many tips as we could and then we would take off.
He recalled fighting with his “enemies,” which were students from other gangs on
campus and also due to racial tensions:
But with my friends, yeah. And I remember one day sticking up for them, you know, like
6 or 7 black kids were trying to punk ‘em, and I got there, and I was just like mad, and I
just started punching on everybody, you know. And black kids, they weren’t really
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known for like not defending themselves but for some reason or another, they were just
like they kind of chickened out, you know, and I was just like running around, just
punching people, and everybody was just like shocked.
Missing classes was a daily routine for Joe. He remembers the school would call home to
report his behavior or absences, but says the family did not have a phone so he was able to get
away with the truancy most of the time. Joe noted some teachers attempted to help him but his
behavior was too severe for the school to manage and they eventually gave up:
I do remember teachers like trying to be supportive but I do remember them giving up
too. Like ‘Oh yeah, he’s just not going to listen.’ I think it was pretty hard and I made it
hard on people because I didn’t give up… Like trying to like let me get it out to the point
where they couldn’t take it anymore, they had to send me to the office.
Overall Joe does not carry positive or significant memories of elementary or middle
school. This was a period of time when he missed out on a significant amount of his early and
middle grades schooling. Most of his memories are of being out of school, with friends, and
involved in negative behaviors, such as ditching, smoking marijuana, and getting in trouble with
cops for continued car thefts. Joe had multiple Grand Theft Auto charges from as early as 10
years old and up until the age of 15. He continued to get in and out of trouble after middle
school, and was placed on house arrest at age 14.
High School Years (Grades 9-12)
Joe attended North High School for most of his ninth grade year before he was
incarcerated for his four-year sentence. His high school experience lasted a bit longer than his
previous schools. At North High School, Joe said he had a “team” of friends and family and his
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girlfriend that kept him going to school. He was still classified as a special education student but
at this point was in mainstream classes and wanted to do well in school:
You know, my high school days were days where I actually wanted to go and learn. So at
that point, I knew how to do algebra because I was about 14, 15 when I was at camp, and
I was doing algebra work. All my classes were passing you know, As, Bs, and Cs. They
were all passing.
His Probation Officer (PO) worked on campus and would regularly drug test Joe, a presence that
also contributed to Joe staying in classes and doing his work. He said his PO was one person
who tried to look out for him during those adolescent years. For example, before he was locked
up for the four-year sentence, he fought a one-year sentence in county jail for grand theft auto.
At that time, he recalls that his PO cried when informing Joe that he lost the opportunity to be
tried as a juvenile. His PO had tried hard to appeal to the judge that the evidence against Joe was
minimal, but was unsuccessful. Joe said his PO was always looking out for him, even when
others, such as his mother were unsupportive.
In high school, Joe’s English teacher was also someone he remembers as having some
concern. She would ask Joe’s friends his whereabouts when he missed school. He recalled
showing her his identification bracelet when telling her that he was in the men’s county jail and
she couldn’t believe it because that’s where “grownups” were locked up. Even his art teacher
was “soft” with him and let him pass the class even though he did minimal work (if any). He
says that it may have been due to how people perceived him. Joe said he may have come across
as intimidating to the adults (and students), so the teachers would let him get away with doing
little in his classes.
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Joe enjoyed math class and did “good” there despite the large amount of students in the
class. He described minimal interaction with the teacher; rather, was more independent in the
class:
I remember it being a big class and you were just pretty much – you know, as you were
leaving the class, you would drop off your homework, you know, and mine was always
there. I just remember that in that class, I didn’t need to sit up front. I was always
somewhere where I was doing my own thing.
The Junior Reserve Officer’s Training Corps (JROTC) program had an impact on Joe’s
high school experience. Joe enrolled himself in the program because he wanted the discipline
and structure, which had worked for him at a military style boot camp he had attended during
one of his previous incarcerations. The program staff was supportive of Joe and did their best to
keep him out of trouble, although he was still involved in gang activities in his neighborhood:
...and I kinda looked up to them in a way and they really looked out for me. They knew
that I was on probation. They knew I was in trouble so they really tried to help me
out…to a point where they thought I was never going to be in trouble again. So they had
me like tell my story to other students. Pretty much the whole JROTC program supported
me…not too far after that I was gone.
In the spring, there was a JROTC ceremony for his class, and at this event he was awarded Cadet
of the Year. He remembered being extremely disappointed that no one from his family or even
his PO (who at the time was supportive and also worked on campus) showed up:
I told my parents about it and I told some friends about it. Nobody showed up. I was
really, really, disappointed cause that day I walked home. It was quite a ways to walk
home and I remember one of my homies from my neighborhood said, ‘Damn man! You
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make me wanna go back to school.’ I was like ‘yeah.’ He was like, ‘Why you sad though,
man?’ ‘Man I just got this thing right here and nobody showed up.’ He’s like, ‘Oh man,
shut up.’ That made me feel like yeah, I shouldn’t really worry about it, but deep down I
was really mad cause I was expecting someone to be there… Since they gave me that
award they wanted me to give a speech. I couldn’t say anything. It was just like I felt
weak because I felt like I should have said something, but I couldn’t get myself to say
anything cause I was too concentrated looking for someone I knew and there was no one
there.
Joe attributed his ability to staying in school longer at North High School part of being “tired” of
fighting and being locked up:
I was away from home a lot. Yeah, I was really fed up. Any time that I went back, it hurt
a little more you know? They were always locking me up…And just around her [mother]
I would act like I didn’t care, but deep down I cared… I didn’t want to go back to jail…
It was the worst just being locked in a room. It was too familiar. That loneliness, that
solitude was too familiar for me that it was a nightmare, you know and no matter what I
kept going back.
Joe said he “really wanted to stay in school” despite his activities outside of school that
were dangerous. However, despite that loneliness, the neighborhood violence grew more intense
and more of his friends were involved. He said that most of his neighborhood was gang related
and that contributed and increased his own negative behavior. As the older guys from his gang
slowly moved away to other cities, Joe said he felt as though he had to carry on their duties and
responsibilities, also pushing him to commit more crimes:
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…so I felt like I kind of had to take their part, you know, I had to do more, you know, I
had to do like three or four times more as what I would have done myself but by that time
I was already kind of like in it kind of deep, you know.
Although he only attended high school for a short time, Joe maintained that he wanted to
be in school longer and that going back out to the streets when school was over for the day was
problematic. He said, “In school I had some business to handle, but outside of school it was like
something else. It was just like school wasn’t even like a thought anymore. It was just like the
streets.”
While still in high school at the age 15, Joe was locked up for his most serious offense—
armed robbery and assault. At this time that his siblings and mother severed ties with him
because he said they were tired of the constant trouble. The seriousness of his crime and the
amount of time he would have to serve, he said was too much for them. Joe said his family
became the other inmates in the juvenile facilities, young men who were also serving time and
serious charges.
Joe went through various juvenile institutions throughout his incarceration. He had a
short stay in two facilities, then moving on to long-term youth authority prisons. When he turned
18 years old, Joe was sent to an adult prison. He spent time in three adult prisons over a period of
13 months until his release. Eight of these months were spent in solitary confinement for causing
trouble in the facility. He also served another 11 months of solitary confinement:
Yeah, it’s a 23-hour lockdown, but it’s more like a 24-hour lockdown… Maybe 15
minutes in the shower…the process of getting there and back cause you gotta go through
the handcuffs. Can’t go without handcuffs anywhere. Then you go to a little day room
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and then you go back, but you don’t see the sun at all. It was pretty crazy. I was going
crazy for a little bit.
Joe described the juvenile and adult prisons as considerably different, especially for a
young adult his age. He indicated that in the younger institutions, everyone is seen as a “kid”
because of their youthful age. He said the “damage we would cause on each other was not bad”
or as hurtful as what was done to inmates in prison. He said in prison, something could happen
“at any moment.” The violence was more real and the rules were stricter. He indicated that the
unity was more established and strong in the prison along racial lines. He said at the time, he
thought, “This is what it’s all about.” Overall, the dramatic change from being in an environment
with “really really young” inmates to older adults that were “really really old” was quite
significant.
Early School and Home Literacy (0-14 years old)
Joe’s early literacy environment consisted of the learning of Spanish (his first language)
and some interaction with reading materials in his home. His earliest memories of literacy at
home consist of seeing his father read magazines, but never reading intentionally to Joe or his
siblings. His parents both speak mostly Spanish and some English. He learned Spanish first and
was also exposed to Spanish writing skills by watching his sister write Spanish around age 12,
which he says he eventually caught on to. He remembers his sister teaching him how to write in
Spanish because she was learning how to write from school:
Not really. Just I remember one day she told me that she learned how to read, and I
remember she read something in Spanish, you know, like two sentences, and then she
was like, ‘Yeah, you’ve just got to look at it across, you know, like you just look at the
words across and you keep reading across.’ So she read it and I kind of thought that it
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was a no-brainer and I could do it too, and since she was younger than me, I had to know
how to do it, and that I caught on really early. I didn’t give it much attention but I knew
how to read.
Joe indicated that eventually him and his siblings replaced Spanish with English at home:
I can’t remember at what age we stopped speaking Spanish to each other but we did. We
would only speak to each other in English. I do remember my mom or dad saying, ‘Yeah
they speak to each other in English and we can’t understand what they’re saying
sometimes.’ We’d try to get away with something. And it was something like, ‘Oh yeah,
it’s funny. You know they speak English and they just kind of speak to each other.’
When necessary, his parents wrote notes to the school in Spanish. Joe said if his mom
wrote the note he had difficulty reading it because he said her handwriting was “really sloppy,”
but notes from his dad were easier to read. Joe also explained that little reading was done among
him and his brothers and sisters growing up. He does not think “any of them ever picked up a
book.”
In elementary school, Joe did not have clear memories of how he learned to read with
teachers. Although he learned Spanish first, he said he had a “grasp” of English when he began
school. He remembered his speaking skills because by the first grade, he was “already hanging
out with my friends who were in a gang and they never really spoke Spanish unless they were
mad.” He noted that in elementary school “everything was done in English.”
Joe also did not understand why he was placed in an English Language Learner (ELL)
program. He said he “never felt there was a problem [with his skills].” He indicated that his
parents likely were not aware of his ELL status. Joe recalled, “I doubt it. I’m sure that they were
notified but I’m sure that to them school was school. Putting me in another program only meant
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something good, that they would keep me longer or something.” Joe also could not recall sitting
down to read with a teacher or having to go home and do homework or read. He said, “Reading,
maybe they read something but I don’t remember reading with them, to them. I don’t remember
any of it. I don’t remember putting any effort at all.”
Joe’s middle school memories were vague and he did not remember opportunities at
school that developed his literacy skills:
It was always mostly copying, you know, because reading, I don’t remember. I remember
having books but I don’t remember really having to read them. I don’t remember a time
where I sat down and had to read throughout school.
His lack of individual efforts to do his own work and learn information continued into high
school:
In high school maybe in my English class, yeah, maybe like something that was printed
out like a page or two where I would try to read it. I wouldn’t finish it but I would try to
read it [printed work in ELA class], and most of the other information I would get from
everybody else. Or like I remember highlighting stuff but that was because I copied it
from somebody else’s paper and it had the same highlights.
Books that Joe had to read and answer questions about were also done with a copying process:
Like I remember getting a lot of English books, you know the subscript, you know you
have whatever the story is telling you but then next to it on the sidebars you have like
subscript, and I was always writing that, you know, copying that down, and like on the
back of that chapter you would have the questions, you know, and you would just have to
like flip through the pages and look for something similar to that question, and that was
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the answer. I still can’t get my head around how they were the answer when I was just
copying word-for-word.
He said, “I remember that it was relatively easy, yea, just the words weren’t my own
thoughts or my own opinion, not tough like math class.” During group presentations in class he
would just hold up a poster or turn in work that was copied from his girl friends:
So mainly in that English class, I guess it was my own thoughts and my own opinions but
they weren’t my own. They were the girls, you know. That was their work and we just
kind of copied it off of them.
Even though he thinks his teacher noticed he (and his friend) did not do the work, she
never intervened more seriously. Joe remembered she would “give us like a weird face” or “try
to keep an eye on us,” but ultimately, he was able to pass through the class “copying everything
word-for-word.” Overall, Joe said that English was not a class that pushed him towards his own
thinking and the teacher, although supportive and nice, did little to ensure he was learning and
demonstrating evidence of literacy development. He also never remembered writing his own
essay for his entire traditional school experience:
I never wrote an essay in school, like ever, ever. That’s how when I went to college,
when I had to write an essay, it was like I was dumbfounded. I was like really annoyed. I
was like, ‘Who needs this? How did I pass high school and never write an essay?’ I did
write an essay for the CAHSEE exam (his first essay while incarcerated)…but I never
wrote my own essay for a class assignment.
Joe remembered that he used to be able to spell his nickname and his neighborhood, even
though sometimes he would “spell it wrong.” When he incorrectly spelled his nickname with a
“Y” instead of an “I” his friends corrected him, but he kept the incorrect spelling:
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…somebody told me, ‘Hey, that’s not how you spell it, though. You spell it with an ‘I’
and this is how you spell it,’ and then they showed me the Spiderman thing, and it’s
spelled the same way. And I was like, ‘Oh, all right,’ so I started spelling it out correctly
but then I was like, ‘Man, this is how I’m going to spell it, with a Y,’ and ever since I
spelled it with a Y.
Joe noted that he was largely left to do his schoolwork on his own. He wished his parents would
“try to help me or make it a little bit more interesting in my home instead of they can’t help me.”
He indicated it would have been helpful if his parents knew about his schoolwork:
So even if they didn’t help, for them to understand, ‘Well your homework isn’t done.’
And for them to understand that my easy way out wasn’t – Cause I could’ve been writing
anything down.
Juvenile Hall and Adult Prison Education (15-19 years old)
When Joe reflected on his education in juvenile hall, it consisted mostly of memories of
minimal learning and frequent disruptions:
In juvenile hall, everything was copying the bullet points. Everything, that’s what I
remember as far as like history books, you know, copying. There was really not that
much work, you know, it was a lot of puzzles. We weren’t in class for that long.
Most of the time students earned credit just for signing in to class that day. Joe indicated this was
the kind of work that also counted towards his high school diploma. He said, “You could be in a
box. You could be anywhere in the system and you would still get your credits.”
Joe also recalled many disruptions due to the students constantly fighting with one
another. He said, “…I think classes were like for an hour so it wasn’t really that much, and most
of the time you know there was either a fight or something going on where we wouldn’t finish
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our whole class.” Because students from different neighborhoods and areas were put in the same
classrooms, he says that fights were expected and happened frequently. He called the classrooms
more of a “frustrated zone” and “social-type thing” because the students were all coming from
difficult lives and experiences and there was little help from adults to provide a space to talk. For
classes he took while in “high-risk” units, there was significantly less teaching: “It was, ‘Oh
yeah, you did your work, okay, the teacher will give you your grade.’ Pretty much they just
wanted to know that you were there.”
These disruptions were coupled with many teachers over the years that he described as
focusing more on attendance instead of caring about the students. In one facility and for machine
shop class, the “teacher was really old.” Joe said many teachers were “old” and really can’t keep
up [with the students].” He felt these teachers just wanted to “knock out the day and get out.”
Joe said many teachers did not take the time to get to know students on a personal level. He said,
“Teachers in there have been there for so long, that they see you come and go and they know that
you don’t care, so at some point or another they stopped caring.” He thought most of the teachers
did not care because they did not get paid enough. Joe could not recall any teacher (or other staff
person) taking the time to ask how he was doing, talk about how things were going with school,
or any matter:
It isn’t a teacher that’s really motivated, you know, really about their – and that could
actually try to relate to your situation and try to like take into consideration what you’re
going through because, you know, you’re in there and a lot of people are like, you know,
‘I just lost somebody. Somebody just died in my family’ or something, you know.
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He said teachers were ok with giving students grades for copying, puzzles, and again just
signing in for class that day. If teachers did ask him for work or about a missing assignment,
copied work was still permitted and acceptable:
I mean if they did, you know, it was just a minimum where I would just be turning in
some type of copy and stuff to them, like, ‘Joe, you haven’t done anything. I need you to
give me something. Give me something. This is something you copied. Right?’
He remembered at one juvenile military boot camp getting some one-on-one time with a
math teacher. Joe had told a staff member he wanted to learn math and chose a book from the
shelf that the staff member used to teach him. This was the military camp where the environment
was strict and Joe said more conducive to getting work done. Despite disruptions, the teacher
would just “push the button,” help would arrive, and the teacher would continue on with the
lesson.
In addition to the math teacher, only one other teacher challenged Joe’s thinking during
his juvenile detainment. He described this as his only real experience where he had to think
critically about his ideas. During a class discussion one day, Joe said he was a Democrat and the
teacher heard his comment. The teacher asked him why he labeled himself from that party and he
said, “I don’t know. Because I went to North High School and I’m a Democrat, the Demos.” The
teacher pushed him to think more about the differences between a Republican and Democrat and
gave him a chart to review. He came back to the teacher deciding in the end he was independent
because there were some ideas he agreed with on both sides. After this incident, he said his
interest in history grew and he took a few more history classes for his high school diploma.
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Literacy in the Juvenile System
When Joe began entering the juvenile system in those early years, he said he always
knew his literacy skills were low. He remembered being classified as an ELL student in
elementary school and also saw on his juvenile education records that he read at an “elementary
level.” Joe said that he gave reading and writing “no thought” and he had “no desire to pick up a
book, flip through any pages” for most of his young life. Even when he was going in and out of
the juvenile system in his elementary and middle school years, he did not pay attention to
anything related to literacy:
By the time I was getting locked up and coming back home my friends were different.
Everybody was different. My interest in friends was just – Was you know, ‘Come and
talk to me about stealing. Come and talk to me about doing drugs.’
He felt the experience with being placed in Special Education classes early on greatly
impacted how he perceived himself and capabilities. He felt as if he was the “retarded” one at
home compared to his siblings, all while having no idea why he was in that program or had that
designation. That experience made him not care and gave him no motivation to do better. He
said, “There was no challenge. There was no desire to learn after that.” Joe said: “Yeah after that
succeeding on the educational level was not something that I thought, ‘Oh I can’t do it.’ It was
like, ‘I wouldn’t. I wouldn’t even try.’”
Joe said reading and writing gave him no “satisfaction” and he struggled to get interested
in literacy. He remembered a particular lady who worked in the juvenile system who always read
the same book, A Child Called It in the juvenile classes. Every time he returned to the juvenile
hall, he said she was there reading that book. He remembered she put “so much energy” into the
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book he thought “she was going to cry right then and there.” He recalled noticing back then the
special passion for reading this lady had that he did not possess:
It just kind of really grabbed my attention… I can remember her voice and her hair and
how she looked. She had really curly hair, a Hispanic lady, a lot of makeup, and petite,
not that short, raspy voice. But she was really nice—despite me tagging everything up
and ripping through stuff. She would just keep reading her book to the class… But I
remember that just being stuck to my head that anybody would be so interested in reading
a book…I wanted to read like that. I was kind of jealous.
In these adolescent years, his literacy (and education) mindset was thinking about it as
unattainable, even though deep down he wanted those skills and knowledge. Joe said he felt
incapable of being a learner or even a student who would raise their hand to answer a question:
That’s what I desired but at the same time I wasn’t going to take time out of—I guess it
doesn’t really make sense because all I had was time. But I didn’t want to take that free
time away from myself to try and learn something.
When Joe was about 13 years old, he came in contact with Miss Swanson, a lady in one
of the juvenile halls who helped him read “word-by-word” and understand word meaning. Joe
said it was the first time he told anyone that he could not read and finally received help. Joe
remembered his difficulty with reading was that it took too long and he could not finish a page:
It was I thought a page was too much and I couldn’t read straight through and understand
what was going on. I would read every word for what it was, you know, and mainly that’s
partly because I had another person that would have a list, a big list of words, just words,
and would have me read every word…jeans, car, truck – so I was always used to, I got
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used to reading word-for-word, you know. I would tell you – I knew how to spell them, I
knew how to read them, but I couldn’t read them straight through on a story.
He also said reading “wasn’t really mandatory” in the juvenile education system or his
schools (when he was not locked up) he “didn’t bother.” He said the students would ask him,
“Why aren’t you doing your work?” He would respond with, “I can’t read.” Miss Swanson
helped Joe learn how to read words and he got used to reading in this way, but still had trouble
making meaning and connecting the words together to form the overall story. After getting help
from Miss Swanson, Joe was placed in Operation Read at the juvenile hall with another lady,
Ms. Hernandez. Ms. Hernandez helped him practice reading with Tom Sawyer books:
I remember she used to always have us read paragraphs, so I was really reading. Then I
had to read a whole page, not just a paragraph. It took me a long time, but I remember
that…She was the lady that kind of helped me to read.
Also around this time, Joe said he was getting letters from his girlfriend back home that he
needed to read to be able to respond to her, so the help from Ms. Swanson and Operation Read
pushed his literacy skills to improve.
When Joe was 16, he said he became more interested and inspired to read books. He
remembered reading parts of Always Running by Luis Rodriguez, but never finished it because it
was too long. Joe said at the time, the book was “a little too much” for him. He felt as though he
already knew the start and ending by the content of the book. Therefore, he “gave up on it.”
When his roommate, Johnny, in the juvenile hall began reading to him, his perspective as
a reader changed. Johnny used to read Joe The Coldest Winter Ever by Sista Souljah. Joe
remembered that he would lay on his bunk bed and listen as his roommate read. Joe said, “I
would look forward to it every day.” Even on days when Johnny did not want to read, Joe
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encouraged him to read the book. Johnny was the “first person I heard finishing a book back-to-
back”:
Yeah, you know, the story was really just in me and he was a really good reader. I’m sure
he still is, I mean he’s been down for like almost ten years so I’m sure that is all he does.
Joe says his roommate must have read the 500-page book to him at least two or three times:
He was the only one that pretty much cared. He cared about reading so it kind of like
shocked me, you know? That somebody as active as he was, I actually thought he was
smart because he knew how to read… He was a really good reader. I’m sure he still is.
Also around this time, Joe joined the Writers Forever Program (WFP) in the juvenile
facility, which he said provided an opportunity to express his thoughts. He recalled, “We were
writing poetry so I was really trying to make sense out of something, you know? Where actually
my emotions came out, where people had me try to write down my emotions through rhyme…”
He said the program made him feel appreciated and supported to write, but also created a family-
like environment for students to realize they had shared experiences. The freedom to write was
the most powerful part of the writing program for Joe:
It was free, free from anybody’s criticizing, no downplaying. It was free from a letter
grade. Everybody was just open to you opening up about your life story, that it meant
something to write my own things down...we were already a family…it wasn’t about the
incentive, it was that a lot of people were having fun…so it was worth it.
Regarding the amount of text he was writing, Joe said, “A lot. A lot. I mean, I would probably
give away like three pages but of my own I had like three stacks of paper, you know, I had
notebooks. I still have notebooks.”
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The program helped Joe develop his writing, but he still needed more help with grammar.
He said, “I knew when I was rambling and rambling before I started losing readers. I guess the
rhythm process kind of helped me develop my writing structure…as far as my commas or
whatever or colons and that stuff, I didn’t know them.” Although he struggled with grammar, Joe
indicated that the program had a strong impact on his reading development as well:
Well, the only thing that mattered with rhyming was that I knew that there was a period.
I knew that there was a period. I knew how to use periods. And then the writing teachers
would always be like, ‘No, write how you speak. Write how you speak,’ and it kind of
stuck to me, you know, to write how I speak. A lot of it didn’t make sense but once I
started like reading a lot of books when I moved forward, I guess I started developing a
lot because I used to love how the authors would put their stories together so it kind of
like became the way I spoke to myself inside of me, you know, like I think that’s how I
would try to speak to someone else, and I’d try to write it down exactly how I wanted to
say it.
The program also helped change the perception he had of himself as a reader or writer and took
him “away from the place that I was trapped in”:
…reading and writing was no longer something that was demanded of me. It was
something that was made a little bit more interesting by way of being able to express
myself by me writing. And the reading part was that reading wasn’t only for marriage or
people that were trying to study. It was also for fun, stories.
Gradually the staff in the program became part of Joe’s “circle” and they supported him beyond
his participation while incarcerated:
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Little things they would do. They would have me write some stuff. I remember one time
some magazine somewhere around here. They published my poems and stuff like that
and I was just kinda’ like, ‘What?’ This is kinda’ cool. I guess somewhere inside of me it
helped that someone cared, even if what I wrote wasn’t good. It just was a little support. I
wasn’t thinking like this then, but I started letting them into my circle. Sure enough, we
established a relationship. Once I got sentenced and moved forward with my sentence to
a different prison. So they wrote to me. They wrote to me. I guess we all needed someone
really bad and I didn’t have anyone, so I took all I could. Somebody was willing to be a
family member with me, it was good with me.
Books were somewhat available throughout his juvenile system experience. He
remembered a staff person would come down the juvenile facility hall with a crate of books for
the students to choose. He loved James Patterson thriller books because they had “short
chapters” and when someone told him there were other books by that author, he gravitated
towards that genre. He also remembered reading books by Sydney Sheldon. He would especially
gravitate towards reading when he was in solitary confinement.
Around age 17, Joe took the California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE) and passed
with high scores, an accomplishment that shocked him given his low literacy skills. This exam
required an essay and Joe had very limited experience writing, but also had never written a
formal essay for any grade level in traditional school:
I never turned in an essay, you know, and I know it for a fact because the whole outline
of it, you know. The only reason why I knew that there was an indent, five periods to an
essay, was because I heard it, you know, not because I’d done it…. I guess, you know,
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somebody tried to explain it to me but I never put it together, a summary or stuff like that.
It was just always stuff that I’d heard nothing that I’d actually done for myself.
Joe remembered using his special education status as a way to try to get out of the test
because he was afraid he would not pass. Ultimately, he took the exam and wrote the essay:
I must’ve wrote maybe about five, six pages worth of stuff on one question for the essay.
I was using periods and colons and commas and stuff like that. I didn’t know where they
went. I kinda did cause I had a lady that was trying to tell me how they—what they
meant, where you would put them. So I just went along like I spoke. So I passed. It was
weird. I still can’t believe it.
Joe explained that the exam was based on “common-sense” and “wasn’t really based on what
you knew.” He felt the “questions pretty much gave you the answer” and process of elimination
was what one needed to know to get correct answers.
Passing the CAHSEE was the turning point Joe said he needed to give him hope that he
could have a future outside the penal institution, which coincided with stronger literacy skills:
I would actually pick up a dictionary and try to see what the meaning meant…try to piece
things together… That’s where I thought there was some hope there. That was my
turning point… To this day I don’t think I deserved my high school diploma, just based
on nothing was ever done—nothing as far as homework, as far as learning… At the same
time that feeling like I had a green light towards getting my high school diploma and I
was actually going to get it, it really opened up a lot to—it really inspired me that I could
make it then. At that point, I was, ‘I’m going to go and try to do college.’
When asked about the significance of any literacy opportunities or activities, Joe explained that
his literacy development was largely influenced by “what my friends were doing…it had a lot to
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do with my roommate.” Joe said for individuals who do not know his past or what he has
encountered in his life will not understand his struggles and how far he has come. When he
meets up with another individual who was part of his incarceration, reminiscing about his
struggles and successes now matters significantly:
…it’s funny because every time we [Joe and friend who was also incarceration at the
same time] talk, you know, he’s shocked that I’m taking like all of these advanced classes
now, like, ‘Really? You do that?’ Like, ‘I remember you couldn’t read,’ you know, and I
tell him like, ‘Hey, I can’t believe it either,’ and I always trip out, like, ‘You know, it’s
funny because I have to talk to someone that doesn’t know me and it’s kind of hard to
explain to them the situation then, you know, but you actually know, like you were there,
and I couldn’t read, and you would try to read to me or you would try to get me to read,’
or something, you know, like people would look over my shoulder like ‘Why aren’t you
doing it?’ – Like, ‘because I can’t read’… So those were actually people that were along
side with me and now, you know, he’s out and it’s really rewarding for me to have
someone who actually knows, who actually was there, because I don’t believe it myself
sometimes. Damn, you know, like how?
Despite the hope he felt after passing the CAHSEE, going to adult prison for one year
when he turned 18 years old, stopped his studies completely. He said there was no school in
prison because it was too disruptive due to gangs and fighting. There was “no way” the facility
and staff could provide a learning space in that tense environment. He called it a “war zone”
instead of an “education place”:
We had everybody there. We weren’t segregated. For the most part it was every man for
his own. It was more of a war zone than an education place. It gave you no room to try to
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educate yourself. It was already bad enough. We didn’t want any education to put us in a
zone where there are enemies and the tension was at 100. There’s just no way around it.
Although he did not earn the credits to finish his high school diploma while incarcerated in the
adult prison, he did finish once he was released at age 19. He had to finish several packets after
his release to complete his diploma and the process was a struggle given the inconsistencies in
recordkeeping in the juvenile and prison systems.
When asked about the meaning of literacy at the time of incarceration in both the juvenile
and adult facilities, Joe admitted that while knowing how to read and write was important, he
was also “too busy getting ready for the next step” in the facilities, particularly in the adult
prisons. This meant that his mindset was to prepare for “something to happen” such as a fight
and be “ready to go to war.” In contrast, during his time in the youth authority detention centers,
he was able to take classes, work towards his diploma, and pay more attention overall to his
studies.
Joe also described that “being on his toes” in the adult prisons was the main focus,
especially as his date of release drew closer. He was aware of his upcoming release in those final
months, but “jail seemed like home.” He looked forward to working out every day and it became
a personal daily routine, something he did to “pass my days.” At this time he did not take
education classes because it was too risky and safety was a concern. He said that for teachers,
they too took a risk by teaching in that setting and he thought they had to sign a waiver to release
the prison of any responsibility in case any harm occurred. He recalled that at this time books
and literacy were not “on his mind.” Only when he was locked up in solitary confinement, books
were good for him but other than that, his daily mindset was to be ready for any conflict that
could arise while in the prison.
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Post Incarceration to the Present
When Joe was released from prison, he recalled several events and materials he received
by both the institution and personal friends. The prison provided Joe with transportation to a
Greyhound bus station and $200 in gate money from the state. He also received clothes and
shoes from his friend Sean, who provided Joe with clothing to help him out. His godparents were
there to pick him up at the station. Joe’s immediate family was not aware of his release and he
also did not want them to know:
…So I felt like they didn’t care that I was locked up and now that I was free, I didn’t care
to tell them I was free. I just preferred they still thought I was locked up.
The next day Joe reported to his parole office and was drug tested. As Joe began to get
acclimated back into society, he described difficulty in getting proper documents, such as
identification. He did not have an ID card, just his name on the packet he received upon release
from the prison. He also had no social security number and the prison would not release any of
his information. With the help of his godparents and over the course of several months, Joe
eventually received his license.
Joe also described that once released, his “literacy spark” came when his godparents
enrolled him in college. He said he felt “scared” to attend college because he “didn’t think it was
for me.” It was only after conversations with his godparents and ex-girlfriend’s family that he
was encouraged and felt confident to take that step. His first class was photography. Joe said the
class “was not hard” but “got me started on the college path.” He felt the surroundings were
really great and it “pushed me to want to go to school.”
Joe said that now it is sometimes difficult to take in the severity of having two California
Strikes at the age of 24, marks that he received at the early age of 15. These strikes cannot be
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removed and Joe knows that one mistake could put him in prison for life. He said he sometimes
feels trapped and that he has to deal with problems or conflicts in a different way because any
outburst could be costly:
It’s been really tough. I’ve been through a lot… I’ve only seen it as a responsibility and
as my only outlet because I had nowhere else to turn. I had to do something
quick…everything was moving faster. I was losing everything. For my case I’m a second
striker so I only have one choice. Not one choice but one more chance.
He never thought his troubles would lead to his critical status today. He noted, “I just didn’t
think it was gonna happen that quick. Not that quick. I was just a kid.”
His new thrill is buying old cars or those needing repair and fixing them up. He stays
busy reading, going to school, and working. He commented that he is “booked every day,” which
is important to his well-being and success. There are times that Joe also says he forgets all that
he has experienced growing up and going through the criminal justice system. He at times also
forgets he has a probation officer (PO) because he is so distracted by work and school. He said,
“Sometimes I have to tell my PO, ‘Hey man, I’m sorry but sometimes I forget you’re there.
You’re not a part of me.’”
He maintains minimal contact with his old friends, but sees them around from time to
time. He still encounters comments from family and friends who say, “You go to school? You?
No way! You work? Like for a paycheck?” He says many of them are in disbelief about his
progress and that he has a regular job instead of how he earned money in the past by stealing and
selling drugs. Today, he is focused on his studies and spending time with his girlfriend and
stepdaughter.
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There have been several people to whom Joe credits for helping him pursue his freedom
and education. Sean, who is associated with the writing program in juvenile hall, helped Joe with
getting lawyers when Joe’s parole was denied. Sean also helped Joe with his language and
speaking skills once he was released, similar to the help form his godparents:
Then Sean was another person that didn’t like me saying ‘axe’ and a lot of ‘likes’ – like,
like, like. So they kind of like drew me away from that, and I got around to saying ‘ask’ a
whole lot better after he said, you know, ‘Just think about askit, askit. Say askit in your
head and say ask.’ So it came together, you know, really easier than just trying to say
‘ask.’ – A whole lot easier. So every time I’m with my brothers or my sisters, I try to tell
them the same thing. ‘Just think askit.’
He also credits his ex-girlfriend’s family for staying in contact with him during incarceration and
their friendship that remains today.
Joe’s godparents played a significant role in mentoring him while incarcerated. They
became a part of his life when Joe wanted to be baptized while incarcerated. He heard that your
picture was taken for the baptism and wanted to send his picture to friends back home. At the
time, his godparents were volunteers at the juvenile facility who came from the Catholic Church.
They were introduced and became Joe’s godparents. When Joe was released at 19 years old, they
provided him a home and helped him finish his high school diploma and enroll in community
college. His godparents also worked with him on improving his communication and speaking
skills, teaching him “proper English” and not slang as he was used to speaking:
My language was really weak and I was all slang, improper grammar and what not. They
would try to tell me and I would try to tell them, ‘I don’t care. People understand what
I’m saying. I’m gonna get a job regardless.’ All of this crazy stuff and I really didn’t
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understand how important speaking English was or to certain people, your tone of voice
or how you carry yourself. Surely I started getting it. I had no communication skills. I’d
leave and I wouldn’t even tell you I’m leaving.
He said his godmother wanted his skills to be better so that when he would go out in public,
people would not judge or misunderstand him:
My godparents, well my godmother, you know, she’s really strict. She’s real strict, a
Republican, you know, so my grammar always mattered. ‘You don’t say it like that.
People are going to make fun of you. That’s inappropriate. You’re at an age where that’s
just unacceptable.’ – Really, really like on me, really tough about how I spoke, how I ate,
how I carried myself, so it kind of really pushed me. Even though I didn’t want to accept
it, you know, it really pushed me towards my communication, towards my appearance,
how I spoke – really always on me though.
Joe continues to maintain a relationship with his godparents today. He remarked, “All these
people was really supportive. And then slowly I just started flying on my own.”
Joe’s relationship with his parents and siblings remains distant due to their past
circumstances, but is slowly improving. He also still harbors some resentment for not being
supported during his incarceration:
I resented them when I was a kid and they don’t. Now that we’re grown they don’t. They
actually applaud that. I could tell that they do look up to me a little bit more because they
know exactly what we’ve been through… Now I don’t really feel it, but sometimes I
blame them for making me grow up too quick. It was my fault because I really didn’t care
about anyone but myself. I didn’t even really care about myself, but even then, just that
support system just to keep caring.
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He does now consider the challenges his parents faced as young parents. He wonders if they had
“the parenting skills necessary to raise me a little bit better,” but they made their mistakes just
like I’m making mine.”
He has taken the support from others and his opportunity to be free and in school as
motivation to do more:
But I do aspire to learn a whole lot more. I want to be – I’m shooting towards being too
smart for my own good. I have too much fun with it. It’s just – Not for other people but
now just for myself. It’s kind of funny to me…. Yeah. It’s kind of funny. I have my ex-
girlfriend’s parents who are always encouraging education, always on me on how smart
I’m getting and all these things that I’m learning and the progress because they’ve seen it
all. And I really take that. I really take it with me and then I reflect on how much I’ve
actually grown. I want more out of education.
He is doing well in classes at community college and said his reading skills have improved:
Right now I’m about an eight. I think I could improve a lot more. I think I just expect a
lot out of myself and I’m never really satisfied with the accomplishment so far. It’s been
a pretty good journey. It’s been really tough. It hasn’t been easy. Just I’ve really
dedicated myself to something that’s long term.
Joe has taken a strong interest in math in college and now spends his time reading math books
and someday hopes to write his own. He calls himself a nerd now and sees the importance of
education and literacy in way he did not before. He has maintained a 3.6 GPA for his community
college studies and will possibly be transferring after this year:
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I’ve been going to school for awhile. That’s my main drive now. Taking the physics and
a calculus this spring semester coming up, next month. So it’s just like to even think
about something bad is just kinda like shit, I don’t even have time for it.
He realizes that education is key to one’s stability. He described a conversation with his older
brother who is now struggling financially:
…he’s having a really hard time especially now that he sees a struggle with this or to find
a job when you don’t have something to show for it as far as an education. Education –
that’s where the money’s at. I always think that’s where the money’s at. If we’re so
hungry for money that’s where it’s at – an education.
When Joe reflects on the situations of his past he would trade it for a pathway of less
severe consequences:
I wish I could give it all up. I wish I could exchange it for something a little bit more
nerdy, something a little bit more – I guess it’s a good thing that I have street knowledge.
It has been a good thing but in reality I wish I could give it all up.
Despite the struggles of his past, Joe knows that with the help of others he can continue to do
well and contribute to a better cycle of life for himself and others:
I’ve met a lot of good people that are in that same stride. They’re getting a little bit ahead
of me and I can use their help. I’m not in it alone. They’re a lot of people that are trying
to do things. They’re out doing it. It just becomes a chain for who I end up working with.
This semester Joe is taking a Physics class at the University of Metropolis though the local
community college. He recently got a new job in construction and continues to look for
opportunities to use his engineering skills. He continues to make education a priority for his life:
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Well as a person I feel a whole lot better now that I’ve actually taken the time to try to
educate myself and to try to go to the higher educational process, to encourage me to
stride forward besides being unable to find a good job, knowing that that education is
going to pay off because I keep seeing people with a good education having a better
chance than I’m having. It’s definitely helping out a lot. It’s opened a lot of doors.
Life History: Ricardo
I still had my goals. Just like I have goals now. I had positive goals and I had negative
goals. And my goal was to become somebody successful in that world. I liked that world. That’s
the world I wanted to be in, not the world that was in West Metropolis. Because the world I
wanted, I wanted to be higher than my dad. Ricardo, 12/20/12.
Ricardo is a 24 year-old Latino male who currently resides in a large metropolitan city in
the southwest. He served three years of an eight-year sentence in juvenile facilities from ages 17-
20 for pleading guilty to assault with a firearm. He is currently going to community college,
working on community and film projects, and addressing his alcohol addiction.
Family
Ricardo is of Mexican descent. Both his parents are from Mexico and came to the United
States at a young age. His mother is from Sinaloa and is a U.S. citizen. Ricardo remembers going
to her citizenship ceremony when he was little. He recalled seeing his mother say the pledge of
allegiance and get sworn in. Ricardo’s father is from Guadalajara. Ricardo’s father’s first interest
was to be a priest as he came from a religious family. At the time, his father was going to school
to be a priest, he met Ricardo’s mother. His father then discontinued his efforts towards
priesthood. Ricardo’s mother, who did not finish elementary school, came from a family that was
involved in the drug cartels in Mexico. His father, on the other hand, knew nothing about the
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drug cartel business. However, soon enough, Ricardo’s maternal uncles involved him in the
illicit drug trade. According to Ricardo, his father, who had a limited educated and began
working at the age of 10, felt “humiliated” by his brothers-in-law and sought to be “better than
those guys” in the drug trade.
Over the years, Ricardo has maintained a close relationship with his father, who like his
mother, taught him about right and wrong, despite the father’s negative lifestyle. Ricardo
frequently observed his father offer his generosity to others, something he attributes to his
father’s religious upbringing and early aspirations of priesthood:
…but my dad has a good heart because when he was a kid, he wanted to a priest. So he
has always had a good heart. He just happened to get involved in the wrong world. But he
was very good in that world. And even though he carried a gun, even though he sold
drugs, even though he did things, he always gave back, always gave back. And I think
that’s why he’s still being blessed because even though he did do some bad, he always
consistently gave back and helped people. He helped a lotta people. My mother did, too.
Ricardo recalled also being introduced to drugs early on by his father and going with his dad to
the methamphetamine laboratories. In these situations, Ricardo’s father was always adamant
about Ricardo staying away from drugs and that had an impact on his thinking about drugs:
I remember one time, when my father used to cook crystal meth, and I remember one
time he showed me a whole bunch of it—it’s like a rock dice. He was like, ‘Look son’, he
was like ‘this is shit, if people want shit I’m going to give it to them because they are
giving me money. I don’t ever want you to touch this shit, don’t touch this shit, don’t
touch that, all of this is shit, you don’t ever want to do that.’ And so I didn’t. I grew up
with that mentality.
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Ricardo described his mother as a “character.” He said she was very intelligent and organized.
Ricardo said his mother planned for his future even when he was little and provided him with a
savings account. He said he will “always have love for his mother” because she was the woman
who “gave birth to a champion.” He said his mother created the leader that he is and has respect
for what she provided for him in life.
Throughout Ricardo’s childhood, his parents became deeply involved in the drug
business in the outskirts of the southwestern U.S. The family lived in different parts of
Metropolis County, in communities heavily populated by working class Mexicans and whites.
During his childhood, he spent time in Santa Fe and Juniper up until he was almost 11 years old.
Around this time, Ricardo’s parents separated. Ricardo recalled fights, infidelity, and domestic
abuse in his home. The drug activities also caused great tension in Ricardo’s home. He witnessed
his parents shoot at each other, do drugs together, and he said when both of them “were on that
level, it was like fire,” which eventually “became a disaster of two parents.”
The split caused Ricardo to choose between his parents. At this time he was the only
child at home. His oldest brother from his mom’s previous relationship was incarcerated for most
of Ricardo’s life. His brother’s troubles were also associated with the drug dealing business as
well as gang involvement:
My mother said, ‘Who are you going to live with?’ My father has always been there for
me. I have been in shootouts with my dad. They shot the office because of his lifestyle
where I almost got hit. I told her I was living with my father and she said fine, get your
things and get out of here.
When Ricardo’s parents separated, he went to live with his father in La Mesa and then the
western part of the city of Metropolis. His father’s girlfriend at the time, who was also from a
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family in the drug business, had two children of her own; she later became Ricardo’s stepmother.
Ricardo’s father and new wife eventually had three children together.
Ricardo thought his life would be different had his parents stayed together, but he felt
their love-hate relationship would have been too much for them to stay together. Despite their
family struggles, Ricardo described his parents as “smart, go-getters, and hard workers.” He said
their immigrant backgrounds contributed to their hard work ethic and drive in the U.S.
Around age 13, Ricardo said his father decided to change and quit the drug trade. At this
time, his father, stepmother, stepbrothers, and Ricardo were “active” in the drug business in the
western part of Metropolis. However, his father was also expecting another son and he wanted to
change his lifestyle:
He [Ricardo’s father] was like you know what? I’m getting in way, way, way, too deep
with this. Cause I remember going into the laboratories and stuff like that. He’s like, I’m
gonna have a new son and I’m gonna be here for him and for all my kids or else I’m just
gonna end up in prison for life. A lot of things started happening, guys were getting
killed, a lot of things.
His father ended up working in construction as a contractor and managed apartments.
Ricardo grew up without an extended family. Most of his relatives were scattered around
California and Mexico. He said he had an uncle close-by but because of tension in the family
(father’s side), they did not see each other often. He mostly relied on his friends’ families as his
extended family.
Community
The family’s move to Metropolis introduced Ricardo to new groups and he described that
time “culture shock.” He was used to being around a mostly Latino/a population but now he
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lived around other African Americans, Jewish people, whites, and individuals from India.
Ricardo said he would wonder, “Why do these guys dress the way they dress? Why do they dress
in those hats? Why is their hair like that? Why are they all dressed in black?” Ricardo described
his neighborhood as filled with shops and a few areas for the community to gather:
…there was a few plazas here and there. Not too long ago they started making that place
actually real nice. Opening up a few more plazas…there was a liquor store to my right
and a liquor store to my left. And then one around the corner and then body shops. And
there was like this little plaza with a market and donut shop…there was really nothing
much going on in that area.
The surrounding racial tensions between blacks and Latinos, and was also a “culture
shock” for him. Ricardo had never participated in racially-motivated activities in his
neighborhoods, but in Metropolis, he was confronted with a significant potential for violent
interactions between races. Ricardo noted that “when we grew up, that’s when shit just
changed.” He said, “People who hung around with people at school were now killing each
other.”
The relationship of the police with Ricardo’s neighborhood was difficult. While there
was a neighborhood watch program in place to support crime reporting, Ricardo remembered
that he was a topic of meetings for this program. Ricardo said one of his girlfriend’s at the time
had informed him about pictures of him being shown at the meeting; community members were
informed to watch out for Ricardo and possible affiliation with crimes and selling drugs. Ricardo
said that he did not “remember much about any programs” offered for the youth, but he also did
not “remember much about anybody telling like ‘Yo kid! Let me take you elsewhere!” He said,
“I didn’t have that somebody to take me there. I didn’t have somebody to take me to an art
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museum or to take me to a tryout for sports.” Ricardo’s father worked long hours and Ricardo
said “he didn’t have enough knowledge to know where these places were at.”
Ricardo was often stopped by the police for minor suspicions. He described the
progression of police interactions during his early adolescent days:
It came to a point after being in their station or like getting stopped for petty things. At
first it was petty things like possession of tobacco, then driving under the influence. Or
suspicious look or being with a suspicious group and after being stopped several times,
they start knowing where the different groups are… They would talk to us and get to see
our faces and be familiar us.
He described feeling bothered about having the police follow and stop him in his neighborhood.
He recalled them saying “Oh there goes Ricardo” because the police were so familiar with him.
Despite these frequent interactions, Ricardo indicated he “never had a big ‘fuck the cops’ type
stuff but they were always running up on us.”
Ricardo’s move to Metropolis with his father and his stepmother changed his lifestyle
and his behavior. Ricardo maintained that he never wanted to be involved in gangs. His sole
motivation was money, which is why he engaged in the behaviors he did throughout childhood.
Elementary School Years (Grades K-5)
Ricardo described his early elementary years (up to sixth grade) as an enjoyable time for
him. He only attended one elementary school. He repeated the first grade because his parents
were “too busy with their work” and that other activities they had going on were “more
important” than helping him with school:
…I missed a lot of days, or sometimes we would go out to a different city, and they’re
like, ‘Oh, well –.’ I was absent for like a week straight… Although, I flunked in my first
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grade because I was absent too many times, and the principal liked me so much she told
my dad, ‘I can either pass your son or flunk him because he’s been absent, but he needs
to learn.’ My dad was like, ‘Nah, it’s okay. Keep him another year. That way he can learn
what he has to learn.’
He said he was always well liked by his teachers and remembered a principal who took a special
liking to him. On a field trip one day with the class, the principal gave Ricardo a ride in his “real
nice Mercedes, like real nice…a real dope Mercedes.” He recalled the principal saying to him,
“Come on kid, you’re gonna go with me.” Ricardo said all the kids looked at him driving in the
car and he was happy that he was selected to ride with his principal. He thought he had great
connections with most of his teachers and enjoyed this time in school:
Elementary school, I had real good teachers. I’m very, very, very pleased with all my
teachers. I had real good teachers. In elementary, I believe I was a great student due to the
fact that my support with my teachers – Miss Robinson, Miss Hernandez. I remember one
of my teachers; he was at Bruin [UCLA graduate]. He was a Bruin. Mr. Rodriguez, I
think, was his name. He was a lot about sports. He loved baseball, softball, and he would
organize games, and he was dope because he was a leader, you know what I mean? He
wasn’t just like one of those teachers you can get over on. He was that teacher you can
look as a father figure, yet a big-brother type figure, yet a person you respect, you know?
Ricardo also remembered the close relationship between his parents and teachers during some of
those early years:
…a lot of my other teachers were very nice. They’d get in touch my parents. They’d be
good. They were all pretty good… Miss Robinson. She was like the realist. She was
dope… Yeah. Every day, my mom would bring food for all of my friends. Every day.
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And Miss Robinson was cool with it. I used to hook Miss Robinson up, too, like, ‘What
do you want?’ And she would tell me something, and I’d have my mother bring it, and it
was every day like that.
During elementary school, Ricardo was involved in school activities, such as class elections, and
ran for president of his school in fifth grade:
It was me and my friend, Jorge. Jorge was another kid who used to box. Yeah, he had a
good look, and me and him were best friends. I remember he beat me to the presidency
by a vote, and it was literally by a vote.
Ricardo indicated that he was always a good student despite the transitions and repeating a
grade:
I was always very good at my – my elementary years, I was an Honor Roll student. I was
a Student of the Month, Student of the Year, Principal’s Awards. I was that kid. I was
that role-model kid. I was that kid who like – athletic and as far as like school, I was on
top of all my grades. I always received good grades.
Middle School Years (Grades 6-8)
At thirteen, Ricardo started sixth grade and by this time the family had moved to the new
area in Metropolis. He lived with his father and would continue to see his mother at times while
she lived not too far away. She would eventually move to Mexico when Ricardo was 15 years
old. His mother did not return to the U.S. When he first began sixth grade, Ricardo remembered
that it was a difficult transition at first, with racial diversity being one major difference between
his old and new neighborhoods:
So sixth grade came and I remember I didn’t want to go, I even cried. I was like I don’t
wanna go. I was telling my dad. I moved from an old place and left my friends and I
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didn’t know anybody and I came over here and the population—there’s a lot of blacks,
there’s a lot of Spanish people, there’s a lot of Jewish. And it was a whole different world
for me cause where I came from there was really no black people.
At his school, the students were from various racial and cultural backgrounds, but also
were diverse by social class. Ricardo said, “It was just a whole mixture of people. All the kids
from the Hills area and the kids from mid west Metropolis were in the same place. It was high
class and low class and middle class in one place.” Despite the mix of racial and cultural youth,
at school, most of the students stayed within their own communities.
He eventually made new friends with all the students, mostly by playing basketball, a
sport he said he was always good at:
And like I said I’ve always been good at sports and I would to play basketball. When I
would play basketball there was only two Mexican kids on the court and the rest were
black. All the basketball courts filled were with black folks. I became good friends with a
lot of the cats who played basketball. Like the next day they would pick me up. Like at
first I was the last one to get picked and once they saw me play, it’s like, ‘Yo I got Jims! I
got Jims! Get over here!’
Ricardo remembered himself as the kid who would play on the courts, but then headed straight to
class when the bell rang. He said he was a “silent” kid and even shy at times.
However, Ricardo was often approached by other students from his neighborhood. He
said these kids were “already in gangs, were already drinking and smoking…in the lunch area
with some of the cutest girls.” These neighborhood acquaintances would tell Ricardo that if he
ever needed protection or wanted to hang out, to come join them. Ricardo said that although he
had grown up around gangs and drugs, he was not interested in those behaviors at the time.
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Several events in middle school changed Ricardo’s education course. Ricardo’s positive
behavior and engagement with school changed the summer following sixth grade. During that
summer, Ricardo said there was “beef,” or fighting, with his stepmom, so much that he did not
like coming home and deal with the tension:
I would sit out on the front stairs and see the guys across the street on the corner. And
sometimes they would wave me down, like get over here. And I would go back inside the
house and I wouldn’t go. So one day, I’m like ‘fuck it’ let’s go over there.
Getting introduced to the guys on his block changed everything for Ricardo. He had stayed away
from that environment because he had already known it from his mother and father and had no
interest in participating in gang activity. This particular summer, however, opened up a new
opportunity for him to get involved with other guys in his neighborhood:
And then seventh grade came along and during that vacation [summer after sixth grade] a
lot of things changed, it went from one thing to a whole different level. Like I said I’ve
always been good with sports. Boxing has always been something I’m good at. So when I
went to this negative world, fighting wasn’t a thing to me. Like I could fight somebody
and do very well—because I would do it in an educated way. But then when we put it to
the streets, people were like amazed by it, like oh shit, this kid can fight like I want him
to be from my neighborhood. I had black people and brown people telling me to get put
on my neighborhood. That’s when I realized a lot of things about myself as well because
a lot of kids do this, this whole gangbanging thing for protection or for fear, but I didn’t
need, you know? My father used to sell drugs, my mother used to sell drugs, my brother
was a gang member. I grew up around this and people didn’t know that but I had that in
me… And after that it was like things started to change because now, one, I liked that and
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two, I knew that I had a place to come if I didn’t want to go home. I knew that I could
come and I was good.
Ricardo also started tagging, smoking, and drinking with his new group of friends. Although his
dad warned him about hard drugs, such as methamphetamine, Ricardo said his father did not
lecture him about marijuana, which he began using and liking. Marijuana helped him “forget
about home, forget about my problems, forget about everything.” All the summer behaviors
contributed to a new way of interacting with his peers during the seventh grade. He said he began
to dress differently and now commanded more attention at school:
And now hanging out with the guys who were like known or real popular, it boosted
everything up. You know a lot people, like a lot of girls came back too, developed, their
body parts, and everything. So everything was like a change now. Now it’s like, now I
have people like going to get things for me or doing things for me. Or don’t worry about
that, I got that for you. Now a lot of people were being nice after hearing a few things
about Ricardo.
During that school year, Ricardo also began selling drugs to other students on campus and
around his neighborhood. Due to his ability to make friends across racial lines, he sold to both
Mexican and African American students from rival gangs. His new image also came with a new
sense of power among his peers:
…I remember I took a picture, when we were kids, and I counted and there was like so
many of us. All the girls were on our side, all the guys were on our side. And I’ve always
kept a cool relationship with the black folks. So my network was big at that time versus
the other Mexican group, they just had their Mexican group and that’s it. They didn’t
really have girls because the girls were with us and they didn’t really have guys because
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all the guys were with us, and they weren’t cool with the blacks because they were
beefing with the blacks…And this just happened to prove just how strong a person I was
that I could move these groups into doing this.
Not only did Ricardo change, but he said friendships between the youth who were friends
with both African Americans and Latino/as were now enemies because of gang involvement.
Students who used to play basketball together were now fighting and killing one another. While
these activities were going on, Ricardo said few individuals looked out for him at home and
school:
I think one. She was the one who told me, ‘You should sit in front of the class. Get away
from your friends,’ but nothing too deep… But middle school was – I don’t know. There
was good teachers, but they weren’t really the ones who would try to take you to the next
level. They were just so overwhelmed with the bad kids that they didn’t really – I really
never had a teacher who would sit there and be like, ‘You know what, Ricardo? I see this
potential in you. You’re a great athlete. You can play basketball. You should – take it to
the next level. We should keep your grades up, so we can do this.’ I never really had a
teacher that sat down and told me something like that. And I think just that alone
would’ve made a difference, you know what I mean?... or even had one of those that
would’ve grabbed me by my jacket and yanked me, like, ‘Get your ass over here!...
You’re too damn smart to be doing this shit. I don’t know why the fuck you’re doing this
or doing that.’ Maybe not with the cuss words and that but somebody who smacked me
up. That would’ve been even like, ‘Okay.’
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His father also made it easier for Ricardo to engage in behavior that did not help his education:
So then I picked up, like, ‘Okay, well, I can miss school today and tomorrow and
tomorrow, and then I can just write a letter and then sign it and turn it in, and it’s okay.’
So I started doing that.
Ricardo commented that his years in traditional schools could have been better with more
support from home, particularly from his father. He said his father and stepmother’s limited
education and knowledge of the school process and lack of involvement did not help his
situation.
Another significant event happened in the seventh grade to Ricardo — he organized a riot
on campus between the African American and Latino youth who were gang-involved. The
impetus for the riot came from a fight earlier in the day when Ricardo and another friend of his
were jumped on campus. He said they “won” the fight but the tension escalated when the boys
who came after Ricardo and his friend later approached them at lunchtime in front of other
friends:
Yea and I remember they were like, ‘So what do you guys wanna do?’ I’m like, ‘We can
do whatever you want.’ They’re like, ‘So let’s riot.’ And I’m like, ‘Let’s riot. Get your
people together right now, go get your people and we’ll get this shit together.’ And I
remember I told my boy and my boy was excited. And then I told everybody, ‘Like every
single one of you motherfuckers better get in there you know?’ And the girls I told them,
‘You know leave, or get out of here because this shit is not gonna be nice.’
Ricardo said his high status on campus allowed him to pull together different groups of students,
particularly his African American friends to fight the rival Mexican gang. Although Ricardo said
he was not “gang-related,” or tied to a specific gang, he was associated by his neighborhood. The
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school security and staff quickly found out about the riot and stopped the gathering of youth on
the school field. Ricardo said he was called into the office by the Assistant Principal, Mr. Kliff,
who he called “K-Dog.” Ricardo said Mr. Kliff was “amazed” at how Ricardo could rally such a
large group of youth for a fight. However, Mr. Kliff and the principal also informed Ricardo he
could no longer attend the school. Ricardo’s parents were not called to the school for this
meeting:
The main, main principal was there. He was like you know that these kids are scared
because of you? Cause some of the staff had kids who went to that the school. I guess one
of the principal’s, her son had spoken about me, Ricardo this, Ricardo that. And they
were like they had enough with you. And what you did today is more than enough to get
you out of here. Like you are leaving. You and your buddy Kevin are leaving. He was
like a lot of people are gonna leave, but we are starting with you. I took it as a joke, like
‘You’re fucking with me.’ No, I’m serious. And I have to do it. I have to get rid of you…
He’s like, ‘But you’re leaving. You’re not coming back after today. You’re done.’
Ricardo recalled that Mr. Kliff had always wanted him to do well in school and was the only
adult who looked out for Ricardo. Ricardo said that Mr. Kliff was frequently “bending the rules
he was not supposed to, but he wanted me to do good.” The assistant principal had one time
informed Ricardo of a raid that was to take place on campus, specifically in his classroom.
Ricardo was able to warn his friends and get rid of the items that could get them in trouble.
Ricardo said he had questioned Mr. Kliff’s sincerity and trustworthiness. In the end, the raid did
take place and Ricardo and his friends were stripped and searched by dogs and school police in
the cafeteria.
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Mr. Kliff assigned Ricardo to home studies, which took him out of the traditional
schooling environment:
Then he’s like, ‘What about home studies?’ I didn’t know what home studies was. ‘Well
you’re basically be doing your homework but you’ll be doing it out of home. You just
have to report every week. And take your homework.’ And I was like, ‘So wait, I don’t
go to school? My school is at home? And I do my so homework and I turn it in?’ And
he’s like, ‘Yea.’ And I was like, ‘Yea! Let’s do it!’ So I started doing home studies,
called Windsor.
Before he was expelled from school, Ricardo described his math talents and how this subject
came easy to him:
Math was something that I would do, though. I remember right before I got kicked out [of
middle school], my math was just boosting. I remember we were learning algebra or pre-
algebra, and I was so fascinated by it… And I was the type of kid that I would look at the
numbers, and I wouldn’t even think about the problem. Just like the numbers would come
to me, and I would just write it down, and I was very fast at making the math. But then I
got kicked out, and I even remember that I was so fascinated that I wouldn’t even sit in
the group or class with my friends. I would sit in front because I was just so hungry to
learn about it.
Although Ricardo felt he was strong in math, work in his other classes was not done on his own:
I always had people helping me with my work. Girls would always help me with my
work – since elementary. I had girlfriends who would help me with math or even writing.
I would tell them what I wanna write, and they would write it for me just how it’s
supposed to be written, and then I would just copy it down and write it.
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Home studies did not work out well for Ricardo. He said he would “turn in a few pieces
of paper, go to the beach, and chill.” He said when he stopped turning in work and going to
classes, the school would call his home. Because his father was away at work, Ricardo could
delete messages. He said he “needed a teacher” and that “it [home studies] didn’t make sense to
me.” The work did not “make sense” and he would just “put it away.” He also struggled to
organize his time on his own and eventually gave up on the program.
Ricardo’s placement in home studies also coincided with his stepmother moving to
Mexico with his younger siblings (due to conflict with Ricardo’s father) and his father working
long hours in construction. Ricardo said he was left alone at the house most of the day and he
converted his garage into a room for not just himself, but for other friends who would spend time
with him. There he and his friends smoked marijuana and played video games. These friends
also had “problems at home or they just didn’t want to go to school” and “needed a place to go.”
During this time, Ricardo continued to sell drugs, taught his friends how to fight (box), and dress
with more expensive attire. The money Ricardo earned went towards buying clothes, marijuana,
alcohol, and also helping his friends out with the same items.
High School Years (Grades 9-12)
Ricardo said he had a significant influence on his friends and when he was 15 he began
hanging out with older friends, many in their twenties, over the next two years. He drove and
went to clubs in downtown Metropolis. One night, Ricardo said a “beef” with another local
neighborhood gang escalated and several guys came to his home late at night, wanting to speak
with Ricardo. The guys refused to leave his home and Ricardo ended up shooting and wounding
one of the guys in the leg. The local police responded to the shooting, with a helicopter flying
over the scene, and the police questioned Ricardo’s father and stepmother who were home at the
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time with his younger siblings. No arrests were made that night. The next morning, Ricardo’s
father ordered him to pack his bags and he was sent to Mexico to live with his mother.
At the age of 16, Ricardo lived in Mexico with his mother for over a year, during which
time he did not attend school. His mother welcomed taking care of her son in Mexico. Ricardo
said that when it came to his well being, his parents did not argue about their responsibilities they
had to care for their son. Now in Mexico, Ricardo recalled that the drug and cartel lifestyle was
even more powerful than the involvement he had in his LA neighborhood.
I went out there thinking that I was gonna get away, one from the lifestyle and two from
getting caught up. But I happened to run into like a bigger level than the streets out here
in LA. Because out there cocaine and alcohol and the drug business and the kids, they
don’t dress like gang members. They dress nice. They dress in Armani, they dress in
Versace, they dress in nice dressy shoes. They comb their hair. The lifestyle is different
out there. If you smoke weed you’re a bum. You either sniff blow and you’re doing
things or you’re not… I remember kids in my neighborhood look up to be gang members
or something, out there [Mexico] the kids look up to be drug lords. Like that’s their goal,
‘I want to be a drug lord.’
Ricardo quickly became acclimated to the drug business as his mother’s family already had a
history of being associated:
Now it’s with older guys who are really in the business, now it’s a different story, now
it’s guys who are old enough to be my dad and carry weapons and kill people for a living.
I remember I was invited to parties with people who were from the ORG, which is like
the FBI. There were cops, there was lawyers, there was drug lords in the same party. I
was invited to things like that.
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Ricardo said he began to have more interactions with the drug cartels, which encouraged him to
become a more powerful drug dealer than his father had been:
To me it was regular. To me it was. I still had my goals. Just like I have goals now. I had
positive goals and I had negative goals. And my goal was to become somebody
successful in that world. I liked that world. That’s the world I wanted to be in, not the
world that was in Metropolis. Because the world I wanted, I wanted to be higher than my
dad. I grew up seeing my dad getting respect all over the place. People would respect him
wherever we would go. I have pictures with like famous Mexican artists. He would close
down clubs. He would do things like that. That was my world. But I wanted to be higher
than what he was doing. So I was in the right place. And to me, I didn’t have a sense of
ego till I started finding out the respect that everyone was giving me. And I just thought
they did it because they were my friends or what not. But there was just a certain level,
things just started to change for me.
While in Mexico, Ricardo continued to be exposed to weapons and began carrying his
own. He said for the “first time I carried a gun with a silencer.” He had access to money and
women, as well as expensive clothes and drugs, such as cocaine. Ricardo’s first experience with
cocaine was when he was 16 years old. He was offered the drug at his grandmother’s birthday
party and the drug “boosted his ego big time.” His popularity began to grow around the city and
his influence spread to others, both youth and adults. Ricardo stated, “When my friends and other
people started finding out, my popularity grew, I used to spend so much money I used to get
everybody high, drunk.” His parents knew about his involvement and said they were proud of
him. His mother warned him to be careful but Ricardo said, “She was ok with that. She knew I
did coke, my father [knew], everybody knew.”
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As Ricardo continued to move up the ranks of those involved in the drug cartels, he and
another friend of his were selected to become a part of an even greater organization in Mexico by
one of the main businessmen. One of the businessmen told him:
‘Look man I’m gonna make you official… I want you and Poncho. You’re the only guys
I want running with me out of the youngsters.’ When you start working in that
business…you start carrying those man-bags or whatever...if you carry one of these you
are working for somebody, you carry a radio like the ones that the cops have you carry a
gun, clips, and you carry cash…you’re either shooting people or going on runs, like a
delivery boy, pick up boy…that’s where you start at… They wanted me to strictly kill
people.
Ricardo said he wanted that lifestyle and opportunity to work in a top position with the cartels,
which also entailed smuggling drugs into the U.S. However, Ricardo first needed to return to the
U.S. to take care of a ticket for driving under the influence (DUI). This ticket had turned into a
warrant for his arrest and he needed to make sure he could help the drug business in Mexico
without any problems:
I needed to get back to Metropolis, I need to fix that DUI and I need to get back over
here, make that trip and make things happen.
Ricardo left Mexico back to the U.S. at age 17 and immediately went to court. He was ordered to
return in three months. At this point it was nearly two years since Ricardo left the U.S.
…And this time I came back different to Metropolis. Cause remember I haven’t been
back… I was a whole different kid. My friends, like everybody was like, ‘fuck you
changed,’ my demeanor was, like I was telling other guys what to do.
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Once settled, Ricardo said that he quickly returned to his old lifestyle but now he’s just “more
grown and more experienced.” He went back to selling drugs and began selling bootleg DVDs,
using cocaine, and partying and engaging with multiple women. He lived in the downtown area
and drank heavily with friends, all the while promoting a newer and stronger image for himself.
He also focused on hard alcohol and said “I would look like a fool if I was holding a beer.”
Up to this point he was disengaged from education and had never been in trouble with the
law other than his DUI ticket. After an evening of drinking, he visited a Mexican seafood
restaurant, was easily served more alcohol, and continued drinking with (and buying for) other
patrons. When the waitress said she would no longer serve him drinks because he was
intoxicated, Ricardo said he became angry and told the waitress he had money, even showing her
the bills. He then proceeded to smoke a cigarette and blew smoke in a worker’s face. He also
went to the bar and took bottles of alcohol from behind the counter and passed them out in the
restaurant. At that point he was hit from behind by several men and forced to leave the
restaurant. Ricardo said he then went across the street and obtained a gun from his friend’s shop
and returned to the restaurant:
I know what I was gonna do. I know what I wanted to do. I knew what I was doing and
that I was not in my right mind… I saw people with their spoons in their mouths on
pause, people running, people ducking, everyone was going crazy… I pulled the trigger
and when I pulled the trigger, nothing happened. And I click it again and nothing
happened… I couldn’t get it to pop!
Although he tried to get rid of the gun the cops arrived, found the gun and arrested Ricardo. He
was charged with assault with a firearm. Ricardo said he “took a deal” by pleading guilty. He
was sentenced to eight years:
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I got sentenced. First, I had to take the deal and sign a paper saying yes, I’m being
charged with assault with a firearm, not attempted murder but charged with assault with a
firearm, yes I’m pleading guilty, yes I did it, yes it was my gun.
The day of sentencing was difficult for Ricardo’s family and he recalled their emotions (and his
own) at the courthouse:
I get sentenced. I had never heard my dad cry before, my stepmom was in the back going
hysterical in the back…my little brothers were in the hallway…as soon as he sentenced
me, the sheriff grabs me, takes me out, and when I walk out my little brothers jump up,
you know thinking I’m gonna get out…. I didn’t cry the whole like time until that day. I
just had the heaviest drop come out, just come out. They were heavy drops because I felt
them. They were just hot and very, very, heavy.
Ricardo was then sentenced to a youth authority facility because he was turning 18 years old and
considered a “threat” to the younger juvenile population. He was now perceived as a “high risk
offender” and taken to the “box for a while” (also known as isolation).
Although this was an emotional event for Ricardo and his family, when he left the
courtroom, he said, “My tears dried up.” He knew he would have to “make the best” of his
situation. He remembered being allowed to make a phone call to his father and said, “I’m not
lying to you, this guy was crying like a kid…he was like I’ve never been this detached from
you…I can’t do that.” After an attempt to call a former girlfriend, who hung up on him after
hearing his sentence, Ricardo realized that he was on his own:
I was just like I was sad, but at the same time I laughed… How it happened. It was crazy
for me at that time… This is me, this is me now… Even my father can’t do anything
about it, this is me, this is all me. I’m gonna go in there and I’m gonna fight my own
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battles. My father who has always been there for me is like at his lowest, I have him on
the other line crying over there. Nobody is going to do nothing for me. I gotta go through
my journey on my own.
Ricardo described quickly acclimating to his first facility in Loma. He learned to develop
relationships with the staff and they would give Ricardo items such as coffee, alcohol, and
cigarettes. The staff would receive money in turn for providing items to not just Ricardo, but
other inmates. His relationship with the staff was positive and no one said anything about the
disobeying of rules for inmates and staff. Ricardo said his position of power was such that “I was
with one of the main guys, he was running all the blacks, I was running all the Mexicans.”
When Ricardo was asked to reflect on this behavior, he described it as part of a survival
method:
I just saw it as we are human…we protect ourselves. I think I did that to protect myself,
do my time… I think I was driven there because of my character… I don’t think it was
good but sometimes living in a world, it’s a way of surviving, because it’s either I step or
get stepped on…obviously it’s not good, but I just see it that no matter what I always did
good things.
In addition to his participation in illegal behaviors in the juvenile facility, Ricardo also helped
staff keep the facility in order and relations with inmates and staff peaceful. He was often asked
to talk individually with inmates about the trouble happening among the races or with staff.
When Ricardo turned 18 years old, he was sent to another facility called Fremont. He had
already received his sentence at this time and this facility was a reception center to get details
about his past to inform his housing situation at the youth authority prison. There he immediately
felt a difference in the environment. He recalled that the inmates were also different and looked
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“older” and “buffer.” He said his “first instinct was, ‘how can I get out of here?’” He knew that
he could not leave the place but had to figure out how to survive:
I made up my mind right then right there that I was going to fix myself, I was gonna look
at what my problems are and fix them… I was not scared of who I was gonna run into.
He decided to change his outlook because he did not want to make the next several years
miserable for himself:
I think that looking at the fact that I was gonna be there three years… I decided to make
them the very best to grow…my parents always taught me morals, they always taught me
things, so I always had that in me. I always knew that whatever I was doing was wrong,
but I always wanted to do that anyways. Even when I was doing wrong, I was doing good
things... I used to help people out. I used to buy people groceries… I was always doing
good things even when I was going bad things because I learned that from my father. At
Christmastime he would always buys gifts for the kids in the neighborhood, pizza,
gifts…but it was all drug money.
After Fremont, Ricardo was sent to the youth authority prison in southern California
called Gage. He wanted to stay focused but became involved in drugs and making his own
alcohol, which got him in trouble with the staff. He felt Gage was the “worst place to go”
because “it’s about color [race] there.” Ricardo said this was problematic for him because he
“grew up with blacks” and “didn’t want to deal with that” conflict with the inmates across racial
lines. Ricardo felt the jumpsuits and prison-like environment was extreme at Gage. He said, “The
vibe was negative. You could hear the cells just racking, they don’t open they rack.”
While at Gage, Ricardo saw other youth he knew from his neighborhood and early school
days in Metropolis. After being processed at Gage, he requested a transfer to firefighter camp to
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get away from the negative environment. Ricardo remembered telling himself, “I’m not gonna
spend my next two, three years in here. Prison, jail, it’s all negative. But that was very negative
right there. It was negative. People were calling people niggers. It was just racist. I’m like I don’t
like this at all.”
Ricardo welcomed the opportunity to leave Gage and go to the firefighter camp. He had
advocated for himself to leave the negative environment in Gage and go to the camp. He wanted
his education and wanted to work. The firefighter camp presented him with an opportunity to
live a different lifestyle, earn money, and get into physical activities:
They gave us some boots and jeans. I loved it…got paid a dollar a day, you had the
choice to stay or escape… I was so in love with it because I loved sports… I started from
the bottom and right away I got to the top… I led my crew into a lot of successful
fires…but then again here comes the need to have things.
He continued his habit of drug (marijuana) and alcohol use. Because the inmates were in an open
space, Ricardo and other inmates used that to their advantage to get items they wanted from
friends on the outside. They would make contact with friends to leave them prohibited items,
such as hard liquor, cigarettes, and cell phones, on the side of the road to pick up on a stop.
While at the firefighter detention camp, Ricardo became involved in teaching sports, such
as boxing to the inmates, as an “underground” or hidden activity from the staff. He did not want
the staff to know that “I was teaching them how to fight, so I made it seem like I was teaching
them how to work out.” However, the workout program he began with the inmates gradually
provided inmates—across racial lines—with an opportunity for physical activity:
And it started with two guys. Then it developed to seven guys. Then I had other guys
from other races and it was mixture tell me like, ‘Yo, Ricardo, man, what’s you. Man,
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when can I check in with you and work out?’ And I’d be like, ‘I’m working with seven
guys right now. I’ll let you know as soon I get the chance. It developed to me getting a
check from the state for $450.00. I bought equipment…punching bags. I got jump ropes,
I got soccer balls, basketballs. I got handballs. So not only did I satisfy my group, but I
satisfied everybody in the facility.
He took the opportunity to share advice and encouragement with the other inmates about how to
respect the new equipment. He recalled feeling proud of his efforts to bring recreational
resources to the camp and of having earned the staff’s respect:
So here I am talking to like, I don’t know, 150-200 inmates telling ‘em, ‘This is how
we’re gonna run this program. This is how we’ll take out these things. This is – you guys
wanted basketballs, soccer balls, handballs. This is for all of you guys.’ Anyhow, so that
happened and I was successful with that. I had the staff recognize that, and they thought
that it was good because I was keeping people in line and it was good. It was a leader
type of example and it developed. And to be respected by inmates like that was pretty
powerful. It was a good feeling… Yeah, across race – white, black, brown. And for every
single race to respect me the way they respected me, I think that was just incredible, you
know? And they respected me in all ways. They respected me as a man. They respect me
as a teacher. They respect me as a leader. They respect me as an inmate, so it was good.
Early School and Home Literacy (0-14 years)
Ricardo’s earliest memories of literacy at home are of his mother’s handwriting. He said
despite his mother’s lack of formal education, she learned English and how to write from
working in offices with his father:
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And she would be writing checks or whatever, doing a lot of paperwork, and I can always
recall her signature. It was just like her penmanship was very beautiful… That’s what I
always called it, and so I was always was impressed with my mother’s writing. So I
remember at an early age I started to practice on my handwriting…. Little kids wouldn’t
have signatures back then. They would just write, or they’d write their name, and I was
already practicing my signature. And when I would turn in my work, I would turn it in
with a signature, so I think I picked that up through my mother in my early stages.
Ricardo said he was put in “ESL from time to time.” He remembered filling out school forms
and indicating Spanish as his first language. He said he learned Spanish first but also learned
English early on before entering school. Ricardo “was never in the classes” with the students
who were solely Spanish speakers.
At an early age, Ricardo liked to write. He was particularly interested in writing stories,
but was not into “fake stories.” He also enjoyed reading the newspaper:
When they used to give us assignments, I already had one or two stories in my head that I
was gonna write about, and that’s how it is to this day… But what I really was interested
in was L.A. Times. I used to get the L.A. Times when I was a kid, and see, the thing was
that I used to find that fascinating, like how adults would, in the morning, read a
newspaper, have coffee, and then go about their day or whatever. I was always fascinated
by that at a early age.
His ability to be creative with writing also helped him for the class speech he gave to his
schoolmates:
But I remember having to write a speech and remember saying why I would be a good
president at our school and why I would develop these programs, and we would have fun,
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and why would – you know, things like that, right? And I remember having to write that
and put that together… So I think that was at a different level because being in
elementary, and you having to put together something that you’re reading out to your
whole school and in front of parents, that was huge. I remember I showed up in a tie and
everything. Here I am, a little kid in front of the microphone in front of a lot of people,
greeting everybody, and selling my product, and it very well. So that was a part of my life
where I had to put something together and then be eloquent with my way of speaking or
you know.
Ricardo recalled the types of books he was exposed to in elementary school and that they were
not of his interest, mostly because they were fiction. He continued to write his own stories as a
result of his lack of connection to these school materials:
They used to have us check out books at school, and we had to do book reports, and I
didn’t like to read what they would give us cause it was just like – I don’t know – it was
like fantasies and monster and fake things that I knew were fake, and it was things that
other kids were enjoying, but I didn’t enjoy it. I used to skim through the books and make
up my own book report, and I used to get a good grade because they probably didn’t
know what the book was about, and I used to just kinda read a little bit, make up a story,
and write about the book.
With his writing, Ricardo felt that although he came to school with a writing interest, his teachers
never took the opportunity to draw out these skills in the classroom:
Some of ‘em really didn’t like – a lot of teachers weren’t curious. Like, I’m very curious
about people. I’m quick to seek somebody’s talent… Yeah, I’m always interested in
seeking somebody’s talent. I’m always picking at people, try to see what they’re about,
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and helping them discover that. I’ve always been like that. But anyhow, yeah, they never
really were curious about the kids, like who are we. We might have a winner in the class,
and they never really checked that out.
Ricardo does not recall specifically how teachers taught him to read, but remembered the
popcorn strategy being used in his class. Ricardo remembered that part of the problem with
books was that they were old, “smelled,” and did not interest him. This was particularly
problematic for him in the middle grades, but not so much in the elementary school years
because those books were “fun” and had “pictures”:
In school, I didn’t really like to read. I think probably because I was offered the wrong
books. I don’t know. They always seemed like old books. Why do I wanna read books
this big, and they look yellow and old, like the pages been just sitting there for years?
In the middle school years, he did recall spending some time in the school library. He said he
enjoyed time alone and would browse the library for books of interest to him:
My friend hits me up – da, da, da, and I was like, ‘Well, come by if you want to’…but I
really wanted to be by myself… I remember I would be in the library. I’d get lost from
people cause people would never detach from me when I was in middle school. They
were always trying to be with me – and always – yeah – always a big crowd, and that
used to bug me. And so I remember it was one of those days when I was at the library by
myself, finally. You would only see the people who were like the smart girls who really
didn’t hang around with all their friends. And when I was walking, they were just like,
‘What is he doing here?’ type thing or like – you know? And I remember I was going
through some books, and I ran into a book that was just like the encyclopedia of the
mafias, and so I looked at that book, and it just caught my attention. I remember really
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reading through it, really going to my house, and I took it home, and I was studying it.
And I was reading about all these people, like the whole Gambino and Bambino families
in New York and all the Chicago Italian families. It was just mainly Italian families
because back then that’s what it was. Now, it’s the cartels and stuff like that. But I
remember reading that, although it wasn’t very positive, but it caught my attention, I
guess, because of the life that I was living at that time.
From his time of elementary to middle school (up to seventh grade), Ricardo did not remember
writing an essay or any school paper.
Education in the Juvenile Justice System (17-20 years old)
Ricardo could not describe a positive educational experience in the juvenile system,
particularly at the detention centers that are short term and where students wait to get transferred
to long-term facilities:
First the education in juvenile hall sucked. There was no education. The only best
education I had was Writers Forever. You take ‘classes’ but you are literally taking
elementary schoolwork, addition, subtraction, multiplication. I’m like really? How is this
really going to help me? Is this just to keep me busy for right now? So the education
sucked.
The only center that Ricardo described as having the potential for some education delivery was
at Gage. He said, “The school there had a slot of potential, there were different classes, thing was
they couldn’t take advantage of it because the race problem was so big.” He said classes such as
economics and money management were offered because it was a prison:
So every morning I would go happy to class because I wanted education, but at the same
time, I was like oh man I hope something doesn’t happen.
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Literacy in the Juvenile System
When Ricardo entered the juvenile system, he said his literacy skills were about a sixth
grade level:
And when I was locked up, one, I had all the time in the world to myself, so I wanted to
read something, but I just didn’t wanna read anything. I’m like, ‘I might as well read
something’…my mind is hungry, and it’s asking me for something. I don’t know what it
is, but it’s asking for – not this stuff. It’s not asking me for Harry Potter. It’s not asking
me for The Twilight Zone, or none of this bull stuff that all these guys are reading.
Loma Detention Center.
During his time at Loma Detention Center, Ricardo became involved in a writing
program through information about it from another juvenile inmate. In this program, he was able
to work on creative writing skills, particularly pieces that allowed him to express his life:
So he told me, he’s like, ‘Hey, I go to this writing program. It’s on the weekends. It’s
called WFP, the Writers Forever Program. And I’m like, ‘And where do you go?’ He’s
like, ‘It’s right here, but it’s in the offices.’ I always wondered why we had the day room
right here, and then in the back offices, they would go, and I always wondered why. Half
of these kids wanna be in the day room, watch movies and just mess around and play
dominos or cards, but these kids go into the class like that. Well, why not?... And so we
went. We had a table that sat like this… Jane – so she’s this older woman, white hair,
older. Like a New York, East Coast accent, and I just – when I met her, I’m like, ‘This
woman, who the fuck is this woman? She is nuts.’ She walks in there with some cowboy
boots, old cowboy boots and jeans, a shirt that had nothing to do with the outfit, and a
crazy hat, and her hair. And she’s like, ‘Hey, darling, how you doing?’ She hugs me and
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everything. And I’m like – she brought in cupcakes and cookies and everything. I’m like,
‘Oh, there were go. That’s what I’m talking about.’
Ricardo was made to feel at ease with the program and also felt the staff person had a parent or
mother-like affect that made it comfortable to be there and write his story:
I was like, ‘This woman is crazy.’ Whatever. But she was very nice. When she hugged
me, I don’t know, I felt a different something, like a mother – I don’t know. And then I
remember she gave us a topic to write about something. And I told her, ‘Well, can I write
it however I wanna write?’ Because I think there was lines where I wanted to say a bad
word or whatnot, and I didn’t know if I’d get in trouble… And I remember the first time I
wrote something, I wrote of my crime, and I wrote everything exactly the way it
happened. I think I told you this. I wrote everything the way it happened. Everything was
just so vivid in my mind. I didn’t wanna have it in my mind anymore, so I wrote it on
paper. And I thought that – I don’t know. Something was telling me just write it on
paper… And I went into it. I went into the whole story, in detail.
He described his first experience sharing his story with the group of inmates and teacher and the
impact it had on him:
I wrote it, and we all got to share at the end. And I think it was so, so, so amazing
because, one, you wanna share what you write, and, two, we all connected like everybody
connected. Everybody’s story connected in that circle. And at the end, people clapped. So
to me, that was like dope… And I went to the writing room, and I loved it because I
always loved to write, and my reading was still minimal, and our education at juvenile
halls was horrible.
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Ricardo remembered that his story became a long writing process. He took his writing back to
his cell and shared it with his roommate:
And so when I finished, I thought that I had to share it. And the only person to share it
with was my cellmate. So like, ‘Yo, Cisco – Psycho, you wanna hear my story I wrote?’
He’s like, ‘Yeah, man. I’ve been seeing you writing a lot. I was wondering what you
were writing about’… Yeah, he was wanting more. And when I finished and I had
finished the way I finished and he has his mouth open and he’s looking at me. He’s like,
‘And then what happened next?’ I’m like, ‘Well, I’m right here reading the story to you.’
He was like, ‘Oh, man. That was like a movie right there. I was in it, man. I was just
everything.’ And I don’t know if it was because I had it so vivid in my mind, or I wrote it
the way I wrote it or what it was, but he was very, ‘Wow.’ His mind was just blown
away.
Ricardo said the program influenced him in several ways. The program provided the opportunity
for other forms of expression and for the inmates to consider issues such as self-perception:
I loved it. I fell in love with it. I went back that same day and I wrote something else, and
I came back the next week and we did it. She gave us an assignment to draw. And you
know what’s so crazy now? She was like, ‘I want you to draw yourself.’ She brought in
little mirrors. She was like, ‘Look at yourself.’ I think that was another time, but she told
me, ‘Draw yourself how you think people see you.’ So I did it, and I looked at it. And
then we all had different images. I don’t know why, but to me, I felt like I drew it the way
I drew it, and then when I look eat it, it looked like a vampire… I was like my eyes were
dark and my whole hair was combined back, my whole look, and I just drew it how I
thought I saw myself, and that’s how I looked. And when I looked, I was like, ‘Whoa.’
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And I think that alone was big, and she would tell us to write about how do you think you
look. How do you feel about yourself personally, and whatever.
Fremont.
After a small stay at Loma, Ricardo moved to the Fremont facility. At Fremont, Ricardo
had access to minimal literacy resources overall, but his interaction with a staff member provided
the opportunity to obtain two of his interest:
I went to Fremont, first, and then I ran into this woman who was like – they were at the
church, involved in church, and we started talking. She started telling me about her son,
and I started telling her about books cause we had no material, like no good material… I
was like, ‘This is whack. I don’t wanna read this shit. This is whack. I don’t like none of
this,’ and she asked me, ‘What kind of books do you like to read?’ I’m like, ‘I wanna
read books that teach me things that help me become a better person’ and I was really
trying to say self-help books and books like that.
The staff person eventually let Ricardo have two books, one about the NAVY Seals Team 6.
Ricardo said this book taught him about business techniques and being “well-spoken.” He said it
was one of the first books he read and he “loved it.” He also remembered taking notes in the
book (because they were his) and “underlining things, which is normally what people do.”
Gage.
Once at Gage, access to education was difficult due to the frequent fighting and racial
tensions that disrupted the classes. However, at Gage, Ricardo eventually developed his talent of
writing, which eventually took on songwriting:
And I remember one day I was in my cell in Gage, and literally, right there, you’re like
22 hours inside your cell, and I was 22 hours in cell. I needed to do something, you know.
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And I remember one of the staff gave me a small piece of newspaper, and I studied it, and
I was just like – I don’t know why – I was looking at the words, and I was looking at each
and every single word. Did I know the meaning of that word? What was it? And I was
just looking at that, and I was reading about this woman – it was so long ago. I don’t
really remember, and she was a designer for clothing… I researched her a bit. Then I
started writing… So then, I started writing music more, more and more seriously. The
first time I really wrote a song was in 2006. I was in a lockdown unit, as well, and I wrote
a song, and it was a song that talked about my godfather’s murder, and I wrote it. And
when I finished it, I tried to sing the song, and everything came together like a real song,
and I was like, ‘Wow, how did I do that?’ You know what I mean?
He attributed the ability to write songs to the spirit of former inmates who had spent time in that
particular cell:
And it’s funny because there was tagging all over the walls, you know? And I remember
some kid put, ‘I wish to be an R&B singer one day.’ I was in juvenile, and he wrote that,
and that’s where I finished that song. And I believe that maybe that cell had a certain
spirit in there, had a certain vibe in there, you know?
Ricardo discussed how his writing impacted other inmates and he would sing his songs to them,
which was heard throughout the hallways:
And while I was doing that, in the middle of all of that, I got a sense of guilt and I was
like, damn I created all of this. I created this song. I’m singing this music. I’m creating
this atmosphere right now. I’m not lying to you. The whole cellblock was just going
nuts…
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At this time, he felt he had discovered the power of words and wanted to continue writing and
reading. As his writing awareness is developing, Ricardo said he still had little access to books
and if he did, they were of poor quality:
…when I was in Gage, and I wanted reading material, and I didn’t have reading material.
One of my friends, he’s like, ‘Hey, this is a cool book. It’s a cool story.’ He let me
borrow the book, and he sent it to me, and it was in three pieces, like one stack, two
stack, and three stack. It was a stupid book…I didn’t read it.
However, Ricardo said he received a special surprise when one day he received a book called
Gifted Hands by Ben Carson from an anonymous person. The letter said, “Hey Ricardo. Hope
you find yourself in good health and hands” and “God bless you. This is a gift from God”:
And I was like, ‘What the hell? Who? Why?’ So I got that book. I was like, ‘Gifted
Hands, huh?’ It was a new book, too. It was brand new. I said, ‘Okay, good.’ So I read it,
and I’ll never forget that book because that’s the book that started my reading, my whole
thing with reading.
Camp.
When Ricardo was moved to a juvenile firefighter camp, he was able to ask “his people”
to send him books to read. At this time, he felt he had discovered the power of words and wanted
to continue writing and reading:
And so when I went to camp, I already had the knowledge of all of that. I had the
knowledge of where I can go with that. I had the knowledge of I can write music. I can
write stories. I can do that.
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The juvenile camp lacked books Ricardo was interested in, so he relied on his other friends to
share books. One of his friend’s father was a real estate agent, so Ricardo would borrow books
the father sent to camp for his son and also engage with other reading material:
…he would send him books that would talk about business, and that was my type of
books that I liked. So he started letting me read his books, and I would always ask him
about – I would like to read dictionaries, personally. I got a dictionary that I still read
cause I wanted to know new words. I didn’t wanna be basic and talk like everybody else.
Even though the camp had a library, Ricardo stated that it held old books, just like his previous
detention facilities, so he relied on friends’ books. He also found some books there to be
negative, such as “how to seduce women and people period” and he said he did not care for that
information. Overall, Ricardo describes his experience in juvenile hall as lacking programmatic
components to develop his skills:
No, there was really no programs that helped me develop my skill with art, develop my
skill with writing, develop my skill...there was really no workshops, no nothing that
helped me advance in that. Everything that I’ve learned, I’ve learned on my own.
Post Incarceration to the Present
When Ricardo’s time came to return to the parole board for a release, he instead asked to
stay longer at the camp due to his education studies. He wanted to finish his high school diploma
at the camp. His request was granted and Ricardo was ordered to come back in three months.
The other inmates were surprised at his request, but when Ricardo returned to the parole board,
his release was approved:
When I went back, all the inmates were like, ‘Yo, you going home? Are you getting
released?’ And I was like, ‘No, I asked ‘em for two more months.’… Everybody thought
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that was crazy, like, ‘What? Are you nuts? Why are you gonna ask for two months?
Don’t you wanna go home?’ But then my reaction was like, ‘I did three years in here.
Two months is not gonna do a thing to me. Plus, it’s for a good cause. It’s a good reason.’
And so, yeah, that happened… Sure enough, two months later, I get my diploma,
confirmed, my third month, I go up to board… The last reaction I got from one of the
board members was like, ‘I approve his release.’ She asked the next board member,
‘Does anybody here have anything to say?’ And the next board member was like, ‘I
approve his release.’
Once released, Ricardo remembered how he felt seeing the city buildings and taking in the
realization that he was going home:
And so I remember we were coming, and I remember when I saw the Metropolis towers,
I was like, ‘Oh, shit, we’re home. I haven’t been here in a while.’ And I remember going,
and I remember the sun was beaming on the towers and it was like the towers were
bright. And I think it was the brightest I’ve ever seen ‘em. It was like, ‘Wow, I’m back
home.’ It was a good, good feeling to be back home.
Ricardo was released from camp, given ten dollars and a Greyhound ticket to the
Metropolis station. There his parole officer picked him up and took him to a sober living home
with adult men who were working on their addictions. Ricardo could not live with his parents
because at that time they lived too close to his crime scene. He spent one year at the sober living
home and was then sent to another group home with adolescents. Now that he was free, Ricardo
made the effort to think about his life and what he wanted to do to stay on the right track:
Okay, what am I gonna do to keep busy? I’m gonna be at the boxing gym. I’m gonna
work out for sure. I’m gonna work and I’m gonna get involved in any other programs that
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I can. And the Writers Forever Program was one of the main programs… And then I
started thinking, ‘…what do I see myself doing in school? What kind of career, what kind
of life do I want?’ And then I started getting very creative and out of this world. What
kind of home do I want? What kind of car do want to drive? What kind of friends do I
want? How do I want people to see me? How do I want – my character build? I started
thing all that, and sure enough little by little. It has developed into all of those thoughts
and all of those feelings, and hopes and dreams and everything… But I think getting out,
I never believed that I was on parole. I never believed that that can stop me from doing
whatever I wanna do. I never believed that it can put boundaries to me. I never believed
none a that.
Ricardo said he was left on his own to plan out his future and goals to stay on the right path once
released:
Nobody, nobody, nobody, nobody. Nobody sat down and told me, ‘Ricardo, write this
like that,’ or, ‘You should write things on paper, because when you do that, your goals
become more accurate and more clear, and you achieve ‘em.’
Even though Ricardo kept a positive mindset, he was turned down for one job opportunity
because of his record:
But they did shut me down, and they said they couldn’t hold me because the company
doesn’t allow – my record, my crime was too high. They said, ‘You know, if it woulda
been a misdemeanor, it’s okay, but you know, you got an attempted murder.’ So
whatever. So I said, ‘Okay, fine.’ So I left it alone.
Ricardo eventually was offered a job at Subway through a former inmate’s father who was a
manager.
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Ricardo also pursued his goal of attending college and made the effort to seek higher
education on his own:
So I remember I went to Northwest. And so I get off and I’m like, ‘Okay, well, I don’t
know what I’m doing, but I’m gonna go to a main office.’ I’m like, ‘Where’s the main
office?’ And they were like, ‘What office?’ ‘Main office.’ I’m like, ‘I wanna come to this
school. Where do I go?’ They’re like, ‘Okay. Go to the administration office.’ They sent
me down there. And I get in there, and I’m like, ‘What do I have to sign? Where do I sign
to start coming to the school?’ They were like, ‘Oh, you wanna enroll?’ I’m like, ‘Yeah.’
They gave me a package. I started looking through it and knew I wanted to study
cinema…but I didn’t know it was called cinema. I just said I wanted to make movies.
And so, whatever, I started going through the stuff. I started filling out. Then it said my
interests, and I didn’t see cinema. I didn’t see movies. I didn’t see film. I didn’t see
nothing.
Once Ricardo finalized his paperwork with the college, he became “official” and waited to begin
school. He also recruited his friends to the community college and had learned enough of the
enrollment process to show them also how to enroll:
When I learned how to do that, I’m like, ‘Oh, it’s a wrap.’ I’m getting all my friends in
here. I’m gonna start bringing people in here.’ And I did. I started bringing kids… The
guy – it came to a point that the guy who enrolled me at first, he said, ‘Another one?’
Because I was bringing people like, ‘Yo, come here, I know how to do this. I gonna show
you.’ And that’s how it worked. And here’s the thing, though, while I was helping a lotta
other people, I needed help myself.
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Ricardo described the difficulty he had when first beginning college and trying to understand
how classes worked and what materials he needed:
I would carry four books with me all the time that I didn’t know I had to really be
reading… And from time to time, we would have an exam, or we would have our mid-
terms or our finals, and I’m like, ‘When did this come up? Why did nobody tell me we
had a mid-term or we had an exam? Why didn’t nobody tell me this?’
Ricardo also expressed his frustration in knowing the terminology of college classes, but also his
feelings of uncertainty in explaining his previous incarceration:
I would go into class. They’d be like, ‘Oh, take out your Scantron sheets and your
pencils,’ and I’m like, ‘What? Why you didn’t tell me this?’ And one day, I told the
professor… ‘Excuse me, why you don’t tell us when we have to get that?’ She looked at
me, she was like, ‘Honey, everything is in your syllabus.’ I was like, ‘What’s a syllabus?’
She looked at me like – she was like, ‘Come here.’ And she was like, ‘This right here,
this is a syllabus. This tells you what you have to do.’ I’m like, ‘Oh. You know what? I
didn’t know that.’… And she looked at me. I didn’t bother to explain why, but she was
like, ‘Okay.’ Fucked up, but whatever. She didn’t know why, but I didn’t tell her. And so
I didn’t know we were supposed to follow a syllabus, and we did.
Although Ricardo had made efforts to get himself a job and enroll in college, he began re-
engaging in his former behaviors and addictions that revolved around drugs, alcohol, women,
and money. He confessed to spending significant amounts of money on these addictions, most of
this from his financial aid funds:
So I got back in to drinking and smoking, and then I was in college, and I couldn’t take it
anymore doing college and doing work and doing boxing, and I told my trainer, I’m like,
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‘You know what? I’m gonna stop.’ And he went crazy. He was like, ‘What you mean
you’re gonna stop? Are you stupid? What’s wrong with you? You have so much talent
and you’re very good at it. Why would you stop this? You can become somebody in
this?’… I had $10,000.00, so I was like, ‘I can go to any restaurant I wanna go to.’… I
would order drinks and I would be hammered, and then I would leave that place from that
person and I’ll go to Hollywood and I’ll be with somebody else. And I’ll be like, ‘Well,
let’s go get a suite somewhere right here and then takeaway the night.’ And we would. I
would just drink and stuff like that.
At this point he had been moved to a home with adolescent youth, but these former juvenile
offenders also had mental illnesses:
They moved me to a home where there was schizophrenic kids, bipolar kids, and Yeah.
Well, because my case manager felt that I was here with crack addicts and the addicts and
she want to put me with younger people my age. I was here with 46-year-old men. I was
teaching them how to manage their money and everything. She’s like ‘I think that you’re
gonna get lost into what they’re doing, so we’re gonna have to move you outta there.’ So
that’s why they moved me to a better location.
After his time in the group home, Ricardo found a place to live with a friend’s mother.
Ricardo said “she was a mother to me” and “took me into her home.” He now had somewhere to
stay but the living conditions were dire:
…the home was a disaster. I cleaned it up, fixed it all up. Literally a disaster. There was
piles and piles of clothes, on everything. I was like, ‘How does it get like this?’ I cleaned
it up, got my own room, whatever. I stayed there for some time, but she had issues
herself. She was an alcoholic… She would sniff cocaine. She had an attitude. One
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minute, she’ll be happy. Next minute, she’ll be mad. ‘Why the fuck you motherfuckers
doing this? Dah, dah, dah.’ It used to be like she’ll wake up in the morning yelling –
maybe not at me, but at her son. And I can’t deal with that. I have to wake up in the
morning in a good mood, happy, peaceful, loving. That would bother me.
Ricardo eventually left the home because he was becoming “lost” in drugs, particularly
cocaine. He went back to live with his father and stepmother. Ricardo and his stepmother
frequently argued and did not get along. He tried to get away from the negative substance abuse
habits but continued to drink, smoke marijuana, and abuse drugs, at times with his father. The
conflict with his stepmom soon became too much for Ricardo and he was forced to find a
different place to live:
…one day I came home from work and she had her attitude…our vibes were horrible…
There was no type of harmony in there. It was very awkward. I didn’t even sit at the table
with them anymore. So one day, I guess she told my dad that she didn’t want me in the
house anymore. She had already kicked me out once before, so I wasn’t cool with that at
all. When he told me that, I was like, ‘All right.’ I had to move out, but I didn’t have
nowhere to go. I had places to go, but I didn’t wanna do that anymore. I’d been doing that
my whole life. I’m like, ‘I can’t do that shit.’ I’m like, ‘All right. Well, I’m gonna get it
together and I’m gonna rent a place.’
Ricardo moved out of his family’s home and found a place to live with a friend in downtown
Metropolis where he currently resides to this day.
Ricardo said his skills have improved but he still needs help with his writing:
Yeah, I’m very creative. I can write you a whole story. If you tell me a topic, I’ll write
you a story of whatever it is, and I would leave people impressed with what I write. But
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when you look at my grammar and when you look at my writing, and you look at it
altogether, you’re like, ‘Whoa.’ I can’t write something. I can’t write an essay – things
like that.
His community college professors have also commented on his writing skills. One suggested he
get a tutor but did not follow up with how to access that resource. Another teacher told Ricardo,
“You have amazing stories, but you don’t have a format to write. You have run-on sentences.
You don’t complete your paragraphs. You don’t have a body. You don’t know the body of
writing.”
Ricardo described some difficulty with comprehension of material. He said he sometimes
gets “sidetracked,” particularly on material that is not interesting. He has trouble following
directions and understanding what his professors’ expectations with assignments. Ricardo said he
has had to learn everything on his own but will work this semester on getting a tutor. He also
expressed the possibility of needing additional academic supports from the college:
Now I’ve gotten a better look at what school is supposed to be like. I’ve got a grip on it, a
little bit more… But still, it’s my second and a half-year and I’m still barely
understanding what it is about… I reach out to friends who are at universities. So I reach
out to them. I get feedback. I take notes. Far as tutors, I’m not, but I’m gonna go into this
program that helps. I don’t know. My friend’s helping me out because she’s ADHD
[Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder] or something like that, so she would have
special needs and there’s a program that assists you with that. Now I’m not saying that I
might have that, but there’s certain distractions that I would talk about. She was like,
‘Those are the distractions I have.’… But on my own, I started saying all the things that I
needed to do, and she was like, ‘That’s good, because those are all the things I used to
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do.’ Now I know what distracts me and how I can stay on track, cause sometimes I float
away. My mind is always constantly thinking.
In addition to working on his writing and comprehension, Ricardo is also adjusting to the work
habits of successful college students and being able to keep up with classmates:
Yeah, how to study, and how to understand that and how to make that work because I’m
very – like I said, I’ve always been very curious about everything, so if I’m reading
something I’m gonna learn about it. I just don’t know how to – I didn’t know how to take
notes. I didn’t know how to get points that are gonna be like this is what I need. I don’t
need to know all of that. I need to know this right here. This is my key stuff… I
remember there was people students where I would literally grab onto their sleeve for
help.
Ricardo also needed help with learning how to use technology and communicate with
others. He relied on friends and his younger siblings to help him understand tools, such as email,
texting, and using a computer:
And, I met people… They were like, ‘Yo, so e-mail me, man. E-mail me your e-mail
address and then I’m gonna e-mail your work and then just e-mail me your part and I’m
gonna put it all together.’ I’m like, ‘e-mail and e-mail and e-mail?’ And I’m like, ‘Fuck,
what’s an e-mail?’ I don’t know what an e-mail is. I don’t know how to send e-mails, you
know?... These things were obstacles because a lot of people are ahead. Texting – my
ten-year-old, nine-year-old brother, my little sister knows how to do that. Here I am 21
years old and I don’t know how to do this. And this is something you need in this world,
you know?
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Ricardo said that he has not sought help due the situations arising in his personal life, such as
finding a stable living situation and dealing with his alcohol addiction. He said, “I haven’t been
able to kinda press, but I will. I will. That’s my next step.”
Now that Ricardo is 24 years old, he realizes he has encountered many challenging
situations in his life. He has with many transitions and distractions since his release. Despite
these situations, he maintains a positive attitude about himself and the future. He is working on
several projects and education goals. He will begin his second year of community college since
beginning four years ago. Ricardo said that this semester is easier for him now because he knows
more how the school process works. He works as a cameraman for a film production company
that makes film, music videos, and outside events. Ricardo also continues to help others when in
need:
I do other things that some of my peers or people don’t even take the time to see. I don’t
know. I can be very strong of a character, but I have a good heart for others. I genuinely –
everything that’s gonna lie behind my success, everything that I read out of that, it’s
gonna be fueled by this, by those kids that I wanna help, by those adults that I wanna
help, by the community that I wanna help.
For example, he is working on creating a writing program for juvenile offenders on the east
coast, such as the one he participated in during his time in juvenile hall. In spite of his
experiences, Ricardo wished someone would have given him more support in his younger years:
And at that time, I was already messing up – or I was kinda messing up, and I wanted to,
but I didn’t want to. Had somebody been on me like that and didn’t lose track of me, then
I would’ve ended up right there playing basketball, you know?
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Ricardo will continue to work on school and his many projects. He is close to having his license
again and has been sober for three months. Ricardo feels like he is in a wonderful place in his life
and looks forward to accomplishing all his goals.
Every time I do something, I wanna stand out. I wanna out. I wanna be at the top of
whatever I do. And I think that this is something now that I’ll be able to take control of
and be at the top of that.
Life History: Edgar
I started off young getting into trouble. My whole 8
th
grade I was locked up and then my
whole high school years I was locked up. So I never really got to be out there too much. About 14
years old, that’s when I got locked up again…I mean I messed up. I messed up a lot, but overall I
came out better. Edgar, 01/09/13.
Edgar is an 18 year-old Latino male. His involvement with the juvenile justice system
began at the early age of 12. Edgar chose not to disclose his specific charge but the crime was
gang-related. Edgar served three years in a juvenile facility from ages 14-17 years old. He turned
18 years old in fall of 2012. He is currently a first year community college student in Metropolis.
Family
Edgar comes from a Mexican and Guatemalan family. His mother is from Guanajuato,
Mexico and his father is from Villanueva, Guatemala. Edgar’s parents came to the United States
to work. His mother and father met while in the United States. His father was provided a work
visa and worked in mechanics and has worked in body shops for most of his life. His mother was
a housewife.
Edgar was born in Metropolis at JFK Hospital. He has one older brother and one older
sister. Edgar’s youngest brother is currently in the ninth grade. Edgar’s older brother did not
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graduate high school, but completed vocational school courses and works. His sister graduated
from high school and attends community college. Edgar described being close to his siblings
when they were all younger. He said he is “closest” to his sister, but that “we all get along with
each other.” Edgar recalled their childhood times and that everyone would play together with
video games or time outside. Edgar said his siblings were fun to be around. The family still lives
together at their home in Westholme. They have extended family members that live in other
areas of Metropolis County. He said all his family would get together every so often for holidays
or birthdays, more so when they were younger than today.
Community
Edgar’s family has lived in their home for his entire life in Westholme. His city is
connected to other smaller cities that are part of Metropolis County. Edgar indicated that
“everything is real close” to Westholme and it is easy to cross through these small cities. He
described his city as consisting of many cultures and middle to working class families. Edgar
said his city had a immigrant and native-born families. He mentioned park areas but said he
“never really got into that.” There was also a baseball team in the city, such as little league, but
again, did not participate. Edgar also recalled that from a young age, he saw that Westholme also
had a strong presence of gangs:
I guess when I was younger I never really noticed it, but we had a lot of gang members, a
lot of shootings and I never really paid attention to it. There is a lot of gang members. Not
no more like they used to be when they were out of control.
Edgar and his siblings did not engage with gangs in their early elementary years even though it
surrounded them. He said his older siblings “avoided it” and it was not a big deal at the time.
However, by age 12, the gangs in Edgar’s community began to have a stronger influence on him:
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I started seeing more gang members, started introducing me to them. By friends I’d
known since I was little. And then I for some reason it attracted me and started attracting
me more and more. So it became a lifestyle... They just seemed to shoot people. I could
just get my adrenaline pumping… And I started growing up and seeing more and I started
getting into all of that.
Edgar also noted his tense interactions with the police at an early age and the lack of trust
between the cops and community:
I think I just always see how they would be… I had one of them shoot at me… The chief
tell me, ‘Oh if I would’ve caught you, I would’ve shot you in the head.’ So it’s like you
see that…you don’t like them. You did things to them, they do things to you. It’s more of
a negative thing…they [police] just don’t care no more.
He also described what he felt was a difference in the sheriff versus police departments and how
these institutions handled their role in maintaining a positive and safe community:
I’ve seen the sheriffs and I’ve seen the Metropolis PD [police department]. I think
sheriffs do a better job. They’re more about taking care of business…more about taking
care of business, more about taking gang members out. A lot of police department they
don’t really care, I think they see it as better for them if they kill each other…they mess
with them [gangs], they get to shoot at them [gangs] for fun, they see it as fun, not all of
them, but a lot of them see it like that. They get so used to violence and they start turning
the same way.
Edgar also felt the sheriffs were “more strict” and “more into doing what they’re really taught.”
He thought the police were more likely to live in the community and thus, held a negative
perception of the overall environment because “they see it [crime and gangs] every day.”
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Elementary School Years (Grades K-5)
Edgar attended one elementary school in Westholme. He recalled playing around in
school at this young age with his peers. He remembered that he “used to like to play tetherball or
handball. I always used to play games and we used to like running around, we’d race to see
who’s faster. Just play tag.” He also discussed going on a few field trips with his schoolmates to
the farm and zoo. He felt he had mostly positive female teachers in elementary school, grades
kindergarten to fourth, and described them as strict:
But I think that was good. They’re scary cause you’re a little kid. I think I mostly had all
female teachers until the fifth grade and then I had a guy teacher but I didn’t like him. I
don’t know why I just didn’t like him…I’ll start talking back to him. Like if ladies would
talk to me it would be alright. I wouldn’t take it offensive, but guys I don’t know. I never
liked them.
As a student, Edgar “never really liked doing homework” and said he would “rather play.”
However, Edgar said schoolwork, particularly for math, “would always come easy to me”:
I think I was always real good in school. Like I’ll read real quick. I’ll do the work real
quick. I would get the math real quick. It was always if I paid attention to it, if not I
wouldn’t care…I’ll see it as a competition, just get the answer before everyone else does.
Edgar said a few teachers made the effort to talk to him about his behavior but also took time to
address schoolwork:
Yea there were a couple [teachers] that were nice. I remember one Mrs. Cordiero. She
was always nice. She’d always spend time with me even afterschool she would spend
time with me. We would just talk and I would do homework right there… She told me
‘You’re smart but you just don’t try.’ Sometimes she’ll tell me to stay afterschool and do
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your work. So she’ll just be right there and she’ll watch me do my work and she’ll be
doing here work right there. Sometimes a girl or other kid stayed...Mrs. Garcia too. She
was always nice. She’ll talk to you to. She was nice and strict at the same time…
He saw his teachers as individuals with “deadlines” that he had to meet and “comply with.”
Edgar said “Only sometimes did I see them as trying to help me.” He recalled one activity he
liked in those early years that was hands-on:
In third grade or second grade, one of the teachers brought like an assistant I guess she
was gonna be a teacher too, and they made this whole little thing about the gold
rush…everyone would get their own little gold…we found out what happened, alright he
found this one…she gives you like little papers with numbers on it and that’s how much
gold you had, this is where you live…that was pretty fun.
When it came to schoolwork, his mother took more responsibility making sure the
children did their work since she was usually home afterschool:
My mom would make us do our homework. She’d sit down right there and just watch us
do our homework…when we were younger, when we had barely started school…once
we got the hang of it…she’d just say to make sure we did our homework.
Edgar remembered that his parents would attend school events in his early years. He recalled that
his mother and fourth grade teacher had a close relationship. He said the two “talked a lot
afterschool” and “would sit down right there [in classroom] and talk.” Edgar said his thoughts
about school changed in the fifth grade. In addition to the male teacher he did not care for, there
were other factors that influenced his thoughts on education. The work was not fun and the only
part he enjoyed was being with his friends.
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Middle School Years (Grades 6-8)
When Edgar transitioned to middle school for grades six to eight, he was placed in honors
classes. At this time, he had already begun to engage in more serious behaviors, such as smoking
marijuana, that distracted from school:
I think I was just growing up too fast. I was just like doing more things. I wouldn’t try. I
started smoking weed. And a lot of them at that time wouldn’t do that, they didn’t want to
do that… I was like 12 years old… My friend would always smoke. And I never smoked.
And they would just be there smoking and I just never did for a while… One time I just
got curious and I tried it. I tried it. At first I didn’t like it. I would like the feeling after,
but not the feeling of when you choke, it hurts your lungs.
Edgar enjoyed hanging out with his friends and the feeling he got from behaving badly. Edgar
said his friends would miss school as much as he did and everyone influenced each another:
I just liked it, the thrill of it. It would get my adrenaline pumping. Like 12 going on 13…
They are in school too. But a lot of us, even though they wouldn’t be gang members just
regular kids, they just didn’t care. I think we all had an influence on each other… My
friends are my age. We are all in the same grade… I would switch with my same age
peers and then go with older guys.
His behavior got the attention of one of his teachers, but efforts by more teachers or school staff
to support Edgar to stay on the right track were not attempted:
My
sixth grade teacher, a lady. She was Filipino, Ms. Davidson. She was just like, you’re
smart, but you don’t care. She would tell me to stop messing up. She saw I didn’t care... I
think she gave up on me…because she saw I didn’t care. Sometimes I would get even
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worse…I wouldn’t come to school. And then I stopped coming even more. I would just
go to class and not do anything. I would just mess around.
Edgar also said he did not like to listen to people who tried to help him or talk to him about his
behavior. In seventh grade, his attitude and behavior changed even more:
Seventh grade too I was in honors, but seventh grade I would miss a lot of school. Since
sixth grade I didn’t really like going to school. I wouldn’t like doing homework. I would
like going to school, but I didn’t like doing homework…boring for me… I think it wasn’t
hard, I just didn’t want to do it. I just wanted to play…schoolwork wasn’t hard either, I
would be able to do it, but just didn’t get my attention. I wouldn’t care. I’ll daydream a
lot and stuff... Yea they would tell me to pay attention, but I would still daydream.
Edgar also felt he did not care enough about schoolwork, which was not challenging. He called
classes boring and only some as “interesting.” He said, “It [school and classes] was always easy
to me especially if I paid attention to it, but I just never really cared.” One of Edgar’s seventh
grade teachers expressed his ideas about Edgar’s future to the whole class one day. Edgar
recalled a story that one of his friends told him happened during Edgar’s absence from class:
My seventh grade teacher Mr. Lin…I would never go to school. I would always miss. He
would say you’re not gonna graduate, you’re not gonna finish high school. You’re gonna
work at McDonalds. I’m gonna see you working at McDonalds. I guess one day they had
like a little paper, one of the plastic trays, a plate. They put what you think you’re gonna
be in five or 10 years or something like that. I didn’t go that day and he did one for me
that I’d be working at McDonalds. I remember that one.
Edgar said that this teacher probably made those comments because “he seen that I don’t come to
school, I wouldn’t care. He probably say he’s gonna be a fuck up.” Edgar also remembered a
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math teacher in seventh grade—who he perceived as too nice—and how he would “mess” with
this teacher during class time:
He was Hispanic. He was just too nice and I would mess with him a lot and one time I
made him cry. Just by messing with him. Just talking shit to him, throwing books at him.
And one time he just couldn’t take it no more. Like he broke down in front of the whole
class, said ‘I can’t take this no more! You guys are mean!’ And he walked out and he
came back later and it was just like yea. I don’t know... No everyone is just watching.
They are scared. They didn’t want to throw anything…when he talks I talk at the same
time, say shut up or tell him, so I just mess with him… They’ll just watch, I don’t think
they’re scared of me, they would just watch, like why is he doing that to him? You
know…and he doesn’t care… He just took it the wrong way. He was just too nice. He
should’ve been more strict… It’s kinda messed up. I made him cry.
Edgar said he would attend school about two days out of the week. His parents tried to make sure
he got to school, but did not know the extent of his absences from school. The school itself did
not make concerted efforts to inform his parents:
They wouldn’t never really call. Sometimes they wouldn’t be there so I just stay home.
Or I’ll just go somewhere else and go home. Like sometimes I’d go dressed in my school
clothes and go back home. They didn’t really know (parents). So they would never really
call. They wouldn’t find out. And even if I did I go late to school, I’d go to like third
period or second period. And the ladies would say oh you need a slip or something, I
need a note and I would write my own and just give it to them. So basically I would
always get away with it.
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Edgar also described getting passed along in class (and in grade levels), which ultimately made it
easier to not put effort towards school. For example, Edgar would do very little or no work and
yet he stayed in the honors program. Although his teachers placed him in honors due to high test
scores, Edgar never wanted to be in them. His friends were not in the honors classes, which also
influenced how he thought about his honors placement and own work ethic in those classes:
In my mind I thought I didn’t need it…cause they would always try to put me in honors
and I didn’t want to be in it. I wanted to be in regular classes and I would see a lot of kids
that wouldn’t do their homework, they wouldn’t try so I guess from seeing them I thought
that I didn’t have to try either. In the honors classes they would mostly try, but the regular
kids wouldn’t really try, and I grew up with them, so I would say why am I doing it?
They’re not doing it.
He said, “I started to know I could get away with it.” This ability to get away with not doing
work influenced Edgar to stop caring because “I wouldn’t do nothing the whole year and they’ll
still pass me into honors.” He would think, “What’s the point of doing homework cause I’m still
gonna pass?”
In addition to getting away with not doing work in class, Edgar also noticed he could get
away with his negative behavior. He said, “I would see that I wouldn’t really get in trouble,
especially at school they wouldn’t say anything.” In the sixth and seventh grades he said there
were “no consequences” for him missing school or walking around on campus. He would bypass
the office when coming to school late and head to class with no one taking notice. He also
indicated he did not care about what was happening at the time:
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Some of the teachers would tell me, ‘You come, miss half of school, out of a Monday
through Friday you only come Monday and Wednesday to my class’…but I guess they
started noticing that I wouldn’t care, so fuck it basically.
Some influence to miss school came from Edgar’s siblings. He remembered that his older
sister and brother had similar behavior in middle school and even high school:
I think I will see my brother too, my brother wouldn’t go to school…so I’ll see him, like
why does he not have to go to school and I have to go to school? When both of them
[brother and sister] were in middle school they would miss a lot and in high school
too…they would miss…so alright then I’m not going to school neither.
Edgar said his siblings knew the school would pass kids on to the next grade despite failing
grades. This gave his brother and sister little motivation to do well in middle school. Edgar
recognized that he could get “passed on” during his middle school years despite his failing
grades and absences. At one point, however, all of Edgar’s siblings were struggling in school and
a more serious intervention was taken with his family by the school:
I think only when my little brother was missing, cause he will go to elementary…that’s
when they pulled all of us together…cause of my little brother. They looked at him, like
why is he missing? He is so young, so they looked at all of us… The support counselors,
school board or something, they brought all of us, like how come we aren’t we going to
school?… He [little brother] didn’t want to go to school neither cause I guess he seen all
of us not going…cause he was young they [school] paid attention to him…my mom just
made him [little brother] go to school everyday and me and my sister we would still ditch
school and stuff. I guess in middle school they wouldn’t really care or pay attention to
you…wouldn’t really bother.
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Edgar indicated that the school’s efforts to work with his little brother got him in trouble as well.
Edgar remembered telling his brother, “You’re burning my spot!” This meant that his little
brother’s behavior was exposing Edgar’s own truant behavior and getting all the siblings in
trouble. Edgar noted that his dad was at work most of the day and not aware of what was going
on. There were also times his mother kept his little brother at home. When his dad found out,
Edgar said he “got mad and said to go to school.” Edgar thought the intervention with his family
worked for about a month and then Edgar went back to his old habits. Because the school paid
attention to his little brother, Edgar realized he could continue to get away with not going to
middle school. It was not until high school that his siblings began to take school more seriously
because now they had to earn credits and grades in order to graduate.
These middle school years are also when Edgar said his gang activity and trouble
increased because he became involved in more serious crimes:
I just messed up a lot. It just got to a point that I stopped caring… I would fight in school.
I’d bring guns to school… Just the choices I started making…started growing up a little
bit more, and I thought that was something I liked, something I wanted to do. I think I
was young I didn’t even know what I was doing. I really didn’t think it was that bad, like
everything I did. I would always see it as a game.
Edgar revealed he knew there would always be consequences, but did not care about them. He
said, “I would go through with it like nothing.” He felt his youthful age helped him get away
with bad behavior because “you wouldn’t expect it” from a young kid. He spent time with kids
his own age, but also with an older crowd. Edgar said, “I would see what they would do and I
wanted to do what they did.”
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Edgar’s parents did not suspect he was involved in criminal behavior and the lack of
school intervention made it easy for him to go unnoticed. Edgar said that his parents might see
him doing well for a little while and then he would go back to “the same things” that continued
to get him in trouble. Edgar described always having an adrenaline rush when he was younger,
and he would get involved in activities that provided that feeling. He reflected about how that
negative energy could have gone in another direction:
Cause when I was little, I would try to get into things to get my adrenaline up…just kept
getting into more things…but I think maybe if I would’ve done something positive, I
could’ve been better…if I tried maybe BMXing, that would’ve got my adrenaline
pumping…in a positive way.
Although in the honors program, Edgar did not finish middle school due to an arrest for a gang-
related crime.
Edgar said he spent about one month in eighth grade and then was arrested. During this
incarceration for eighth grade, Edgar lived in three different juvenile facilities. His third facility
was actually a camp and at this time he was just turning 14 years old. Edgar indicated that this
year of incarceration had little impact on his thinking and behavior:
It was just real boring. I was still young, I was still hardheaded, and didn’t care. I think
that’s one thing is that I was real hardheaded…I would fight a lot. I was a little kid. I
would just fight.
High School Years (Grades 9-12)
When Edgar was released, he stated that he “came out the same.” The day he was
released he went back to smoking marijuana:
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They [parents] were just like trying to get me to do everything I had to do. But I think
they thought it had an impact on me, like it made me want to do good but it really
didn’t… They wanted me to go to school. They would take me to school. They would
make sure I would go to school.
Edgar was released from juvenile hall several weeks into the school year for his ninth grade.
Other than his probation officer to check up on him for four months (his probation sentence),
there were no other support persons or resources provided to work with Edgar to get back into
school. He continued to stay with the same peer group and engage in negative and illegal
behaviors:
…same friends from middle school…they were always like regular kids…but they would
ditch school. I think because of the environment around us. It was always around us you
know. They would mess up too… Some of them would drop out, but I think most of them
were still in school. They would just do drugs, some of them would sell drugs, some of
them carry guns, and they would just be regular kids you know, they didn’t have to be
gang members... It’s the environment. I think everyone is like a little messed up in their
own way. Just regular kids you know.
Once released, Edgar took it upon himself to try to enroll in high school. Although school
had already started, he wanted to go to his neighborhood school called Westholme High School.
He went alone to the school and asked to speak with the principal. Edgar remembered being
“high” that day. Although the principal agreed to let Edgar attend, the vice principal took the
time to schedule Edgar’s classes and show him around campus. The vice principal also paid
attention to Edgar’s honors background and continued to schedule him in these classes:
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I’m like I want to enroll in school. I want to get in to school… And the lady was over
there mad cause she said, ‘I told him no yesterday.’… And he’s [vice principal] like
alright we are gonna bring the principal right now so you can talk to him. So he
[principal] came and I started talking to him. He’s told me yea just come tomorrow and
bring your transcripts. The same day I went home cause I didn’t feel good and got my
transcripts and I went back up there and talking to him [vice principal] in his office. He
started talking about the school and asked how many credits do you have. And I told him
I’m a ninth grader but I just have all my ninth grade credits already done. So basically I
was supposed to be in tenth grade but already had my ninth grade credits done… So I
was already like a grade ahead… I told him I still want to go to ninth grade cause I didn’t
feel like I was gonna be ready for 10
th
grade, just put me in ninth grade. And he threw me
in honors too again. I was like no don’t do this to me! And he made me talk to all kinds
of ladies, you know I guess so they could be sure I’d be doing good in school and he
finally said ok. Come back tomorrow… So I went and started school and he showed me
around everything that first day too… I was high that day so I was a little lost. I went to
class and um, yea… I was a still a little lost but I liked it cause it was small and it was a
regular high school. And I wanted to go to a regular high school.
When Edgar returned to the high school the next day, he was called into the principal’s office
and informed he could no longer attend that school:
I was like why? What did I do? That same day I went to go talk to him and he wouldn’t
give me an explanation. It was him [principal] and another teacher. I don’t know why
another teacher was there, but there was another teacher, a teacher I didn’t even know. I
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don’t even know why I got kicked out. Cause they just didn’t want to give me a reason.
They just told me they didn’t want me back there.
When Edgar explained to his parents that he was removed from Westholme High School, they
did not understand. Edgar said, “I told them. They were like why? What did you do? I’m like I
don’t know, they didn’t want to tell me”:
I was mad cause I think I wanted to do good. I wanted to do good in that school. I liked it
and I knew a lot of people there… They didn’t want to give me the reason, like why you
guys really kicking me out? I never even met the teacher, I was like who are you? So I
felt like I got played. I said alright I’m just gonna go to another school, fuck it.
The next school Edgar tried to attend was Mission High School, but he said, “They didn’t want
me either.” Once again, Edgar did not know the reason, but was told by the principal that he
could not “come to Metropolis Unified School District” anymore. Edgar did not understand why
and ended up trying to enroll in the school district next to Westholme. He was accepted into
Spring Gardens High School. His parents were never involved or contacted by school or district
officials during this enrollment process.
Edgar stayed at Spring Gardens High School for about one month before he dropped out.
He said, “I just didn’t like it anymore and I just stopped going. I just didn’t like it. I didn’t like
how people were. I didn’t like the school. I didn’t like nothing.” Despite his short time there,
Edgar recalled having some nice teachers, but no one who had a significant impact on him:
I think it was a lady teacher, my second period math teacher… she always talked to me,
she was pretty nice. She was the one who told me if I needed extra help, just come
afterschool and I’d go sometimes. She was pretty cool. I don’t remember much about my
teachers. I think I had my PE teacher first, I had her for second, for third I had another
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lady, fourth… I remember the fourth and fifth they were alright but they wouldn’t really
talk to me.
During this time Edgar said his parents were supportive, but they did not know that he was
struggling to stay in school:
Just my parents, like taking me to school, asking me what I need, just probably them and
that’s it… I think they never knew. I think I would just always go to school, just be right
there, just like fool around just to go to school. I was on probation too, so I would just go
to school to keep her [mother] off my back.
Edgar missed school frequently throughout his first semester at Spring Gardens High School.
When Edgar reflected on this experience of trying to get into school, he blamed himself and the
school system for his lack of success in staying on a positive path:
I think basically it’s all on you, whatever you want to do… I think I tried to do something
different but it just didn’t work out so I just said fuck it basically… I tried to go to school
and stay in school… I think myself [is to blame] cause of the things I did in the past, so it
came back to me. So then I just said I gotta keep doing the same thing…still gangs
around me… I was trying to go to school and do good but I seen that they didn’t want me
there or anything. I just said fuck it. I didn’t like the school… I was mad because I
wanted to go to school. I wanted to be with my friends. I didn’t want to go to a new
school where I didn’t know anybody. I didn’t like that.
After the winter break ended during this ninth grade year, and school began for the spring
semester, Edgar did not return to school. Also in the month of January he was locked up for
another gang-related crime and received a three-year sentence.
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Early School and Home Literacy (0-14 years old)
Edgar’s parents immigrated to the U.S. and have since picked up English. He said his
father is literate in English and Spanish and his mother speaks Spanish and has limited
understanding of English. Edgar’s earliest memories of literacy focus on experiences at home
with books, but also that his parents made sure he and his siblings completed their work. Edgar
said he remembered his father buying books for the children and that his parents would spend
time looking through books with his siblings and him. He said, “They would buy me books. My
dad would buy me books. We would just come home and they would be there.”
Reading at school was not difficult for Edgar. He said, “I think at first I wasn’t good in
school but then I got good at it… I got better in kindergarten and first grade.” Edgar noted that
because Spanish was his first language, his language skills influenced his comfort level at school.
Edgar said he learned how to speak English first from his siblings and said “once I hit school I
see like there’s a lot of things I didn’t know, so I wouldn’t really want to talk a lot.” However, as
his skills developed, his teachers would “always try to put me in advance, but I wouldn’t care.”
He recalled his kindergarten teacher, Ms. Marquez, as a “mean” teacher, someone that
scared him because it was his first experience in school. He said, “I was young, and I didn’t
know anybody.” He remembered Ms. Marquez asking him to read, but said “I don’t remember if
I ever read with her.” He could recall only a few books such as “the one about the bean and the
giant stalk...and Bridge to Terabithia” as books he read in his elementary days. He also noted
that his handwriting at an early age was like “chicken scratch.” He said his teacher would sit next
to him and help because he would write from the bottom going up versus starting at the top.
Edgar said he did well in school and reading early on but he was also in his “own little world.”
He said, “I’d just like playin’ around. I used to like reading the books with the pictures and with
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the letters, I would like those as a kid… But then I started getting bored, I’d rather play like
video games.”
He remembered reading in his early elementary years, but as his disengagement with
school grew, so did his overall dislike of reading in fifth and sixth grades. Edgar recalled, “They
[teachers] would just tell me to do your work. They’ll try to get me sit down and do my work. I’ll
do it at first when I was young but then in fifth grade…I wouldn’t really care no more.” Edgar’s
siblings’ academic behaviors also had an influence on his literacy development and interest. He
did not remember reading with his siblings, but sometimes he would see his sister read. Edgar
said he thought, “Like why read [at home] when you read in school?” This attitude towards
reading and school also affected their schoolwork at home. School was a better place for him to
finish his work:
I think we just never really asked them [parents] or we never like really cared [to read].
When they told us to do our homework sometimes, we wouldn’t want to do it…reading
was a priority when we were like kids, like 7 or 8, but once we started hitting like 9 or 10
we didn’t really like it no more… I think sometimes I liked reading in class, you read
together and discuss together…cause I think if I read at home I’ll get bored real quick.
Education in the Juvenile Justice System (14-17 years old)
Edgar described education in the juvenile justice system as an opportunity for students
who wanted to learn. He chose to go to classes to pass the time and stay active:
It’s mostly on you. If you want to go to school, if you want to you can get yourself kicked
out. I mean you go to class but you don’t have to if you don’t want to. If you don’t you
just go to the box, stay in your room all day… I went to school because if not it would be
boring. So I’d go to school.
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The first time Edgar was incarcerated for his eighth grade year, he finished his ninth grade
credits quickly. This gave him some advantage when the school scheduled his classes for high
school:
Well the school part, I noticed that I was getting a lot of credits… I was in
ninth grade
and already done with all the ninth grade. I was basically done so I could take advantage
of this. I didn’t like going to school there neither because it would just get annoying. A
lot of little kids just sleep in…more on my own. I don’t really like being around too many
people.
Edgar described the classes he took in juvenile hall as not challenging and requiring very little
other than signing into class:
There were some classes that all you had to do was show up. They take your name. You
get a seat. That’s how it was at Jackson Center I think. Do a little work, turn in a paper
in… I would go to school for that reason. Cause usually you just go and they’ll sign your
name in and that’s it. I wanted the credits… I would be done and I’d just kick back. I
would always be done in like five, ten minutes with everything. And I’ll just kick back
after, make the time go by quicker.
The students in class, Edgar commented, were disruptive to both themselves and their peers. He
said the students would “get rowdy” or “fight in class.” The students also would “mess with the
teachers all the time”:
I think it was mostly they didn’t like the teacher. How they felt that day. What was going
on that day. You wake up, or you’re just not feeling it that day. Just always different
things... Some people wake up in the morning fighting, some people wake up and don’t
want to do anything. Just different things.
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However, Edgar also admitted to causing trouble in his classes. He said that it means “less
problems” to have fewer students in class. He remembered being “kicked out” of classes to make
room for other juvenile inmates at one of his detention centers.
The teachers Edgar encountered in the juvenile facilities had different characteristics. He
felt that some teachers did not care about the students and still received a paycheck regardless of
how well they did:
It was always different teachers. I think at first they were, at first I had good teachers. An
old lady, she was a little crazy. She was alright. As long as you didn’t mess with her, she
don’t mess with you. She was a little out of control…. She was strict, she had problems
[personal]…they [students] would mess with her too… So I’ll just sit back and watch…
There is always some that care but there’s some that just go there to get paid…if you get
kicked out, you get kicked out. You wouldn’t get graded. You show up they get paid.
Edgar also discussed one particular teacher who was very helpful and who also happened to
work with a writing program for the juvenile inmates:
I think I had one that was really good. We would always talk you know, like what do you
want to do in life, where are you going in life, so what are you doing out in the streets
you know, how do you feel about everything. He would talk to me. He would talk to
everybody. He was a good teacher… He helped me on the computer, like go type,
practice typing fast, all that.
When Edgar was 16 years old and incarcerated for the second time, he earned his high
school diploma and stopped going to the juvenile education classes. He had already passed the
California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE) on the first try. He described the process (of
earning his diploma) as “quick” and all he had to do was turn in handouts and make sure his
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name was written down on the sign in sheet. However, finishing his credits quickly provided
more free time for Edgar that was not productive. Edgar said, “It [finishing his GED quickly]
didn’t help me out as much… I didn’t have anything to do. Basically you’re fucked, that’s it.”
After finishing his high school credits, Edgar tried to get into a college program for the juvenile
inmates. He noted his frustration about not being able to continue his studies and lack of ability
to seek out programs because he could not “leave” the institution:
I tried to get into one of the college programs because I was already done with high
school and I didn’t have anything to do…but he [college program staff] never came back.
It’s like they have to want to come to you because you can’t leave.
Literacy in the Juvenile System
In juvenile hall, Edgar indicated that his reading efforts were sometimes determined by
his engagement (or lack of) and the availability of books of interest to him. He said, “I think I
mostly read books in Jackson Center. I’d be real bored so I’d read books…I just didn’t care.
Sometimes I would finish a book in a day, sometimes it would depend how I wanted to read.”
At Jackson Center, Edgar also got a hold of the book Always Running by Luis Rodriguez.
He said he liked reading interesting books at this facility, especially those that he could “relate
to.” He enjoyed reading stories about how kids grew up and how they got into the gang lifestyle.
Edgar noted that the juvenile facilities had “stacks and stacks” of bibles but that most of the
books were “all tagged up, all ripped up” and hard to access overall:
…sometimes I would want to read and I wouldn’t have anything above like high school
books, just a couple of math…just a lot of books you don’t really use. Sometimes they
would bring in books you need if you make a list…you have to really, really try to ask for
them.
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If the juvenile facility did not have books around he wanted to read, Edgar occupied his time by
working out. Edgar said most of the books at the juvenile hall were “bullshit book” and books “I
didn’t want to read.” However, a staff member, who was in college at the time, would also lend
Edgar psychology and business books from his own college courses. Even though Edgar did not
attach himself to reading or reading behaviors growing up, he said in juvenile hall, reading
sometimes became the only option he had to stay busy:
No reading, I don’t think I ever read a book…I just never…I think because I would
always have something to do. I was able to just go outside and play, go anywhere, but in
there you’re just like stuck. You get to the point that you want to do something even if
it’s reading.
Edgar noted that most of the juvenile facilities had restrictions on library time and access
to relevant books. He said, “Sometimes to go to the library they won’t let you, you have to go a
certain day or a certain time.” He also said that he would “sign up” to visit the library but that did
not always work out because the staff “forgot” about the juvenile inmates. Edgar would just end
up waiting and no visits were organized. He also felt that by restricting library time, the staff
would benefit from dealing with fewer discipline problems. Edgar recalled, “Some schools had
their own little libraries, but they don’t want problems…they want to keep things under control,
keep things calm.”
One positive experience Edgar encountered at the Jackson Center juvenile detention
center was a writing program. This program is also where Edgar interacted with one of his best
teachers:
I think it was mostly a teacher, A teacher got me, helped me out… He helped me go on
the computer, he’ll let me type…he’ll let me read sometimes or make a little story for
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him…sometimes it would be fun with him, he’ll make it like in a different way to help
you out, take his time…he was kinda old, like in his mid-50s, he was just like a regular
guy, he used to live in Compton. He basically like, he never really gang-banged but he
was around it all that, so he knew where we were coming from. He’ll be able to talk to
you but he was like serious. He would mess around too but he’ll mostly like get down to
know you, get down to talk to you, like really take the time to know you, see what your
thoughts are, how you feel, try help you out, try to see where you’re going with yourself,
he would take the time with a lot of kids so I think that was very different, he was the
only teacher I’d ever seen do that when you’re locked up, like really take the time to talk
to you…
Other than his elementary teacher, Ms. Cordiero, Edgar said this male teacher was “one of the
only ones I’ve ever seen” help students with such dedication. Edgar noted that he did not see Ms.
Fiero reach out to many students; rather, Edgar felt he was the only one she took time to help.
The male teacher in juvenile hall, however, was able to support a large group of students, not just
Edgar.
Post Incarceration to the Present
When Edgar was released from his juvenile facility at age 17, he relied on his family to
help adjust to being out as well as his own efforts. He said it was difficult to “being out” and
“feeling free.” Edgar had been used to people “telling me what to do everyday” and “being on a
schedule” to now having the ability to make his own choices. He said “little by little” he got used
to going out on his own and exploring different areas. He noted that he was still young when he
was incarcerated at age 14, so at 17 years old, he was older and now an adult. Edgar’s sister
helped him prepare to receive his license and study for the tests. He also took a test to drive a
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motorcycle, which has also helped his independence. Edgar said that being in a gang restricted
him to certain areas, but now he is free to “go beyond” that area to other city places.
When he began school, he had to learn how to be a student again, given that he had
missed out on so much of his education. Edgar said because he “never really went to school” he
forgot he “needed to bring stuff like pencils” to class and books. He has relied on his sister for
help with college information he needs or is unfamiliar with since she is also a community
college student.
Today, Edgar is a first year community college student. He was released in the
summertime just months before he turned 18 years old. Edgar stated he was not sure he would
enroll in college due to his confidence level:
Yea I think that’s why at first I didn’t want to go… I think it’s gonna be too hard for me.
I think at first I didn’t want to go…like any school. At first I wanted to go to Eastern
Beach, Cal State Eastern Beach but because it’s a Cal State, you’re gonna have to be
smart. I just didn’t sign up. I tried doing other things, but I guess it never worked out so I
was just like fuck it, I’m just gonna go to Calico [community college]. I think I signed up
at the last minute too, like at the last, last moment I just signed up so I was like just go.
Despite his lack of formal or traditional school experience, Edgar noted that so far community
college has not been difficult and he has been doing well in his classes this semester:
I felt it was pretty easy, I just have to get used to it give it some time. I have always been
good at it [school]. It [school] has always easy for me.
He does admit to having some difficulty participating in class because he is still somewhat
hesitant. Edgar tries to raise his hand sometimes, but he is still learning how to re-engage in the
classroom.
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When Edgar reflects on his past, he understands he cannot change his behavior or actions.
He acknowledges that perhaps having more help and advocacy from teachers, he might have
“tried to stay in school more. I would’ve tried better, really went for it.” He will continue to
move forward in his life and focus on being positive:
Not really, it’s who I was, yeah, I would be like sad… I can’t do anything about it.
Nothing you can do about it. Keep on going… No point being sad and defensive, or
nothing… I would stay in my room a lot, I would a lot of time to think, I would see how
everything was changing. It was not working out for me you know… I wasted a lot of my
years.
He continues to find resources and navigate the school system mostly on his own but also with
some help from former staff of the juvenile hall writing program who support released alumni,
friends, and family:
They help me out. John [writing program staff] helps me a lot, sends me messages… He
is helpful. Mostly I do everything on my own…no one is going to do it for me so I have
to do it myself.
Edgar is currently off probation and continues to attend community college classes for his first
semester. He also wants to look for a job and has looked at the mall and online for possible
employment:
So far for just trying on my own, I’m doing pretty good… I could do better you
know…even though I’m gong to school, I could probably get a job… I’ve applied to
some places, just keep myself busy.
Edgar tries to stay away from negative influences in the neighborhood. He said he does worry
about getting shot but is doing his best to stay on the right track. Edgar says that the thought of
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being incarcerated again motivates him to stay out of trouble because he does not want that
lifestyle anymore:
Just boredom, when you’re locked up, you’re like fuck, you’re in the room all day, you
got nothing to do basically, you’re told what to do, and I hate that a lot, basically I don’t
want to be told what to do by somebody else. I made a lot of mistakes but at least I
learned from them. I seen like what it was like to really be incarcerated. Not just like a
couple days or a couple of months… It shows you basically what that life is about…when
you see it for a long time, you know you see you have nothing to do. That’s basically the
life. Nothing. Basically nothing. You get tired of it and you don’t wanna do it no more.
Edgar also said, “I like learning. I like keeping myself motivated. I like the adrenaline rush and
what can I do with that in a positive way instead.” Edgar also said that he would be willing to
talk to students someday in the system someday and share his story.
Life History: Eddie
I’ll sit there, and I’ll think about everything that was going on in my life. And nobody
would notice, but I’ll sit there, and I’ll begin to cry just thinking about it and not knowing what
to do to change it. “What can I do? Do I stop hanging out with these people?” Then I’d be like,
“How am I gonna do that? What am I just gonna tell ‘em, ‘I can’t hang out with you no more?’”
And I couldn’t figure out a way, so I’ll sit there and just look back at my life, and I would always
tell myself, “Why am I doing this?” Eddie, 03/14/13.
Eddie is a 23 year-old U.S.-born Latino male. He is currently enrolled in Eastern Beach
Community College for his third semester of school to pursue his associate’s degree. He served a
four year and eleven month sentence for voluntary manslaughter and was incarcerated in a
juvenile facility from ages 17-22.
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Family
Eddie is the second youngest child from seven children. He has one younger sister and
older siblings that live in both Mexico and the U.S. Eddie’s parents immigrated to the U.S.
during their teenage years. They entered and reentered the U.S. multiple times over those years
before finally settling permanently in their hometown in the city of Eastern Beach. His mother is
49 years old and his father is 50 years old. Both are U.S. citizens. Eddie will be the first in his
family to earn his college degree and his youngest sister, still in high school, is next in line to
pursue college. His older siblings dropped out of school and did not finish their education.
Eddie’s father completed his associate’s degree in adult school in the U.S. when Eddie was
around 8 years old. His mother has an elementary level education from Mexico.
Eddie’s parents emphasized the importance of education to Eddie and his siblings despite
their financial situation. Eddie did not describe his family as “poor,” but said that his parents
“always made ends meet.” There were times when they did not get “new backpacks and stuff” or
“new shoes”; however, he did not understand the financial situation as a young child. Although
he questioned why the family and siblings could not afford new items, his awareness of his
family’s struggles happened more as he grew up. Eddie remembered when he found out last
minute he could attend a fifth grade trip with his classmates. He had originally been unable to
attend because his family could not afford the fee, but somehow the fee was paid:
I went home and I was all happy, like, ‘Mom you know they said I am going! I’m on the
list! She’s like, ‘Ok, let’s get a maleta pues [suitcase]!’ So we got a maleta and started
getting stuff ready and I went to camp. But I was just always wondering how come I
never paid anything? A lot of the other students came with their envelopes. I don’t know
why, if somebody paid for me.
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Eddie thought maybe someone at the school found out about his family’s financial situation and
paid for him, but he never discovered how that happened.
Eddie’s earliest memories of his childhood are around his father’s drug dealing activities.
According to Eddie, his father and uncles would enter and reenter the U.S. to deliver and sell
drugs. When it became “too hot” (law enforcement officials were around) they would leave the
U.S. and return at a later time. Although his parents had met in Mexico, his father would bring
his mother on these trips and she “liked” the U.S. so they decided to stay permanently. The
memories of his dad’s business had a significant impact on him at an early age:
I’ve known since I was a little-ass kid, and my mother would like…go to the room and
get something for my dad, and then she would tell us, ‘Come here. Let’s go.’ And then,
we would walk around the block, meet somebody, and come back… At first, I was like,
‘What the fuck are we doing?’ And then I started seeing the same routine, same people
coming in, and there was just so many people that would go in the house, and I would be
like, ‘Why?’ There was some – he was like an attorney, a guy that used to go to my dad,
in this suit and tie all the time and with his little briefcase. And whatever he did with my
dad, he did, and I was always like, ‘Why is this guy coming in?’ He’s always in his suit
and, ‘Why is this bald guy coming in? Why is this older lady coming in?’
Although Eddie questioned these individuals coming in and out of his house and errands with his
mother, his father continued to sell drugs until he was about 12 or 13 years old. Eddie thought his
dad quit because he “felt like it was enough” and that his children knew too much about what he
was doing. Eddie said he quit dealing drugs “for our own protection, just for our own good, I
guess.” However, Eddie had learned enough about his dad’s activities and had observed him
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engage in the actual process of weighing drugs that it did not deter his own behavior in
eventually selling drugs:
But that didn’t stop me cause it was still in my mind, just seeing my dad. I mean there
was a couple times where I know he will be like bagging everything up, getting it ready
to get sold, and I would look through the crack of the door cause even though you close
it, you could still see it. So I would look, and I would just try to see what he was doing,
how he was doing it, and he was weighing stuff. And I was like, ‘Oh, okay. That’s how
you do it.’ You know?
Eddie recalled his father going to jail about three times due to his drug activities. He felt that at
the time, his father’s behavior was “normal.” Seeing his father engage in the drug business
encouraged him to do it as well. Eddie said, “I seen my dad doing it. Why couldn’t I do it?
That’s how he got a lot of his money. Then how come I can’t do it like that?”
Eddie also had (and still does) a large extended family growing up and was surrounded
by aunts, uncles, and cousins nearby. He remembers the family gathering when he and his
cousins were younger. Particularly at Christmas, the family would spend the holiday together
and exchange gifts, eat food, and enjoy each other’s company:
Christmas was the main one cause when we were young – I mean just holidays period,
but like Thanksgiving, like New Year’s, and all that cause all the family would get
together, all my cousins. And we’re a huge family, so it’d be just a bunch of my cousins,
and I always liked it. There’s a bunch of food, and Christmas was the best.
Because Eddie’s aunt and uncles were also involved in the drug trade, he remembered that at
Christmas, “there was just presents for everybody.” His father, uncles, and aunt would give every
child a gift. Eddie said there were “so many gifts and the food and just everybody smiling and
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happy, and it was fun.” He felt like Christmas was a time when he “forgot about everything
else.” Eddie recalled, “It was like my dad wasn’t abusive. He was drinking, but he wasn’t
abusive at the moment cause everybody was around. So it was cool.”
Eddie indicated that his family is not as close today and those “good times” do not
happen anymore. He attributes the change to the adults being more judgmental:
I guess, back in the days, everybody seemed to be younger. All my primos [cousins], we
were within the range of ten and one, so everybody was all – they were like little kids.
Well, this is what I think – the kids weren’t really fucking up like that no more, so it was
like, ‘Oh, they’re going to school or whatever. They’re little kids.’ But as they started
getting older, the brothers and sisters, my tias [aunts] and tios [uncles] – whatever –
started judging each other for their kids, like, ‘Oh, your kid’s fucking up, and that’s
tension. Then, ‘Oh, I don’t want you hanging around with this cousin.’
Many of Eddie’s cousins ended up incarcerated throughout his childhood and the “attitude of the
parents” changed. Eddie said the happiness from before was gone and now there were more
problems that kept the families less connected to one another.
Eddie described his childhood as also abusive due to his father’s alcoholism. His father
regularly physically abused his mother and siblings. The abuse began as early as Eddie can
remember and had a significant impact on his attitudes and feelings about his father:
…he would always come home drunk, and then I started realizing that he was physically
abusive towards my mother. And then psychologically, he was hurting us and screaming
and yelling. And then it came to me fearing my father. Every time he would go out, I
would fear that he’ll come back drunk and hit on my mother. So I remember just being
confused and not knowing what to do at a young age.
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He also remembered the police coming to his home “multiple times” when his parents argued.
Once Eddie understood what was happening at home, he began to dislike being home and would
“rather go to school than be home.” He called school his “sanctuary” and where he could be
“away from all the drama,” which involved his extended family as well:
I just concentrated on other things other than like where I was just – I don’t know – just
being afraid, just being at home, and, like I said, my father drinking, and they were
always arguing and just my cousin’s gangbanging and going to the house, and so I guess
just because I was small – I was younger – I wouldn’t really know what was going on,
but I mean it’s as early as I can remember… I realize why my mother would cry
sometimes, and I would always question it, too. And then I started seeing, well, he beats
her up, you know?
Eddie did not know his father’s exact upbringing as a child, however, thought his father suffered
abuse and had a difficult family life as well:
I’m not sure but that’s what I came to accept I guess. Or I wanted to accept. I guess to fill
in that blank, that question mark. I didn’t want it to eat me up wondering. I never got the
courage to ask him.
Eddie described his deceased paternal grandfather as having a similar attitude to his father’s and
also being affected by alcoholism. He says his paternal grandmother is wonderful but also “old
and mean.” Eddie thought that maybe those traits were “passed down to me too.” He questioned
his father’s behavior and would wonder, “Why does he drink a lot? Why can’t he just drink on
the weekends maybe just one, a couple of beers?” Eddie considered that his father may be
unhappy with his life and “stressed out,” which would include his father’s sadness over Eddie’s
behavior and incarceration:
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So I was thinking maybe my dad is feeling sorry for himself for what happened or how
he acted with us. Beating up my mom and stuff and he regrets it and doesn’t want to deal
with it. So he still continued to drink. He’s not aggressive anymore but he still drinks. So
maybe he is trying to hide his pain and regret. I’ll never know.
As Eddie got older, around 12 to13 years old, he began to spend time with other older
youth from his neighborhood. However, this also caused more fear with his mother because no
one would be home when Eddie’s father arrived. He recalled when his mother would say, “Don’t
go because I’m scared your dad’s gonna come, right now. Just wait.” At this time, Eddie’s older
siblings were not around much because they were in high school and doing their own activities
away from the house. His father’s abuse towards his mother, younger sister, and Eddie
eventually encouraged him to be more rebellious:
Just being at home, being afraid of my dad, seeing him beat up on my mother, beat me
up, my sister, and me trying to do something about it and not being able to actually ask
for help, not knowing how to ask for help, I guess everything was bottled up inside. And I
needed an outlet even though I didn’t know where to get it from. I couldn’t yell for help.
I couldn’t run up to somebody and say, ‘Hey, my dad is beating us every weekend.’ So it
was bottled up, and, obviously, there’s a reaction to it. It’s like a cup of water. It can only
hold so much.
His rebellion also turned into anger towards his father because of the abuse. Eddie said he was
“no longer afraid. I was just angry. I was angry at my dad.” The anger then became “hatred” and
dislike of his father. However, Eddie said despite his circumstances, there was “nothing he could
do about it.” Eddie’s father continued to “be a father” and buy the children shoes or give them
money, but Eddie still held hatred towards his dad. Eddie remembered that all his siblings were
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“beat up” by his father growing up, despite some of them eventually moving out because they
were older. He also noted that his father also physically hit cousins. Eddie said, “My family has a
relationship where my dad, since he’s like one of the oldest brothers, he could talk shit to my
primos and like, ‘Shut the fuck up before I beat you up,’ and they’re like, ‘Okay.’” Eddie
described the intense conflict he felt with his home situation and having to attend school:
And then just going to school, I guess, feeling all the anger and just confusion, I didn’t
like the feeling. I always go to school, and I would look at people, and I always wonder,
‘I wonder if they’re feeling the same thing, or I wonder if they’re going through the same
thing that I’m going through.’ I see kids, and they would always be playing around, and I
would be like, ‘Dude, why are you so happy? Don’t you have the same struggles that I’m
going through?’ So I would question that… I felt like an outcast. I felt different.
The abuse from his father lasted until Eddie was age 15. Eddie described an incident where he
“stood up” to his father and hit him back. Eddie recalled, “But as soon as I hit him, I caught onto
myself, and I was like, ‘What am I doing? He’s my father.’ So I let him beat me up.” At this
time, Eddie “didn’t cry” because now he realized he could “easily” hit and beat up his father.
Now that Eddie was older, he thought, “Dude, only if you knew it doesn’t affect me no more.”
After this altercation, the physical abuse by his father to his family members and Eddie stopped,
but the drinking continued.
Community
Eddie described the general community of Eastern Beach where he was raised as
“mixed.” Eddie indicated that the population consisted of Latinos, African Americans, Asians,
and whites; the latter he said were the majority group. He described his city as “very racial” and
that “everybody knows Eastern Beach as being racial, like I guess City Heights…” He recalled
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growing up with the mentality to hate African Americans (and even Asians), which was
communicated to him by his family members, cousins in particular, but also his own experiences
with other races:
I grew up to like – at the moment – I mean at the time, not anymore – to hate African
Americans. It was like my cousin would be like, ‘Oh, fuck niggers,’ and they would have
it tattooed on them, like, ‘NK’ [nigger killer] …so I used be like, ‘Oh, that’s what’s up.
Fuck ‘em.’ It wasn’t because they told me to, but it was because my own experiences,
you know?
His earliest memory was from the fourth grade in his elementary school on a day he walked
home. This particular day, Eddie’s mother could not pick him up from school. He saw three
African Americans boys who attended his school, but never interacted with. The boys called him
over and a fight ensued:
So I went, and out of nowhere, they just started beating me up, and they started laughing.
And I was like, ‘What the fuck?’ They were like, ‘Fuck the Mexicans,’ and I was like,
‘What the fuck?’ And I got up, and I was like, ‘Goddamn. What the fuck did I do?’ I was
thinking, ‘What happened?’
Eddie told his older cousins about the incident and they showed up at school the next day,
however, no retaliation happened. Eddie was upset about the fight and figured they “did it
because I’m a Mexican.” He heard the boys say, “Fuck Mexicans.” After this incident, he carried
a negative attitude towards African Americans. This attitude continued as Eddie spent more time
with his cousins because their gang did not “associate with African Americans,” rather
“despised” them. He would observe his cousins beat up African Americans and Eddie felt it was
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ok because of the same treatment he received in the fourth grade incident. He said, “Well, that’s
the same thing they did to me when I was little, so that’s just the way it’s gonna be.”
Racial incidents and tension were common and public throughout the city and beyond
Eddie’s neighborhood. He recalled his mother being afraid when seeing a “black guy coming
towards us.” He would tell his mom, “Why are you scared? Don’t be fucking scared of them.
What the fuck? Why are you scared? They’re just regular people.” Even sharing the sidewalk
and walking in opposite directions led to racially-charged incidents. Eddie said he became
“programmed, little by little” to hate African Americans, and these feelings carried over to
Asians in the community:
So going to school, like I said, it’s the same thing with the Asians. Sometimes I’d be like,
‘Oh, look at all those Asians right there and all these fuckin’ chinos.’… I grew up to like
hate everybody other than my race.
Eddie described a time he rode the city bus with his uncle. They noticed two empty seats in the
back and headed towards that section of the bus. He said when they moved to the seats to sit
down, “They [African American males] got in the way, and I was like, ‘What the fuck, dude?
You’re gonna take both seats? Move to the side.’” This confrontation started a fight and the bus
driver kicked them all off the bus and threatened to call the police. This incident only deepened
the “hatred” Eddie felt towards this group.
When Eddie was 12 years old, he played soccer with a local league in his community.
However, he stopped playing during the season because he became angry when his team lost a
game. After the loss, Eddie refused to shake the other team’s hands “because I had scored a goal,
and they didn’t count it.” Eddie remembered that he was “mad” and felt the game was a tie. His
coach was “disappointed” in Eddie’s behavior and said he could not play anymore. Eddie said
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“whatevers” and let his “anger get the best out of me.” When the coach called Eddie to play at
the next game, Eddie refused:
Well, that’s the thing. I was young, and I was already thinking like that, like, ‘Oh, you
said no, so don’t come back on your word.’ Maybe another 12-year-old would’ve been
like, ‘Okay, whatever. So let’s go,’ but I didn’t do it.
Eddie reflected on that incident, thinking that perhaps he might have had a different outcome
playing a sport:
If I would’ve stayed playing soccer – I was pretty good, you know – I don’t know – it
could’ve been a whole nother outcome. I probably would’ve never went to jail and never
used drugs… There’s just so many different things that I could think of, and it’s like if I
would’ve gone to the Marines – I was already looking into it, but I was also getting close
to graduating… I could’ve been a completely different person.
The other programs offered in the community did not appeal to Eddie in his early childhood. He
said he was aware of the YMCA and the local parks that had a recreation center after school for
the children, but he “never took advantage of it.” Thus, Eddie did not see himself as “the type
that would wanna go and play some kickball at the park with other kids that wanted to do good.”
He thought those programs and activities were “stupid”:
I knew it was there, but I just thought it was dumb going and asking. Man, what’s up?
What do you do? I just never did it...my image of that was more for smaller kids. So
when I was like 13 – 14, it was like, ‘That’s not for me anymore.’ Like, how would I look
going over there and just playing the little board games and stuff at 15? I thought it was
stupid, like, ‘Oh, yeah, let’s go play some checkers. What the fuck?’ It was more like,
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‘Let’s go smoke a blunt, or let’s go chill over here and get some beer. Let’s go kick it
with the home girls.’
Although there was racial tension in his city and “crime all the time and fighting,” Eddie noted
that there are positive individuals in the community. He said, “There’s other people – Hispanics
that have cousins that gangbang, and they do this and that, but yet they’re doing great. They
don’t do drugs. They’re staying out of trouble.” He said he questioned his own negative choices
when “they’re doing it…How come I can’t do it?” He ultimately blamed his own choices for the
situations he encountered.
Elementary School Years (Grades K-5)
Eddie described elementary school as a positive experience. He went to one elementary
school growing up. To this day he recalled the different recognitions he received as a young
student for his good grades and overall achievement during these years:
I’ve always had good grades, and I was always getting certificates. To this day, I have, at
home, like a folder of certificates. And I remember, always, my mother getting called to
school cause I was doing good at math or whatever subject, and they’ll call her to like
congratulate her and stuff…just like two months ago, she was like, ‘Look what I have,’
and I was like, ‘Oh, damn. That’s from kindergarten,’ so I added it to my folder.
His teachers also provided Eddie with happy memories during this time. Eddie remembered Ms.
Pacheco, his second grade teacher, whom he said “seemed to care too much.” He recalled her as
“just loving to everybody.” He said many of his elementary teachers were “loving” but Ms.
Pacheco provided a different type of “comfort.” Her personality made it seem like all the
students liked her the most.
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Eddie described his early affinity for arts and crafts due to his talent as an artist. He
remembers in kindergarten being able to use colors and make different arts and crafts in the
classroom. One day he made a snowman from different colors of chalk and his drawing was a
creative assortment of colors and shapes of the snowman. This drawing caught the attention of
his teacher, who eventually called his mother to share the excitement around his drawing. Eddie
said when his mother came to school, the teacher showed his drawing to her. Eddie remembered
his mom saying “‘Wow, did he?’ Like if she didn’t know I could draw or something”:
So the teacher, she put it up like where her desk was at in the back, and she just left it
there. But every time, I walk in the classroom, the kids would be like, ‘Oh, dude, that’s
your drawing,’ and I’ll be shy, and I’ll just get all red and stuff.
He also recalled creating a wagon for the Oregon Trail. He said his was “the best one” and he
was always “so into” art projects. He could “not wait” for the next project.
Eddie said his teachers “always liked me” but he did have a rebellious side, especially
during recess. Every day Eddie described getting in trouble for the “dumbest little-kid things.”
He would kick the ball at recess far away from the other children or take someone’s backpack,
run, and get chased. He called himself a bully at times in school. He was not bullied by others
but also “not one of them like big bad bullies that walks around and picks on people.” He said he
“regrets” that behavior now and thought it was “so dumb.” His behavior, thus, caused him to
spend time in the office:
Every day, it was like, ‘Go to the office,’ and we’ll sit there throughout the whole lunch,
so I would go for like 15 minutes, for that little lunch recess thing. It was for like – what?
– 45 minutes or something, and the rest of the time will be in the office. But after that,
they’ll give you a small citation, call your parent, and they’ll send you back to class.
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Eddie maintained his positive outlook on school by hiding his family’s situation. He
recalled that his smile was an important factor in keeping his home life from being exposed:
I would always smile, they never really thought that something was going on. Like
inside, I’ll be broken, but on the outside, I’ll always smile… And I just remember my
teachers being like, ‘You should continue smiling. You have a million-dollar smile and
your dimples.’ So it was always like instead of like actually looking at me and I guess
trying to evaluate me and see what was going on, they wouldn’t see it cause I was always
smiling, so nobody ever really questioned it, you know?
Eddie said he felt “programmed” to lie about his home life. He had “hated” his father at the time,
but was not willing to tell anyone about the abuse. Eddie recalled one day at school when an
adult noticed marks on his neck, but no intervention was taken:
…it was like some bruises or something – like a scratch or something, and somebody
said, ‘Hey, what is that?... Did your dad hit you or something? Did your mom? Did your
parents?’ And I was like, ‘No, I hit myself,’ and they took me to the office, and I was
there all day, and I was thinking like, ‘Oh, my god. Are they gonna come tell me who
did it? I’m not gonna tell ‘em my dad it.’
Eddie described being afraid that his parents would get in trouble and/or go to jail that day. His
mother was called to the school but after questioning, the school did not believe any wrongdoing
had occurred. Eddie thought that if school officials had learned of the abuse at home and said, “I
probably would have never…gone to jail because I wouldn’t have had that much anger. They
probably would’ve stopped my dad being abusive or something.” However, he also thought that
his siblings might have been removed from the house and he “would’ve never been able to see
them till I turned 18 or just personally gone and searched for them on my own.”
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Although Eddie would get in trouble “almost daily” and he experienced abuse at home,
he said his elementary experience was overall positive. He said he was “proud” of his
achievements in elementary school and being on the “honor roll or student of the month” and
being able to do well in school despite his circumstances.
Middle School Years (Grades 6-8)
Middle school was also a time when Eddie began involvement with drugs and other
gang-related youth and older peers. He said, “…in my mind, I was thinking, ‘Oh, they’re
probably going through the same thing. That’s why they’re cool, that’s why they’re doing what
they’re doing.’” He slowly began to feel “powerful” and “accepted” with his new friends despite
their negative gang and social activities. He also liked the “adrenaline” that came with being
associated with this crowd:
I was scared – just the thought of getting caught. And feeling like I belonged and
knowing that I was accepted for whatever it is that I was going through, I figured that
they were going through the same thing, and they didn’t say anything. So this was my
crowd, you know, and then the drugs were introduced. You know, it’s just I started
smoking marijuana, and it made me feel different. I felt like, ‘Okay, this is cool. I’ll get
all high. Whatevers.’
At 14 years old, Eddie began selling marijuana and then crystal methamphetamine beginning at
age 15 to 16 years old. Eddie indicated he was somewhat conflicted because while he knew “it
was wrong,” at the same time, he did not see “nothing wrong” with his behavior because “in my
mind, it was like, ‘My dad did it. Why can’t I do it?’”:
And that’s how I learned. So even though he stopped, it was already in my mind, so it
was kinda too late. But like I said, despite all of that, it was like I always knew that it was
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bad, and I always knew and wanted a change, but I didn’t know how, and I just couldn’t
do it. You know?
He also never stole drugs from his father even though he “knew where everything was at.” He
felt that the money his dad made was for the home to pay for “food and stuff” so he never
touched it.
Eddie’s friends also gave comfort as he struggled with his life. He was hanging out with
older individuals and he called them “family”:
It was like they seemed to help me out. They were my family. They gave me the
protection. It’s that same story everybody says. I feel comfortable. I feel powerful.
Nobody could tell me nothing – respected, the money, the girls – whatever. It’s just the
same little routine.
In addition to his changing friendships, Eddie’s teachers also changed at this time. He said
around sixth and seventh grades he noticed teachers came to school “mad.” He recalled that all
the students noticed and would tell teachers to “leave your problems at home” when a teacher
was “screaming at somebody.” He said, “When they were screaming at somebody, like
somebody would say something like, don’t be mad at us, be mad at home, keep it over there, you
a teacher here!” Eddie said the teachers would “get frustrated” with students. “And you could tell
when they were having a bad day I guess by their facial expression and the way they come and
just get right straight into lecture.” He felt that now that students were older, they could better
recognize these frustrations compared to their younger years when it was not noticeable to them:
It wasn’t there as much as growing up in elementary going to school, because in
elementary I feel more like a connection, like a motherly figure…just giving you advice,
talking to you, just helping out and actually taking the time and sitting there.
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Eddie also described his ability to do math quickly during the sixth and seventh grades. He said:
And you go from like 2 to 12 and if you pass it you get a star. The teacher, on the wall,
had graph with all the names and the multiplication problems. So you’ll be able to see the
students that had all the stars and the ones that had the less stars. I remember I had the
stars like close to the bottom… I was like I don’t want to be on the bottom. But I knew I
knew the stuff but I guess I was bullshitting. And I was like I’m gonna get more stars.
And I kept telling the teacher I want some more stars. And she was like well you gotta
know it. She was like here get these flashcards and I started going through it…next thing
you know I started getting my stars.
The racial dynamics in middle school were diverse but also revolved around tension among
different groups. Eddie’s middle school consisted mostly of African Americans, Latinos/as and
whites. The students of color came from the city and the whites lived in the school area. Eddie
said the students seemed to be bothered by the attending school with different races because of
the racial tensions, but occasionally shared the same space for certain events:
…I don’t know the day or nothing but I remember thinking one day, like man all the
white people are together, we are over here hanging on the benches, the blacks are behind
the gym. It’s all separated. But there was one day out of the month where they’ll bring a
DJ to the quad and everyone would be in the middle. They just be chillin or whatever.
But you really didn’t see Caucasians hanging out with Hispanics or nothing like that.
Eddie also did not remember there being “a lot of Caucasians in my classes even though they
were the majority in school.” Thus, most of his classes were with other Latinos/as or African
Americans.
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High School Years (Grades 9-12)
Grades nine and ten were difficult for Eddie because he was spending even more time
with “the wrong crowds.” He recalled being stopped “multiple times” for being around friends
who were already in the police database and on probation. The police around the city and his
neighborhood frequently stopped Eddie and his friends because they “looked Hispanic” and as if
“we had something.” At first, the police did not interrogate Eddie because he was not on
probation. He said the police would ask Eddie, “What are you doing with them, man? They’re on
probation.” Eddie mentioned that he would discuss probation and its consequences with his
nephew at the time:
I try to tell my nephew, ‘Don’t get on probation because it opens the door for something
that you’re going to wish you could have closed sooner.’ It’s true because I remember not
being on probation. They would just send me to the side and they’ll search everybody
else. I would just be waiting for them to be searched. In my head I’ll be like, ‘Yeah, you
can’t do nothing to me.’
Eddie began his ninth grade in a traditional high school called Longwood High School in
an adjacent city to Eastern Beach. He described this school as a “hard school to get into” and a
“white-folks school” because it was nice and considered more rigorous than his neighborhood
schools. Towards the end of eighth grade, Eddie filled out a preference sheet for the high school
he wanted to attend; he selected three schools and each received a rank. Longwood High School
was his first choice. Eddie was accepted after he submitted a second application to the school. He
was denied his first attempt to enroll in the school but after he visited the school with his mother,
he reapplied and was granted acceptance. Eddie said his mother was adamant about attending the
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school because it was “a good school” where the students were “smart.” His older siblings had
attended the school and although they did not graduate, his mother wanted Eddie to attend.
Eddie attended Longwood High School for approximately two months. He did not recall
much about this school other than the environment and racial demographics. He remembered he
did not have many friends at this school because his friends attended their neighborhood schools,
which he described as “more ghetto” than Longwood High School. Eddie said he felt “a little
uncomfortable” because he had few close friends; there were “so many whites” he recalled and a
much smaller group of students of color. He noted that the teachers were “great” but that he was
not there long enough to “build connections” with them. He said he mostly remembered just
trying to figure out what the school was about, his schedule, and places on campus.
Eddie discontinued going to Longwood High School in 2005 because he was jailed for
assault and battery with a deadly weapon. Eddie described the day he had to protect his brother
from another guy who was trying to hit him with a baseball bat. Eddie took the bat from the male
and hit him repeatedly. He was accused of “excessive force” because if the attack had been in
self-defense, he would not “have hit him as many times.” Eddie served six months in a juvenile
facility and was released on probation.
Now that Eddie was on probation, he said life changed for him especially with police
interactions. If he was stopped, the police were more intense with him. Police would search him
where as before (pre-probation status) he was left alone:
I started realizing that I was in the system. I wasn’t able to hang around with nobody on
probation like that anymore. They [police] go, ‘You on probation, too? Oh, come here.’
By me being on probation and hanging around with my homies that were on probation
they have a right to label me as the gang with everybody else. If I wasn’t on probation
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they wouldn’t do it. Now that I’m on probation they just label me as a gang member from
such and such gang. So I started seeing like, ‘Fuck, I messed up. I’m already on
probation. I’m in the system. There goes that door.’
Eddie’s family was concerned about his behavior and tried to encourage him to engage in
positive behavior and go to school. He said his mother, aunts, and brother told him, “Go to
school. Don’t drop out. Don’t be like the rest of us.” Eddie, however, felt he did not need to
listen to his brother especially since he did not graduate:
That’s when I told him, ‘Don’t tell me nothing, dude. You didn’t fucking finish. You
don’t have the right.’ I was rebellious. I was like, ‘Shut up. Don’t tell me shit.’
When he was released, Eddie was assigned to a probation school, which he did not want to
attend. He felt he was “forced” back into school because of his mother’s efforts to get help from
school counselors to get him enrolled. He ended up with a home studies education program for
about a month. At that point, he stopped going because he “didn’t like it.” He was not attending
school for about two months. His mother was not aware of his non-attendance in school because
she worked during the day. Eddie said she left at 6:00am and returned home at 4:30pm and she
never knew that he was not in school.
After his ninth grade incarceration, Eddie was required to attend the center for issues
such as “gang awareness, substance abuse, and anger management.” He found this center “very
helpful,” mostly due to his counselor, Ms. Washington. Eddie described her as “always advising,
like trying to help us find a part-time job.” She helped “every single one of us” by taking the
time to talk to students, conduct home visits, and give assignments for the youth to “think about
our life and stuff.” Ms. Washington provided Eddie with a significant amount of support after his
first incarceration and during his last charge:
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So I think that program really helped, but it was mostly because of the counselor that was
there. If it would’ve been somebody else, I don’t think it would’ve been the same cause
even after my incarceration, she found a way to contact my mother and got my address
and was sending me letters with words of advice to stay positive, books to read. So it was
more the individual thing in the program, I guess, but the program had her, so that’s what
made it good.
Ms. Washington would visually show the youth at the center images of people on drugs and the
physical toll on their bodies. She would also bring in guest speakers to give “testimony” about
their personal struggles and overcoming drug addictions. Eddie said, “And I’ll sit there like,
‘Damn, I don’t wanna fuckin’ look like I’m 40 when I’m 20.’ I gotta stop.”
Eddie also felt Ms. Washington was someone he could rely on outside of this obligation
to attend the recovery center. She provided her personal phone number to the students to call in
case they needed support:
There was times where I felt stressed out, and I was just mad and angry, and she knew
that I would explode… And she was like, ‘I can’t promise you I’ll pick up every time.’
She was like, ‘But whenever you get angry,’ she was like, ‘give me a call, or whenever
you feel like doing something stupid, give me a call, and I’ll be there,’ and it worked…
And I felt dumb doing it, but I was like, ‘Hey, Ms. Washington,’ and she would already
know, like, ‘Oh, Eddie? Oh, oh, hi. How you doing?’ She’d be like, ‘What’s up?’ And
she would just make me forget about what it is that I was gonna call her for, and she’ll
just conversate.
By the ninth grade, Eddie was already a part of a gang from his neighborhood. During
this time, he had conflict especially with his mother. His mother worried about his safety and
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well being constantly. Eddie described his mother trying to talk to him (and his siblings) and his
response would be “no, don’t tell me nothing,” but there were instances Eddie comforted his
mom and said, “I’ll be careful.” He recalled her waiting up for him many nights:
…it’s sad…my mom’s gone through so much because of me and my brothers. She went
through with it with my older brother – not as much. And then the one before my oldest
brother, she kinda went through it with him, kind of the struggles and everything. But I
seem to be the worst one cause I remember, at times, I would get home…I’ll see her
sleeping there by the door, and I’ll wake her up, ‘Mom, I’m home’… Then she’ll go to
sleep.
Eddie continued:
...she’ll say we [Eddie and his siblings] won’t be home, and she’ll hear gunshots or the
ambulance, the police, and she’ll automatically be like, ‘Oh, that’s them,’ and she would
just always be scared. She would always try to tell me, ‘Do the right thing. Go to school.
Don’t hang around with your friends.’ She would always be like, ‘Juntate con tus amigas.
No con tus amigos por que tus amigos te ponen en problemas y las amigas no’ [Hang out
with your girlfriends, not with your guy friends because they are going to give you
troubles and not your girlfriends]…you can hangout, and just have fun.
Eddie said he also noticed his father waiting up at times for him to return home because his TV
light stayed on as well. Eddie commented, “Whether he [father] hated me, or whatever, I knew
that he cared. I was just like, ‘Okay, I know he cares about me.’”
It became “habit” for Eddie to fight and come home with cuts and bruises. This continued
worrying his mother and she eventually bought a first-aid kit to doctor his wounds. And although
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Eddie’s older siblings also tried to encourage him to stay focused in school and “graduate,” he
said their words were not credible:
And I would be like, ‘You didn’t graduate. Why are you telling me to graduate? Don’t
tell me nothing cause you didn’t do it.’ I always said, ‘Don’t try to live the life you didn’t
with me. Let me do my own choices. You chose not to graduate. That’s on you.’
His sister tried to talk to Eddie in a “female approach” and not the hard line he would get from
his brother. However, Eddie indicated that he would push back and say that he was “good” and
had “good grades” so it did not matter that he was misbehaving.
Upon his release for assault and battery, Eddie was ordered to attend a center for
recovering drug addicts given his addiction to crystal methamphetamine. After school he would
head to the recovery center for drug testing and counseling with Ms. Washington. Eddie
described her as helpful to his rehabilitation and having someone to talk to about his problems:
And so I did it or whatever, but I think she prevented me from doing a lot of other things.
I felt so much comfort with her that I’ll tell her, ‘You know what, ma’am, I’m dirty.’ And
honestly, I’m dirty because I’m working on stopping, and I know I don’t wanna do it, but
I can’t stop, right now.
Eventually, Ms. Washington asked Eddie, “You’re not in school, huh?” He told her about
home studies and his dislike of the program. Eddie said she helped him get into an alternative
school.
Alternative High School.
Eddie attended an alternative high school for students who were formerly incarcerated,
had dropped out of school, and or were facing teenage pregnancy and other issues that impacted
their ability to attend a traditional high school environment. Eddie described the school as
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“small, cool” and without “much drama” as a “regular school” because the people that were there
wanted to focus given their circumstances and situations.
During these years, he remained on probation from his incarceration in the ninth grade
but also continued to abuse drugs and hang out with gang-affiliated peers:
Throughout my whole high school, like even though I was messing up, hanging around
with the wrong crowd, I always knew it was bad, but I still did it because I liked the
feeling. Like I said, my mind and my emotions were somewhere else other than the anger
and everything that I was going through, so I felt comfortable doing it, and I was like,
‘Whatevers. I’m risking getting caught, but I like the feeling.’
Although he engaged in this behavior, Eddie indicated that he “never got a F. I only got one D,
and everything was As, Bs, and three Cs.” His drug addictions had become more intense in these
high school years, ranging from marijuana, Phencyclidine (PCP), crack cocaine, and
methamphetamine. He noted being on “crystal meth for like three years almost.” He managed to
maintain his focus in school and would remember “there’s an exam this day” and keep his
academics “in mind” so that he was still ready for the classroom. For the most part, Eddie was
able to balance school and drugs without causing much attention to himself from adults:
But some people noticed. I remember a couple times, like some of my friends were like –
I don’t know – like girls or whatever, they’ll be like, ‘Hey, you didn’t sleep last night?’…
Little did they know I was doing crystal meth. And I was just like, ‘Oh, yeah. I was up
all night,’ and they would be like, ‘Oh. Just sleep.’
The learning environment was not much different from a traditional school setting. Eddie
indicated that they had regular core classes, such as economics, math, science, history and
English. He said the “teachers were great” and although a few were not as great, the majority
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were supportive of students. Although he was late to his science class every day, Eddie’s teacher
did not refer him for any disciplinary action because he would participate and do well in the
class. Eddie said he was “one of the best students” in that class.
During his senior year, Eddie also described ditching classes often. He recalled one time
that his probation officer (PO) showed up with two police officers at his school to arrest him for
violating his terms. Eddie recalled, “I already knew, like, ‘Oh, shit. He’s here cause I’m not
going to school, and he knows it. I’m going to jail.’” Eddie was handcuffed and yelled at by his
P.O. for not attending school:
And he was like, ‘Come here,’ and they handcuffed me, and he was like, ‘You’re going
to jail, man. I told you, man, don’t fuck up.’ I was like, ‘I’m not fucking up,’ and he was
like, ‘But you’re not coming to school… I really thought you weren’t gonna show up
today either… And thankfully, you did cause I have my police officers right here to
escort you to jail.’ And I was like, ‘Damn. That’s fucked up.’
Eddie said the PO spoke to the principal and learned of his positive grades. His PO ordered the
handcuffs removed and shook Eddie’s hand. According to Eddie, his PO said, “I don’t know how
you do it, man, but you’re one of the students with the good grades despite you’re not coming to
school. I’m not gonna take you to jail. Just try to come to school… You’ve missed more than
half the year and you’re doing good – better than people that come every day.” Eddie said he felt
relieved to be let go. When he thought about that period of time and his behavior both inside and
outside of school, Eddie described some regret:
…I think back…maybe if I continued feeling bad and confused instead of hanging
around the crowd, who knows what could’ve. I could’ve probably gotten a better grade…
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But it’s just I always think about despite me going through what I was going through, I
always continued having good grades.
The teachers in high school provided Eddie an outlet to talk about his life and future, but
also presented themselves in ways that he could identify with. One art teacher, Ms. Belmont, had
his sister from the previous year in her class. The teacher had pictures of her students on wall in
the classroom and Eddie’s sister was in one of them. Ms. Belmont connected with many of her
students, boys and girls:
At lunchtime, you see some of the students walking into class just to go hang out with
her, sit there and eat lunch… Especially with females, since she was a female, like a lot
of the females felt a connection, like a friendship with her. They would sit there and talk
about whatever, boys and what not. But you could always see hear laughing… It’s just
like a lounge area. She was very kind. She was very open. She was always like, giving
somebody compliments… I guess that’s why a lot of students got attached to her… It’s
an art class, so it’s kinda fun.
Other teachers Eddie connected with also provided hands-on projects or real-life
activities in class. Mr. Hathaway, Eddie’s English teacher shared his life story with the students
and gave them advice:
…during lunchtime he would open his classroom when we wanted to go talk to him…he
would actually sit there and talk about, how he used to smoke marijuana back in the days,
how he was hanging out wit the wrong crowd and now he’s a teacher now…he was
Hispanic, but not really knowing Spanish, but he was a Latino, an English teacher… He
used to talk about wearing condoms cause a lot of guys would go with him… I remember
one time he was telling his story about at times you can’t avoid hanging out with the
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wrong crowd, when they are your cousins. He was like, I couldn’t avoid it. I lived in the
house with my tias and my cousins were there… They gang-banged. I didn’t and he’s like
I didn’t turn out badly, look at me? I smoked marijuana and I hung out with them, but I
never turned out bad. He was basically saying our choice. At times he would talk about
instead of hanging out with your friends, go drinking somewhere, go to art shows and art
concerts. Instead of doing negative with your time, doing something positive.
In science, Eddie recalled a project about the human respiratory system that was a
success in class. Using cardboard, he created all the different systems associated with the
respiration. He ran “around all over the place looking for cardboard” to create his three-
dimensional project. Eddie said he worked best under pressure and was pleased with his work, as
was the teacher:
By like 1 or 2 in the morning, I got it done. I got my little postcards and I wrote the
definitions of the little body parts… Some people say they work better under pressure and
I guess I’m that type of guy… Cause if I’m not under pressure, I sit there and I know
there’s more time and I just write something. My mind goes somewhere else. But if I’m
under pressure, there’s no room to think about anything else… And she’s like oh my
God! This is awesome! She put it on the wall again…this one was like up there… She put
it on top and all the other ones were at the bottom. So it was obvious that she probably
liked mine better.
Another project Eddie remembered in high school was for history class. His task was to
research Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X for Black History Month. He completed a poster
board with designs and information not just about these figures, but other influential African
Americans:
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I was cutting off pages from magazines that had to do with them. I got his quotes. I put
his I Have A Dream speech. Typed it up and made it look nice. I put stuff about the
RedTails, the first African American airplane pilots for war. When the Red Tails came
about…throughout time they were the ones that did more killing of the enemies…these
dudes have so many kills and not many deaths…it was just speaking on African
American development and how all that affects all that in society…about Rosa Parks, I
put that she fought to sit, and nowadays a lot of the African Americans sit in the back.
Why? When she fought to sit in the front. That’s just contradicting somebody’s will to
make a big difference you know?
Eddie said his teacher was amazed at his work and said, “Whoa! This is good! Extra credit, extra
credit!” His other African American classmates were “mad” he thought because he “over-
exaggerated on the project and did more than what I was supposed to do”:
A lot of them were, they were saying like, ‘Damn cuz! This Mexican did better shit than
us!’ So they were trying to say this motherfucker did more about our people than we
would. They were like kinda talking and I was just laughing. Cause I felt good. This just
shows that no matter what, race, no matter what, you can still get on it. So I felt good
about it, but at the same time I was like why you trippin.
Eddie also participated in a program that gave him hands-on training in working with the
environment at the high school. For elective credit, Eddie learned how to work with plants and
became certified as a plant technician. He also learned how to drive a tractor. Another teacher
also encouraged students to consider a future in computer graphic design. Given his love for arts
and crafts, his teacher’s insight into a possible career was helpful.
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Eddie described how one of his teachers would sit and talk with him “almost every day”
during lunchtime. He described her as being similar to a counselor in addition to his content area
teacher. His English teacher, Ms. Johnson, acted like a college advisor:
…my English teacher would sit there and talk mostly about me wanting to join the
Marines or me being able to take college courses in the Marines… I didn’t really know a
lot about college, but she’ll try to sit there and tell me, ‘Look, college is like this, and you
do this, and you need this.’
Eddie felt that these teachers wanted to push him to do better because he was “not really using
my full potential in the areas that I should.” He thought they offered their advice to encourage
him to do better.
However, the teachers, he said, did not have a sense that he was spending time with the
wrong crowd or having trouble at home. Most of the time, Eddie would make his comments
about those situations into a “joke”:
When I started being able to conversate with people on a deeper level, I’ll throw it out
there but as a joke, as in a joke. Say they were to ask, so does your dad drink or does he
do drugs? I’ll be like oh yea he’s an alcoholic. He drinks a lot. And I’ll kinda smile… I’ll
just kinda throw it out there and dust it off… I kinda opened up to him, I threw it out
there but it wasn’t enough for him to like click it, you know? Nobody ever really knew.
By that time I was a little more conscious of what my dad was doing and stuff.
Thus, no one knew about his lifestyle and the toll his behavior had on his inner self. Eddie said,
“I don’t think they really caught on to that. I did a lot.” Because he was in a gang, he harbored
conflicting feelings about his lifestyle:
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…there’s times that…I would be scared. ‘Oh, my god. I’m gonna go to jail. I’m gonna go
to jail.’ At times, I couldn’t even sleep. I would be panicked… ‘What if they come, right
now?’ And so I had all this in mind and just hanging around with the wrong crowd, but
like I said, every night, I can honestly say that I would be like, ‘Why am I still doing
this?’… I guess I had like depression… I’ll think about everything that was going on in
my life. And nobody would notice, but I’ll sit there, and I’ll begin to cry just thinking
about it and not knowing what to do to change it. ‘What can I do? Do I stop hanging out
with these people?’ Then I’d be like, ‘How am I gonna do that?’ What am I just gonna
tell ‘em, ‘I can’t hang out with you no more’? And I couldn’t figure out a way, so I’ll sit
there and just look back at my life, and I would always tell myself, ‘Why am I doing
this?’
Eddie discussed the constant questioning about his life and choices. He would ask himself, “Why
am I hanging around with these people when I should be hanging around with these people?
Why am I hanging around with these people that do drugs and gangbanging, shoot people, and
rob people, when I can hang around with these people that like to party and have fun?” Although
he “always had two sets of friends” he chose the more “negative” group and eventually the
friends who were “positive” stopped calling because he no longer spent time with them.
Eddie did not take advice to spend his time with friends who were in school and doing
well because he “was afraid of what others was gonna think about me.” He continued with the
following:
I already had built an image and a reputation, so to just stop cold turkey and have people
consider me as a bitch was like a no-no for me. I was like, ‘What the fuck?’ People
respected me for who I was. My name would ring bells, so it was like, ‘I can’t just
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stop.’… And I guess just caring about what the second man thought about me was a big
deal for me, and it had a lot to do with my self-esteem and the anger and everything, the
resentment that I have, like my father and stuff.
Eddie commented that if his teachers had made more efforts to intervene or report his
behavior, it probably would have resulted in a negative impact:
I probably would’ve cussed her out. She fuckin’ reported me. It wouldn’t have done any
good. What are they gonna do? Sit there and try to lecture me to do good? I was already
in 12th grade. I was already 17 years old. It just wasn’t gonna work that way.
Despite his feelings about possible interventions, Eddie expressed gratitude for the teacher just
being there and giving of their time to talk to him. Because it was a continuation school for
students who were struggling with their lives, Eddie said these teachers were understanding. He
would not detail his actions with his teacher but felt they cared. He said, “They felt like, I guess,
a bond, a connection, maybe, because they probably experienced the same thing or whatever.”
He said without that outlet to express his feelings in some way, “I probably would’ve released it
out in anger somewhere else.”
By his senior year at the alternative high school, Eddie had finished his recovery services
commitment and received a certificate. His grades were “good” and he was “disassociating” with
his previous crowd. In his mind, he told himself, “I’m about to graduate. I’m going to get into
college or go into the Marines.” He and his counselor had discussed his final credits and classes
needed to graduate. He would go home instead of a friend’s house where the temptation to do
drugs or get into trouble was possible. He had also began spending time with more females and
although he still smoked marijuana, he still focused on the future:
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I was like, ‘I’m going to college.’ I was like, ‘I don’t want to be hanging around in alleys
smoking and drinking with nothing but guys.’ I was like, ‘Oh fuck that.’ So I started kind
of trying to get my life together. I felt good. I was working part time, construction. I went
from construction to working at a liquor store and working at a small market place.
In the summer of 2007, Eddie was close to graduation and needed just a few credits to
earn his high school diploma. He remembered his PO called his mother and said, “I was doing
good… I felt happy where my life was headed because I kind of like got out the trench.” Eddie
had also finished his probation but did not know this at the time.
Eddie’s relationship with his father remained strained and he did not have a relationship
with him because of the abuse. Although they lived in the same house “he was acknowledged”
but “wasn’t accepted.” However, one day his father surprised him with a new car under certain
conditions:
I got home one day… I seen a Mustang convertible. It was like 2004. This was around
2007, 2005. So I was like, ‘It’s not a bad car. It has some 20s on it.’ I was like, ‘That’s
what’s up.’ I went upstairs and I was like, ‘Hey Mom, that’s a nice car. You seen it?’ She
was like, ‘Which one? The blue one?’ I was like, ‘Yeah, the convertible.’ She was like,
‘Oh yeah, your dad just bought it. He bought it from his friend.’
When Eddie’s dad heard his voice, he told Eddie that he got the car because of Eddie’s grades
and approaching graduation. However, his dad also informed Eddie that he could not use the car
unless he was “clean of marijuana”:
I was like, ‘What? For real?’ He was like, ‘Yep. Ahi esta el carro para que no digas que
no te estamos ayudando. [There is the car. So don’t say we are not helping you] You’re
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finishing school. We want you to continue.’ I was like, ‘All right. That’s what’s up.’ So I
was kind of happy like, ‘Damn, everything’s going great.’
Eddie said at this time he was spending time with friends who were not getting into
trouble but he was also still “gang banging” with more caution. He knew all of that behavior was
wrong and his focus on graduating helped him stop “little by little.” Eddie also stopped smoking
marijuana for a few weeks because he wanted to drive the new car.
At this time, one night he went over to a friend’s house. Around 9:30pm that evening,
another group of their friends called the house. Eddie’s friend mentioned that Eddie was at the
house and encouraged him to go out with the other guys:
He was like, ‘You trying to roll or not?’ I was like, ‘No, dude, I’m straight.’ Then he was
like, ‘You sure?’ I was like, ‘I’d rather walk home, homey.’ Then he was like, ‘All right,
fuck it.’ He was like, ‘Well if anything we can drop you off.’ I was like, ‘No. I’m just
going to find my – pay a cab or something.’ His sister was like, ‘Just fucking get a ride.
Why you going to waste money?’ So when they got there he was like, ‘You coming or
not?’ I was like, ‘Fuck it.’ I got in the truck and I seen all my homies. I had this gut
feeling. I was like, ‘Damn, fuck.’ In my mind I was like, ‘I’m not feeling it.’
Eddie described that just as he was ready to tell his friends to stop and drop him off at his aunt’s
house, he decided against it. He said, “I was thinking about it but then I was like, no, I’m not
going to say nothing because I’m going to look like a bitch. I’m already here. I’m going to just
have them do what they do and then drop me off.” A fight ensued and a young man was stabbed
and died. Eddie said he and his friends were soon in jail and his life had changed instantly:
I was like, ‘Dude, I’m fucking looking at life in prison for hanging around with the wrong
crowd, for being at the wrong place at the wrong time with the wrong people,’ like
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literally. I was beating myself up because I was like the stupidest move that you do when
you’re trying to go righteously is going to set you all the back. I couldn’t believe that this
had happened because that’s when I felt like I was getting my life together. I felt like I
was becoming more independent. I felt like my parents respected me for the small
changes that I was doing but they saw that I had potential like, ‘Dude, I had a car sitting
there.’ I was like, ‘I’m about to graduate.’
Eddie regretted the decision to get a ride with his friends instead of taking the 15-25 minute walk
home. While in jail, he was angry and felt “stupid because of the split second choice” he made
after trying to get better. He began “questioning God and everything” and how this had
happened. Eddie said even the police were surprised at his charge because of his probation
status. The police officers told him “You’re here for murder? You were just off probation like
not even two or three weeks ago.” Eddie was shocked himself because he did not even know.
Apparently his PO was awaiting his high school diploma to inform Eddie of his completion.
Eddie was given a juvenile life sentence of incarceration until he was 25 years old. For good
behavior, he could get released early; bad behavior would add more time to his sentence.
Eddie spent time in six different juvenile facilities during his nearly five-year
incarceration. Eddie’s mother had a difficult time with his incarceration. He said she knew he
was “guilty for association but not for being the main one.” She supported him throughout the
trial and while detained. His mom was upset because Eddie had been doing well and on the right
track but he explained to her “literally I was at the wrong place at the wrong time with the wrong
people.”
It was especially difficult for his mother to see Eddie’s injuries during visitations as a
result of the fighting among inmates. He would tell his mother:
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It’s better for me to be in here than to be out there where I could possibly get shot. All
this that you’re seeing is nothing but fights. I was like, ‘You see guys box all day, boxing,
kickboxing.’ I was like, ‘Don’t worry about it. It’s just a black eye. I get hit in the bone.
I was like a blood vessel – that’s what it is. It’s just a hit.’ I’ll tell her, ‘I don’t feel
nothing.’ Then she’ll be like, ‘It’s just you’re my son. You won’t ever understand.’
Eddie said he eventually had to remove his mother from the visitation list because she would get
so upset and “break down” at the detention facilities. At one point Eddie attacked another inmate
and was on “lockdown” for six months, which changed his visitation procedures and privileges:
They would have me in handcuffs in a small cage where my mom could come and she’d
have to talk to me through a small hole. So I was like and animal. She wasn’t used to
seeing me like that. She was used to seeing me in a table with everybody else around us
and being able to eat chips and sodas, watching other people’s kids running around.
Eddie told his mother that her breakdowns did not help his own state of mind. He wanted her
visits to be positive and a time for them to talk about “what’s going on, the good things.” Her
emotions made him feel even worse and had the potential to make him fight again. The fact that
Eddie was the youngest boy and incarcerated because of a murder, also made it difficult for his
mother. His father showed little emotion about Eddie’s situation:
Throughout that time my dad went a few times but she will cry and he’ll just sit there. He
would just look at me and – he wouldn’t even look at me. I caught him looking at me but
when I look at him he’ll just kind of turn away but I know he was feeling it. I’m his son.
But he was just like, ‘That’s my son, whatever,’ but my mom was the one that was really
going through it.
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After he was placed back on normal visitations, he added his mother to his visitation list again.
Eddie also mentioned that his father visited him at times, but not regularly. He recalled a visit
that resulted in a short conversation with his father, yet a feeling of warmth and comfort from his
dad just “being there”:
So we sat there visiting and I was like, ‘How’s everything?’ It was short. But just by him
being there I felt warm. I felt comfortable like, ‘My dad’s here.’ Even though to this day
we don’t really have long, stretched conversations but just by me conversating with him a
little bit it’s like, ‘He’s my dad. This is our conversations.’
Racism was a significant influence in Eddie’s incarceration. He said he went into the
system with “that state of mind” to hate other races. Eddie knew that this thinking was “so
stupid” but it did not matter at the time. His mindset was “still treat him like if he’s just black –
whatever. Fuck him.”
Eddie caused a serious situation in one of his facilities by instigating a riot among the
inmates shortly after he arrived. He was angry from a previous fight among blacks and Latinos
and got other inmates “pumped up”:
I just know that I’m going to fight. So we were getting ready to go back to our rooms and
I just got up and started socking like the blacks that I saw and every Hispanic in there too
got up. So we were pretty much blacks against Hispanics. We even held the doors so the
staff won’t come in and stop the fights. So it was only two staff for 46 wards. Everybody
else as I say they were blocking the door. So it was kind of planned and it was stupid but
it was such a big deal that they kicked me out of their facility. That’s when they sent me
to Gage and that’s like Gladiator School. That was like the worst one.
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He also described the “games” that occurred with this racial conflict:
And there was a point in my incarceration, like I said, for about two years where I
couldn’t program with nobody other than my race because of that same reason. It got to
the point where I would see somebody that wasn’t my race, and I’ll have to run towards
him and attack him just because he wasn’t my race. But that was just the games that we
were playing while in jail, you know? So and every time I did it, I would be like, ‘This is
so stupid, but it’s fun,’ and some of them would be in that same program that I was in,
like, ‘We’re programming with nothing but blacks. So if we see a Mexican, we gotta
attempt to run over there despite the staff being around and beat him up.’ It’s called
‘beating on sight.’ So if you see him, you gotta get him.
Eddie repeatedly said that he knew this was “stupid” but his cousins growing up and his own
experiences in his city had influenced his mentality. He said:
I mean it kinda all based on its race, the way everybody looks at it, you’re gonna help
your race more than anybody else. But I guess I started seeing that it was dumb and I
should stop because just meeting people in jail, having like staff members that are black
being more cool with me than their own race, I was like, ‘Well, see, it comes to show that
when you’re in the adult world, it’s not all about that.’
The turning point for Eddie to engage with other races came when he was allowed to integrate
with inmates from other races. This also changed his way of thinking once he was released:
I started getting a chance to talk to other people, like blacks, whites, and stuff, and started
realizing that, ‘Hey, what you here for?’ And they’d be like, ‘Oh, I’m here for this and
that’ and started becoming cool with them and started seeing that there was no difference,
you know?… If I get out, I was like, ‘There’s gonna be black people everywhere. Am I
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gonna have to fight ‘em?’ Or there’s gonna be white people. Am I gonna fight ‘em? It
just doesn’t work that way. I was like, ‘I have to stop it in here cause it’s gonna be stupid
if I’m doing it in here, and I get out, I’m gonna look dumb if I don’t attack them. And
what? Am I gonna attack the whole world?’ I was like, ‘I have to stop it. It’s dumb.’
For his last placement, Eddie was accepted into a fighter camp for juvenile inmates. He
had heard about the camp but knew that it required certain conditions, such as positive behavior
and letters of recommendation. Eddie felt he was more mature and was also not fighting with
other inmates, and this camp would be a good fit. He spoke positively about the camp and said it
not only physically was trying, but it also helped him become a leader. Due to his firefighting
and communication skills, he was promoted quickly within his rank and three months into the
program, he was “riding in the front of the truck with the captain.” When Eddie and the crews
worked on real fires, he remembered feeling proud of making a contribution to society and
“helping save lives.” It was especially touching for Eddie to see people along the freeways or
streets with signs, “honking and waving” to all the firefighters for saving their homes and
community. Although he did not want to continue a career in firefighting, he said this experience
“gave me a sense of how to be a productive citizen.”
The firefighter camp, along with other efforts Eddie made towards his last years
incarcerated provided him with the qualities and skills to use towards an early release. He
described taking classes and receiving certificates for passing classes related to parenting skills,
public speaking, and victim’s awareness that prepared him to embody a more positive and
engaging mindset upon release from the juvenile system.
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Early School and Home Literacy (0-14 years old)
Eddie’s parents are native Spanish speakers, however his mom has limited English skills
and his father is more fluent in English. When Eddie’s father received his high school diploma,
he learned how to read and write in English. Eddie said he did not know why his father did not
continue his education. During that time, Eddie would help his father with homework.
Yeah, he’ll call me for certain things, like, ‘Come here. How do you do this?’ And I’ll be
like, ‘It’s math problem,’ and I’ll start teaching him and he’ll get frustrated cause he
wouldn’t know, and then he’ll be like, ‘Well, no, no. The teacher said like this.’ And
sometimes I’ll be wrong, and he’ll be right. So he’ll just call me over for like, ‘Hey, how
do you write this?’ or, ‘What does this mean?’
Eddie recalled feeling proud of his father for working hard on his schoolwork, but also being the
“first to graduate” from the family.
Eddie’s mother also helped the family with literacy at an early age. When Eddie was
around eight or nine years old, he remembered she would select random words from the
dictionary and ask the children to just “write, write, write” them on their own. If they did not
know the meaning of the words, she would help:
And then she started putting words, and then she’ll be like, ‘Just keep doing it, keep
writing it, and just go. Keep doing it till you memorize it,’ and she’ll put big words. She
wouldn’t even know what they mean.
Sometimes Eddie and his siblings would also “race” to solve math problems his mother posed to
them at home. Eddie said, “I just remember sitting there sometimes excited, try to beat my
brothers into giving the answer.”
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His mother also gave the children opportunities to buy books from the Scholastics book
catalog. Eddie said he would feel “excited every time” he could select books. He mostly looked
for science books and others that showed him “how to do stuff.” He also enjoyed books about
Captain Underpants. The children also went to the public library, which was close to their home,
often with his mother. They got library cards, which gave them access and time to read there.
Eddie was classified as an ELL student beginning in elementary school. He recalled
being shy about pronouncing words because he could not pronounce them properly. Eddie also
never spoke during Show and Tell with the class even though his teacher encouraged him to
share. He used to “hate” these moments because there were times when other students laughed at
him as well:
I feel like everybody, all the teachers, would always be like, ‘No, don’t laugh. It ain’t
funny. It’s okay.’ And they will always say like – like somebody, they’ll be laughing, and
she knows that they didn’t speak Spanish. She’ll be like, ‘Well, he’s learning a second
language. What do you know? And they’ll be like, ‘Oh.’
He gradually began to feel “more comfortable” learning English and proud of his bilingualism.
Eddie noted that around third to fourth grade, he heard it was “more helpful” to know two
languages for jobs so that also helped his confidence.
Eddie’s earliest memories of reading at school were sounding out words and repetition:
Yeah, I remember the teachers all like, ‘Okay, A.’ The teacher would say, ‘A. Repeat
after me…’ So just little things like that, and take it all the way through the alphabet. And
next thing you know, it was like – they’ll give us words, and it would be like, ‘I don’t
know what they call it when it’s like two words that sound the same, but are spelled
differently… I don’t know what they call it, but just sitting down and telling us, ‘Okay.
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Write as many as you can find,’ and we’ll just make a whole list and then whatever you
can do, and then we’ll go back on it and, ‘What does this mean?’
He recalled being asked by a teacher if he had books at home, and he answered yes, but nothing
else came from that inquiry. As he learned to read better, he would sit with a book and finish it
even it took the entire day. He said he would “feel good about himself” as a reader. He was also
encouraged by his teachers, who said not to “sound like a robot” but to “sound like a human”
when reading. He eventually got over his shyness and embarrassment to read in front of his
classmates, but “got through it.” He said he gradually began reading paragraphs aloud and
volunteering in class.
Eddie was also in ESL during sixth grade of middle school. He was pulled out for one
period of the day to learn English. In this class, he would work on translating words from
Spanish to English and practice having conversations and correct pronunciation. He said, “I
guess I didn’t get it right [English placement assessment] and I got sent to ESL. But I was always
like, man I’m in this class? I know English. But in reality I was still learning.” He described his
class as focused more on learning proper words and gaining a command of English overall and
not about “finding the connection of being a bilingual person”:
I was like just learn English, that’s what we are here for and that’s it. They would have us
read books a lot of the times. It does help with the mind, but when you are sitting there
for like the first 15 minutes of the period reading a book, it’s like dude I don’t want to
read this early in the morning… It was second period and I’ll just kind of go through it.
I’ll grab a paper and write on the paper and draw and stuff. So I didn’t really like read all
the time. And then you’ll have like 30 minutes left of the period and that’s when they get
into writing sentences.
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Eddie felt his ESL teachers were more limited in their interactions with students compared to
those in his regular classes. He said he “never felt no type of connection or nothing. It was like
we are here for this and that’s it.” Even with a smaller class of about 15 students, there was not a
strong student-teacher relationship.
Eddie noted that one area he struggled with in middle school was writing essays,
particularly his introduction. He always wanted to “start it with a question” and his teacher
would tell Eddie that he could not do this every time. She told him, “It’s good she said, but you
gotta figure out different ways depending on what you want to do in your future.” Eddie
remembered being one of the last students to finish his writing.
He also remembered reading The Diary of Anne Frank in seventh grade during middle
school. Eddie said his class wrote letters to the “people that helped her” at an organization. He
was not sure if the letters were ever sent out. By the eighth grade, Eddie “felt confident being
able to read and stuff,” but it he also thought it was due to being “pushed” by his teachers to read
in a positive way.
His English teacher in seventh grade provided an encouraging environment for Eddie’s
literacy as well. He described Mr. Rivers as a “cool” teacher who would make everyone feel
comfortable during classtime:
He was black and he was like a very well-educated – he looked like a lawyer. He was a
kinda like a bald, light-skinned black dude with glasses, and he would always go in with
like a sportsman jacket or something nice and he was always looking very presentable,
but he was very chill, too. He was structured, but he was chill. When it came to work, we
worked. When it came to like joke around, we joked around… Every morning it was
something new. We’ll walk in he’ll wait for everybody to sit down and he’ll turn on some
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music and he’ll put on music…then he would kind of like after the music, after it was
over, he would rewind it, and he’ll be like, ‘All right, listen to this. What do you think
that means to you?’ and then we was talking about it.
Eddie also received tutoring services afterschool. He said it was voluntary for students who
wanted help with the computer or improving their skills overall. He learned basic computer skills
and would answer multiple-choice questions in the different subject areas. He said the program
“got his mind going.” One of his friends also went and that helped Eddie maintain his
participation.
Education in the Juvenile Justice System (17-22 years old)
Eddie took classes while incarcerated for his juvenile life sentence to earn his General
Education Degree (GED). He said that the juvenile system had misplaced some of his credits so
he was forced to do “busy work” to earn his GED. He described the classwork as elementary
level. He did “basic fraction and adding and subtracting, decimals.” For history class, he would
review chapter terms and write their definition. He knew the work would not help his learning,
especially when he would just copy text and “you’ll get credit for it.” Eddie said he was not
learning because the work “was just so easy to me.” The mix up with his credits not being
transferred to the juvenile facility resulted in Eddie doing “double the work” that he did not need:
So it was bullshit. I always told the teachers like, ‘Dude, you don’t have anything harder
for me?’ They’ll try to make up their own but it wasn’t enough… I’m like, ‘I got
assessed. Why am I sitting here?’
Eddie also expressed his frustration with being in the same classes with other guys who were
“reading like in a third grade reading level or something.” He felt “I don’t belong here” but could
not change his situation. He thought the “smart dudes get fucked over and don’t learn shit”
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because there are not enough classes for everyone. He said the struggling inmates “were learning
something new” but not the case for more advanced students:
It was nothing. It was so simple. It was like basic math. Like I said, I’m sitting in class
and there would be like eight students, and half of them would be talking and not paying
attention, and other half would be struggling and trying to do the work. And I would be
just not wanting to be there because I felt stupid.
Eddie remembered math class the most because it was repetitive. He described it as “like regular
basic fractions and pie cutting and stuff. It was so easy.” Eddie said, “I used to get mad
sometimes and just not being able to expand my knowledge and stuff.”
At Gage, Eddie indicated he had his “worst” education experience because the fighting
among inmates happened daily:
…every time you’re getting ready to go to school like literally when you get up and brush
your teeth in the morning you tie your shoes so tight because it’s in your mind that I’m
going to fight today…especially in Gage it was more racial than anywhere I’ve been at.
So I felt like it was cool like I belong here. ‘What’s up?’ If you see a black person that
walk in class all the Hispanics be like, ‘Hey do you like Mexicans? Do you be saying,
‘Fuck Mexicans,’ or what’s up? Let us know right now.’ They be like, ‘No.’ They be
like, ‘Well fuck you.’ It was just so dumb. But like I said there was times I walk in class
and out of nowhere there’s a fight. Every day there were fights. Every day. You just hear
the chairs bouncing.
Even though the fights were disruptive, class would go on and the fighting students would be
removed. Even Eddie participated in the fighting despite needing the credits to get his GED. He
eventually felt as though he was “wasting time” getting into fights and being barred from
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attending classes. This provoked Eddie to write a letter to the principal to describe his frustration
with classes and the need to concentrate to earn his credits:
I told him I was trying to graduate but I wasn’t going to get anywhere if I continue going
to school with the fights and everything. So I told him I don’t want to be involved. If I go
to school if somebody don’t like me they fight me... I have to fight them and I get caught.
I was like, ‘Is there anything you can do?’
His letter prompted action and one of the juvenile representatives came to see him one day. After
talking, they worked out an arrangement for Eddie to receive packets from his teachers. He
would continue to attend classes and fought at times in class, but was able to earn credits.
Only a few teachers took control of the classes in his juvenile facility and would not
“tolerate the bullshit.” Eddie said this teacher had “no fear” of the staff or students. He would
call the staff to take students if he did not want them in class. This teacher was a veteran of war
and Eddie said it “felt like a real class” to be in his course:
But it was just more of the way he taught it… You couldn’t talk. In other classes the
wards would be like, ‘Ahh.’ The teacher would be like, ‘Guys, please. Please.’ They’d be
like, ‘Shut up. Ahh.’ It would just be like, ‘Okay. Do this. Do that.’ But this one would be
like everybody was quiet doing their work. It was like if not you’d get kicked out. If you
get kicked out you don’t get no program for the day. So he had his class on lock down.
When Eddie asked his teachers for harder work, he said they told him “It’s not my fault... It’s not
on me. It’s in the school system. They tell me what I can give you and what I cannot.” Eddie said
the teachers also said if it was “up to me I wouldn’t be teaching this” and “can’t do nothing about
it.” Eddie thought most of the teachers felt like the job was not what they expected but they
“needed a job I guess.”
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Eddie thought only a few teachers cared, “like two.” These teachers would tell the
students they wanted to help them graduate and “that’s what makes me continue to come. You
guys are at a risk and da, da, da.” Eddie felt that the education in his juvenile facilities were
ineffective for the inmates and did “nothing”:
Everything’s good for the state. It looks good on paper. They have school. They have this
and that… But at the end of the day, they don’t really do nothing… It does help us catch
up on our credits cause for every three package you get credit… Those packages are so
easy. You could do ‘em all in one day, and that’s why I’ll sit in my room…like at
9:00pm, I’ll eat something and I’ll start doing my packet. By like 1:00am, I’ll be done
with all three packages. And it’s like that’s not the way it is supposed to be.
Eddie said overall he “never felt challenged” while incarcerated and everything was “all a
piece of cake” until he was able to take several college courses in the facility. He was first
offered a program called Broadway Line Community College that did not involve teachers;
rather, the students were supposed to work with books. Eddie said, “A teacher would come once
a month…give you the packages and the book and then pick them up and give you some other
ones”:
You do it on your own. I applied for it and it was registered but they never send me my
book. A lot of the people didn’t get sent our books. So we were taking a course with no
book. By the time the teacher came they were like, ‘Where’s the work at?’ We’re like,
‘What the fuck you mean? We don’t even got a book?’ They were like, ‘You guys didn’t
get a book?’ So they didn’t know. They had fixed it. It was a failed class. The
assignments was a failed assignment because we didn’t do the chapters but they ended up
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fixing it and I was like, ‘This is stupid. This Broadway Line [Community College] shit is
dumb.’ That was intended to just like, ‘All right this is for the inmates.’
However, the juvenile facility also had a partnership with a four year accredited
university, called Linden University, in a nearby city. Professors from the university taught
courses such as sociology and psychology of the criminal mind, which Eddie said was “created
for the jail system.” Eddie noted, “We would always ask the teacher like, “Don’t go easy on
us...make it like college”:
They’ll be like, ‘For real? We even go a little harder on you guys because want to make
sure you guys get pushed to the limits so when you get out it becomes easier. So if we go
harder right now by the time you get out and take a college course it’s going to be easier.’
We were like, ‘For real?’
Although Eddie said the professors were told to go “hard” on the students, he said the classes
were still not difficult. He remembered that “the classes were full” in the beginning of the course
but many of them dropped because they “thought it was hard”:
But for the ones that thought it was cool it was like, ‘That’s what’s up.’ You’re getting
college and the professors are real professors. So they’ll talk, they’ll spread some
knowledge and tell us how it is, how to like write résumés and stuff at times, how to
apply. They’ll talk about financial aid. So I thought it was pretty cool. That’s when I was
like, ‘This is what’s up.’
Eddie felt Linden University professors were there to challenge the students and “really help the
inmates.” He described that some inmates did not take the class seriously; rather some would just
socialize. He received a C and B for these two classes.
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Another class offered from the university was biology, however, this class was
problematic for many of the students due to the professor. He discussed how many students
dropped the class every week (three students in the end), largely, he felt because of the
professor’s attitude towards the inmates:
She’ll be saying something and we’ll be like, ‘Excuse me, ma’am.’ She’ll be like, ‘Not
right now.’ But she was like an older lady. It was just her attitude because it was a Linden
University professor… There was three of us left and then one of them walked out and
she was like, ‘Oh well we have two left now.’ Then she was like, ‘So let’s see if you guys
walk out so I can go home early.’ I looked at my homey and I was like I don’t even know
why I’m going to sit in this class with this teacher. I was like, ‘Honestly, let’s just leave.’
Then I was like, ‘Yeah, ma’am, that way you can go home early so we’re just going to
walk out.’ She was like, ‘Oh thank you.’
Eddie also explained how the staff also treated inmates in this college program. He said the staff
would question why the guys were taking the classes:
A lot of the staff will be like, ‘I don’t know why you guys go. You guys ain’t learning
shit…we’ll be walking and they’ll stop us and search us, I know you guys got drugs.
That’s what you guys go for.’ They’ll take us as a joke. They’ll take that whole program
as a joke.
Eddie said his professors provided some reassurance to the students about the staff’s remarks.
One professor explained to Eddie that perhaps the staff members were upset because the inmates
were getting a college education, particularly working towards their Associates Degree “while in
jail”:
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So you guys are not that far behind from them. So they [staff] look at you guys like,
‘Damn, these mother fuckers are right there too,’ and they don’t like to see that. They
want to still feel superior because they’re staff members.
Eddie said he agreed with his professor’s explanation. He also noted that while many staff tried
to keep the inmates “under them,” there was also some staff that encouraged the inmates. He
recalled having conversations with some of the juvenile facility staff that were more personal
because “I always seemed to be close with staff because the way I would talk to them they felt
comfortable or whatever.” He said he would ask the officers about their “life in general” and
they would discuss feelings about their jobs and what they expected from working in the juvenile
system:
They thought that working with youth and being counselor or correction officer would be
like helping like a one on one basis and talking and pushing them to the limit but when
they here at juvenile hall or the youth authority or the prisons they see that it’s a complete
different ball game… Everybody says that, ‘It’s not what I expected,’ because they don’t
know about the fighting. They don’t know about the trauma that people’s going through,
the politics that – just the whole jail setting. So they go in thinking like, ‘Okay, I’m going
to help youth that are incarcerated that I’m going to sit with and talk to and counsel,’ but
in reality all they are doing is supervising.
Eddie felt that the teachers probably felt similarly — working with the incarcerated youth was
more difficult than expected. He said the teachers probably needed income and had to stay in
their positions, but overall have a negative outlook on the youth.
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Literacy in the Juvenile System
In the early part of Eddie’s incarceration, he was exposed to a writing program in his first
juvenile facility, where he spent a year fighting his case to be tried as a juvenile. The Writers
Forever Program (WFP) provided him with the opportunity to write about his personal story and
share with other inmates. At first, Eddie did not want to read his essay aloud to the group, but
“when every single person read something, I related in one way or another to every single one.”
The environment was serious and respectful and nobody laughed during the readings. He felt that
people “related” to his experiences and “we were all going through the same thing, but in a jail
setting”:
It’s kind of hard to express your feelings. So by doing it on paper, it doesn’t sound that
much like some sissiness or something. And I liked it. And then next time I went, I did it,
again, and just being able to express your feelings and write it out on paper, it was like –
and so you express – so you write it out and you let the world know, pretty much. You
read it out loud and you see by their reactions or by them just nodding their head that they
relate and you’re not alone in the struggle or whatever it is you’re going through.
Eddie also described having “nothing but free time” and how it is “either you do
something with it or it’s gonna do you.” During his “free time” he became interested in books,
articles and just reading. He also began to write letters, but learned how to write to advocate for
himself and others in the form of a grievance when they felt “mistreated”:
It’s the same thing, some jobs and stuff, you write a grievance and they respond to you.
You write a whole other essay. It’s back and forth. So when you want to get your
message across, we as inmates are like, we are not gonna let them [system] step on us.
Because they think we are illiterate. So the ones that are not, are like ‘hell nah, we are
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gonna take it to the fullest!’ And you just go back and forth writing essays. And you can’t
just do nothing that sounds dumb. You gotta check the spelling and everything because if
you do something that sounds dumb, they’re like oh he’s just a knucklehead just trying to
talk shit…but if you sound like really like literate, they’re like oh man, he’s for real, let’s
go check what he wants.
With formal letters, Eddie said a representative from the juvenile system would visit and check
on the grievance. He noted that at times when he needed to see a doctor, he would make sure his
request form was filled out properly:
A lot of people will be like, oh I have a cold. When I’ll write them, I’ll always go to the
doctors…and they’ll be like you write so well. A lot of the guys can’t even spell but
yours is like precise. It’s like a paragraph about what’s wrong with you. Some of them
just put cold, this and that… I was like this is a good exercise for me. Later on in the
future I’m gonna be a good writer.
Eddie’s value and attitude towards writing came from his perspective on incarceration
and his future. He felt that everyone has the “tools” to learn and gain knowledge at birth, but
one’s circumstances determine how those abilities will be used. He said that if “you don’t get
pushed to the limit because of the situation that happens, you might never find out” how to use
knowledge:
And to me it was like, I remember I was telling myself, I’m fighting my fitness, I’m
looking at 25 to life, I might not ever get out. I’ve only lived this amount of time and I’m
gonna do the rest of my life in here. It’s not even close. But I was thinking, ‘What can I
do with myself from here? Am I gonna go with the flow and earn my stripes?’ Maybe
that’s what I’m gonna have to do but at the same time, I would always think, there’s so
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many people that get out of jail and they are so smart. Reading books, writing. And I was
thinking that different people that get incarcerated and make a big difference out of
themselves.
Eddie told himself that he wanted to be “smart, like book smart” once he was released. He
recalled being told that “some of the smartest people are lifers in prison.” Eddie noted that the
“ability to find out more about your inner self, makes you more knowledgeable than somebody
else that doesn’t know a lot about the inner self.” He stopped reading science fiction and “fake”
books because there was “no knowledge in these books.” Instead, Eddie took to mythology and
self-help books, as well as autobiographies. Mythologies gave Eddie a sense of will because of
the abilities “of the Gods” and Chicken Soup for the Soul also helped his growth. He also named
books such as 48 Laws of Justice, The Art of Seduction, The Art of Love, and the Art of War as
some of his favorite books. He noted that he could not write in the books or make highlights, so
he kept journals with different quotes and notes. To this day, Eddie said he can recall numerous
quotes from books and their authors because of his intense reading and writing behavior.
Eddie’s enlightenment and passion for books and knowledge eventually helped change
his behavior. He named the book Man’s Search for Meaning, which has “so many quotes that I
memorized that I think are pretty cool.” Eddie indicated that he “applied it” to himself while
incarcerated and discussed how the book described how individuals cannot always control what
happens in life but that each has the “freedom to choose how you respond to the given situation”:
So in other words it’s like, ‘All right, you got taken away from everything you love and
got placed right here. So now what the fuck are you going to do about it? It’s up to you.
Nobody else. You have the ability to choose.’ I remember I was reading it and I was like,
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‘Damn, dude. For real. I’m going to sit here in agony or I’m going to just do something
with myself.’
The other inmates noticed Eddie’s change and his reading passion. He said, “They would see me
in there with all my theories… come to me like, ‘My girlfriend this and that; what should I do?’
or, ‘I hate my mom.’” The guys would approach Eddie even during work out time and ask when
he had a break because they needed his advice. The staff would also enlist Eddie for help with
inmates that were being difficult because the guys would “open up to me.” He said, “When
somebody was acting up they be like, ‘Hey come talk to him before they get a write-up.’” Eddie
would help calm the situation and get the inmate to “come up with an agreement” so he would
not get in trouble.
Eddie’s change in behavior also influenced his regular interactions with other inmates to
a greater degree when it came to the issue of fighting in the juvenile facility. He said, “All this
started contributing to me starting to help out.” He began “standing up” and “little by little” he
would be like the “fish” who “turned around and went against the current of the river.” He said
gradually “people would just like not do it in front of me no more” and he had earned their
respect. Other inmates would comment not to “do it in front of him because he going to trip.”
There were some individuals who would still fight with Eddie and he would sustain some
injuries, such as cuts or a “black eye” but he said it was something he was “willing to take in
order to do what was right.” Eddie felt he grew up during this time and had learned to stop
playing the mind games of “manipulation” in the system:
Throughout time I was like, ‘Dude, you mother fuckers are so childish. What are you
going to do when you get out?’ They’re like, ‘Well I’m going to gang bang.’ That’s all
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you. So just little by little people started seeing that I was kind of growing up and I was
like, ‘I’m not with that shit.’ So it started being cool.
His peers began reaching out to him for advice and he said “the seed was planted” to help others.
He felt as though he could become a youth counselor someday. Eddie said the staff also
encouraged him to “go into social work or go into psychology, study the mind.” He said, “I was
like, ‘Well that sounds cool.’ They’re like, ‘You have the experience.’” He appreciated the
support but said he realized that counseling someone who is incarcerated versus someone free
was “not the same thing.” He felt that the latter have a different “state of mind” because they are
in the midst of their behavior and someone incarcerated has time to think about their life and
may be more willing to reach out:
I can’t counsel somebody that’s deeply into gangs out here and I could do it in there…
But in there they’re more vulnerable to like sitting there and listening. So I realized that
when I got out it’s not the same thing. It’s much harder. But once you’re working with
the correct population like if I’m in an environment where ex-offenders are there, then
I’m able to counsel them still.
Eddie also wrote his first poem while incarcerated that described his crime from the
perspective of a knife, given that this was the weapon used in the crime. The assignment was for
a WFP class that he had another opportunity to engage with at a different juvenile facility.
So I didn’t wanna write nothing that said, ‘Oh, we got in a car at this time and this and
that.’ So instead of saying I got in a car, it was like, I just remember getting into that dark
hole, which was a pocket and little by little – but I went into details so it was painting a
picture. And I was just talking about the knife, and then feeling the bunting and stuff, and
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then hearing the door slam and open cause it’s in the pocket, and feeling the adrenaline of
the leg of the person that’s carrying it.
Later, Eddie wrote love poems that he would share with his family and friends. Soon, the other
inmates noticed his writing talent and would ask him to write poems for them to send to loved
ones as well. He said he made a small amount of money writing poems and selling them to
others. During the holidays, he would turn his poetry into cards and decorate them.
I’ll do like borders and stuff with colored pencils, pens. I’ll do handwritings and making
it just nice art and they look like a nice little card. And people were like, ‘Hey, make me
one.’ I was like, ‘Dude, do you even know how much time this takes? I don’t do ‘em for
free,’ just joking. And they was like, ‘Well, I didn’t say for free. I’ll pay.’
When the other inmates began asking him to write letters for their girlfriends, he would tell them,
“You know what? I’m writing the letter and she’s gonna like it or whatever, but she’s falling in
love with me, not you. So you don’t want that. You gotta be able to write on your own. Write
what you feel.” Eddie said that many of the guys said they could not write their own letters
because they were not “in touch with their inner self”:
...so I’ll sit there and I’ll just write what a girl would wanna hear and I’ll give it to them
and they’ll be like, ‘Hey, cool. She loved it.’ So I’ll be like, ‘Dude, it just doesn’t work
that way.’ But, whatever. It just make them happy. I wrote. I wrote a lot.
Eddie’s literacy development also influenced his thinking about the Catholic Church and
religion. As a young child, he attended church mostly with his aunt and cousins. Even during the
time he took drugs as a young adolescent, he would still attend. However, as he read other
opinions and theories and learned to think more about morality, he began questioning his faith:
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It was just more out there than just what I was taught. I started questioning, ‘How come
only one religion can be correct and not all the other ones?’ I remember I went one time
to church and I talked to the chaplain and I was like, ‘I’m not against’ – I was raised a
Catholic… I even got baptized in jail but I’m questioning now. Now that I’ve started
reading a lot of books and started seeing that there’s a lot of different people out there
that don’t believe in God and they have many different with like the energy of the
universe and the stars.
When he asked the chaplain about the idea that there is only one God and religion, he did not
receive an answer. He said, “I remember I was in there and I was like, ‘I’m going to get out and
not to make a fool out of the church or nothing. I want to know. Tell me, am I right or am I
wrong? Why is it that somebody else doesn’t know any better, why is he going to burn in hell
because he didn’t know any better?’ They were like, ‘Well it’s not about that.’” At the time he
was reading a book about Buddhism, a book by the Dalai Lama and Muslim books, as well as the
Bible. He said, “I could get something from every religion and apply it to my life and I could live
at peace and prosperity or just with every little different thing.” Overall, books had a major
influence on Eddie’s life.
Eddie described one short period while incarcerated when he stopped writing. He was
preparing for his release and board hearing. He discontinued writing letters home to family and
friends because he wanted to focus on reading and practicing for questions he would receive
during his hearing. He wanted to have his “life lesson” and “sobriety” plans ready, as well as
facts and other information that might come up.
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Post Incarceration to the Present
Once released, Eddie was given three years of probation. However, two months later he
was taken off probation for engaging in positive behaviors. He had stayed in touch with several
mentors whom he had built relationships with while incarcerated, some through WFP, and was
giving “outreach speeches to schools” and juvenile halls. His probation officer noticed Eddie’s
efforts and when they spoke, could see that he had goals and a positive mindset:
She told me that she said she felt like it was a waste of time having me probation, that I
sound too intellectual, and I know what I want for myself. She said that I had too many
plans and I was on the right track. I seemed like a productive citizen.
His probation officer said his probation “was a waste of time.” When Eddie received a new
probation officer shortly after his release, she also saw Eddie’s successful behavior. He spoke to
her about the Marines and his plans for the future. She told him, “I think being on probation is
holding you back from doing a lot of things.” When the time came to see the judge, she had
notes from his two POs that documented all of Eddie’s “relapse prevention plans” and “sobriety
plans.” In addition, Eddie said his POs had also noted how well he had done overall since being
on probation. Eddie had the opportunity to then communicate this documentation to his judge:
I told her [the judge] things that if I find myself in certain situations, how can I avoid
them, and how I’m staying positive, how I’m helping my family, being a good role model
to my cousins. She was like, ‘I don’t seen no point on having you here. This is for people
that are still in the process. You’re already –’ she specifically told me, ‘You’re already
capable of flying, but we’re not letting you fly,’ she said. ‘So we’re gonna take you off
probation.’ And I was like, ‘Huh?’ I thought – cause I was supposed to be on probation
for three years. And I was like, ‘What? Really?’
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Eddie said he is “proud” of himself for earning that accomplishment. He said his speaking
abilities help others “see that I’m not a bad person.” He also felt he was able to show his PO and
judge that he was not “into that lifestyle anymore…and that gangbanging was not the way.”
Eddie currently lives with his parents and younger sister in an apartment in East Beach.
His relationship with his father remains distant. Eddie said they still do not have “long, stretched
conversations,” but they do engage in small talk. Eddie thought their relationship might be better
but has accepted it as is. Eddie commented:
When I was in jail I thought about building the relationship with my dad. I was like I’m
gonna get out and maybe drink a beer with him and chill and ask him to go get something
to eat and just talk. Once I got out I realized the relationship wasn’t that good to be like
hey dad, let’s go get a beer, so I never did it.
Eddie recalled sending his father a text on father’s day but not receiving a reply. There was also
a time he sent him a text about food that was at the house to eat; his dad did not reply. Despite
some vision problems that might have made it difficult to read his texts, Eddie felt his father
could have asked his mom for help and replied.
The relationship between Eddie and some of his cousins now is also somewhat distant
due to his incarceration and change. Cousins that were young children when Eddie was getting
into trouble as an adolescent are now older (teenagers) and expected him to come back to the
same lifestyle. Back then, Eddie said he was their “role model” and they would “wanna be with
me” every day:
They used to look up to me for what I used to do. I used to do fight, and they used to be
like, ‘Oh, that’s my cousin – beat them up,’ and they used to walk around, like, ‘Oh, you
know my cousin.’ And so they used to think I was so much.
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When his cousins realized Eddie had changed his ways, he told him, “I took your footsteps and
shit, and you’re gonna leave me like that?... I’m thinking you’re gonna get out, and you’re gonna
hang out with me, smoke and shit, and go do this and that.” Eddie replied that it was not fair to
blame him for wanting to follow his previous behavior. However, Eddie still feels slightly
responsible for setting a negative example to his cousins. One of Eddie’s cousins is now in jail
and Eddie wonders, “Did I really do that?”
Mentors have also been involved in Eddie’s life post-release. He discussed mentors, such
as Sean and Jim, both of whom Eddie has known since his conviction. Both mentors visited and
wrote to Eddie during incarceration. They continued to help Eddie after being released. Sean, for
example, exposed Eddie to different places “to like get me into the groove of just being able to
eat in restaurants, have a good time.” Jim took Eddie hiking in his first few days of freedom:
He was like just get the fresh air. We went to Garity Park. So we were looking at the
buildings and I was like this is cool. He was like this is nothing. The whole world is out
there. It’s yours. You just have to take it just one step at a time. And by him saying that,
he’s saying a lot… I guess he tried to do it as an example that this is beautiful, but
imagine what else is out there that you’ve never experienced. If you want to see
something better than this, just keep moving forward.
Eddie’s immediate family, such as his mother, sister, and girlfriend, have all supported his
adjustment post-release. He said these individuals know his “fears” and “what it is that’s
bothering me and stuff.” Slowly Eddie has shared more about his feelings and past experiences
so they understand. He has had to relearn how to be comfortable sitting in open, public places,
such as restaurants. Eddie carried the feeling of being attacked from behind but realized this
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would not happen to him anymore. His parents did not force him to contribute to the family’s
expenses right away and gave him time to find a job “at his own pace.”
Living in his old home was also a difficult adjustment for Eddie, as he had to mentally
acknowledge that the former rules and structure he lived by while incarcerated were no longer a
part of his daily life. He said the first three to four months were particularly challenging. He felt
“uncomfortable eating” with everyone during mealtimes. Eddie would ask his mother for
permission to take a shower or use the restroom at home. Even when wanting water from the
refrigerator or getting a snack, Eddie would always ask his mother if it was ok. Eddie’s behavior
eventually took a toll on his mother one day. His mother had asked if Eddie was hungry and he
replied no. When a short time later he requested a snack, his mother broke down:
And later I was like, ‘Hey mom can I get something? Some cookies or cereal or
something? And then she started crying. She was like, ‘Why do you keep asking me?
You’re my son! Just get it! You live here!’ She just started breaking down. She was like,
‘Forget about it!… You can shower, you can do whatever!’
Eddie also described how he would wake up in the morning and was already sweeping the house
by the time his mother woke to get ready for work. Eddie said, “She’ll take the broom. Like
leave the broom! Go to sleep!” Even if Eddie said he was not tired, his mother would make him
go back to bed. She would tell him, “Go to sleep. Wake up in a little bit. You don’t gotta do
shit!” Eddie knew his mother was “trying to get me out of that mind, that incarcerated mindset.”
Eddie felt “uncomfortable in my own home” and he recognized that his mother did a lot for him
by making him feel welcomed and supported in his own home.
His sister also helped get Eddie to live a normal life. She drove Eddie to the beach to
“walk around, kinda like just get comfortable.” Eddie appreciated that time with his sister
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because they had never spent quality time together like that. She continued taking Eddie to
different places and he said, “Just by them giving me some exposure back into the old ways it
really helped.”
Eddie expressed concern about “other people that don’t have the family structure or the
family support” when they are released and on their own. Given the challenges of coming from
“that mindset” of being incarcerated, Eddie said support is important:
…not everybody, but like a lot of people that have been incarcerated, you can tell by their
demeanor, the way they walk, the way they are looking at people… And sometimes I’m
like why? They are older guys, older cats…why are you still doing this? Maybe because
they didn’t really have that family love or family support. That core support system that a
lot of us did. So them getting out, in their mind, they’re still prisoners. They’re on
probation, they’re on parole. They still gotta watch their back… And then still going
through their struggles.
Eddie said without support to get out of “that mindset,” individuals who are released do not stop
their former lifestyles “even thought they want to.” He felt that what is most helpful is “that
family, that love, that affection…that knowledge that knowing that someone cares about you”:
There’s a quote that says, I don’t know by who, but it says if you’re not loved, you do not
exist…it’s true right?...and of course not literally, but it’s like you exist but to who? And
I think that’s the way it works, if you do not have that support system, you’re pretty much
a goldfish in a bowl, you can only do so much and you’re gonna stay there forever.
Eddie has maintained a focus on staying “busy” and mindful of possible interactions that
could cause trouble. Before his release, he prepared a list of situations that could occur and how
he would handle them because they would also come up during his release hearing:
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…What if I went into the store and I bump into somebody that I didn’t get along with
before, or what if I bump into my victim’s family, what are you gonna do? So if you see
your victim, what would you do?… So I worked on it. Just staying, staying positive,
staying productive, just not having free time on your hands to say, ‘I’m gonna go get a
drink and chill over here with homey.’ If you stay busy, if you’re staying in school,
there’s no time to really hang out like that, cause you gotta study, and you gotta work.
You gotta get your sleep, and you gotta prepare for certain things. So just staying busy,
and staying positive and just knowing – like I said, once again, stand your ground,
knowing how to say no.
Eddie realizes his surroundings influenced his behavior and said if he had done well,
“probably would’ve taken full advantage of the education system.” He said he is “done” with
that former gang lifestyle and even stopped his drug use, even though it was “hard to stop.”
Eddie has also distanced himself from old friends and does not spend his time with them
anymore, but that they respect his decisions:
Just like they know what I’m about. They know what I’m doing, and they respect it… So
we communicate, but it’s not like them inviting me to go with them somewhere or
nothing like that.
When Eddie reflected on his life, he felt that he was living a “double life” in that he
would do well in school but was also engaged in negative behaviors:
I guess I was using my energy for two sockets. Instead of just taking it out of the negative
socket and putting all into one who knows. I could have probably been done with school.
I’m 23. I was planning on either going into the Marines, going to college right after high
school. I would have probably been almost done. I don’t know. I think about it but I can’t
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sit here just thinking about it too much because it didn’t happen. The route I took was a
more complicated one but I guess you could say I went through a forest and found my
way back to the route and now I got to continue doing it.
He has learned to create a stronger path for himself through family, friends, and himself. Eddie
said he is more evaluative and does not make instant judgments in situations, which is helpful to
“build the communication and friendship” with others. He is grateful for the experience of being
incarcerated “because I met a lot of people” who are “helping me to this day.” This experience
helped Eddie deal with his issues of racism that stemmed from his childhood experiences while
incarcerated. He has learned to “cope with other races and ethnicities” and people of all diverse
backgrounds. He said now that race issues have not been a problem since his release “but before,
it was like all I wanted to do, you know?” Eddie has since dated other women outside his race
but that his mindset is different now.
Eddie has also become more aware of the concept of time and how it impacts his life. He
has realized that when you are “incarcerated or confined,” the “world keeps going and you
don’t.” He said the individual has to decide his/her own choices and what to do with that time:
Time is there and it’s always gonna be there. And it’s not a friend, it’s not an enemy. It’s
just there. So you make the best out of the time, or time is gonna do you. Every second
counts... Every day counts. It’s not like, ‘Oh, today, I ain’t doing shit.’ That counts. If
you don’t do shit today that means you coulda done something and probably got things
out the way.
Learning how to be in touch with his “inner self” is also what Eddie has gained from his
incarceration experience:
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And I learned how to get in contact with my inner self more than what I did before.
Before, I would just sit there and be like, ‘You know what, today I’m feeling weak.’ It
was like I just live a day by day. And now I could sit and think and touch my inner self,
and it’s kinda hard to explain, but I sit here and I evaluate everything in my mind, even
though I don’t tell people, I could sit here and be like, ‘Damn, well, today I might go here
and do this.’
Eddie said he has always been a “thinker” since he was young but his mind would not think as
critically as it does today. He described his mind as “constantly going” now as he considers his
plans, decisions, future, and relationship with his family:
So I think more, and I’m more concerned about the outcome of a situation instead of just
living it and see what happens. And I’m closer to my family and I learned how to accept
my family for how they are and it’s not about what they’re doing. It’s about what I’m
doing. They could do whatever they want. So what. But what am I gonna do about it?
And I just learned how to let them be, and you can’t change anybody. They gotta change
themselves… So either way, I’m changing. I’m in the process of changing. If you still
wanna do the same things, so what. You’re still my friend, but get the fuck out the way
cause I’m still moving forward… If you wanna stay back there, you can be my friend
from way over there, but I’m gonna be ahead.
College has provided Eddie a new environment to engage in learning and become more
confident. He said he has gradually learned to “overcome that classroom environment type of
thing” by being more confident in himself. He said, “Instead of just putting my head down and
feeling uncomfortable or walking like I’m still in the prison yard,” he is now able to open up and
“feel more comfortable walking on campus and making friends.”
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Eddie said he still feels “shy” about his speaking skills because he uses “slang” and says
it comes out “ghetto”:
I’ll be talking… I’ll stop myself from using a ghetto word. Instead of saying, ‘Bout’ or,
‘We ‘bout to go see the —’ I try to always work on it cause I do talk with a lot of slang.
He noted, however, that others tell him he sounds “very nice” and feels like he is “improving.”
He does use “ghetto” and “slang” more so with his family members, such as his cousins, but tries
to pay attention to his audience when speaking.
Currently, Eddie is working on his general education requirements at a local community
college in Eastern Beach. He feels “good” about his status now and says that finishing these
initial classes are his priority. He does struggle with issues of time management and making time
to study for his college courses. Eddie described that as an older student, now there are more
responsibilities to manage while going to college, issues that he did not have to worry about as a
young child:
I wouldn’t really worry about paying bills and trying to be a productive citizen in society
and trying to be normal or whatever. It was just like, ‘I’m just going to school. I’m a kid.
My mom’s paying my bills… I’m not worried about nothing.’ Now it’s like I believe
that, thinking about that, it kinda like deprives from my full potential of my school
education because it’s not hard, but I just seem to not get as good grades that I did before.
Despite a difficult beginning, Eddie has managed to be more successful in this college career. He
passed out of the first English course and was passed into the third course. He felt the English
skills he was exposed to in high school, such as grammar, now make more sense to him. Eddie
said his college professors are able to help him apply his knowledge of writing concepts, which
is helping his progress. Part of the ease Eddie feels is due to his comfort with writing, especially
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for assignments in which he can discuss his “life experiences.” When his friend was unsure about
which writing topic to select for a speech class, Eddie encouraged her to express herself:
I was like, ‘Why don’t you talk about your life?’ No one knows your life better than you,
so how can you get something wrong. How is the teacher going to give you an F if it’s
your life? I was like just do it. I don’t know if she did it, just to think about it, but it’s
ways to prepare yourself as well, not just by other people. But by you, yourself evaluating
the situation. It kinda prepares you. You overcome small fears little by little… Just on
your own, just like incarcerated. When you first get in there, you’re like I gotta check it
out. See what it’s about.
Eddie described two other classes, political science and psychology, that have provided him
opportunities to write about his life and obtain positive feedback from his professors. For
political science, the topic asked, “Was there a moment that you felt that you were not treated
justly in society?” Eddie wrote about his life story and how “now I’m out here making a
difference. So you could say that I wasn’t treated justly, but by me not being treated like that
made me a better person.” He said the teacher replied, “Oh my god, this is amazing, you don’t
even know!” His psychology teacher responded similarly:
And there was another one for my…psychology class to write about personality. I was
like dude I was in jail thinking about myself for fuckin years, this is so normal and I just
started writing everything. Same thing, the teacher was like man, you could write a letter
to the president! Just throughout time, throughout time, writing became normal.
Staying connected to friends and others with similar experiences has also been helpful to
Eddie. He maintains friendships with others who were formerly incarcerated and who are “in the
process still of changing their lives or doing a little better than what they were doing before.” He
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recalled different situations that were difficult to adjust to because of the penal environment he
had been accustomed to for the nearly five years:
When I was first out you know, I went to the store and I didn’t want to walk in. I was like
so many people. It was my tia and sister and they’re like come on…when I was in there I
felt so uncomfortable. There was so much movement. I was telling my friend and he’s
like just pretend they’re there but just keep in your mind that they don’t know you were
incarcerated. They aren’t even paying attention to you. And I felt like everybody was
looking at me. I just felt like damn, if I see somebody, just that quick glance, is he staring
at me?
In the college environment, Eddie also needed encouragement to feel he belonged there even
though had already taken some college classes:
Even in college, you sit in the college class. I was like, ‘Am I gonna be able to pull this
off?’ They are just people, college students. I’m an inmate. I was incarcerated… I started
going and it’s the same shit as Linden [University]... I would see that the teacher would
say something, ask a question or whatever, and the students would raise their hands. I
wouldn’t raise my hand but before I even hear the answer it was already in my mind. I
was like I need to get past the stage of not being able to raise my hand. So I started telling
myself, ‘They are getting credit for participation cause they are not afraid. They’re
comfortable and used to doing it.’
Gradually Eddie got himself mentally prepared and began speaking up more. He said, “Next
thing you know I’ll just say it.” He was also encouraged by one of his professors when he old the
class that the “stupid answer is always the best answer because there are other students in the
class that wish they could answer the question and are thinking the same thing, but they are
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afraid to say it.” Eddie said he also stopped worrying about his responses and “I’ll just say it if
it’s right or wrong.”
Eddie said he was also fearful that the class “would think that they did [know he was
formerly incarcerated] by my answers or the way I spoke.” He described the speech class he
would take for coursework and debating how much of his life he should share with the class:
And I was like I have to be able to face this. Verbally to speaking about my life, I’ve
done it before. But at the same time, it’s like do I want to do it? Are people going to
judge me because I’ve been incarcerated? Or are they gonna be like wow, he’s been
incarcerated? You can’t even tell… They are gonna be surprised that I was incarcerated
and I’m in college now. Maybe motivate them in doing something else with themselves.
His literacy skills overall have improved significantly as well as his perceptions of what it means
to be literate:
I learned how to write much better. I learned how to read a book and actually understand
it. I learned that when you read a book and finish it, it’s not over. You have to open it and
read it, again and again and again. Cause every time I read a book I get something new
out of it and I catch something that I didn’t before. I could read something – I could read
a quote one day, and it means something. I could read the same quote the next day and it
means a whole different thing. I guess depending on your feelings and emotions
throughout the day, you kinda make the quote fit in for whatever it is that you’re going
through.
Eddie feels that “reading, writing, drawing, music, working out” are all “a great outlet for stress
and anger.” He can release his emotions now in a positive way.
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Eddie has many plans for his career, which he hopes will be something “hands-on.” He
has considered counseling, the Marine Corp, underwater welding and art. He enjoys helping
others and giving advice. He feels he can be influential working with youth with similar
experiences because they can relate to one another:
I know I’m gonna be a great counselor because of my experience and I could get in touch
– I could relate to somebody or they could relate to me ten times better than somebody
that’s never been incarcerated. I could sit there and tell ‘em, ‘You know what? You been
in jail?’ They’re gonna be like, ‘Yeah.’ ‘Well, I been in jail, too. I was in Y. You wanna
know the YA [Youth Authority] is?... So you just get a little connection.
Eddie has dreamed of being in the Marines since he was a young kid. He would have
enrolled when he finished high school but his mother did not want to “sign the waiver.” Eddie
has always been attracted to “the discipline, just the traveling and the – they push you to the
limit… It’s make you step up to the plate without you even thinking about it.” While he realizes
his family believes it is a dangerous job, he is more interested in the engineering or mechanical
side of being in the Marines, not necessarily a position that will put him “on the front line.”
Underwater welding is another career that Eddie has researched:
But I wanna do welding so I pretty much kinda like become – master it and then do
under-water welding, cause under-water welding pays you a lot… When you do under-
water welding, they’ll call you out to go for like a month or so, and then you get to come
for a month… But the money is great and the money and just the experience of going and
going underwater, being under there doing something that nobody’s ever gonna know
you did, but you know that it’s making a different. It’s something cool, not doing it for
recognition, but doing it because it’s something that is interesting.
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Others have encouraged him to be an artist because of his drawing talent, but he does not see
himself spending time drawing or making money from his art.
Eddie’s future plans now must include his future baby girl who is due in the summer of
2013. He is hesitant to leave for any kind of opportunity in which he might miss out on seeing
his child grow up. He continues to attend Eastern Beach Community College. He also works
part-time at the writing program that helped him during his incarceration.
Themes
This study examined the life histories of formerly incarcerated Latino males between the
ages of 18-24. The three following research questions (adapted from Griffith (2009)) guided the
study:
1. What do the life histories of formerly incarcerated young Latino males tell us about
their literacy and life experiences?
2. How did these experiences stagnate, diminish, or contribute to their engagement in
school literacy practices and learning?
3. What are the perceptions of formerly incarcerated Latino males to support youth and
their families’ personal, academic, and social needs?
The researcher has created several themes to show common patterns among the data to address
the research questions. This section will present a category or topic, followed by the theme and
its description. For each theme, the researcher discussed the theme’s key findings, which were
supported by evidence from the life histories.
Research Question 1
What do the life histories of formerly incarcerated young Latino males tell us about their
literacy and life experiences?
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Instability.
Family instability and additional social challenges in the home coincided with weak
relationships that negatively influenced the participants’ childhood development and livelihood,
and encouraged engagement in high-risk behaviors.
Each of the participants encountered family challenges in addition to various social
conditions and influences that negatively affected their overall well-being. As a result of these
factors, the participants were encouraged to engage in high-risk behaviors such as crime,
violence, and drugs, which ultimately contributed to their incarcerations.
The participants’ parents all struggled to maintain a supportive and financially stable
home base for their children. Their parents were all immigrants to the U.S.; only one parent had
her U.S. citizenship. All came from limited formal education in Mexico and only Ricardo’s
father received his GED in the U.S. Financially, all the families came from working class
backgrounds. Joe’s family was on welfare and Eddie indicated that they were not always able to
buy new clothes or materials. Three of the mothers were housewives and did not have other jobs
outside the home.
Three of the participants, Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie, were each exposed to the drug trade at
an early age (before and during elementary school years). Their fathers were involved in both
selling and abusing drugs inside and outside the home. Joe watched his father use drugs in the
home and said his father used the family’s money for his drug habit, which contributed to the
family’s poverty. Although Ricardo’s father was adamant that Ricardo never use drugs, he
provided opportunities for Ricardo to see firsthand how drugs, for example crystal
methamphetamine, were made. Similarly, Eddie observed his father weighing and packaging
drugs to be picked up from their home. In addition, Eddie remembered seeing individuals come
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to his home to buy drugs from his father and also went with his mother to distribute drugs to
others.
Three of the boys described a positive relationship with at least one parent, but all four of
the participants had weak relationships with siblings and extended family members. Joe did not
have a strong relationship with anyone from his family. He was regularly criticized by his father
and siblings for being the “retarded” one at home. Joe and his mother also regularly fought. She
did not know how to control his behavior and preferred he stay in the juvenile system so he
would not get into trouble. Ricardo was close to and raised by his father after his parents’
divorce. His mother moved to Mexico when Ricardo was 15 years old and he has seen her
limited times since then. Ricardo had no siblings or extended family to rely on. Ricardo’s older
brother has been incarcerated for years due to drug charges and gang activities; Ricardo was not
close to his younger siblings and half-siblings. Eddie was close to his mother, who was
particularly supportive during his release from his long-term incarceration. Several of Eddie’s
older siblings had moved out of the house, one sibling was in Mexico, and he remained close
only to his younger sister. His extended family was involved in the drug trade and gangs, so over
time their family relationships grew distant. Today, Eddie does not have much contact with them
due to their different interests. Edgar was the only one of the four who described a positive
relationship with both parents and their efforts to keep him on the right track during his
childhood and adolescence. He indicated limited contact with extended family that lived not far
from his hometown.
Additionally, all four of the participants’ older siblings did poorly in school; none of
them completed high school in the traditional school system or attended a four-year university.
Some of the siblings dropped out of school. To this day, only a few of the participants’ siblings
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have received a high school diploma, GED and are attending community college. Edgar and
Eddie both mentioned that their siblings’ poor school behavior influenced their own school
habits, such as truancy.
Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie all expressed discontent in the relationships with their fathers.
Joe currently carries resentment towards his father still today due to his lack of ability to
maintain a stable environment for Joe and his siblings. Although Ricardo was raised with his
father, Ricardo felt his father was not around enough because of work obligations. Ricardo
wished his father was more comforting during his younger years. Eddie had the most estranged
relationship with his father due to the physical abuse in the home. He was afraid of this father
most of his life and witnessed the physical beatings of his mother and sister by this father.
Eddie’s anger and fear eventually turned toward hatred towards his father; yet, he also described
some interactions made him feel loved by his father. Thus, overall weak family relationships
between these young men and their families did not provide the support and resources they
needed to maintain a positive focus on school and throughout their childhood.
The instability that Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie faced in their home lives influenced the
young men to seek and engage in interactions with other individuals and groups who were
involved in high-risk behaviors from their surrounding neighborhoods and communities. These
environments exposed the four young men to lifestyles that involved gangs, drugs, violence,
gang tensions, and racism. As a child, Joe witnessed the shooting death of a man right in front of
him and his mother as they walked down the street. Eddie described public altercations among
gang members due to their rivalries. Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie all sought friendships with adults
and older youth in their neighborhoods, particularly those who were gang-related, because of the
problems at home. Joe had gang related friends as early as first grade and spent a significant
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amount of time outside his home, at times, not returning for days. Joe eventually joined the
Latino gang in his neighborhood. Ricardo’s difficult relationship with his stepmother prompted
him to seek refuge with an older crowd from his neighborhood that had already solicited him to
join them (Ricardo had repeatedly refused). He did participate in gang-related activities, although
he said he never became a gang-member. Eddie became associated with gang members because
he wanted to stay away from his father’s physical abuse at home. He felt the group he joined had
similar family problems and accepted him despite his background. Edgar, however, joined a
local gang because of the excitement he felt by engaging in negative and high-risk behaviors,
such as shooting and violence. Edgar, Joe, and Eddie all described feeling the “adrenaline” or the
“thrill” of being involved with gang-related activities.
All four of the participants abused drugs as early as age 12, mostly through the influence
of their friends and some family members. Each began with marijuana in their elementary and
middle school years. Their drug habits eventually led them to experiment with and abuse more
harmful drugs in their early teenage years such as cocaine, Phencyclidine (PCP), and crystal
methamphetamine. Joe sold these drugs in elementary school. Ricardo was first introduced to
cocaine by relatives in Mexico and continued to abuse cocaine after his release. Edgar admitted
to using crystal methamphetamine but did not want to elaborate on his experience. Eddie was
addicted to crystal methamphetamine for three years and recovered after completing an addiction
program in his high school years. Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie explained that their early exposure to
drugs by their fathers helped normalize their own abuse (and even selling) of drugs.
Association with guns and violence due to exposure by older friends and gangs was also
common among the four participants from as early as elementary school years and throughout
their middle and high school years. Joe and Edgar admitted to bringing guns to school and
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carrying them around in “broad daylight.” Edgar described shooting guns in public. Ricardo
initiated a shootout with rival drug dealers in front of his home at age 15 and wounded another
young man. He then became involved with Mexican drug cartels and witnessed further violence.
At the beginning of ninth grade, Eddie was charged with assault and battery with a deadly
weapon for wounding another man with a baseball bat. In Eddie’s second incarceration, he was
associated with the stabbing death of a young man. Thus, the relationships the four young men
developed with other youth and adults in their communities and neighborhoods led to
involvement in illegal, dangerous, and harmful behaviors. These behaviors and activities
increased their interactions with law enforcement and the juvenile system at a young age, but
also influenced their identity development.
External perceptions (identity).
The participants’ identities at school and in their surrounding neighborhoods were shaped
during early childhood and adolescence in ways that demonstrated power and rebelliousness, yet
the participants also showed evidence of having conflict with these identities.
All four of the participants characterized their identity as young children and adolescents
both at school and in their surrounding neighborhoods as powerful, intimidating, and rebellious.
Joe, Edgar, and Eddie referenced acting like a bully during their elementary and middle school
years. Joe felt his special education peers were “crybabies” and “soft.” He did not listen or abide
by rules in school. During the fourth and fifth grades, Joe felt proud of his ability to scare other
students with his presence. Edgar was defiant towards his teachers (males especially) and made
one teacher cry in class. Eddie described messing with other students at recess and getting sent to
the principal’s office repeatedly. He avoided playing at the recreation center or YMCAs in his
neighborhood because he thought he was too mature to spend time with kids his age. As he got
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older, Eddie dismissed spending time with friends who were engaged in school because he did
not want to look like a “bitch.” Ricardo developed a more powerful image of himself in the
seventh grade year and took pride in being able to command different groups and peers to follow
his orders both inside and outside school. That identity continued with him in Mexico as he
quickly assimilated to the lifestyle of the drug cartels.
Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie expressed conflict with themselves over their hard-lined
identities growing up, yet did not have an outlet or someone to ask for help. Joe expressed the
loneliness he felt going back and forth to the juvenile system and how each incarceration became
increasingly difficult. When Joe expressed disappointment to his friend because none of his
family members attended his JROTC award ceremony, he was told to “shut up” and forget about
the situation despite being upset. Ricardo indicated he was always conflicted about his behavior
given his father’s religious background and caring personality. Ricardo wished his dad would
have spoken to him as a child instead of an adult, thus, giving him the comfort he needed during
his early adolescent years. Eddie described crying at night because he was unable to leave his
gang. The night of Eddie’s stabbing incident, he did not know how to say no to his friends for
fear of being seen as weak, which then led to the stabbing incident. Thus, this theme represents
the powerful and rebellious identities the young men developed and carried out in their academic
and neighborhood settings, but also the internal conflicts they expressed in maintaining these
identities.
Home-school connections and disconnections.
Despite maintaining a positive perception school early on in their education, weak
relationships and communication between the schools and families and between the schools and
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students over the years, ultimately created opportunities for the young men to slip through the
cracks.
Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie all described a positive perception of themselves as students
early on; however, there was an absence of communication and partnerships between home and
school needed to safeguard the students from entry into the juvenile and adult penal systems.
All four young men enjoyed going to school and liked learning. They saw themselves as
smart and able to quickly learn information. Ricardo and Eddie expressed their pride in being on
the honor roll and earning good grades in elementary school. Eddie described the numerous
certificates he earned to recognize his academic efforts that he still has to this day. Although he
did not want to be in higher-level classes, Edgar was assigned to honors for most of his classes in
middle and high school.
All of the participants expressed a positive relationship with at least one teacher or adult
in the school system over the course of their education in the traditional school system. Ricardo
and Eddie recalled their elementary teachers fondly and referred to them as “motherly” figures.
Ricardo described three elementary teachers and a middle school assistant principal as
particularly great individuals. Edgar had elementary teachers who stayed with him afterschool to
work and communicated with his mother about his progress. Eddie recalled his elementary
teachers as “loving” and “comforting,” especially his second grade teacher. He also developed
positive relationships with several of his alternative school teachers who he said acted like
“counselors” and shared their own life stories to help Eddie and his peers. Joe did not bond with
any elementary teachers; rather, he identified the JROTC staff and an English teacher as caring
and supportive because they understood his situation and wanted him to do well.
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Joe and Eddie were the only two participants to reference support from adults who took a
vested interest in their personal well-being. Joe’s PO worked at his high school and was able to
check up on him. The PO also tried to advocate for Joe to be tried as a juvenile and not an adult
during his long-term incarceration case. Eddie’s PO kept in contact with his parents about his
school completion. Eddie also was supported by Ms. Washington, his drug rehabilitation
counselor, who helped him re-enroll in school and provided additional counseling and advice
when he needed someone to talk to.
Despite these positive self-perceptions about school and relationships with various school
staff, none of the young men or their families received adequate support or interventions that
were effective in keeping them engaged in school and/or closely monitored. Adults at the
participants’ schools, did not capture the students’ talents or skills in ways that would have
supported their academic development and overall school engagement. Rather, the school and
juvenile justice system maintained low expectations for the success of each of these young men.
Joe said teachers would ultimately send him to the office because they could not deal with him
anymore. Although Joe was assigned a counselor in the fifth grade to help him talk about his
problems, the intervention quickly ended because it made Joe feel worse. Joe did not want to talk
to adults he did not know about his family situation and feared his family would get in trouble if
information about them was revealed. When Joe and his siblings were taken into foster care, they
were subsequently returned to their parents and Joe’s negative activities continued. Joe also
enrolled himself in JROTC during high school because he wanted the discipline he received in a
previous juvenile facility; no one at school provided guidance about resources that would support
him during school.
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When Ricardo organized the school riot, his parents were not called into the school to
discuss his expulsion and had no involvement in his home studies placement. He eventually
stopped attending home studies and deleted phone messages from the school that were left to
inform his father about Ricardo’s absences and lack of academic progress. Ricardo never
returned to the traditional school environment. Edgar’s family was called into the school for an
intervention with staff and social services because his younger brother was not attending school.
After the meeting, Edgar returned to his former behavior because he said no one monitored him.
When Edgar tried to re-enroll in high school, he was turned away and his parents were not a part
of these conversations with school staff. Eddie regularly went to school, but the school staff was
unaware of his problems at home. His mom was questioned about a bruise at one time; however,
the school staff determined no wrong had occurred. Eddie explained that no one at school ever
asked him about what might be going on in his personal life. When Eddie was assigned home
studies, he quickly stopped the program because it did not suit his needs. It was not until Ms.
Washington and his mother stepped in that he was re-enrolled in an alternative school.
The local police in the participants’ neighborhoods also held low expectations and biases
towards the young men. Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie all described a strong police presence in their
neighborhoods and regular harassment of youth by law enforcement. Ricardo said he was known
among the police and his identity was also shared with local community members for the
neighborhood watch program. Edgar recalled how police would treat gang members punitively,
yet at the same time, would also allow gang members to get away with crimes. He felt the police
were inconsistent in their enforcement of laws compared to the sheriff’s department. Eddie
described regularly being stopped with his friends and searched by police. Their treatment
towards Eddie became harsher once he was assigned probation for his assault charge. Home-
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school connections and disconnections summarized the limited presence of caring relationships
between the school and families, and the school and participants. These relationships were
inconsistent and overall, weakened the potential for the participants’ academic and social
success.
Re-adjustment.
The participants struggled to readjust to society once they were released from their long-
term incarcerations because of lack of support from the juvenile and adult prison systems.
All four of the young men experienced some difficulties in readjusting to society once
released from the juvenile system after their long-term incarcerations. They were on their own to
find any services or education institutions. They only received an envelope with release papers
and instructions to report to an assigned probation officer. Joe struggled to obtain his
identification card and retrieve his academic records. He enrolled in college with the help of his
godparents. He moved around several times before finding a permanent location and a job.
Ricardo did not have a stable home environment once released. He lived in sober living
placements with adult addicts and mentally unstable youth, a home with a drug addict and her
son, a troubled environment with his father and stepmother, and eventually found an apartment
with his friend. He battled alcohol and drug addictions that affected him financially and
academically. Edgar has tried to find a job and stay busy once released but has only had limited
help from his sister. He had difficulty getting used to having his own free time once released.
Eddie relied on his family, particularly, his mother, girlfriend, sister, and several mentors to help
him adjust to being in public spaces and deal with the everyday personal challenges he
encountered once he returned home. This theme represents the challenges the participants faced
readjusting to society once released. Their struggles to integrate to a more natural and normal life
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were supported at times with family and friends, but not systemically by the juvenile justice
system.
Literacy.
Informal Literacy Practices: The participants and their families engaged in various forms
of literacy practices and behaviors.
Despite the participants’ families having limited English-speaking and formal literacy
skills, their families provided some engagement for the young men in informal literacy practices.
Joe remembered seeing his father read a newspaper, although he did not read the paper with the
family. Joe also spent time learning how to read and write Spanish with his older sister. Ricardo
described his mother’s beautiful penmanship and how he tried to write neat like her at a young
age. Ricardo recalled how his mother balanced checkbooks to help manage the family business.
Edgar said that his father would buy books for the children and he and his siblings would read
together when they were young. Edgar’s mother also made sure the children completed their
work when they got home from school. Eddie’s mother took Eddie and his siblings to the library
and they were allowed to buy books from the Scholastic book catalog, which he especially liked
to do. Even though his mother did not know the English terms for their schoolwork, she made
flashcards for the children and would have them compete with one another to correctly answer
word definitions or math problems. Eddie also witnessed his father going to school to complete
his GED and would help his father with homework.
Each of the four young men also described an interest with math and had math literacies;
however, these went unrecognized in the school setting. Joe referenced his practice with dominos
and how they helped him with understanding numbers. He also described being more
knowledgeable than his brother while in elementary school. In high school, Joe described math
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class as easy and he was able to work independently. Ricardo said he was doing well in math
before he was expelled in the seventh grade. Edgar liked competing with classmates to finish the
math work first. Eddie discussed wanting to get more stars from his teacher during middle school
to show improvement in his math level and achievement.
Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie possessed other unique talents and skills that were not
recognized in their traditional school settings, but developed during their long-term
incarcerations. Ricardo described his talent in basketball and how he was a popular player among
other players. He also wrote songs and stories while incarcerated that caught the attention of the
inmates around him. Eddie had a special talent with art and drawing. He described numerous
opportunities in elementary and middle school in which he created projects and received praise
from his teachers. Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie sold drugs as early as elementary school and were
exposed to how drugs were packaged and organized from observing their fathers. This early
exposure to the drug trade gave them practice with calculation and other mathematical processes
needed in order to carry out these transactions. Additionally, Joe and Ricardo were both leaders
amongst their peers and in their neighborhoods. Joe discussed “taking over” in his gang when the
older men left. Ricardo described being a leader and influence among peers in his neighborhood.
Ricardo and Eddie also showed leadership skills in the juvenile facilities. Ricardo organized
sports and other physical fitness trainings and activities for the inmates. Ricardo and Eddie were
both called upon by the staff to help counsel inmates who were causing trouble, but the two also
had other inmates come to them when they needed support or advice. This theme represents the
presence of different forms of literacy behaviors among the participants and their families. The
participants also had other skills and talents they used both inside and outside the school setting.
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Quality instruction.
The participants did not receive a quality education experience that would have included
culturally relevant experiences and relevant learning materials and teachers with high
expectations.
None of the four participants experienced culturally relevant learning opportunities.
Other than Ricardo’s speech to become president at his elementary school, the participants never
recalled any type of classroom assignment in their traditional schools that required them to speak
about their lives or other real-life events or experiences.
All of the young men had an interest in non-fiction books, but had limited access to these
reading materials throughout their traditional and juvenile education experiences. Joe liked
thriller books and described interest in a book about a young woman from a family involved in
the drug trade. Ricardo read stories about the Italian mob families in elementary school and also
wrote book reports that consisted of his own stories instead of what was assigned because the
books were not of interest to him. He enjoyed spending time in the library on his own reading
non-fiction material. While incarcerated, he was attracted to books about self-help, business,
etiquette, and real-life groups such as the Navy Seals. He never wanted to read “fake” stories.
Edgar enjoyed reading with his classmates because it kept him from being bored (versus reading
at home). He liked Always Running, a book he read while incarcerated about the life of a former
gang member because he could relate to the author’s story. From a young age, Eddie liked books
about science and hands-on experiences. While incarcerated he read mythology and any kind of
self-help books that would support his improvement efforts.
Joe, Ricardo, and Edgar’s experiences in their traditional schools lacked high
expectations from teachers that were needed to develop the young men’s literacy skills. Joe’s
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classification as a Special Education student (based on a fight and not an academic evaluation)
placed him in a class that did not demand much effort from him. Joe did not take the class
seriously because he did not understand why he was placed in Special Education class. He was
upset for being in class with students with severe disabilities. During the times he was in school,
he did not recall any type of work or assignments that required him to provide his own thoughts.
He copied from textbooks and his classmates’ work. Joe also copied the highlighted areas on his
friends’ work because he did not know what to do or how to read. In middle school, Ricardo also
said he copied from his friends. Edgar described very few academic assignments throughout his
education. He only remembered a hands-on class project related to the Gold Rush Era.
Eddie had slightly more literacy opportunities given his consistent enrollment in school
from elementary to middle grades. He remembered reading certain books and how he struggled
to write essays in middle school. At his alternative high school, he received help from two
English teachers with his writing. He also recalled one teacher who used music in the class to
help students learn literacy terms. This theme represents the kinds of teaching practices,
materials, and learning opportunities provided to the four young men during their traditional and
juvenile education settings. Their learning environments showed low expectations, lack of
cultural connections in materials and curriculum, and few opportunities to develop critical
thinking and overall literacy skills.
Research Question 2
How did these experiences stagnate, diminish, or contribute to their engagement in
school literacy practices and learning?
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Discussion of research question two follows the organization used by Griffith (2009).
Stagnate: (CEASE, INACTIVE).
As a result of their literacy and life experiences, the participants’ engagement in school
literacy practices and learning stagnated as they were committed to long-term incarcerations and
lost access to formal/traditional school settings, qualified staff, grade level peers, and social and
cultural capital.
The long-term incarcerations of all four young men stagnated their opportunity to
complete their high school years in a formal or traditional education setting. Joe, Ricardo, Edgar,
and Eddie finished their GEDs while incarcerated (Joe right after his release). Additionally Joe,
Ricardo, and Edgar eighth grade incarcerations also kept them from formal school settings at this
middle school grade level. Two of the participants discontinued their studies for some period of
time during their incarceration. Joe stopped going to school when he turned 18 and transferred to
an adult prison. He said the racial violence in the adult penal system made it too difficult to
attend classes. Edgar also discontinued his education once he finished his high school diploma at
age 16.
Lack of enrollment and participation in formal school settings prevented access to trained
teachers and grade-level peers. This absence from formal school settings stagnated their
engagement in literacy practices and learning. Without the presence of these youth and adults,
the participants could not develop the knowledge, skills, and relationships in a formal academic
setting that were necessary to be successful once released (social and cultural capital). Only Joe
received help for his reading problems from intervention programs while detained in juvenile
facilities before his long-term incarceration, but his skills were not supported after those
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interventions. He was also the only one to get special help to pass the California High School
Exit Examination (CAHSEE).
Due to their incarcerations, the participants also lost opportunities to develop traditional
academic behaviors, such as time management and study skills, and how to participate in class
discussions with peers and teachers. When Ricardo entered community college, he did not know
how to identify or read a syllabus and did not know about Scantrons for tests. He was not aware
of how to text, email, or use the computer. Ricardo was also unfamiliar with how to organize his
college materials and carried all his books instead of what was relevant for class. Because of his
long-term absence from a formal school environment, Edgar described having to relearn how to
be a student again. He had to remember to bring materials such as pencils, for example. Edgar
and Eddie also had to figure out how to participate in class and when to raise their hands to
answer questions during discussions. In conclusion, the literacy practices and behaviors, and
learning opportunities stagnated for these young men during their long-term incarcerations,
limiting their ability to obtain knowledge and skills for the future.
Diminish (DECREASE).
The participants’ engagement in school literacy practices and learning diminished as they
were committed to their long-term incarcerations because of lack of access to quality, culturally
relevant books, rigorous assignments, and college preparation services.
The young men’s engagement in school literacy practices and learning diminished as they
were committed to their long-term incarcerations because they lacked access to materials,
services, and overall experiences necessary to strengthen their literacy skills and positively
influence their identity as learners. Three of the participants described limited access to quality,
culturally relevant books while incarcerated. Ricardo did not like the books available in the
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juvenile facilities. He also described them as being in poor condition. He relied on staff,
individuals he came in contact with, and other inmates to provide him with books he wanted.
Edgar said Bibles were available, but other books were “bullshit” books and not of interest to
him (or other inmates). He described access to the library as problematic because of the
discipline issues among inmates. Edgar said he even borrowed a college psychology book from a
staff person (who was in college) at one time because he wanted to read something interesting.
Eddie also said books in the juvenile facilities were “tagged” on and marked up. He mentioned
that inmates were not allowed to take notes in or highlight on books because they did not own
them.
Each of the four young men described the classes in the juvenile facilities as consisting of
and requiring minimal work. This lack of rigor diminished their critical thinking skills, literacy
development, and efforts. The participants said they received easy worksheets and crossword
puzzles, or other work packets that could be done quickly. They all described getting course
credit sometimes for just signing in to the class. Joe was the only participant who described an
example of a teacher who had him think critically in class, which happened during a discussion
about political party preferences. All four participants expressed frustration at the meager level
of work and expectations they encountered in the juvenile system.
Joe, Edgar, and Eddie also experienced a diminished sense of confidence in their ability
to attend college once released for a variety of reasons. Because none of them received post-
secondary counseling while incarcerated, they were not prepared for college life. Joe described
feeling fearful about going to college and did not “think it was for me.” Edgar applied to a
community college just before the registration deadline with the help of his sister. He did not
think he was “smart enough” for a state university so applied to a community college instead.
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Eddie felt unsure about his skills to compete with classmates in discussions and walked around
campus with his “head down.” Eddie also thought his classmates would somehow know he was a
former inmate and possibly judge him because of his past. Thus, participants’ engagement in
school literacy practices and learning diminished because the academic environment while
incarcerated provided limited access to critical materials, assignments, and post-secondary
information.
Contribute (GIVE, INCREASE).
Key literacy experiences and interactions with adults in the juvenile justice system during
the participants’ long-term incarcerations provided encouragement, support and social and
cultural capital needed for engagement in school literacy practices and learning during and after
their years of incarceration.
During their long-term incarcerations, the participants benefitted from different types of
interactions with adults in the juvenile system and/or a literacy experience that provided a source
of motivation or encouragement. Joe’s interaction with a reading program helped improve his
reading skills. He also had a roommate that helped change his attitude about reading. Eddie had
multiple opportunities that benefited his literacy development and identity as a reader and writer
while incarcerated. He wrote letters to doctors as well as staff and administrators in the facilities
to draw attention to his needs. Eddie also wrote letters and poetry for himself and other inmates.
His literacy and communication skills gradually helped him become a leader among inmates, and
staff relied on him at times to counsel other inmates. As Eddie read more non-fiction and self-
help books his thinking changed. He engaged in conversations with chaplains and questioned his
own long-held beliefs about religion and other worldviews. Eddie also participated in a college
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program in one juvenile facility and took classes in psychology and sociology taught by
university professors that resulted in college credit.
All four of the young men came in contact with The Writers Forever Program at some
point of their incarceration and were positively influenced by their experiences with the staff and
inmates. Joe, Ricardo, and Eddie each described powerful moments they had after writing and
sharing their personal stories in the program. The young men felt a connection with the other
inmates’ stories and their own experiences. They expressed emotions in a safe space that was
free of criticism. The program changed Joe’s perception of himself as a reader and he eventually
developed family-like relationships with the program staff. Because of his experience with WFP,
Ricardo felt encouraged to write more of his life story during his incarceration.
All four participants completed their high school diplomas and passed the CAHSEE
while incarcerated. Meeting these education requirements allowed them to enroll in post-
secondary education once released. Joe described feeling “hope” once he passed the CAHSEE
because he could eventually go to college. Ricardo’s request to stay an additional two months at
his final juvenile camp was granted and he was able to earn his high school diploma. Eddie not
only completed his diploma, but also earned college credits from a local four-year university.
Joe, Edgar, and Eddie all met adults during their time in the juvenile justice system who
they considered role models, mentors, and positive influences. Some of these individuals remain
in the participants’ lives to this day. Joe met his godparents while incarcerated and they provided
a home for him once released. They became his family, helped him enroll in college, and
develop his speaking skills. Edgar spoke about one of the writing program’s teachers as having
an impact on his time there. The teacher made time to ask Edgar how he was doing and shared
personal stories of his own life that connected with Edgar. Eddie interacted with college
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professors who taught courses that were relevant to his life and gave encouragement when staff
was unsupportive of the inmates’ education efforts.
All four of the young men also met Sean, an administrative member of the Writers
Forever Program, while incarcerated. Sean visited all four of them in the juvenile facilities and
helped them out in different ways. Sean helped Joe attain a lawyer for a parole hearing, bought
him clothes for his release from prison, and helped him with speaking skills. Joe referred to Sean
as “an older brother.” Sean introduced Edgar to other people in the system that could help him
post-release. Sean visited Eddie during his incarceration. Once he was released, Sean took Eddie
to restaurants to help him be comfortable in public. Despite the limitations of incarceration, the
participants had key literacy experiences and encountered positive and influential individuals.
These factors contributed to the development of relationships, but also provided access to social
networks and educational opportunities that ultimately supported their engagement and learning.
Research Question 3
What are the perceptions of formerly incarcerated Latino males to support youth and
their families’ personal, academic, and social needs?
Based on their personal experiences, the participants were asked to make
recommendations to address the academic, social, and personal needs of youth and their families.
The recommendations are organized in two sections:
1. Academic, social and personal needs not related to the juvenile justice system.
2. Academic, social, and personal needs related to the juvenile justice system.
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Academic, social and personal needs not related to the juvenile justice system.
Academic needs.
The participants voiced recommendations in areas of student-teacher relationships,
classroom efforts, transitional support, school involvement and engaging literacy practices.
Student-Teacher Relationships: Each of the participants expressed the desire for stronger
student-teacher relationships. Ricardo discussed how teachers could better serve their students by
acting in caring ways and making the effort to show enthusiasm towards students. He said, “It
was kind of hard because some teachers don’t have the same spirit as far as educating as other
teachers. It’s all in the spirit how much enthusiasm you put into your own education and how
you teach to make it a little bit more interesting for students.” Ricardo felt that many teachers are
too overwhelmed with “so many people” that they are “just here to teach you guys what’s on the
agenda.” Joe also indicated teachers need to be more supportive of students and their futures:
“…to be a little more sympathetic, more supportive, and to encourage the work that has been
done and how it helps in the future with other courses or higher education.”
Ricardo added:
Because if somebody would’ve picked on myself in the sixth grade, somebody who knew
that I can play basketball, and was like, ‘Look we’re getting you on this team, and you go
give it a try. Let’s see how it goes,’ I probably would’ve ended up in high school playing
basketball, which that’s the road I was going.
Eddie recommended that teachers make a more concerted effort to speak with their
students about their families. He said there should be a time to discuss questions such as, “How’s
your family? How ‘bout yours?” Eddie added that teachers can find ways to engage their
students, especially younger ones, in ways that will help teachers detect students who might be
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having problems outside of school. Eddie credited his teachers at the alternative school for
providing motivation and sharing about their own lives to the students. He said these teachers
“did a good job, actually” and “it all came down to the individual and the teachers being able to
understand.” Thus, Eddie felt that teachers needed to understand their students “if you
understand what you have, you could work miracles.”
Classroom Efforts: For specific classroom support, Ricardo wanted teachers “to check up
more on the work that’s being done, what the person is doing as far as their homework.” He
continued that helping students with “areas that are incorrect could probably help the student see
a little bit or help the student understand what is going on.” Edgar also commented on how
teachers can keep their students engaged:
Just switch it up, don’t always do the same things. It gets boring, a lot of kids when they
are young too, get bored real quick…even if it’s educational just switch it up… I think
videos would help out…talk about it or write about it…keep kids interested…ask
questions.
Transitional Support: Given Edgar’s experience trying to find a high school to accept him
once released from a juvenile facility, Edgar had recommendations for school administrators
when working with youth from similar circumstances:
If he’s really trying to do good, just give him a chance and try to help him out. Don’t just
let him do anything. Talk to him, take him out of class, see what’s going on…Try to help
him out. Get him into a program or something. Keep him busy.
Edgar noted that students who have struggled deserve a “chance.” He said even though they may
have been “locked up,” “they are still pursuing something, they are still going for it.” Similarly,
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Joe recommended that the school help students with the transitions they may encounter when
coming back from a juvenile facility:
There was no catching up. If I got there on that day and they were working on something
that’s where I was starting. I wasn’t backtracking to catch up on anything… It didn’t
bother me to be behind because I didn’t have to catch up anyway. It was all pretty much
just copying and pasting. There was no challenge…check up more on the work that’s
being done, what the person is doing as far as their homework…what areas are incorrect
that they could probably help the student see a little bit or help the student understand
what is going on.
School Involvement: Edgar recommended that school administrators help students get
involved in “sports or study groups” after school. Edgar said he “would’ve stayed in school
more” and not seen school as a “boring place” if he was more involved.
Engaging Literacy Practices: Edgar described the need for more collaboration among
students to support their skills, particularly for boys:
…let everybody participate in the reading… Just try to make everything…make it
something you want to do, something you want to learn (not just like a chore), don’t
make it [school] something you hate.
Edgar also said that young men need to be challenged by their teachers during the literacy
development process:
Challenge them, don’t always just let them slide through, challenge them a lot, let them
challenge themselves too, try to take on new things…try something hard instead of
something easy, you know sometimes people get bored.
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Table 2 provides recommendations from the participants to address the academic needs
of youth and families that are not related to the juvenile justice system.
Table 2
Academic Needs Not Related to the Juvenile Justice System
Student-Teacher
Relationships
Classroom
Efforts
Transitional
Support
School
Involvement
Engaging
Literacy
Practices
Invest in
students’ talents
and lives, get to
know their
interests
Be caring
Be supportive
Help students
express personal
problems
Check on
students to make
sure they
understand the
work
Use different
teaching
methods to keep
kids interested
Give students a
chance even if
they have
struggled in the
past
Help students
transition back
to school if
coming from a
juvenile facility
Help students
get involved in
school activities
and sports
Let all students
participate in
literacy activities
Challenge
students in their
literacy
development
Social needs.
The young men made recommendations that extend towards the broader community
context to include families and children. The areas described were college partnerships,
leadership opportunities, parent support, community programs, and relationships.
College Partnerships: Ricardo suggested that college students should work with students
around their interests and future careers:
We should have kids who are psychology majors…they understand characteristics, and
have them come onto these campuses and talk to the kids, see where they’re at, be more
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on top of kids. What are Michael’s interests? What does – I don’t know – what does
Christina like to do? What is she interested in? You know? Or why does Mario like – he
might like math.
Leadership Opportunities: Ricardo indicated a need to develop young Latinos as leaders
and who give back to their own communities. He said, “So I feel that if we educate young Latino
men in ways like that and have workshops, we can have them come out here and ball with people
like this at these levels. And they could be the ones to help our kids who are in the high schools
and middle schools…to where they learn how to be professional…lead people.” He added, “And
believe me, like myself, there’s a lot of other people who are willing to do this type of work.”
Parent Support: The participants wanted support for parents to help their children,
particularly for parents who are unfamiliar with the school system. Edgar recommended that
parents first “always sit down and talk to them [children], see how they are feeling, what’s going
on in their mind, and if they want to try something new. Help them out…give them a little
insight about what would be good for them at that age.” Because Joe’s parents were not involved
with his school’s experiences, he felt the negative consequences on his academic behavior. He
said, “I was left on my own and I was done when I was done, whether I was done or not. And if I
did it the right way or not, they would never know.” Thus Joe recommended:
Programs for parents to learn English and how the education system works so they can
support their children and know what’s going on. Especially in elementary because
starting place for education. Knowing might help them be more encouraged.
Joe said this was especially important for “families where in their homes their language is
primarily Spanish.” He said parents should be encouraged “to come to some sort of classes,
maybe an hour or two a day, where they could teach them English.” Joe explained:
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…so that the parents could be more involved with their children and understand or at
least try to understand what the homework is about and read it in the language in which it
is written, which is English. I know that a lot of Hispanic people are really stubborn as far
as trying to learn English. They don’t think it’s necessary, that they can get by with their
Spanish. I know my parents; they kind of shooed it down and they don’t really give it
their time.
Ricardo also discussed how school staff can reach out to parents and make connections:
Yeah, more support from staff to parents. More support. Like a day before the meeting,
we need people showing up to houses, like, ‘Yo, we’re – expect to see you guys there
tomorrow, you know what I’m saying?... You need to be there.’
Ricardo described the need to bridge the cultural differences between school and home,
particularly for ethnically diverse communities:
I mean some kids have parents who are like almost indigenous. Spanish was their second
language… I didn’t grow up with them, but I know of because I grew up in West
Metropolis with mainly Mexicans, Central American, and – a lot of Central American
and black and Jewish. But I do know of some of their parents who are like very
indigenous. The kids get over them whatever they want ‘cause the parents don’t know
about nothing.
Eddie recommended community programs for parents and their children that discuss
education statistics and outcomes that affect their families. These programs could be parent-son
programs that “alert parents to take the kids and sit down and maybe have a slide shows and the
statistics and have them kind of understand what’s really going on. Cause a lot of the people in
the community don’t know statistics of the incarcerated and the success rates in education
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systems and stuff.” He said being armed with knowledge could give parents “a different
perspective and kinda makes them understand a bit more.”
Community Programs and Relationships: Recommendations for the broader community
and neighborhoods focused on areas of youth programming, racism, and law enforcement. Edgar
recommended more activities for youth:
I think the more you’re busy the more you are doing good things…the less time you have
to think about negative things. When you have a lot of free time, that’s when a lot of bad
things happen. That’s when you think, ‘What can I do for fun?’… A lot of boredom and
free time comes with a lot of bad thinking.
Eddie wanted tutors to help and support students in the community with their studies:
They have some in schools, I guess, but just having tutors in any – not school-related,
like maybe after school just have a place that you can go and get help with your
homework and stuff like that.
Eddie described at one time witnessing a truck come into the community and block the streets to
provide games and activities for children in the neighborhood. He advocated for more of these
events in the neighborhoods where trucks would come with games and arts and crafts for the
youth. Eddie said, “Having more of those, but not just in the block. Do it in the park do it in a big
area where everybody’s gonna go and you could just for one day, make a difference in
somebody’s life knowing that there’s fun out there. There’s kids out there that can’t smile ‘cause
they hate being at home. They’re afraid to smile, and they get beat up and stuff.” Eddie said that
when young children can experience this opportunity, “it probably changes their perspective and
it starts changing the way they think and just kinda helps ‘em grow and know that there’s other
things out there.” He said that even for youth that might be engaged with drugs at an early age, if
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they can “have a little bit of fun” then maybe they would see “there’s more out there.” Eddie also
recommended internships for youth in the community where they could “volunteer in your place
and get some knowledge of different little trades and stuff” at an early age.
Law enforcement was also discussed as an area in need of improvement. Given the gang
presence in their communities, the participants felt that police needed to be respectful and follow
the same rules citizens are expected to abide by. Edgar explained, “Most of them [police] don’t
really do what they are supposed to. A lot of them take advantage of their jobs… They see I can
get away with this… Letting people get away with things. They see things and don’t care… They
see it like fuck them [gang members].” Eddie said he considered the police department “a gang”
just as staff members “consider themselves a gang.” Eddie attributed the presence of these
groups as about power and having power over others:
I mean it’s like just because you’re in the driver seat doesn’t mean you can go around
running everybody over, and a lotta people do that. And it’s the same thing with the
police. Yeah, it’s a group of people working together in order to make things how they
want. What do the gangs do, they wanna do the same thing, make things how they want.
They want to run things. They wanna be in control. It makes no difference.
He felt the police need to “enforce their own laws on them,” meaning to hold themselves [police]
accountable just as they do citizens. Eddie described different scenarios where the police took
advantage of their power:
…but a lot of the times, there’s police officers that drive around with no seatbelt. There’s
police officers that will cross a light and they’ll put their sirens on just to cross a light.
Eddie noted that he has “always questioned police brutality,” but that no action is ever taken to
address the police because of their status as law enforcement. He said, “Just because they have
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the badge it doesn’t make him a menace or criminal. It makes him a victim defending
themselves. When in reality, if you look at it, we’re all victims. I was victim of society. I was
victim of the environment. So maybe having them [police] enforce their own laws on
themselves.”
Eddie expressed recommendations for addressing the issue of racism, however, he also
felt it would be difficult to eradicate. He described that changing his parents’ minds about other
races would be difficult “because they’re not from here and they’re not used to seeing people
from other races.” Eddie added that his parents are aware of racial tensions and think, “Oh, this
race creates tension, or creates drama.” He said ultimately, it would be hard to change people’s
mindset even though it is needed. Eddie also discussed how the history between gangs, for
example, in his neighborhood would also be difficult to overcome for peace.
I think that kind of impossible when it’s variety of races, all in one because of the history
that comes behind it. It’s like you could be Asian and have – and not gangbang, but all
your cousins are from Asian Boyz. And then you know that your cousin were shot by
some Hispanics…we know that my cousin probably shot at his cousin [gang member]
and his shot at mine. So we wouldn’t feel comfortable walking in the street together
knowing that somebody that I know might know him and start trying to shoot at him, or –
so it’ll be hard.
Table 3 provides recommendations from the participants to address the social needs of
youth and families that are not related to the juvenile justice system.
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Table 3
Social Needs Not Related to the Juvenile Justice System
College Partnerships
Leadership
Opportunities Parent Support
Community Partnerships
and Relationships
Bring in college
students, particularly
in psychology, to
help understand
students’ interests
and future careers
Develop young
Latinos as future
leaders
Help parents
understand the
education system
with programs
Help non-English
speaking parents
learn English skills
Make home visits to
parents to show
support from the
school
Have community
programs that inform
parents about the
consequences of
incarceration and
education statistics
Provide youth with
programs in their
neighborhoods to have
fun
Provide youth with
internships to prepare for
a career early on
Improve the way law
enforcement interact with
the community and
enforce laws fairly
Consider ways to reduce
and eliminate racism
Personal needs.
The participants voiced recommendations for Latinos that focused on culturally relevant
literature, counseling, and role models.
Culturally Relevant Materials: Ricardo said young Latinos need books about individuals
like themselves. He explained, “Well, maybe they [schools] might need more books that talk
about Latino men who have made it in the game and how did they make it. They need to know
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more about people who grew up in the hood and how did they make it type stuff – maybe. If it’s
gonna be specifically for them, you know?”
Academic Counseling: Joe wanted educators to counsel Latinos about their future early
on in school. Joe said that students need “a little bit more counseling on their educational
outcome,” such as going to college. He added that students need help understanding “the
timeframe as well because when we’re in high school we think we’re never going to make it.
College just seems so far ahead,” yet the “time is going to pass by” quickly. He added:
Take young Latino males through the process of knowing how education can benefit you,
jobs, career, etc… And start shaping them up for that role where this is how much they
pay. Take them through the process. It kind of encourages a little bit more on students so
that they can see that they actually have a good future ahead of them just as long as they
stick with school.
Role Models: Edgar described the need for young Latinos to have individuals they could
talk to. He said, “We need support, someone to talk to… It could come from anybody, friends,
parents, teachers, anybody, maybe a coach. It could be anyone. You might need a little guidance.
You might need different perspective from someone. They could give you helpful hints.”
According to Ricardo, these role models could be powerful influences. He commented that
“people like myself… need to go into schools more and to talk to them [students] more.” Ricardo
added that artists and “people who came from the hood” need to reach out to the youth and
inspire them to do well.
Table 4 provides recommendations from the participants to address the personal needs of
youth and families that are not related to the juvenile justice system.
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Table 4
Personal Needs Not Related to the Juvenile Justice System
Culturally Relevant Material Academic Counseling Role Models
Provide Latinos with
culturally relevant literature
Counsel Latinos about their
future and benefits of
education
Provide Latinos with role
models
Academic, social, and personal recommendations related to the juvenile justice
system.
Academic needs.
The participants voiced recommendations that addressed access to literacy resources,
student-teacher relationships, relevant courses, classroom management, college partnerships, and
volunteers.
Literacy Resources: The participants wanted more opportunities to write while
incarcerated. Eddie described needing writing programs that help inmates “feel comfortable
being around and with people there” and receive the “love and the acceptance of a group.” He
noted that writing programs that show acceptance towards students can create a “beautiful way”
for inmates to “open up” and feel accepted. Edgar also wanted more relevant reading material.
He said, “Give them [juvenile inmates] books or something to read at least…more
biographies…just a lot of books about life, economics, the economy, how to finance
yourself…how to do a checkbook…how do you buy a house.”
Academic Supports: When the participants discussed recommendations related to
curriculum, they focused on improving the record-keeping process, counseling, relevant courses,
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and adequate learning spaces. Joe described how the juvenile and prison systems did not have an
effective process for keeping track of his records. Joe commented:
I remember finishing a World History and Science class. I would be turning in packets.
But I guess the teachers never updated my credits. So when I left prison everything was
put on hold.
Joe’s recommendation was to put a “better trace on students throughout their time in the system,
particularly with the work they do.” He described the numerous transfers between facilities
during incarceration and updated records would also “help staff determine their [inmates]
needs.” Joe also felt that if the work was “more standardized,” students could “move from place
to place and stay on track with everyone else.” Joe also wanted counselors in the juvenile system
to make education a “priority” and “talk about that to the kids who are there.”
Another recommendation was for the juvenile system to provide courses that support the
talents and skills of the inmates. Ricardo said, “The system could fund classes like that.” He said:
This last time I went to the county, there was guys who sit here and draw you perfectly.
It’s like this is amazing. There was guys in there writing screenplays, writing funny
screenplays, writing interesting screenplays, writing screenplays – you gotta think about
it. Some of these guys were ex-addicts or in the streets, and they come with raw, raw
footage... Some of these guys can sing. I’d be there and I hear, ‘Why is this guy not on
the radio?’
Edgar said, “A lot of kids know how to draw, tattoos real good, do something with that… Some
are very creative, do different things.” Ricardo felt that even though the juveniles were
incarcerated, there was talent:
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I think that prison is the best place to create winners. I think that’s the best place, to have
people hit this place, and be leaders. I think that’s the best place… Because, one, they’re
in school. They’re in an institution where they’re not gonna go somewhere, so you might
as well teach them something.
Eddie discussed the need for effective learning spaces for students. Eddie said that if the
juvenile system could create areas for students to learn at their level, it would help their learning
experience:
If there’s more space for students, you’re able to put all the ones that are reading in a
third grade level or fourth grade level in one class if there’s more space. And if there’s
not space in that class, well, there’s another extra class. So break it in half and have all
these people that are on the same reading level or educational level in this classes, and
then have this one and this one, and you’re able to break it up and put people in class that
have the same type of potential and just ability or whatever. That’ll make a big
difference.
Classroom Management: The participants wanted teachers in the juvenile facilities who
could manage the classroom environment. Edgar said:
If you have a serious teacher they don’t know how to take control, they’re shy, they’re
scared, don’t know how to take control. You can see it when they come in they are
scared, they’re mean. You can right away see it, you can mess with them. Basically, you
can figure out everybody, how they wake up. You’re with them all day, see how they
really are.
Edgar also thought that teachers working with juvenile offenders should “know how not to get
offended by minors and to know how to be in control and they should know how to take
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control.” Ricardo also expressed the need for teachers to make every effort to work effectively
with incarcerated students. He said, “And I think that if they had a professor who would be like,
‘Hey, get this shit together. I don’t want nobody talking in my class or anything,’ for the
beginning part of it until they kind of get the routine.” Ricardo added that many teachers in the
juvenile system are not able to be “diligent and strong.” The system, he said, needs teachers who
are “of character” but also “good and humble and honest and fun to be with.”
Student-Teacher Relationships and Expectations: The participants said incarcerated youth
need caring teachers, individuals who could develop positive relationships with students and
hold high expectations. Ricardo said teachers should ask students questions and show their true
intentions, which was especially important to inmates. He commented, “When somebody finds
out that you’re not being genuine, it cuts everything. They’re suspicious. And here’s one thing,
to inmates, everybody’s suspicious, you know?... And the only way to connect is to get
somebody genuine.”
Edgar noted that teachers need to “really teach you and not just give you a paper,” but
also challenge you too, like really try to learn something new.” Edgar also recommended
challenging the students beyond completing worksheets, especially for students who are coming
from a background where they may be gaps in their educational completion:
Not just give a worksheet. Worksheet here, worksheet there… Make it harder work, it’s
too easy…some are 13 [years old], they don’t get out until they’re 20. All those years,
they never tried in school.
Edgar continued by recommending teachers who would help students figure out their work in
class to ensure the students grasped the material:
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Teachers who are serious really take the time to really teach. Check on you make sure
you do this or do that... So if you just give the work, do it, finish it, check to see if you
really get it. Step by step if you don’t get it.
Ricardo said:
I remember it came to a point where a teacher would come in and they would give us one
plus two, three plus three, five times six-type homework. And I’m like, ‘Okay. Well, I’m
not that stupid. I know I can do this.’ I would come back in the next day, and they would
give us the same page.
Ricardo continued that sometimes he would have to ask his teachers to challenge him in the
classroom because the work was not difficult. He wanted teachers who could challenge inmates
with higher-level work, but did not always get it. He said, “I want to learn about this, or give me
paperwork on that… They [teachers] don’t really have an agenda. And they teach you very
minimal, so wherever you wanna learn.”
External Partnerships: The young men wanted to interact with volunteers. Joe
recommended that the juvenile facilities provide opportunities for the inmates to interact with “a
college class of volunteers” who could speak about their college experiences and “take students
through that process, just talk to them about it.” He said the college students could “show up talk
about their personal experiences as college students.” After Joe had been released from adult
prison, he was required to return a short time later because of a mistake of the courts. During this
time, he had already enrolled in college and was attending classes. In his return to the prison, he
had the opportunity to speak with other inmates about his experience and felt more of these
interactions were necessary:
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When I was in the hole I was talking to some of my friends and they were asking what
was I doing out here. I told them that I had enrolled in college… It really caught them off
guard. Like, ‘College? What?’ It’s just unthought of and a lot of people became
interested.
Joe said it would be important that college students be able to make a personal connection to the
inmates. When he had to return to jail after being released, he had already begun college. Back in
jail he shared his college experience with other inmates, but said there needs to be more
individuals that inmates can relate to. Joe recommended role models who could talk not just
about the education process, but also how inmates can get the career they want. Similarly, Eddie
recommended more volunteers in general to help the inmates with academics. He said that some
inmates lack self-esteem and need volunteers who can work “one-on-one or in a small group of
five people or a tutor…they feel more comfortable and they’re able to open up.” He added, “You
know how they say, one at a time. One person at a time changes the world.”
Table 5 provides recommendations from the participants to address academic needs
related to the juvenile justice system.
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Table 5
Academic Needs Related to the Juvenile Justice System
Literacy
Resources
Academic
Supports
Classroom
Management
Student-Teacher
Relationships
and Expectations
External
Partnerships
More non-fiction
books (ex.
biographies,
economics,
business)
More writing
opportunities,
such as programs
Better record
system for
course
completion
Give courses
that develop
inmates’ talents
Large classroom
spaces for
students to learn
Provide teachers
with class
management
skills and
abilities
Provide teachers
who know how
to work with
youth in the
juvenile justice
system (ex. can
build
relationships
with students)
Help from
teachers with
understanding
classwork
Challenging
work from
teachers
Provide teachers
with high
expectations
Interactions with
volunteers (from
the college
setting and in
general) who
could share
about life and
school
experiences
Social needs.
The participants expressed recommendations that focused on inmate-staff relationships
and juvenile programs and staffing.
Inmate-Staff Relationships: The participants described the need for better treatment from
the staff towards inmates and a more strategic hiring process for staff at juvenile facilities and
those working with juveniles once released. Eddie said:
There’s just always a bunch of staff that looked at us like, ‘Okay. They’ll tell us, ‘You’re
not different than me. You can get out and be something way better than I can.’ There
were some that were like, ‘Man, you mother fuckers ain’t going to do shit. You’re just
probably be a number.’
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Eddie also described the need for staff to understand the challenging backgrounds and
experiences some of the young inmates may have in order to facilitate their development in a
positive manner. He said, “They need to know that a lot of us come from broken-down families,
being in poverty, being neglected, having low self-esteem, feeling like there’s no other way.” In
addition, Eddie noted that staff working with incarcerated youth should understand that
sometimes young people are in gangs, for example, due to the influence of other family
members. However, relationships with staff and inmates, he said, “All comes down to
understanding, being able to understand who you’re working with, who you’re dealing with. If
you’re not able to understand what you have in front of you, then you can’t really do much.”
Juvenile Programs and Staffing: Ricardo wanted more investment and staff productivity
in the programs for released inmates. He said, “They [juvenile justice system] need to enforce all
the homes like sober living homes…all the group homes… They need to reevaluate the staff
members and the things that the staff members are getting paid to do…they’re getting paid right
now to sit around and just look at people and make sure that everything is going okay.” Ricardo
described his own case manager at the sober living home he was assigned who was “never
home.” His case manager had another job and he felt she did not provide the level of support that
was possible. He noted his own efforts in juvenile camp in which he brought in sport equipment
to all the inmates for their recreation. Ricardo said, “And I’m getting a budget from the state to
cut an inmate $450.00 to run this program. Now you’re telling me that a staff member can’t do
bigger things than that? So they need to really reevaluate them.”
Table 6 provides recommendations from the participants to address social needs related
to the juvenile justice system.
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Table 6
Social Needs Related to the Juvenile Justice System
Inmate-Staff Relationships Juvenile Programs and Staffing
Supportive and caring staff to help inmates
inside the juvenile facilities and with those
formerly incarcerated
Staff who understand the challenges and
backgrounds faced by incarcerated youth
Improve programs for released inmates
Improve staff in charge of programs for
released inmates
Personal needs.
The participants described recommendations that addressed the need for several types of
transitional services to support the inmates’ readjustment back into general society.
Transitional Services: Joe wanted supports that “stress the importance of how you
speak.” Ricardo noted that the inmates are already “in school” and “in an institution where
they’re not gonna go somewhere, so you might as well teach them something.” He said in
addition, many of the inmates “seek this knowledge” and would benefit in their interactions with
society. Ricardo further explained, “But if you have workshops about proper etiquette, about
ways of walking, of ways of talking, you’ll have men that can compete. You’ll have young
Latino men who can compete in worlds of – I can be in front of white people. I can be in front of
black people. I can be in front of people who are playing in high levels.” He added that it would
not matter that he was “a Hispanic kid” because with his skills, he would “never feel out of
place.” Eddie discussed several programs that shaped his thinking about the support young men
need from the system:
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Like Success in Action, they help you how to be – carry yourself in a proper manner.
They teach you how to eat, like eating with forks. What is what fork for? What is it?
Etiquette. Yeah. And so they teach pretty much that and they teach you how to do a mock
interview, how to do an interview. They teach you how to prepare for an interview. They
teach you how to do your resume. And it’s all within like I would say six months or eight
months. And by the end of the month – by the end of the program, they take you from jail
with like staff and stuff, to a suit place and they your suit, and they give you a $200.00-
$300.00 suit.
Eddie contributed the success of the program to the couple in charge. He said the couple helped
students and the wife had some similar circumstances that allowed her relate to the inmates.
Eddie said, “She’ll sit there and she’ll speak real with the group of people and talk about your
struggles, talk about your fears and she’ll bring out the best in your, pretty much.” The wife also
would provide guest speakers to the inmates and overall, provide the inmates with motivation
and encouragement that they could be successful. This particular program also had a leadership
component, in which inmates could further their skills:
…then there’s the Leadership Program, which is the same lady, but the leadership part
was just less students and there was – like the ones that were more able to do something
beyond, like being able to speak in the community in front of hundreds of people. She’ll
talk to us teach us how engage and how to do somewhat like public speaking and stuff,
give us the basic fundamentals of it.
In addition, the participants also suggested mental services be available once juvenile
inmates are released. Edgar stated, “I think when you get out you feel weird, you feel weird
around a lot of people, it takes a while to get used to sometimes.”
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The young men wanted counselors and psychologists to help the young inmates work
through their experiences of incarceration so that they can function and have a healthy state of
mind once released. Eddie said, “…they [juvenile system staff and probation department] don’t
sit there to evaluate your mind, where you at, where you were placed at after you got released.”
He added that the inmates need “something that has to do with the mind, being able to pick out
the brain, take out the small thorns that are there, hear yourself out.” He wanted programs that
could help released inmates adjust to public life and getting acclimated to having a non-restricted
daily life compared to the regimens and schedules imposed they had while incarcerated. The
participants felt the counselors should be seen on a regular basis, such as “maybe once a week
because once a month seems like too long.” Eddie commented, “Maybe consider a counselor for
every individual that gets out… I think every person that’s incarcerated needs a counselor upon
their release.” Eddie added that the counselor “has to be not just any counselor, but a counselor
that knows about the life of incarcerated and the struggles they’ve encountered once they get
out.”
Ricardo added that psychologists need to be more integrated into the hiring and
interviewing processes that inmates will engage with because they might be able to better
understand their potential. He said, “We need to get psychologists who are gonna hire these
people, who could understand characteristics, who could psychologically understand somebody
and be like, ‘Okay, well, this person can do this job.’” Edgar and Eddie also expressed
recommendations around job training support they need once released from the juvenile system,
which could also support positive behavior. Edgar described that the probation department
“sometimes” helps former inmates with job training but “but usually you’re on your own.” Given
these circumstances, Edgar said, “I think they set you up for failure.” He wanted a program that
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324
could help former inmates look for a job and “keep you motivated and busy because if you’re
working you really don’t have time to mess around.”
Eddie also described the mismatch between what the juvenile probation department
requires versus what the released inmates need from this department. Joe and Eddie both
expressed frustration because many released juvenile offenders have to take a drug rehabilitation
class that is irrelevant. They felt the juvenile system was focusing on the inmates’ past behaviors.
Eddie wanted courses that taught released inmates how to create a resume and job application,
but also experience a mock interview.
Table 7 provides recommendations from the participants to address personal needs
related to the juvenile justice system.
Table 7
Personal Needs Related to the Juvenile Justice System
Transitional Services
Workshops that develop the talents of inmates
Workshops that teach etiquette, proper speaking skills, interview skills, and career planning
Psychological services (ex. counseling) and programs that support inmates’ re-integration into
public life and overall mental health
Job training
Personal advice.
Each of the young men gave advice for other Latinos who may be struggling with their
lives just as they had growing up.
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325
Advocacy: Joe felt it would be important for young men who are in the system to keep
track of their academic records. He said the inmates need to advocate for themselves by asking
for “a printout of your credits, your transcripts” so that file is kept with both the student (and
counselor). Ricardo urged youth to ask for help if they “don’t know something.” He said,
“Maybe if I would’ve asked somebody. I might’ve went to my P.E. teacher and been like, ‘Yo, I
wanna play basketball. How do I do that?’”
Life Choices: Ricardo offered caution about making the right choices in the following
statement:
I can just be blunt with them and tell ‘em that, in my 24 years and going through my
lifestyle, and growing up where I grew up, and doing jail time, and being in shootouts,
and doing drugs, and being an addict, and all of that stuff, I can just say that there’s two
ways to do it. You can do it the right way, or you can do it the wrong way. You can do
the wrong way by selling drugs and thinking that that’s the way to make money and
being involved in a gang and thinking that that’s cool. Or you can be a person who works
and goes to school and makes money legit and has plans for the future, but that either one
that you choose definitely will determine where you end up and how you end up…. But
one thing for sure is that they both carry different pain because the wrong way carries a
different type of internal or physical pain, and the other one just it carries more of mental
pain, maybe physical pain, but a point that’s not gonna kill you.
Ricardo also recommended that young men who are struggling research the lives of individuals
who have also struggled in life and “where they end up and how they end up.” He added:
…it’s like, well, nobody gets paid to write on the walls. Nobody gets paid to go shoot
somebody. Nobody gets paid to jump somebody. Nobody gets paid to beat up somebody.
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So my thing is you can choose what way you wanna go, and it’s very simple as doing this
or doing that. And one of ‘em is gonna last, and the other one’s not gonna last. One of
‘em’s gonna make you waste time, and the other one’s not really gonna make you waste
time. And it’s just basically a decision that you have to take.
Future Goals: Edgar’s recommendations focused on youth needing to consider the future.
He said:
…think about later on where you’re gonna be at. You’re gonna get out, you aren’t always
gonna be in there… What do you want to do with your life? Where do you want to be at?
Do you always want to be in jail? Be your own man. Always think what do you want out
of life.
Edgar also suggested that young Latinos stay busy and motivated, possibly getting involved in
sports to engage with others. He urged the youth to “really think about where you are going, is
this what you want to do.”
Eddie felt that struggling Latinos also need to take the time to “evaluate” their lives and
“how the choices that you do dictate what’s gonna happen to your future.” He quoted a line from
a poem he wrote: “Destiny doesn’t dictate what will become of me. I’m the creator of my future,
and destiny is the enemy.” He encouraged other Latinos to consider their choices and
consequences.
Table 8 provides personal advice from the participants to other Latinos who may be
struggling in similar ways.
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Table 8
Personal Advice to Other Latinos
Advocacy Life Choices Future Goals
Ask for transcripts and keep
track of your school records
Ask for help
Think critically about your
choices
Research the life of those
who have struggled or been
involved in trouble to
determine the life you want
Think about the future and
not the present
Be your own man
Think about the consequences
Get involved in activities
Think about the future and
consequences
Control your own destiny
Summary
Chapter four presented the individual life histories for Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie.
These life histories described their life and literacy experiences ranging from early childhood,
adolescence, and young adulthood. Following the personal narratives, the researcher provided
themes, which describe and explain significant patterns and experiences that were common in the
four stories. Tables were provided to help organize the recommendations provided by the
participants in response to the third research question in the study.
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CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSIONS
This chapter provides a literature and research-based discussion of the themes. After the
discussion section are the implications and limitations of the study sections. The chapter ends
with the recommendations and conclusion sections.
Discussion
The life histories of Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie are representative of the need for all
educators to engage in a deeper understanding of the challenges that can potentially change the
life course of young men of color. Their ultimate participation in the school-to-prison pipeline
can be traced to the absence of healthy relationships, lack of quality literacy experiences and
educational opportunities, and punitive decisions that had dire consequences on these young
men’s early life trajectories.
Life Experiences
Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie needed strong, healthy, and consistent relationships with
their families, schools, and communities to support their academic and civic engagement. At
home, their immediate and extended family members faced hardships that interfered with their
ability to fully support the participants. Their families struggled socially and economically to
provide a stable environment for their children. Each of their families encouraged education, but
were at a disadvantage in not knowing how to fully support their children in school because of
limited formal education and familiarity with the U.S. school system (Gandara & Contreras,
2009; Valenzuela, 1999).
The four life histories confirm the significance of father-son relationships. The literature
suggests Latino fathers can be important figures for their sons and influence their motivation for
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school (Alfaro et al., 2006), as well as their self-esteem and thinking patterns particularly around
issues of conflict (Behnke et al., 2011). Without a healthy and communicative relationship with
their fathers, the young men did not receive the support, advice, care, love, and guidance they
needed to stay motivated in school and mindful of their behaviors. All the young men, instead,
developed strong relationships with gang members and individuals associated with gangs that
increased their disengagement from school. The gang-related networks provided Joe, Ricardo,
Edgar, and Eddie with acceptance and a place to engage with individuals that became family-like
(Zatz & Portillos, 2000). These associations were influential (amongst other factors) in helping
to re-direct the young men’s frustrations, boredom, and lack of challenge and healthy
relationships towards negative behaviors and activities (Zatz & Portillos, 2000).
The participants’ disengagement in their schools and orientation towards negative peer
and gang activity can be viewed as a reaction to or resistant stance towards unjust school and
social conditions, and/or alienation from broader society (Solorzano & Delgado-Bernal, 2001;
Zatz & Portillos, 2000). Joe, Ricardo, Eddie, and Edgar had reoccurring patterns of academic
failure, truancies, and overall disengagement early on in school, common characteristics of
incarcerated youth (Balfanz et al., 2003; Foley, 2001; Wang et al., 2005; Zabel & Nigro, 1999).
They repeatedly engaged in behaviors, such as fighting, truancy, class disruptions, and searches,
as a result of their schooling experiences and attitudes. Given their behavior, school adults and
law enforcement were hostile towards the young men and their acquaintances both inside and
outside of school. This treatment encouraged discrimination and racial bias practices against
them, which has been highlighted in other life history interviews and survey research with
Latinos (Cammarota, 2004; Fisher et al., 2000; Rios, 2011). The participants’ behaviors were a
form of self-defeating resistance because they consciously engaged in negative activities, yet
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330
also held critiques of their unjust social and school conditions (Solorzano & Delgado-Bernal,
2001). The young men were aware that they were being criminalized in their schools and
communities, yet their behaviors resulted in re-creating “the oppressive conditions from which it
originated” (Solorzano & Delgado-Bernal, 2001, p. 317). The participants ultimately suffered the
consequences of their actions, which only increased their interaction with the penal system.
Research indicates that Latino/a students’ surroundings (i.e., neighborhoods) and access
to resources are important for their overall well-being and success (Gandara & Contreras, 2009).
Latinos are at higher risk for depression and low self-esteem, particularly those with more
negative associations of their neighborhoods (Behnke et al., 2011), and distress as a result of
perceived discrimination (Fisher et al., 2000). School and community activities, such as sports,
could have helped mediate the young men’s relationship with their surrounding community.
Research indicates a positive relationship between sports participation and outcomes such as
positive self-esteem and school attachment for young Latinos (Erkut & Tracy, 2002). All of the
young men commented that participation specifically in sports would have kept them busy and
involved in positive activities; yet, only Joe and Eddie played on a formal sports team with a
community league. A lack of group and team-based activities contributed to the alienated of
these four young men in their communities and prevented critical social interactions with peers
and adults that could have provided access to social and cultural capital (Ream & Rumberger,
2008; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003).
These narratives also highlight the challenges of identity development in the middle and
early high school years. The young men expressed feelings of loneliness and fear, but were also
rebellious and angry. Additionally, each of the participants embodied a strong masculine
identity, which formed as early as elementary school. These overly masculine identities have
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also been seen in other studies of urban young working-class Latino during early adolescence
and may impact their social interactions with other youth and adults (Cammarota, 2004; Mora,
2012; 2013). Rios (2011) explains, for example, that reoccurring contact with law enforcement
can result in the “production of a hypermasculinity,” which can then prevent “desistance, social
relations, and social mobility” for youth (p. 125). Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie had repeated
interactions with police and the judicial system. They were not only labeled as criminals and
troublemakers at school and their home environments, but also had to embody strength to protect
themselves. The young men carried and used weapons at an early age, but also engaged in
physical and violent altercations, in some cases for their own survival. Thus, when trying to
understand the role of the identity development in the lives of young men of color from
marginalized communities, educators must consider the their broader social context.
Given these significant life experiences and situations, however, there was potential for
these young men to stay on the right track, get the support they needed to make better choices,
and achieve in school. They were talented and had a positive mindset towards education and
learning. The young men also had artistic and athletic talents and even a desire to help others.
Their narratives, however, illustrate the school’s general disregard for the participants when it
came to initiating the kinds of relationships and communication needed to help them be
successful (Garza, 2009; Halx & Ortiz, 2011; Nieto, 2012; Valenzuela, 1999). Young Latinos
have been found to experience a diminished outlook on their schools and future before and
during the transition from middle to high school (Lys, 2009; Quiroz 2001). Given that three of
them were incarcerated during the eighth grade, these life histories also illustrate the difficulty of
this period and lack of relationships with school staff. It was only in the alternative school setting
for Eddie, where teachers took the time to make personal connections with him. They were
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caring and concerned about his well-being and provided advice and someone for Eddie to talk to.
Had educators made stronger connections to Joe, Ricardo, and Edgar over the years, perhaps
their school trajectories would have been more stable and successful. When students are cared
for and acknowledged on a deeper, more humane and respectful level, it can result in positive
outcomes for both teachers and students (Noguera, 1995; Rodriguez, 2012).
Families were also disregarded by the school system, which continues to occur with
parents from low-income, immigrant, and limited education backgrounds. This type of treatment
has historically been prevalent throughout the U.S. public education system (San Miguel &
Valencia, 1998; Valencia, 2002; Valenzuela, 1999; Villenas & Deyhle, 1999). Ricardo’s father
had not say in his expulsion or assignment to home studies. Edgar’s parents were not called into
the school to understand why he was prevented from attending the local high school. The school
system and educators ignored the socio-political context of the families’ lives (Nieto, 2012), but
also placed no value on the knowledge the families could provide in supporting their children.
The lack of communication and partnerships with families put the schools at a disadvantage and
alienated families from being a part of the solution.
Overall, there was a disregard by adults in the school settings for the role and value of
informal mentors and social networks could have in the young men’s lives. Students of color in
both their traditional and juvenile education settings need access to social and cultural capital
(Monkman, Ronald, & Theramene, 2005; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Stanton-Salazar & Spina,
2003). Given the participants’ history of school disengagement and parents’ limited education
and knowledge of U.S. school systems, they needed adults (teachers and others) to provide
advice or counsel, and consistent, deep, personal, and cultural connections. These young men
never came into contact with programs, mentors, resources or other meaningful experiences that
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333
were relevant to their circumstances or lives. Classroom teachers have great potential to not just
teach content-based knowledge, but give young men like Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie, access
to skills and other information to help them navigate the real-world and participate as productive
citizens (Monkman et al., 2005). It was only later in their incarceration that informal mentors
were met, such as Sean or Joe’s godparents, who provided the participants’ access to academic
language, public spaces, material goods, college information, and personal guidance. An overall
lack of attention by school adults in both traditional and juvenile education settings to the kinds
of knowledge, practices, and social networks Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie needed, further
contributed to and maintained reproduction of disproportionate and unequal social structures
(Monkman et al., 2005; Todis et al., 2001).
These life histories also illustrate the severe consequences on young men of color with
the enforcement of a zero tolerance philosophy in schools. Each of the participants were
repeatedly removed from their formal learning environments, and ultimately weakened their
sense of belonging in school and society. Joe was the recipient of two California Strikes at the
young age of 15 that will never be removed from his record unless approved by the Governor of
CA. Ricardo was expelled from school in the seventh grade and never returned to a formal
academic setting. Edgar was unsuccessful in attempts to enroll in his local school because he was
unwanted by the administration. Instead of Zero Tolerance enforcement, these young men
needed access to effective transitional services at both their traditional school settings and in the
juvenile justice system; this resource has been cited as a major factor in decreasing recidivism
rates (Mora & Christianakis, 2012/2013; Todis et al., 2001). The treatment they received instead
strengthened the disregard the judicial and school systems had for the young men from an early
age. The schools and judicial system did not consider alternative or more humane consequences
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334
for their disciplinary situations, such as those with a focus on establishing healthy relationships
with the young men, connecting them to support services at home and in the community, or
understanding the context of their lives (Nieto, 2012; Noguera, 1995; 2003). With a continuation
of harsh discipline policies such as Zero Tolerance and other policing practices, young men like
Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie will continue to move into the school-to-prison pipeline too soon
(Gregory et al., 2010; Medirrata, 2012; Mora & Christianakis 2012/2013; Noguera, 2003; Wald
& Losen, 2003).
Literacy
The life histories reveal the urgent need to re-evaluate the kinds of literacy experiences
and overall learning opportunities provided to youth from historically marginalized communities.
The participants’ inadequate education and literacy experiences in the juvenile facilities mirrored
the research describing many juvenile education programs as inconsistent in curriculum and
teaching delivery, and disruptive and punitive (Beck, 2005; Foley & Gao, 2002; Gagnon &
Barber, 2010; Lane et al., 2002; Macomber et al. 2010; Mathur & Schoenfeld, 2010; Mincey et
al., 2008; Nelson et al., 2010; Young et al., 2010). The pedagogical practices were focused on
control and repetition instead of critical thinking and engaging the knowledge these young men
already possessed (Moll, 2004). The young men received a “banking concept” approach in their
education, which regards students as “empty” in their knowledge and in need of teachers to “fill”
this gap (Freire, 1970, pp. 75-76). They were also voiceless throughout their traditional school
and juvenile education settings and their development as critical producers of knowledge in the
curriculum was not valued or recognized by their teachers (Bomer & Skerrett, 2011; Freire,
1970; 1998; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Rodriguez, 2012; Souto-Manning, 2009).
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335
Educators failed to take into account the broader social context these young men
inhibited, which had a profound influence on their academic trajectory (Cammarota, 2004;
Noguera, 2003). Despite research that indicates multicultural literacy materials and critical
literacy practices even at an early age can help students understand social issues and examine
their own values and beliefs (DeNicolo & Franquiz, 2006; Souto-Manning, 2009), these young
men did not have access to books or classroom literacy practices that focused on these outcomes.
The curriculum at all levels was absent of culture, language, compassion, and culturally
responsive teaching practices and pedagogy necessary for them to analyze their long history of
disenfranchisement from the school system and larger society (Beck, 2005; Cammarota &
Romero, 2006; Freire, 1998; Gay, 2002; Gutierrez, 2008; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008).
The participants were taught in both their traditional and juvenile education settings
through an autonomous literacy model that ignored the importance of culture and social
interactions, leaving them to efforts that required minimal engagement with text, teachers, and
peers (Au, 1998; 2003; Gee, 2001; Street, 2003). Informal literacy practices both inside and
outside the home went unrecognized in the formal school setting, which could have potentially
been a way to help the young men channel their energies into school (Moll, 1992). Only the
Writers Forever Program provided the opportunity to engage with an ideological model of
literacy, acknowledging their personal and cultural backgrounds and creating opportunities for
sharing, compassion, and comradery.
Eddie’s experiences represent an ideal engagement with literacy and civic engagement.
His experiences were a testament to the power of and urgency for critical literacy practices for
historically marginalized youth across both traditional and juvenile education settings. Eddie
carried out an intense effort towards reading, writing, and critical thinking during his
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336
incarceration. His mindset to leave the penal institution “smart” was key to his motivation to gain
access to even greater levels of knowledge that would benefit not only himself, but other
inmates. Through the reading of multiple texts, Eddie began to question long-held beliefs and
challenge authority figures in ways that left these individuals unable to answer his questions. He
became an advocate in his writing to prison staff so that inmates would not be taken advantage
of. Eddie also took a stand amongst his peers to stop violence against other inmates, a practice he
had previously initiated and condoned. Staff and inmates came to him for advice and he found a
different kind of spirituality from his strengthened identity as an intellectual, which was now
used to help others. He took psychology and sociology college courses that broadened his
understanding of the mind and supporting inmates to think about their lives, analyze their
circumstances in order to heal and move forward. Ultimately Eddie changed from a reactionary
and self-defeating individual who lacked an awareness of social justice, towards one that was
transformative, holding a “critique of oppression and a desire for social justice” (Cammarota,
2006; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Solorzano & Delgado-Bernal, 2001, p. 319).
Implications
There are significant implications in the area of critical literacy for educators and all
others working with young men similar to Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie. All schools and
educators are responsible for providing youth with educational experiences that are meaningful
regardless of students’ backgrounds, especially for those who may come from more challenging
circumstances. As adults, teachers in both traditional and juvenile education settings must
capitalize on the positive aspects and skills that their students bring to the classroom, even those
skills that are non-traditional or non-mainstream. Every student, just as Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and
Eddie did, brings knowledge and desire for learning that needs to be supported. Without attention
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and commitment to what students bring and who they are beyond a surface level relationship, the
school-to-prison pipeline will continue to expand and take in young men of color, such as what
happened with these four individuals.
Given the participants’ difficult life circumstances, it would be easy for educators to
remove themselves of the responsibility to authentically care for (Valenzuela, 1999) and support
these young men throughout their education. Their families and neighborhoods and communities
may instead be perceived as the problem and solely responsible for the behaviors and attitudes of
their children. However, all educators must take on a deeper examination of their own practices,
perceptions, and ideas about young men like Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie, as well as consider
their responsibility and role in either sustaining the school-to-prison pipeline or reversing the
pipeline towards a college future (Losen, 2012; Noguera, 1995). These four young men spent
more time cycling through the juvenile justice system or the principal’s office when instead, their
learning should have been nurtured on school grounds in literacy-rich classrooms by teachers
and other caring school adults.
Educators in both traditional and juvenile settings missed out on critical opportunities to
empower these young men with a quality critical literacy (and overall education) experience.
They had few opportunities to write, read, and engage with culturally relevant literature and
other texts that addressed their interests and gave them an identity as readers, writers, and
intellectuals (Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Morrell, Duenas, Garcia, & Lopez, 2013). None
of the four young men recalled any type of assignment that made a personal or long-lasting
memory. They never wrote or had a dialogue about their lives or the conditions and situations
happening around them. All of the young men had serious life situations occurring on a regular
basis but no outlet to write, discuss, or think critically about them. Without literacy experiences
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that were critical, engaging, personal, and/or transformative these young men were further
alienated from their schools. This lack of engagement resulted in them being both physically
absent from school (i.e., truancy) and mentally absent (disengaged) in their classrooms and
learning environment.
Caring relationships coupled with critical literacy opportunities could have fostered the
personal connections Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie needed to stay engaged (Gay, 2002; Nieto,
2005; Winn & Behizadeh, 2011). With a “problem-posing” education, which focuses on giving
students the opportunity to dialogue and collaborate with their peers and teachers about solutions
to issues that directly affect their lives, the participants and teachers would have worked in
partnership (Freire, 1970). The Writer’s Forever Program provided this experience for the young
men and had an obvious impact on their lives. Even though the time each of them spent with the
program while incarcerated was brief, all of the young men described a permanent impact of
their experience. The participants described the emotional connections they made with other
inmates, but also with caring, non-judgmental teachers who allowed them to freely share their
lives. In that moment, expressed emotions, felt valued and acknowledged. Joe, Ricardo, Edgar,
and Eddie also felt part of a family and part of a larger collective of young men with similar
stories and passions. The teachers/program staff accepted them without criticism. These staff
members opened up the opportunity to release long-held feelings and thoughts in a safe space.
Additionally, the opportunity for Eddie to take a sociology and psychology of the criminal mind
courses, allowed him to delve into real world issues and think about his own life and behaviors.
Even though he was incarcerated, the college program allowed him to dialogue with professors
and be treated like a college student by several professors.
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The Writers Forever Program is an example of the kinds of classroom experiences every
learning environment should provide, yet these critical literacy experiences should not have
come so late in the young men’s lives. In the program, they contributed their knowledge, were
valued, and thus, began to develop some form of literacy identity in spite of their confinement
and years being disenfranchised in the school system (Alvermann, 2009; Au, 1998; Langer,
2009). This critical literacy identity must be formed at the very start of their education if
educators embrace a critical literacy curriculum and pedagogy. Young children and adolescents
can engage in this empowering framework and have important dialogue about their communities,
make efforts to improve their lives and greater society, and develop the formal academic skills
needed to be literate youth. Youth who are already disenfranchised in their own communities and
viewed as problematic in larger society, are the students that need the most support by their
teachers and schools to challenge those stereotypes and misgivings many have for them
(Cammarota, 2004; Morrell & Duncan-Andrade, 2008; Morrell et al., 2013; Solorzano &
Delgado-Bernal, 2001; Williamson, Mercurio, & Walker, 2013). They need the support to
understand their behaviors and circumstances and how their narrative fits into the narrative of a
longer oppressive history of other disenfranchised communities and youth. By engaging in a
critical literacy framework and overall education experience in both traditional and juvenile
settings, youth like Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie, can then construct the counter-narrative to
the life experiences they encounter and transform themselves into academically skilled and
civically engaged young men.
Limitations
These findings have confirmed and extended the literature on the challenges faced by
young Latinos who struggle both inside and outside the school setting, and consequently,
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340
become a part of the juvenile justice system. These findings should also be carefully considered
through a clear understanding of the limitations of the study, which are the following:
Sample Size and Makeup
Although a small group of participants’ life histories was sampled, the depth of the
information gathered from the participant on his/her story carried more significance than the
gathering of life histories of many subjects (Cole & Knowles, 2001). These participants’ life
history stories provided a significant amount of data that emphasized depth and richness from a
few individuals (Patton, 2002). Additionally, each of the participants was enrolled in post-
secondary education, thus limiting the sample of Latinos (and data) who were not enrolled in
education once released.
Researcher Bias
The closeness of participants to the researcher is another limitation as it pertains to
interpretation of the data (Connelly & Clandinin, 1990; Patton, 2002). The interpretations must
take into account multiple factors and influences captured in the narrative. Simplistic
interpretations of data should be avoided in favor of deeper meaning of the human experience
(Patton, 2002).
Accuracy
Another potential concern arises from the accuracy of the story being told, particularly
when using life history research (Connelly & Clandinin, 1990; Warren, 1982). Accuracy in
retelling the story must be honored as well as providing the reader with how decisions about
what was presented from the narrative were made (Connelly & Clandinin, 1990). The nature of
narrative research lends itself to potential false stories or inaccurate responses due to issues such
as “personal bias, anger, anxiety, politics, lack of awareness…recall error, reactivity of the
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interviewee to the interviewer, and self-serving responses” (Patton, 2002, p. 306). There is a
chance that the story and how it was analyzed and described fell victim to some affect (Warren,
1982).
Data Analysis
The tension of how life history data is analyzed also applies to how this approach is
eventually organized and publicized (Warren, 1982). While great care was taken to represent the
totality of the participant’s life, the editing process undertaken by the researcher may have had an
impact on the story that was ultimately created (Warren, 1982). To pursue an accurate and
reliable data analysis process, the researcher engaged in multiple cross-checking procedures with
the transcripts and participants themselves to ensure accuracy of the information presented
(Warren, 1982).
Academic Records
The researcher did not have access to the participants' official transcripts or other
academic records to confirm what was provided about their educational history and literacy
levels during their traditional and juvenile education programs.
Interview Questions
The researcher may not have been able to ask the entirety of questions to each participant.
Given the broad scope of questioning that could come with life history methodology, there are
questions that might have been left out of the research protocol.
Recommendations
Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie provided rich and insightful recommendations to support
youth and families that are needed in order to reverse the school-to-prison pipeline. The
following are additional recommendations for adults across education settings to support the
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needs of youth, particularly those from historically marginalized communities, and those
associated with the juvenile justice system:
Recommendations for Educators
Build caring and healthy relationships with young people.
Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie, and other students like them should not go unnoticed.
School adults must know their students and have a curiosity and enthusiasm towards their
academic and social well-being (Gonzalez, 2010). That curiosity and spirit to engage with
students can go a long way towards establishing healthy student-teacher relationships founded on
trust, care, and empowerment, but also for recognizing when students are slipping through the
cracks. These relationships should extend to students’ local communities and neighborhoods, so
that youth feel connected to their surroundings in a positive way via sports (Erkut & Tracy,
2002) or programs that build their self-esteem and healthy relationships with their peers.
Traditional school and juvenile education settings, as well as the broader community
(neighborhoods) have a responsibility to increase access to the kinds of knowledge and social
networks that will support youth to increase their educational and social mobility (Gonzalez,
2010; Monkman et al., 2005; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2003). Mentors,
role models, and special programs can provide young Latinos with perspectives on education,
careers, and expose them to successful individuals (Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Stanton-Salazar &
Spina, 2003). These networks could also influence youth in how they give back to other young
men in their communities and neighborhoods to provide an even stronger base of successful
males of color.
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Quality culturally relevant and challenging curriculum.
As noted specifically in the implications section, youth (in both traditional and juvenile
education settings) need powerful, rigorous, and personalized curriculum to help develop their
identities as readers, writers, intellectuals, and engaged civic-minded individuals who can help
create a better society for themselves and others (Cammarota, 2004; Morrell et al., 2013;
Williamson et al., 2013). This kind of achievement-oriented curriculum that emphasizes and
embeds caring, compassion, dialogue, and critical thinking can be the transformative experience
that young men (and all youth) need to circumvent the challenges and frustrations they encounter
both inside and outside their schools. This type of curriculum could also provide more critical
literacy opportunities for students to read and write critically across grade levels, content areas,
and institutions in a rigorous professional manner. Writing can provide an emotional release for
students and a way to express and analyze their situations of incarceration or any other struggles
they may encounter. These experiences can strengthen their identity as intellectuals, and literate
beings across content areas. Students need to have a voice, opportunities to dialogue, and
problem-solve with one another so that they can be academically strong and civic minded youth
who will help create a more just society. Their literacy development should not terminate upon
incarceration; rather, it is even more urgent for juvenile offenders to continue a critical academic
development program in juvenile education settings (Williamson et al., 2013).
Train all teachers to understand the school-to-prison pipeline.
All teachers—new and experienced in both traditional and juvenile education settings—
must be knowledgeable about the school-to-prison pipeline and the significance and
consequences of their actions when dealing with disciplinary situations. Noguera (1995) notes
that teachers are the first contact with a child who is misbehaving or acting out, and have the
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power to decide the action to address the situation. Teachers must be prepared with an array of
pedagogical and literacy strategies that will support more human disciplinary solutions instead of
those that increase students’, particularly males of color, contact with the authority figures and
ultimately the juvenile justice system.
College and university partnerships with both traditional and juvenile school
systems.
In both traditional and juvenile education settings, colleges and universities need to have
relationships with youth, particularly those from low-income and who will be the first in their
families to attend college. Young men of color, specifically, need to feel they that have the
chance to be a part of the higher education pipeline regardless of their circumstances or
backgrounds. College programs that offer college credit and relevant coursework for juvenile
offenders should be provided. College mentors and volunteers and incarcerated youth must have
opportunities to exchange educational and social experiences (Holsinger, 2008; Holsinger &
Crowther, 2005).
Recommendations for School Faculty and Staff
Strong and communicative partnerships between families, schools, and juvenile
institutions.
The juvenile justice system needs strong partnerships and better communication between
families, formal education settings/schools and the juvenile justice system. Everyone must be
informed and ready to support a young person coming back into the formal school setting to
prevent recidivism. Academic and social needs should be a part of the conversation and
thoughtful placements must be secured that are an appropriate fit for the student. Parents
especially need guidance in understanding laws and policies that can negatively impact their
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children’s lives, as well as access to legal services and knowledge about how to navigate the
judicial system (Garfinkel & Nelson, 2004).
Recommendations for Social Service Providers
Programs and opportunities for fathers and sons to dialogue.
Community organizations, education institutions, and the juvenile justice system can
make efforts to hold workshops or programs that give fathers and sons opportunities to dialogue
about issues such as gender, identity, and education to support a healthy identity development for
young men who face academic and social pressures (Grando & Ginsberg, 1976). Fathers can
have a positive influence on their son’s academics and behaviors (Alfaro et al., 2006; Behnke et
al., 2011), and programs should be culturally responsive (Coltrane, Park, & Adams, 2004) in
order to support a relationship between these two individuals can help young men stay on a
successful path in life.
Social services for inmates during and after incarceration.
Each of the young men’s stories highlighted the importance of inmates having access to a
variety of social services and resources to process their lives and prepare for successful lives
post-incarceration. They need support and guidance in understanding the consequences of their
behaviors and actions, especially at this early adolescent and young adult period of time. Social
services such as mentoring, academic and behavioral counseling, and substance abuse should be
offered both during an after one’s release from the judicial system to ensure success and prevent
recidivism (Bullis & Yovanoff, 2006; Shulman & Cauffman, 2011; Todis et al., 2001).
Recommendations for Policymakers
Lawmakers and educators must reconsider the kinds of laws and policies, such as Zero
Tolerance and youth as adult punishments because they are not conducive to a healthy,
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346
rehabilitative process for young people. Expulsions and harsh sentencing rid a young person of
the opportunity to change his or her life around. These kinds of punishments early on in a child’s
life are not proven to be effective, nor are they cost effective or conducive to a child’s
development (American Psychological Association Task Force, 2008). Alternative strategies that
are more compassionate and humane for youth must be considered. Additionally, lawmakers
need to provide more funding to support programs such as the Writers Forever Program. Given
the positive and transformative nature of the program, juvenile facilities would benefit greatly
with the presence of programs and staff that can support the academic, social, and personal
development of incarcerated youth.
Recommendations for Future Research
There are many opportunities for future studies in the field of juvenile justice education
and critical literacy. More attention to the implementation of critical literacy practices and
outcomes are needed to show how students, teachers, schools, communities, and society benefit
when youth are empowered and academically skilled at all grade levels. More efforts must also
be taken to gather the life history accounts of the families of incarcerated youth to better
understand their struggles. This study did not elicit the families’ perspectives, which would also
be helpful in understanding how the school and juvenile justice systems can better support
families. Additionally, more research is necessary to highlight schools and communities that
have successfully provided well-rounded support programs for youth who come into contact with
the juvenile system. The field would benefit from learning about best practices and evidence that
youth who have experienced the juvenile justice system can be supported despite the challenges
they may have encountered. There is also an on-going need to understand identity development
for young Latinos that takes into consideration issues of race, class, language, and other social
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347
factors that influence them during early childhood and adolescence at both home and broader
community.
Conclusion
The stakes are extremely high for young men like Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie.
Fortunately, these men have found ways to survive and flourish. They have demonstrated to
society that their experience in the school-to-prison pipeline did not destroy their hope or
motivation to succeed. Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie’s participation in the school-to-prison
pipeline could have been prevented had educators, their families, and communities recognize that
they were slipping through the cracks. As a society we must ask ourselves how we can improve
the ways in which we develop caring relationships and deliver quality educational and literacy
experiences for our youth in order for them to achieve a high level of academic achievement.
I know that Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie valued our time together in this project.
Throughout and especially at the conclusion of the interviews, all of them thanked me for the
opportunity to be a part of the study. The four of them also all said they felt positive and excited
about contributing to the field of education and juvenile justice. I will not forget the engagement
and attention they each displayed when reading their narratives and in our final conversations
after completing interviews. Each of the young men were thankful for the opportunity to share
their stories. They expressed amazement and pride when reading their own stories and literally
seeing their voices on paper. To see that they each had struggled so much, yet come so far was
powerful for them. Joe later wrote to me:
Thank you so much for letting me be a part of your research project. I’ve thought about
that a lot since we last met. You know, the best thing I got out of it is my interest and
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348
attention to my daughter, nieces, and nephews’ education. I’ll do my part in supporting
their growth mentally. Thank you. I love my family. Joe, 02/01/13.
Being able to share about the entirety of their lives up to this point seemed to be therapeutic in a
way and in return, Joe, Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie discovered new insights about themselves and
their futures.
This research process has taught me about the importance of humanity, love, and care
that is needed to transform our schools (and greater society) into places that value everyone. Joe,
Ricardo, Edgar, and Eddie are just four of the numerous young men who are taken unjustly and
unfairly into the school-to-prison pipeline. We must not only reverse this trend that impacts men
of color and their communities so deeply, but also change our perceptions of them as criminals.
As a society, we need to acknowledge the young people who have been through our juvenile
system as future leaders and those with the ability to be successful in their lives, yet also provide
them support and guidance along the way. We must give our youth opportunities to engage with
their hearts and minds via critical literacy and quality educational experiences. Ultimately this
can encourage their development as civically engaged individuals who participate and give back
to their communities and greater society.
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349
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APPENDIX A
IRB APPROVED PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM
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APPENDIX B
PARTICIPANT QUESTIONNAIRE
The Participant Questionnaire was taken from the dissertation by Griffith, A. T. (2009). A study
of the literacy experiences and related life experiences of incarcerated black adolescent males.
Arizona State University. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses.
Personal
Name:
Gender:
Date of Birth:
Race/Ethnicity:
Academic Institutions
Number of schools attended (middle and high schools):
Name and locations of Middle School(s) attended:
Name and locations of High School(s) attended:
Highest level of education completed:
Personal Literacy Background Information
Do you like to read? Yes No
Do you like to write? Yes No
How often do you read? Often Sometimes Never
Favorite reading genre (poetry, fiction, adventure, etc.):
Family Background Information
Mother’s occupation:
Mother’s Highest Level of Education Completed:
Father’s occupation:
Father’s Highest Level of Education Completed:
Legal Guardian’s occupation:
Legal Guardian’s Highest Level of Education Completed:
Number of Siblings (Brothers and Sisters):
Siblings Highest Level of Education Completed:
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APPENDIX C
LIFE HISTORY INTERVIEW GUIDE
The Life History Interview Guide was taken from the dissertation by Griffith, A. T. (2009). A
study of the literacy experiences and related life experiences of incarcerated black adolescent
males. Arizona State University. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses.
Purpose of incarcerated Latino adolescent male interviews:
• To learn about literacy and life experiences.
• To learn how these experiences stagnated, diminished, or contributed to their
engagement in school literacy practices and learning
A. Biographical Information
Tell me about yourself, your childhood background.
1. How old are you?
2. Where were you born?
3. Where have you lived throughout your life?
4. What important events do you remember in your life? How did these events make a
difference in your life?
B. Family
Tell me about your parents (guardians) and siblings.
1. What kinds of jobs did/do they have?
2. What was the highest level of education they completed?
3. Describe your relationship with your parents.
4. What were their thoughts about education?
5. Explain the role that your family played in supporting your education.
6. What kind of relationship did you have with your extended family (grandparents,
aunts, uncles, etc.)?
7. How many brothers/sisters did you have?
8. Describe your siblings and your relationship with them.
9. What is your place in the birth order (oldest, youngest, etc.)?
10. Tell me what it was like growing up in your family.
11. Describe your family celebrations, events, or gatherings.
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C. Community
Tell me about the community you lived in.
1. Describe the community environment (s) in which you lived.
2. Did you feel safe and protected in your community? Please explain why or why not.
3. Describe some of the positive activities, events, and/or facilities available for
neighborhood children in your community.
4. Were there gang members and/or gang activities present in your community? If so,
describe them.
5. Describe any peer pressure, gangs, and negative situations that you may have
experienced in your community. Please explain.
6. Describe the positive situations that you experienced in your community.
7. Describe the positive parts and negative parts of your community as a whole.
8. What do you remember most about your community? Describe.
9. How did the adults in the community help the young people?
10. What did your community do to help you?
11. How would you compare yourself to children, friends at school, neighborhood
friends, etc.?
D. School-The Elementary School Years
Tell me about your Elementary school experience.
1. Describe your school(s).
2. Describe your classroom settings.
3. What do you remember most about elementary school?
4. What was your favorite subject? Explain.
5. How did you feel about school at that time?
6. What was the most memorable experience of elementary school?
7. What was your least memorable experience in elementary school?
8. What did you like most about elementary school?
9. What did you like least about elementary school?
10. How did you feel about school at that time?
11. What did you want to be when you grew up at that age?
12. How were you treated by other children?
13. How were you treated by teachers?
14. Is there one certain elementary teacher that stands out in your mind that influenced
your attitude towards school either positively or negatively? Explain.
15. Tell me about the teachers that you liked the most. Tell me about the teachers you
liked least.
16. How did the principal/assistant or vice principal and other staff members treat you?
17. Describe your academic progress in school.
18. What kinds of extracurricular activities did you participate in at school (sports,
yearbook club, chess club, etc.?) What was your favorite? Explain.
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E. School-The Middle School Years *Added
Tell me about your middle school experiences.
1. Describe your school(s).
2. Describe your classroom settings.
3. What do you remember most about middle school?
4. What was your favorite subject?
5. How did you feel about school at that time?
6. What was the most memorable experience of middle school?
7. What was your least memorable experience in middle school?
8. What did you like most about middle school?
9. What did you like least about middle school?
10. How did you feel about school at that time?
11. What did you want to be when you grew up at that age?
12. How were you treated by other children?
13. How were you treated by teachers?
14. Is there one certain middle school teacher that stands out in your mind that influenced
your attitude towards school either positively or negatively? Explain.
15. Tell me about the teachers that you liked the most. Tell me about the teachers you
liked least.
16. How did the principal/assistant or vice principal and other staff members treat you?
17. Describe your academic progress in school.
18. What kinds of extracurricular activities did you participate in at school? What was
your favorite? Explain.
F. School-The High School Years
Tell me about your high school experiences.
1. Describe your school(s).
2. Describe your classroom settings.
3. What do you remember most about high school?
4. What was your favorite subject?
5. How did you feel about school at that time?
6. What was the most memorable experience of high school?
7. What was your least memorable experience in high school?
8. What did you like most about high school?
9. What did you like least about high school?
10. How did you feel about school at that time?
11. What did you want to be when you grew up at that age?
12. How were you treated by other children?
13. How were you treated by teachers?
14. Is there one certain high school teacher that stands out in your mind that influenced
your attitude towards school either positively or negatively? Explain.
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15. Tell me about the teachers that you liked the most. Tell me about the teachers you
liked least.
16. How did the principal/assistant or vice principal and other staff members treat you?
17. Describe your academic progress in school.
18. What kinds of extracurricular activities did you participate in at school? What was
your favorite? Explain.
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APPENDIX D
LITERACY INQUIRY INTERVIEW GUIDE
The Literacy Inquiry Interview Guide was taken from the dissertation by Griffith, A. T. (2009).
A study of the literacy experiences and related life experiences of incarcerated black adolescent
males. Arizona State University. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses.
A. Background Literacy Experiences
Tell me about your early literacy experiences.
1. How would you define reading?
2. When you think of reading, what is the first thing that comes to mind?
3. What do you remember about learning to read?
4. Who taught you to read?
5. Were you able to read before you started school?
6. At what age do you remember learning to read?
7. Did your family members encourage you to read?
8. What reading activities did you do at home?
9. What kinds of books do you enjoy reading at home?
10. What was your family’s attitude about reading as it relates to education, getting a
good job and being successful?
B. Classroom Literacy Experiences
Tell me about your classroom literacy experiences.
1. How did you feel about reading in school?
2. Describe your reading experiences in the classroom.
3. How did your teachers teach reading?
4. Tell me about your experiences with reading in junior high and high school.
(Comprehension-Recognition/Recall of letters-Learning letter-sound correspondence).
5. Describe the kinds of strategies that teachers used to teach reading.
6. What reading strategies benefited you the most? Explain.
7. Describe a typical day in reading.
8. What was the best story/book that you read in school?
9. Did you like to read silently or aloud? Explain.
10. Describe your most memorable experience in reading.
11. What did you enjoy most about reading in class? Explain.
12. Describe the teacher you learned the most from in reading class (gender, personality
characteristics)
13. What do you believe was the teacher’s opinion of you as a reader?
14. How do you view yourself as a reader?
15. Was the importance of reading ever explained to you by your reading teacher?
Explain.
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16. How do you think the ideal reading class should be taught (strategies, ideas)?
17. Reflecting back, what was the best way that you learned to read?
18. What kinds of books do you like to read in school?
19. What are some of the things you read now?
20. If you could select the reading material for school, what types of books would you
select? Why?
21. Why do you think that it is important to be able to read and write today? Explain.
22. How important is reading to you? Explain.
23. How will your reading/literacy experiences help you in life?
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APPENDIX E
AMENDMENT QUESTIONS
Additional Literacy Questions (all students)
Community literacy
1. Do you feel literacy was important growing up, why or why not? Would it have made
a difference if you would have received a strong literacy education early on?
2. What types of activities in your community (home/neighborhood) did you engage in
that related to your literacy (reading/writing) growing up?
3. What kinds of activities in your community (home/neighborhood) helped you develop
a sense of critical thinking growing up?
4. What kinds of activities in your community (home/neighborhood) helped you develop
your sense of understanding the world (read the world)?
5. What did you learn about literacy skills (reading/writing/critical thinking) outside of
school that wasn’t taught inside a traditional school setting?
6. What types of literacy skills do you have that might not be recognized in a traditional
school setting or by teachers?
Additional Questions for Older Youth
1. What have you learned in your experience in the juvenile system?
a. About yourself?
b. About the juvenile justice system?
2. What advice do you have for students who are currently in the system?
3. What advice do you have for students who may be susceptible to getting involved in
negative activities that could lead to incarceration?
4. What recommendations do you have for adults working with youth in the juvenile
setting about the needs of Latino males?
a. …about the needs of students?
5. What recommendations do you have for adults in traditional school settings about the
needs of Latino males?
a. …about the needs of students?
6. What recommendations do you have for adults in the community about the needs of
Latino males?
a. …about the needs of students?
Juvenile Hall Education Experience
1. How would you describe your overall experience in the juvenile setting?
2. How would you describe the experience with classroom work (overall)?
3. How would you describe your experience with classes that specifically addressed
your reading and writing needs?
4. How would you describe the supports for students with their academics?
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375
5. How would you describe your interactions with teachers?
6. How would you describe the types of support for students in the juvenile facility to
get their lives back on track?
7. What kinds of books or reading material in classes were you provided to support your
literacy development? How well did these fit your interest?
8. What kinds of literacy activities in classes did you engage in to support your
development as a reader/writer/critical thinker? How well did these activities benefit
your development?
Transitions from Traditional to School Setting
1. How many times did you transition from a juvenile facility to traditional school
setting?
2. What was that experience like for you?
3. What kind of supports existed to help you get on the right track from juvenile to
school setting?
4. What did adults in both settings do to support your transition?
5. What help did your parents/guardians provide during these transitions between
institutions? If not, why not?
6. What supports were available for your parents to support your transition?
7. What kinds of treatment did you receive from the traditional school setting during the
transition?
8. What kinds of treatment did you receive from the juvenile facility during the
transition?
9. What kinds of complications did you have during the transition?
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
Critical literacy skills give one access to different ways of thinking, participating, and engaging in society, ultimately providing a source of power in being able to better understand the world. Latino male adolescents, in particular, are not having a supportive and engaging school experience where academic literacy skills can develop and flourish, resulting in a school-to-prison pathway. This study will provide an original contribution to the field of education due to its specific focus on the population of formerly incarcerated young Latino males and the life history method that inquires about the relevance of their personal and academic experiences. This study provides life history narratives from a disenfranchised population with little access to public dialogue about educational problems. A broad membership from the school community--teachers, parents, literacy coaches, and educators in both traditional and juvenile school settings--will benefit from learning about the lives and literacy experiences of this specific population. The insights gained from the study will provide educators and community members with ideas and strategies to keep Latino male youth who are struggling in school to stay on a path towards school completion. Educators will also learn how to support youth from juvenile institutions and provide them with appropriate services needed to successfully transition from this setting to a public school.
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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