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Examining Latino parents' perspective on parent involvement at the secondary level: why should we care

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Examining Latino parents' perspective on parent involvement at the secondary level: why should we care

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Content Running head: EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE 1

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE ON PARENT INVOLVEMENT AT THE
SECONDARY LEVEL: WHY SHOULD WE CARE.

by

Jacqueline González

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2017

Copyright 2017 Jacqueline González

Running head: EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE 1

Acknowledgments
This dissertation journey has been one of the most challenging and rewarding experiences
of my life. This accomplishment could have not been done without the support and patience of
family, colleagues, mentors, and faculty.
To my dissertation chair, Dr. Julie Slayton, whose passion, enthusiasm, guidance, and
patience helped me reach this milestone in my academic and professional career. Thank
you for never giving up on me and for your unconditional support.
To Dr. Katherine Hayes, who shared her knowledge and commitment to parent
involvement. Thank you for being part of this journey.
To Dr. Angela Hasan, who supported and provided insight on how to better capture the
voices and experiences of those who are forgotten. Thank you for being part of this
journey.
Para mi mamá, Aurora Hernández-González, que siempre creyó en mi aunque cuando era
pequeña era tremenda. Nunca dejo de apoyarme, aconsejarme y que fuera un ejemplo
para mis hermanos. Gracias a ella fui al colegio y finalmente concluyo mis estudios.
Para mi papá, Miguel A. González, que me enseño a nunca rendirme, de apreciar lo que
tengo, de trabajar duro y ayudar a la gente. Gracias a su apoyo y amor incondicional. Lo
quiero mucho.
To my sister, Michelle González, who always believed in me even when I doubted that I
could finish this dissertation. I always remembered when you would tell me, “You’re
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
2

almost there, sister.” Now, I am proud to say that I’m done. I will eternally be grateful to
you. I love you. Now, it’s your turn.
To my brother, Miguel A. González, who always helped me whenever I needed his help
from a quick computer question to advice. Thank you for listening and being there for me
all the time. I love you.
To all my friends and extended family who have been supportive throughout these years.
Thank you for all the positive energies and words of encouragement.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
3

Table of Contents
Acknowledgments 1

List of Tables 5

List of Figures 6

Abstract 7

Chapter One: Overview of the Study 8

Background of the Problem 9

Federal Mandates 10

Parent Involvement from a Schools’ Perspective 13

Parent Involvement from Parents’ Perspective 15

Statement of the Problem 17

Purpose of the Study 18

Importance of the Study 18

Organization of the Dissertation 19

Chapter Two: Literature Review 21

Perspectives on Parent Involvement 22

Parents’ Perspective on Parental Involvement 22

Schools’ Perspective on Parental Involvement 36

Methods of Involvement 43
Self-Efficacy 54

Role Construction 64

Types of Capital 70

Social Capital 71

Theoretical Literature Related to Social Capital 72

Cultural Capital 79

Conceptual Framework 98

Self-Efficacy 101

Role Construction 103

Types of Capital 105

Schools’ Perspective 109

Chapter Three: Methods 112

Research Design 112

Sample and Population 114

Site Selection 114

Participant Selection 115

Criteria 116

Instrumentation and Data Collection 118

Interview 118

Data Analysis Procedures 119

Limitations and Delimitations 121

Limitations 121

Delimitations 121

Credibility and Trustworthiness 122

Conclusion 123

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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Chapter Four: Findings 125

Research Question 1 126

Finding 1: Parents’ Experiences With Their Own Parents Played an Important Role
in the Way They Talked About Their Own Approach to Their Involvement With
Their Own Kids 127

Finding 2: Parents’ relationship with their child’s school predisposed their level of
involvement 155

Research Question 2 174

Finding: Parents’ Limited Social Capital and Cultural Capital Contributed to Their
Involvement at the High School Level 175

Chapter Five: Discussion, Implications, and Recommendations in Relation to Practice,
Policy, And Research 203

Implications and Recommendations 206

Implications for Practice 207

Implications for Policy 210

Implications for Research 212

Conclusions 213

References 215

Appendix A: Parent Interview Protocol 224

Appendix B: Consent Form 236

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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List of Tables
Table 1: Latino Parent Profiles for Parent Involvement at the Secondary Level 117

Table 2: Participants Reacted Against Their Own Parents’ Parenting 146

Table 3: Participants Emulated Their Own Parents’ Parenting 155

Table 4: Parents’ Relationship With School Staff Contributed to Their Involvement 160

Table 5: Schools’ Lack of Support did not Discourage Parents From Being Involved 164

Table 6: School Environment Influenced Parent Involvement 174

Table 7: Parents’ Lack of Resources (Social Capital) Factored Into Their Decision to be
Involved 180

Table 8: Communities’ Limited Resources Influenced Parents to be Involved in Their
Child’s Education. 188

Table 9: Parents’ Experiences and Background (Cultural Capital) Motivated Them to be
Involved in Their Child’s Education 200

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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List of Figures
Figure 1: Leadership continuum for school-family partnerships. 47

Figure 2: Levels 1 and 2 of Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler’s theoretical model of parental
involvement process. 68

Figure 3: Presentation of conceptual framework. 100

Figure 4: Venn diagram on parent involvement. 205

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
7

Abstract
Research continues to indicate the importance of parent involvement in children’s
academic success. Despite the importance of participation, parent involvement had been defined
from a school-centric lens that excludes parents’ perspective on involvement. This study
examined what parent involvement looked like at the secondary level and what shaped parents’
decision to be involved in their child’s education. In addition, this study examined parents’
abilities and beliefs (parental self-efficacy), roles taken in their child’s education (role
construction), access to networks (social capital), experiences and background (cultural capital),
and lastly, schools’ behaviors towards parent involvement. Through interviews, the stories of
Latino parents described how they perceive involvement, activities they are involved in, and how
their beliefs and experiences shaped their decision to be involved in their child’s educational
journey. Although little is known about the ways in which parents of Latino high school students
are involved, the purpose of this study was to understand what Latino parents perceive
contributed to and empowered their involvement in their child’s education. In addition, how
parents’ access to resources and experiences influenced their level of involvement was analyzed.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Addressing the achievement gap for students from historically marginalized populations
has been a priority for educators and policymakers since the passage of the No Child Left Behind
Act of 2001 (Epstein, 2005). Despite efforts to address this gap, Latino students’ academic
outcomes have continued to lag behind those of their White and Asian counterparts. Latino
students face many barriers that help explain their academic performance. These barriers include
low English language proficiency, discrimination, and low expectations from teachers
(Marschall, 2006). Latino students’ low academic performance in high school is not an
unforeseen problem; it reflects their educational experiences that “stead[ily] decline following a
poor school experience during the foundational elementary and middle school years” (Jasis &
Ordonez-Jasis, 2004, p. 32). It has been a continuous challenge for Latino high school students to
meet the academic standards set by educational institutions due to persistent problems of
inequity and a lack of access.
Since the passage of No Child Left Behind, educational institutions have been required to
reach out to parents and support them in taking active roles in their child’s educational
experiences (Epstein, 2005). This requirement is based on research that has continually shown
parent involvement is a significant contributor to a child’s academic outcomes (Hill & Taylor,
2004).
While much is known about the ways in which parent involvement supports student
learning at the elementary and middle school levels, very little is known about parents’
involvement at the high school level. Moreover, even less is known about the ways in which
Latino parents, in particular, approach involvement. Thus, the purpose of this study was to
explore parent involvement from high school parents’ perspective and to understand how they
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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defined involvement. In addition, this study explored what they perceived contributed to their
efforts and empowered them to be involved in their child’s education. The remainder of this
chapter presents the background context for the problem, the purpose of the study and why it is
important.
Background of the Problem
The Latino population is one of the fastest growing in the country (Aud, Fox, &
KewalRamani, 2010). For example, California has one of the highest concentrations of Hispanics
with 14 million, which is 39% of state’s population (Pew Research Center, 2014). According to
the Pew Research Center (2014), 31% of Hispanics under the age of 17 live in poverty. The
average income for Hispanics was $22,000 as recently as 2014 (Pew Research Center, 2014).
Furthermore, Latino students graduate from high school at significantly lower rates than their
non-Latino peers. In 2015, Latino students in California had a graduation rate of 78%, compared
to 88% of White students and 92% of Asians (California Department of Education, 2016).
According to the California Department of Education, Latino students’ graduation rate at the
state level was 80%, compared to 77% in the Los Angeles Unified School District (Kohli, 2017).
According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), 18.7% of Hispanics born
outside the United States in 2015 were dropouts, compared to 7.3% of Hispanics born in the
United States (Aud et al., 2017). Dropouts were considered 16- to 24-year-olds who were not
enrolled or never earned a high school diploma or its equivalent (Aud et al., 2017).
There are significant factors that contribute to low graduation rates among Latino
students. First, children who live in poverty are more likely to struggle in school than their more
affluent peers (Aud et al., 2010). The NCES reported that 27% of Hispanic children under the
age of 18 were living in poverty and 48.7% lived in a female-headed household (Aud et al.,
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
10

2010). Also, 39.3% of Hispanic parents had less than a high school degree, 39% completed high
school, and 13.6% had some college education (Aud et al., 2010). Second, Latino parents’ low
educational level and socioeconomic status increased their child’s probability of attending a
school with less qualified and/or experienced teachers and fewer resources and opportunities.
Latino students tend to receive less support, thus further hindering their academic performance.
Federal Mandates
The Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) of 1965 was the beginning of the
federal government’s commitment to provide children quality and equality in education
(Brenchley, 2015). For example, Title I under ESEA provided additional funds to local
educational agencies that served a high percentage of children who lived in low-income
communities (“Improving Basic Programs Operated by Local Educational Agencies (Title 1, Part
A),” 2015). Despite the efforts to improve the quality of education for students in low-income
communities, it was not enough to close the achievement gap.
In 2001, No Child Left Behind (NCLB) was passed by Congress and signed into law by
then-President George Bush to address the achievement gap affecting low-performing students.
One of the ways in which the law sought to address the achievement gap was by requiring the
active inclusion of parents in schools (Hill & Torres, 2010). Under NCLB, parent involvement
was expected to be organized around “more-equitable and effective programs of school, family,
and community partnerships” (Epstein, 2005, p. 179). Parent involvement was divided into four
principles: multilevel leadership, component of school and classroom organization, shared
responsibilities among educators and families to support children’s learning, and inclusion of all
parents (Epstein, 2005). First, schools were expected to provide teachers and parents with
professional development to increase their understanding of how to effectively implement
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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partnership programs within their schools. Second, schools that received federal funding were
expected to create programs that would support all parents in their child’s academic success.
Third, educators were required to communicate with parents regarding students’ learning and
progress. Thus, parents were encouraged to make choices in their child’s best interest (Epstein,
2005). Lastly, schools were obligated to reach out to all parents and communicate in their
language of preference. Under NCLB, parent involvement became a priority to help address the
achievement gap and pressured schools to be more accountable for student learning.
NCLB was meant to increase parent and school collaboration. For example, the
comprehensive partnership program, also known as the school-parent compact, required the
creation of a detailed plan of action between educators and parents to collaborate to support
student achievement (Epstein, 2004). Schools’ compacts were intended to be structured around a
research-generated framework on involvement that included “parenting, communicating,
volunteering, learning at home, decision-making, and collaborating with community” (Epstein,
2004, p. 16). Communication was a key component under NCLB, as schools were required to
keep parents informed of their children’s progress and the best ways to support them.
In addition, parents were explicitly given control and choice to decide the fate of their
children through the creation of a school report card that outlined the quality of their children’s
schools (Bush, 2001). Moreover, the federal government enabled parents to intervene, especially
when schools failed to educate and meet the needs of disadvantaged students (Bush, 2001).
Parents had the power of choice. For example, parents were “armed with data” to make the most
effective decision in the best interest of their children (Bush, 2001, p. 23). As a result of NCLB,
schools were expected to work with parents and decide how to best support student achievement.
Although NCLB promoted more parent involvement and accountability regarding student
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
12

learning, it did not reduce the achievement gap between Latino students and their non-Latino
peers. While parent involvement was identified as one way to help students do better in school,
most schools found it challenging to involve parents, particularly Latino parents.
For example, California’s Department of Education, local educational agencies, and
schools were required under NCLB to promote parent involvement to comply with the federal
government to receive funds (“Parental Involvement in Title I Schools,” 2016). All stakeholders
at the institutional level were expected to fulfill the mandated requirements. Under NCLB,
parents were entitled to access a state generated report card that included data on student
achievement and school profile that included whether teachers were highly qualified (“Parental
Involvement in Title I Schools,” 2016). For example, California developed the school
accountability report card to provide parents with background information on public schools’
goals and vision and test scores. In addition, several school districts established units or
departments designated for parent involvement or parent engagement. Parent involvement
became one of the key mechanisms of NCLB to include parents in the decision-making process
that, for years, had excluded them. Parents received more access to information and control to
influence their child’s school. Latino parents might not have understood the power they were
granted under these federal and state policies.
More recently, the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) of 2015 was enacted to allow
states to use accountability tests and other factors such as graduation rates, English proficiency
for English learners and college or workforce readiness to measure school performance,
particularly the lowest–performing schools (ESSA, n.d.). States and school districts would be
responsible for assessments followed by an action plan in response to those results (“Everything
you need to know about the Every Student Succeeds Act,” n.d.). Under ESSA, funding for Title I
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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schools would provide parents opportunities to be involved in their child’s education
(“Everything you need to know about the Every Student Succeeds Act,” n.d.). The new federal
law intended stakeholders (i.e., schools, parents, and communities) to collaborate to increase the
success rates of all children.
As a result, ESSA focused on parent engagement by including them in the conversation
about designing and implementing school improvement plans, providing input on school report
cards, strategizing on how to support subgroups who continue to underperform (Every Student
Succeeds Act primer: Parent and community engagement, n.d.).
Parent Involvement from a Schools’ Perspective
Schools traditionally had determined the ways in which parents were expected and
allowed to be involved in their children’s education. As discussed prior, parent involvement
transitioned into a new direction where parents are encouraged to collaborate with their child’s
school. Parent involvement had been structured around a school-centric lens that excluded
parents’ perspective. As a result, parents and schools have disagreed on the role that parents
should take in their child’s education. For example, Simon (2004) noted that, once a child
entered high school, many parents assumed their children needed independence and less
intervention. Also, by the time children reached high school, it became more difficult for parents
to support their child in their academics. In addition, many schools [secondary level] did not
encourage or promote parent involvement, and, therefore, many parents believed they did not
need to go to school and that the schools would contact them when necessary. Schools’
communication methods varied, with some being more effective than others. Therefore, if
schools wanted parent participation, they needed a plan. Overall, parents’ decisions to be
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involved were based on their children’s requests and their (parents’) beliefs about whether
participation was a parent responsibility (Bertrand & Deslandes, 2005).
Parent involvement had been studied from Epstein’s model of family-school-community
partnerships that characterized the ways schools should promote involvement. The model
suggested that schools should promote involvement as a basic obligation of being a parent in
relation to home-school communication, volunteer at school, support learning at home and
school, be part of decision-making, and, lastly, in relation to community-school connections
(Auerbach, 2007a). Epstein’s model did define the relationship as a partnership, although
parents’ perception of what their role should be was limited or non-existent in the model. The
model centered on what schools perceived should be the role of parents in their children’s
education. Parent activities were built around schools’ priorities such as volunteering at school,
communicating with teachers and staff, assisting with school-related work at home, attending
school-sponsored events, and lastly, performing parenting responsibilities (Hill & Torres, 2010;
Williams & Sanchez, 2012). Parent involvement had been structured around a school-centric
framework (Lawson, 2003) and schools’ perspectives on how to support students/children (Pérez
Carreón, Drake, & Barton, 2005). Hence, schools had disregarded parents’ backgrounds and
experiences when it came to parent involvement and the reason involvement tends to decline at
the secondary level.
Lopez, Scribner, and Mahitivanichcha (2001) argued that schools continued to ignore the
cultural diversity that existed among families they served. Schools apathy to families’ culture
and beliefs sent a message that they were not important and gave parents no incentive to be
involved in their children’s education. For example, when schools shaped parents’ roles and
involvement around the idea of “what parents do,” they sent the message of what schools thought
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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parents should do (Lopez et al., 2001, p. 468). Schools’ perspectives on parent involvement had
excluded parents’ beliefs and experiences on what their role should be and what they could do
for their children. For instance, teachers requested parent involvement at the elementary level to
help as a classroom volunteer, attend parent-teacher conferences and open houses, and chaperone
on field trips (Chrispeels, 1996). As children moved along grade levels, schools [teachers] did
not encourage parent involvement with the same frequency as they did at the primary level
(Chrispeels, 1996).
Parent Involvement from Parents’ Perspective
As discussed above, while efforts were undertaken to increase parent involvement, many
of these efforts were not culturally sensitive to parents’ backgrounds and beliefs. Cultural
differences could make parents feel intimidated (Chrispeels & Rivero, 2001b) and contributed to
families’ isolation from the “school culture” (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991, p. 21). This separation
created “resentment, apathy, and eventual alienation of those affected,” and schools increased
this division by “establishing activities that require specific majority culturally based knowledge
and behaviors about the school as an institution” (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991, p. 21). Pérez Carreón et
al. (2005) argued that many Latino parents were discouraged and belittled for their lack of
involvement at school even though they promoted education at home.
In addition to the culture clash, Pérez Carreón et al. (2005) asserted that immigrant
parents were being instructed to assimilate into the dominant culture to be considered “successful
parents.” Parents were expected to have a new understanding of the world, create social
networks, develop new forms of cultural capital, and learn new ways to function (p. 469). Also,
undocumented families encountered a reality of transitioning into a new society that welcomed
their labor but did not acknowledge their presence (Pérez Carreón et al., 2005). Working-class
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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parents were being told that they must adapt to the “dominant culture of the school,” even when
it might not welcome them (Feuerstein, 2000, p. 31).
Moreover, many Latino parents experienced their formal education in another country
and had limited understanding of the educational system in the United States. Parents perceived
that schools lack of communication with them was a result of their lack of education and
inability to support their children’s education (Stacer & Perrucci, 2012). Few schools reached out
to families and encouraged their participation in their children’s learning. In addition, many
parents had negative experiences within schools that contributed to them feeling powerless and
drove them away from school (Olivos, 2004; Quiocho & Daoud, 2006). Chrispeels and Rivero
(2001a) suggested that Latino parents and school staff often had a difficult time building
partnerships to improve parent involvement and the academic success of children.
Latino parents believed education would open doors to opportunities and social mobility,
but were confronted with another reality. Teachers’ biases reflected their socioeconomic status
(SES); therefore, they preferred to associate with parents from the same SES (Feuerstein, 2000).
When families were from different cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds, teachers’
misconceptions influenced the relationships they decided to have with those families. If parents
did not meet teachers’ expectations regarding the way they chose to be involved, it was assumed
they did not care about their children’s education and diminished any efforts by teachers to reach
out or collaborate with them.
Peña (2000) suggested that, when low-income parents were taught how to work with their
children, their attitudes improved and they took the initiative to support school activities.
However, many urban schools did not communicate with parents (Zarate, 2007) or provide a
welcoming environment, further breaking away from possible collaboration efforts between both
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
17

(Quiocho & Daoud, 2006). Therefore, teachers assumed the lack of parent participation in school
events indicated parents lack of interest in their child’s education (Peña, 2000). Despite the
circumstances, these families had aspirations for their children but lacked the resources to
support them (Chrispeels, 1996).
According to Hill and Torres (2010), language has affected parents’ involvement [Latino
parents] within schools as they have constantly been reminded to assimilate to the American
culture. Cultural differences contributed to parents feeling intimidated and many teachers
renouncing efforts to engage parents (Chrispeels & Rivero, 2001a). Schools had not adequately
trained teachers on how to collaborate with culturally and linguistically diverse families, even if
families were needed to help children succeed (Lucas, Villegas, & Freedson-González, 2008).
For example, Latino parents had high regard for teachers and believed it was disrespectful to
question their decisions; on the other hand, parents expected teachers to respect their role within
the home (Hill & Torres, 2010). Many Latino families felt disrespected and devalued, causing
them not to trust schools (Hill & Torres, 2010).
Statement of the Problem
Despite the extensive research on the importance and value of parent involvement, there
was minimal research on Latino parents and what contributed to and empowered their
involvement, especially at the high school level. Parent involvement had been defined from a
school-centric lens that excluded parents’ perspective on involvement. Existing research on
parent involvement focused on the outcomes at the elementary and middle school level, and less
was available at the high school level among Latino parents. Research validated how parent
involvement affected students’ academic performance and the reason it should be further
examined at the secondary level. Parent involvement should be examined from Latino parents’
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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perspective to learn how their beliefs and experiences influenced their decision to be involved.
There was a gap within the literature on Latino parents and parent involvement. Their stories
provide insight into how they perceive involvement, activities they are involved in, and how their
beliefs and experiences shaped their decision to engage in their child’s educational experiences.
Purpose of the Study
In light of the fact that so little is known about the ways in which parents of Latino high
school students are involved, the purpose of this study was to understand what Latino parents
perceive contributed to and empowered their involvement in their child’s education. In addition,
this study examined how parents accessed resources and how experiences influenced their level
of involvement. Thus, two research questions guided this study: What do Latino parents perceive
contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be involved in their children’s high school
educational experiences? And How does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences
influence their decision to be involved at the high school level?
Importance of the Study
Research on parent involvement at the secondary level was limited and did not document
the experiences of Latino parents. This study highlighted the significance of parent involvement
at the secondary level to support a child’s academic achievement and ways Latino parents were
involved in their high-school-aged child’s education. Also, how schools can collaborate with
parents to increase the number of Latino students who graduate high school was explored. As a
Latina educator, it is important to understand parents’ experiences and how they can better be
served. This study allowed me to understand parents’ perception of involvement at the secondary
level and how to better support our students. Therefore, the study contributes to understanding
Latino parents’ perspective on involvement and how it affects the academic success of their
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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child. In addition, this study presents the experiences of Latino parents whose stories are often
not documented.
In addition, school districts and schools will have a better understanding of parent
involvement through a qualitative study that represented the experiences of Latino parents with
high-school-aged children. As an educator, the findings of this research allow me to reflect on
what structures need to be implemented and changed to better serve the needs of our Latino
students and their parents. This study examined parents’ perspective on involvement by looking
into parents’ abilities and beliefs (parental self-efficacy), roles taken in their child’s education
(role construction), access to networks (social capital), experiences and background (cultural
capital), and, lastly, schools’ behaviors towards parent involvement.
Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation was organized into five chapters.
The first chapter offered an introduction and background of the problem. It provided the
context for examining parental involvement in secondary settings. Additionally, the chapter
provided implications for parent participation and achievement in education.
Chapter Two provides a literature review related to parent involvement. The chapter
examined the literature on parent involvement from parents’ and schools’ perspective, methods
of involvement, social cognition (e.g., self-efficacy and role construction), and lastly types of
capital (e.g., social capital and cultural capital).
Chapter Three presents the methods for the study, including research design, population
and sampling procedure, and the instruments and their selection or development. Additionally,
the chapter included the proposed process for establishing validity and reliability and data
collection procedures and the proposed process for data analysis.
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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Chapter Four offers the findings from this study. It presents parents’ experiences and the
themes that developed related to my conceptual framework.
Finally, the dissertation concludes with Chapter Five with the implications and
recommendations for three areas: practice, policy, and research on parent involvement.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Parent involvement is important to a child’s academic success and a key component in
reducing the achievement gap (Izzo, Weiss, Shanahan, & Rodriguez-Brown, 2000; Kuperminc,
Darnell, & Alvarez-Jimenez, 2008). Parents who did not experience higher education often
aspire for their children to do more than they did and place a value on education as a means of
social mobility (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995). On the other hand, schools encourage parent
involvement based on their (the schools) needs and expectations. Thus, schools tend to focus on
parents’ ability to attend school-sponsored events and support students’ academic efforts rather
defining parent involvement in less school-centric terms (Lopez et al., 2001). There has been a
disparity between parents and schools as to what constitutes effective parent involvement and
how this best serves the needs of students. Misconceptions between parents and schools continue
to impede the collaboration efforts between both. According to Epstein (2001), there is a
significant drop in the amount and type of involvement by parents at the secondary level (as cited
in Bertrand & Deslandes, 2005; Eccles & Harold, 1993). This was even more striking when it
came to the parents of Latino students whose level of involvement was determined by their
socioeconomic level, work schedules, transportation, and where they live (Hill & Taylor, 2004).
For the purpose of this research, parents and guardians responsible for the well-being of a
child are considered parent figures. This study addressed the following research questions: What
do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be involved in their
children’s high school educational experiences? And How does Latino parents’ access to
resources and experiences influence their decision to be involved at the high school level? To
answer these research questions, I explored relevant literature that examined how parents and
schools defined and envisioned parent involvement. The first section of the literature review
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
22

presented parent involvement from the parents’ perspective, followed by schools’ views on
parent involvement. Second, I offered literature related to methods of involvement. Third, I
discussed how social cognition (i.e., self-efficacy and role construction) shaped Latino parents’
involvement. Finally, I described the way in which social and cultural capital contributed to the
level of involvement among families. The chapter concludes by offering the conceptual
framework that emerged from the data to answer the research questions.
Perspectives on Parent Involvement
Parent involvement was defined differently by parents and educational institutions.
Moreover, the definitions held by one party often did not correspond with the role each assigned
to themselves. Therefore, it was important to explore the literature on perspectives of parent
involvement and gain insight into the way parents defined and experienced involvement in
addition to the way that educational institutions defined involvement. This section of the
literature review presents parents’ perspective on parent involvement followed by the schools’
perspective.
Parents’ Perspective on Parental Involvement
Eccles and Harold (1993) reviewed the extant literature available to explore the
importance of engaging parents in their children’s education, the barriers to parent involvement,
and the ways teachers could try to involve parents during their children’s adolescence. They also
offered a model describing the influences on parent involvement and suggestions for increasing
parent involvement. For the purposes of my study, I focused on their model, emphasizing the
aspects that relate to the parents’ perspectives, and not their review of the literature.
Eccles and Harold’s (1993) model detailed 10 “influences on parent involvement” (p.
571). Each influence was represented as a category with subcategories within it. They argued
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
23

that it was the interaction of these influences that translated into the ways in or the extent to
which parents were involved in their children’s academic experiences. These 10 influences were:
parent/family characteristics, the neighborhood, child characteristics, teacher characteristics,
school characteristics, teacher beliefs, parent beliefs, teacher practice, parent practice, and child
outcomes. They then described the way that these elements interacted to influence parental
involvement. Next, they explored each of the elements of the model, identifying what was likely
to be important about the element as well as what might have posed a barrier to parent
involvement within the element. Within parent/family characteristics, they pointed to the social
and psychological resources available to parents, parents’ efficacy beliefs, parents’ perceptions
of their children, their assumptions about their roles in their children’s education and the role of
educational attainment in their children’s lives, parents’ attitudes towards the school their
children were attending, the parents’ ethnic identity, their general socialization practices, and
their history of involvement in their children’s education (Eccles & Harold, p. 573).
With respect to community characteristics, Eccles and Harold (1993) considered
neighborhood features including social network opportunities, SES, and safety of the
neighborhood. Included in their discussion of child characteristics they considered age, gender,
and students’ prior academic success. Eccles and Harold turned to school and teacher qualities
and practices. In this section, they discussed how parents became more involved when schools
worked to promote parent involvement. Two school characteristics considered were physical and
organizational structure of secondary schools and beliefs and attitudes of school staff. Eccles and
Harold suggested elementary and middle schools tended to be more nurturing and protective of
children, compared to teachers at the secondary level where teenagers were perceived to be more
independent and did not need parents. At times, school personnel developed their perceptions of
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
24

parents. As a result, parent involvement was not encouraged, and families further separated
themselves from schools. Consequently, this was more evident among low-income and
communities of color. Eccles and Harold identified six characteristics on how schools responded
to parent involvement that included beliefs about the appropriate amount and type of parent
involvement; beliefs about influences on parents’ levels of participation, particularly their beliefs
as to why parents are not more involved; sense of efficacy about their ability to affect the
parents’ level of participation; knowledge of specific strategies for getting parents more
involved; plans for implementing these strategies; and support for implementing specific plans
(Eccles & Harold, p. 577).
Eccles and Harold (1993) indicated that parents felt less efficacious as their children grew
older, developed their personalities and experienced a sense of independence. Schools’
perception of parent involvement was shaped by several characteristics such as type of
involvement, beliefs on what motivates parents to be involved, schools’ ability to influence
parents’ level of involvement, planning and implementation of strategies to involve parents, and
support from staff to execute plans to increase parent involvement.
Auerbach (2007a) explained parent involvement through parents’ perspective.
Auerbach’s theoretical framework was based on three dimensions: social, cultural and
psychological. Through a 3-year qualitative case study, Auerbach interviewed a group of African
American and Latino parents on how they promoted college to their children and, as a result,
helped define parent involvement from a parent’s perspective. The sample consisted of 16
working-class families from various educational levels and SES. Participants’ children belonged
to an outreach program called Futures Project. Auerbach’s study focused on the following
research questions: What do parents of color without college experience, think and do when they
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
25

want their high school-age students to go to college? What shapes their beliefs, goals, and
support strategies? Through open-ended questions, parents were given the opportunity to share
their personal experiences and goals for their children (Auerbach, 2007a). Data were collected
through parent interviews, field notes during meetings with Futures Project and family-school
encounters, school documents, and student/staff interviews (Auerbach, 2007a). Auerbach
categorized parents into three roles based on their experiences within the educational system.
Auerbach (2007a) identified three themes related to the roles parents perceive themselves
taking on: moral supporters, struggling advocates, or ambivalent companions. Some parents
provided the moral and emotional support to their children while they emphasized the
importance of education (Auerbach, 2007a). These moral supporters tended to be from
immigrant Latino families who provided guidance (consejos) and motivated their children from
home. These parents encouraged their children to succeed and used their personal experiences to
inspire them (Auerbach, 2007a). Also, these parents trusted the educational system and embraced
a “hands-off” approach (Auerbach, 2007a, p. 261). Auerbach suggested parents who expressed
themselves as moral supporters valued culture as an important aspect to encourage children to
persevere. A second parent role, struggling advocates, referred to parents who were aware of the
educational system and valued social networks as a means to access information and resources.
These parents tended to be college-educated. In addition, believed they had to interfere on their
child’s behalf to ensure they would succeed (Auerbach, 2007a). These parents distrusted the
educational system, and their suspicion motivated them to take an active role and seek resources
for their children. The goal of these parents was to provide their children educational
opportunities. The last parent role, ambivalent companions, characterized by Auerbach as those
parents who believed they should provide their children social and emotional support by taking
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
26

on a protective role. This group of parents sought to maintain a close relationship with their
children through encouragement and communication to help their child achieve their goal.
DePlanty, Coulter-Kern, and Duchane (2007) explored the types of parent involvement
that teachers, parents, and students believed affect students’ academic achievement. They
directed their study to answer the following research questions:
● Do teachers, parents, and students agree that parent-school relationships are important?

● What do teachers, parents, and students believe is the ideal type of parent involvement
that leads to academic success?

● How often do parents participate in activities that they have identified as important?

● How often do teachers and students think that parents participate in these activities? (p.
363)

DePlanty et al. (2007) conducted a quantitative study with a sample of 22 teachers and staff (15
women and 7 men) from a junior high school in a rural Midwestern state. The study consisted of
a focus group meeting followed by a survey. The second sample included 301 parents (165
women and 136 men) who were mostly White, and, lastly, 234 junior high school students (130
girls and 104 boys). Forty-nine percent of parents received a high school diploma, 21% had a
bachelor’s degree, and 84% worked full-time. I excluded students’ responses, as they were not
relevant to my study. DePlanty et al. did not share their rationale behind their sample selection
but mentioned the lack of research on all three groups (parents, students, and teachers)
perspective on parent involvement in one study.
DePlanty et al. (2007) interviewed the school principal to identify the themes they would
use to construct the surveys they used with teachers and parents. The interview with the principal
led to the identification of the following four themes: “importance of parent involvement in
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
27

adolescent learning, purpose of junior high education, reasons that parents did or did not become
involved, and ideal levels of involvement” (DePlanty et al., 2007, p. 363). Survey questions were
structured based on those four themes. The study revealed that teachers believed they needed
support from parents to ensure students completed their homework, therefore indicating that
parents’ presence in school was not necessary as long as parents “emphasized the importance of
education at home” (DePlanty et al., 2007, p. 364). Teachers believed parents were intimidated
by “some aspect of the school or subject matter,” which explained the lack of involvement
(DePlanty et al., 2007, p. 364). The authors identified other aspects of parent involvement, such
as “ways to encourage it, the relationship between academic success and parent involvement, and
lastly, information that teachers would like to acquire from parents” (DePlanty et al., 2007, p.
364).
In addition, teachers and parents shared that the most important responsibility of parents
was to ensure students attended school daily. Also, parent-teacher conferences were a typical
activity parents and teachers perceived as important, but teachers reported parents were not as
engaged. The only significant difference between parents and teachers was how parents
perceived their behavior, compared to what teachers imagined parents’ behavior to be (DePlanty
et al., 2007, p. 367).
Williams and Sanchez (2012) studied the perceptions of parents and school staff on
parental involvement and parental lack of involvement in an inner-city school. The researchers
evaluated existent models on parental involvement but wanted to see which one best-fit parent
and school staff from an inner-city high school. Through a qualitative study, Williams and
Sanchez interviewed a group African American parents and school personnel from an urban
school district in the Midwestern region of the United States. Everett Public High had a student
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
28

population that was 98.3% African American, and 92.8% came from low-income (Williams &
Sanchez, 2012). Data were collected through phone conversations, formal and informal sessions,
and discussions over schools’ policies. The sample included 15 African American parents and 10
school staff (8 African American and 2 White). Parent participants for this study referred to
biological parents, adopted parents, grandparents, single and married parents. The researchers
created two semi-structured interview protocols with four sections: personal history,
conceptualizations of parental involvement, home-school interactions, and strengths and
weaknesses of home-school communication (Williams & Sanchez, 2012, p. 632). Williams and
Sanchez did not provide an actual research question, but examined how participants defined the
meaning of parental involvement and uninvolvement.
The findings revealed that parent involvement consisted of activities in and outside of
school and responsibilities that belonged to parents and school staff. Williams and Sanchez
(2012) presented five themes on the meaning of parent involvement: participation at school,
being there outside of school, communication, achieve and believe, and village keepers
(Williams & Sanchez, 2012, p. 634). Findings were based on interviews with parents and school
personnel. At times, the findings were presented according to each group (parents or school
personnel) or combined if both had similar responses. According to parents and staff,
participation at school consisted of a “physical connection” where they were allowed to better
understand the experiences of the child at the high school level (Williams & Sanchez, 2012, p.
635). For example, parent participation included school visits, parent chaperoning for a school
trip, talking to teachers/school staff and checking on child’s report card.
Parent participation was considered an important attribute of parent involvement and
served as an accountability tool. Participants’ indicated being there outside of school was a part
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
29

of parent involvement. Both groups identified the importance of providing physical and
emotional support to the child outside of school. Parental support outside of school consisted of
four ideas: “basic needs, family activities, educational assistance, and life lessons” (Williams &
Sanchez, 2012, p. 636). Parents shared that parent involvement consisted of a child being cared
for at home, as well as spending time with the family (bond). Five parents shared they
established traditions (i.e., cooking, baking, etc.) with their children, which helped build a
relationship based on trust. Williams and Sanchez’s (2012) findings revealed that 80% of
interviewed parents suggested that parent involvement consisted of activities outside of school,
such as driving students to the library or buying them school supplies. On the other hand, 80% of
the school personnel discussed that the “easiest and most logical” way for a parent to be involved
was to check homework (p. 637).
Williams and Sanchez (2012) shared 67% of participating parents struggled to support
their child with homework because of their low educational levels. Lastly, four parents advised
that other forms of parent involvement consisted of providing students with values and lessons
that would prepare them for the future. Communication was another theme discussed among
participants. Two types of communication were identified: communication between adults and
children and communication among adults within the school (Williams & Sanchez, 2012, p.
638). Parents and school staff agreed that discipline was a responsibility that belonged to parents
and discipline included “corporal punishment, negative reinforcement, and other forms of
punishment.” According to three school personnel members and one parent, some students
sought attention at school because they “lack structure and discipline at home” (Williams &
Sanchez, 2012, p. 638). Also, 20 participants believed students benefited from discipline,
although three parents shared that, if students were punished at school, their education should not
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
30

be jeopardized. School staff discussed the importance of communication between parents and
teachers appropriately and respectfully.
The theme of achieve and believe was based primarily on parents’ religious faith that
their child’s academic success was “God’s plan” (Williams & Sanchez, 2012, p. 639). Parents’
aspirations were based on “academic, personal, and professional goals” they had for their child.
Most of the parents (93%) shared that aspirations for their child were a key way for them to be
involved, compared to 40% of the school staff. Ten parents hoped their child would attend
college for at least one year. For eight parents, their religious faith was an essential element in
their aspirations for their child’s success (Williams & Sanchez, 2012). Lastly, village keepers
referred to those individuals who took on the role as a “surrogate parent” and cared for others’
children. Surrogate parents provided food, a place to stay, advice, and emotional support when a
child’s parent was not able to provide it. Fifteen participants shared they take on the role of a
surrogate parent for a child. Both participating groups suggested two reasons for helping other
children: parents and school personnel wanted the teens to have a better high school experience
than what was offered at their homes, and parents were comforted in knowing and helping the
people with whom their children associated (p. 641).
The second part of the study consisted of participants describing parent uninvolvement
(Williams & Sanchez, 2012). Participants (parents and school staff) defined uninvolved parents
similarly and identified three themes: unconcerned parents, busy parents, and previously
involved parents (Williams & Sanchez, 2012, p. 642). Unconcerned parents were defined as
those parents who did not care about their child’s academic performance and had low
expectations for their child. Several parents (33%) and school personnel (50%) believed schools
were used by these parents (uninvolved) as a “babysitting service, had a substance abuse
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
31

problem, or were unemployed” (p. 642). Interview data disclosed that busy parents were
considered those who did not have time to participate in their child’s education because of prior
commitments, such as activities away from home or time. Lastly, previously involved parents
were those parents who had a bad experience with their child and school, and as a result, gave up
after several attempts to help their child, and there was no change. Under this category, there
were also had those parents who felt the school was “unhelpful or unorganized” (Williams &
Sanchez, 2012, p. 645). For some of these parents (20%) and school personnel (20%), they
confirmed how parents were given the wrong information with no end solution to their
problem/concern.
The study revealed similarities and differences between African American parents and
school personnel over parent involvement. Participants (parent and school personnel) agreed that
parent participation at school and outside were key indicators for parent involvement. Parents
and school personnel disagreed on forms of parental involvement and definition of uninvolved
parents. For example, parents supported safety precautions as parent involvement, while school
staff believed communication between home and school was key. Another theme that parents
and school personnel did not agree upon was on achieve and believe. For instance, parents were
firm believers in faith and religion to be involved in their child’s education, compared to school
personnel who believed a child needed to work harder (Williams & Sanchez, 2012). Williams
and Sanchez (2012) suggested that school personnel’s interaction and communication with
parents contributed to their (parents’) level of involvement. Lastly, participants agreed that
uninvolved parents came about after they tried to be involved in their child’s education and did
not see the desired results.
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
32

Murray et al. (2014) explored barriers and facilitators to school-based parent involvement
(SBPI) among a group of African American parents. The researchers defined parent involvement
as “parents’ commitment of resources and time to the academic sphere of their children’s lives”
(Murray et al., p. 2). The purpose of the study was to understand parental school engagement and
how it supported parent-school collaboration efforts. Murray et al. used Hoover-Dempsey and
Sandler’s (1995) model of parent involvement to understand the barriers and facilitators that
encouraged parents to be involved. Through a qualitative study, Murray et al. sampled 44 parents
from three public middle schools from Baltimore City. The schools were in urban, low-income
communities that were considered “dangerous” based on the number of students who were
suspended or expelled. The parent sample included 30 mothers, five fathers, nine other
caregivers (included aunts and grandmothers). Participants were mostly African American (39),
2 White, 1 Latino, 1 Pacific Islander, and one other. Of the participants, 63% had a high school
diploma or less, and 50% had an average income of $15,000 or less.
The researchers organized their findings on motivational factors based on Hoover-
Dempsey and Sandler’s (1995) model of parent involvement that included parents’ motivational
beliefs, parents’ perception of invitations for involvement from others, and parents’ perceived
life context. Under motivational beliefs, parents discussed the importance of parents’ role
construction as a form of being involved in their child’s education (Murray et al., 2014). Their
data showed that nearly all parents believed that being involved in their child’s education was an
important role that parents needed to take on. Volunteering included parents providing teachers
with support in the classroom, as well as attending parent-teacher association or school-based
meetings. While parents expressed being involved was important, the majority of the parents
communicated low levels of participation in volunteering or attending school meetings. Parents’
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
33

self-efficacy was not reported within the motivational beliefs (Murray et al., 2014). Another
motivational belief included the monitoring of student progress. Seventy-five percent of the
parents stated that they thought it was important to monitor their child’s academic progress and
behavior. Approximately, one-third of participating parents indicated that they had gone to
school to check on their child’s academic progress. In addition to motivational beliefs, child and
teacher invitations and parents’ perceived life context influenced parent involvement (Murray et
al., 2014).
The second motivational factor focused on child and teacher invitations. Child invitations
were one way parents perceived to be involved. The researchers suggested explicit and implicit
child invitations played a major role in parent engagement in SBPI. For example, three parents
shared that their children invited them to attend school after the child brought to their (parent)
attention that the teacher was mistreating them. Some parents indicated teachers were
“inappropriate or disrespectful to their children,” which contributed to parents’ lack of interest in
being involved (Murray et al., 2014, p. 8). Another five parents indicated their child’s implicit
invitation led them to communicate with teachers on their academic progress or behavior.
On the other hand, teachers’ and schools’ invitations contributed to how parents
perceived being involved. Teacher invitations were “infrequently mentioned” among
participating parents, but when teacher invitations were extended it was due to disruptive
behavior from the child (Murray et al., 2014, p. 6). One parent shared that teacher invitations for
involvement were “both rare and behavior-problem focused” (Murray et al., 2014 p. 6). In
addition, Murray et al. (2014) highlighted how “some parents’ perceptions” about involvement
were based on behavior and not academic needs. As a result, the lack of teacher invitations for
parents to be involved limited parents’ opportunities for SBPI (Murray et al., 2014, p. 7). Ten
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
34

parents discussed how they were invited after their child was involved in a confrontation with
another child or discipline problem in the classroom. Those parents were forced to participate in
parent-teacher conferences.
Half of the participating parents shared they had a negative encounter with teachers or
teachers were “disrespectful to or inappropriately communicated with their child” (Murray et al.,
2014, p. 7). Most parents shared that schools offered opportunities for SBPI, but some indicated
that schools did a poor job of communicating school events. A majority of parents stated, “poor
communication to inadequate organization and communication” (p. 7) was evident in their
child’s school; in addition, other SBPI issues discussed include parents’ perception that schools
did not provide opportunities for parents to be involved, work conflicts with scheduled events to
the ineffectiveness of the parent-teacher association. Nearly all parents discussed how they had a
negative experience at their child’s school, furthermore, one-third of the parents shared having
“overall negative impression of the school,” which included “school’s discipline and safety
problems” to “administration’s inability to effectively address school challenges” (Murray et al.,
2014, p. 7).
Sixteen parents shared their negative impression of students on the school campus,
included their aggressive and disrespectful behavior. As a result, parents suggested that students’
behavior affected their level of engagement in SBPI. Ten parents shared the lack of interest in
contacting other parents, consequently, impeding engagement in SBPI. Parents preferred to avoid
any negative interactions with parents, although one-half of the participants had an interest in
meeting other parents, particularly if their child had friends (Murray et al., 2014). Lastly, the
third motivational factor was parents’ perceived life context, which addressed parents’ time and
energy to be involved. One of the most common barriers to SBPI was parents’ work schedule
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
35

and lack of paid leave. Work issues and family responsibilities contributed as obstacles to SBPI,
but a “small number” of parents indicated “strategies or sacrifices made to overcome these SBPI
barriers” (Murray et al., 2014, p. 8). The findings did not show how parents’ skills and
knowledge were associated with “home-based parent involvement” (Murray et al., 2014, p. 8).
The work of Murray et al. (2014) revealed the importance of motivational factors in
parent involvement. Researchers determined that students’ aggressive behavior built parents’
negative perceptions of the school, which affected SBPI (p. 8). Parents indicated the importance
of their active participation in their child’s education. Teachers’ invitations and parents’ life
context encountered several barriers. Child invitations contributed to SBPI, compared to
teachers’/or schools’ invitations, which were given only to report a behavior problem at school
or last-minute meetings for parents. For the most part, parents reported a negative experience
with their child’s school. Lastly, several of the parents’ work schedules did not allow them to
take off time to attend school events. The findings revealed several of the barriers as to why
participating parents had “infrequent involvement in SBPI activities” (Murray et al., 2014, p. 8).
This literature focused on parents’ perception of parent involvement and factors that
influenced their decision to be involved. This study examined Latino parents’ involvement at the
secondary level and what contributed to and empowered their involvement. Eccles and Harold
(1993) examined parental engagement, barriers that impeded parents’ participation and how
schools could support parents. They highlighted a model of parent involvement around the needs
of schools, instead of the needs of parents. Also, the model did not account for the parents’
ethnicity or race, SES, and educational level. The model was not reflective of the needs of Latino
parents, which is the focus of this study.
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
36

Auerbach (2007a) and DePlanty et al. (2007) explored the role of parents and types of
parent involvement and how it affected students’ academic outcomes. There was insufficient
information on what influenced the role of Latino parents and how their perspective on
involvement differentiated with the role they take on with their child. Williams and Sanchez
(2012) and Murray et al. (2014) researched the experiences of African American parents with
their child’s school and exposed the insufficient collaboration between both, as a result, of
negative experiences or different points of view on parent involvement. Although their research
focused on one particular group, it exposed the challenges parents encountered when there was
an ineffective system in place to support the needs of all parents. My research intended to
capture the experiences of Latino parents who might encounter barriers such as language and
lack of support from schools.
Several of the studies about parents’ perspectives on parent involvement did not include
the experiences of Latino families, particularly at the secondary level. Although several of the
studies were qualitative and captured the experiences of families, additional research was still
needed. My research focused on the experiences of Latino parents at the secondary (high school)
level whose experiences were not covered in several of the studies on parents’ perspective and
parent involvement. The next section discussed schools’ perspective on parent involvement.
Schools’ Perspective on Parental Involvement
I was interested in understanding what Latino parents believed contributed to and
empowered their involvement in their children’s educational experiences. This study explored
how schools’ perspective on involvement affected the level of involvement and how schools’
point of view on parent involvement was similar to parents’ perspective. Lawson (2003)
discussed how parent involvement has continued to be defined by a “school-centric” lens
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
37

(Lawson, 2003, p. 79). This section of the literature review was intended to understand schools’
perspectives on parent involvement. In addition, it explored what schools expected from parents,
what enabled them to do their job, and how they supported students to find academic success.
Lawson (2003) conducted an ethnographic study over the course of two years with
teachers and parents from the same low-income, urban community to address the perceptions of
parent involvement. He directed his study to answer the following questions: What are the
meanings and functions of parent involvement for teachers and parents in the same low-income,
culturally diverse school community? How are these meanings culturally constructed? And How
do teachers and parents perceive their individual and collective roles in facilitating parent
involvement? (Lawson, 2003, p. 83). Lawson’s sample included teachers and parents from a
Title I school identified as low-performing and with high levels of poverty. According to the
principal, 70% of students from Garfield Elementary were exposed to a “physical, mental or
social health” challenge that interfered with their academic success.
Lawson (2003) recruited teachers during the school’s faculty meetings and informed
them of the purpose of the study. The teacher sample included 12 from various elementary grade
levels, and the demographics of the participants included African Americans (5), Whites (6) and
one from a multi-ethnic background. Four of the teachers had advanced degrees, three were
involved in the parent involvement committee, and none lived in the community they worked in.
The parent sample consisted of two groups: “involved” and “uninvolved” (Lawson, 2003, p. 84).
The involved parents were those who were actively engaged in school every day and researcher
developed a relationship with them, compared to uninvolved parents who had to be recruited for
the study. Lawson discussed the challenges of recruiting uninvolved parents for interviews from
finding the time to being afraid of any possible consequences from the school for sharing
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
38

information. The final parent sample consisted of 13 African American parents from a low-SES
background, which 10 were women and 3 were men. Six were classified as involved and seven
uninvolved. Eleven of the parents had completed their high school diploma, one received their
general equivalency diploma, and one dropped out from high school. Field notes, district records,
school records and school-administered surveys were used in the research.
Teacher and parent narratives represented the stories and experiences of these two groups
and depicted the unease between both. Through narratives, Lawson (2003) generated his findings
on the experiences of teachers and parents. Teachers’ narratives were structured around three
themes: “teachers’ beliefs and attributions, and teachers’ lack of ownership, loneliness,
skepticism, and withdrawal in the school reform process” (Lawson, 2003, p. 90). As for parents’
narratives, they were based on five themes: “blocked (community-centric) pathways, changing
times, teacher-parent communication, parents’ trust in children’s schooling, and parents’
aspirations for the school to become a community-serving institution” (Lawson, 2003, p. 89).
Lawson suggested that parent involvement was based on the school’s expectations, which
defined the relationship between parents and institutions. Teachers from Garfield defined parent
involvement as “a means for parents and families to cooperate and acquiesce to the needs of the
school” (Lawson, 2003, p. 104). Their definition was school-based and defined around two
aspects: school-based and home-based. SBPI was founded on parents’ participation in school
events, compared to home-based parent involvement, which focused on parents’ ability to
“reinforce the school’s mission and teachers’ work practices…” (Lawson, 2003, p. 105). In
addition, teachers discussed that home-based parent involvement was a more valuable means of
“stressing educational importance” (Lawson, 2003, p. 106). Teachers discussed that parent
involvement was linked to parenting responsibility. Also, teachers suggested that uninvolved
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
39

parents may be a concern for the academic well-being of students and may not be the ideal role
models for students.
Lawson (2003) revealed that, when teachers’ perceived parents as “irresponsible and/or
unresponsive,” their efforts in the classroom seemed ineffective (Lawson, 2003, p. 109).
Teachers did not believe in bribing parents to be involved, as it places a responsibility on them
(teachers) to change parenting practices. Teachers discussed that when parents felt inferior and
insecure they were less likely to be involved and believed teachers did not care about their
concerns (Lawson, 2003). In addition, teachers associated educational level to parent
involvement. Finally, teachers discussed the lack of ownership they felt within their school when
it came to parent involvement. Several teachers wanted to be part of the process of planning how
to increase parent involvement but hesitated to participate after decisions were made by the
administration. Interviewed Garfield teachers were proud to serve as educators but felt
overwhelmed with the additional responsibilities or “social service duties” given to teachers
(Lawson, 2003, p. 115).
Parents defined parent involvement around a school-centric approach that included
whether parents are participating in school trips, communicating with teachers, and helping
around the school (Lawson, 2003). Parents’ narratives shared that when teachers’ belief that
families did not care about their child’s well-being resulted in teachers ignoring parents’
concerns. Parents also believed that teacher-parent communication was based on the efforts put
forward by schools to improve the relationship between both. Several parents discussed their
frustration within institutions (teachers) when they assumed that behavioral issues among
children were linked to parenting skills (Lawson, 2003). When parents had a bad experience with
their schools, they made sure the community was aware. Lawson (2003) discussed how parents
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
40

believed that a positive parent-teacher communication would change the school environment and
how students perceived parents on campus. Also, schools should provide resources and access to
programs that would attract more parents to be involved.
Lawson’s (2003) findings focused on parents and teachers’ stories and experiences
(narratives), which exposed a commonality of the importance of parent involvement towards a
child’s success (Lawson, 2003). The study revealed the misperceptions held by a small group of
teachers regarding parent involvement as well as the continuous beliefs that some parents did not
care about their child’s academic success. Teachers and parents believed their voices and
experiences justified their concerns about student performance and effective relationships with
schools (Lawson, 2003).
The work of Lawson (2003) disclosed an imbalance of views on parents and schools on
parent involvement and their relationship. He discussed how communication among parents and
teachers was missing, although both (parents and teachers) coincided on the importance of their
personal experiences to develop effective collaboration. In addition, both shared they felt
“devalued, marginalized, silenced, and victimized by their respective ‘others,’” either teachers by
parents or parents by schools (Lawson, p. 117).
Barnyak and Mcnelly (2009) examined the beliefs and practices of teachers and school
administrators in relation to parent involvement. Their study intended to address the following
research questions:
● What are urban teachers’ and administrators’ practices regarding family involvement?

● What are urban teachers’ and administrators’ beliefs about family involvement?

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
41

● What effects do urban teachers’ and administrators’ beliefs about family involvement
have on their practices of family involvement in their schools? (Barnyak & Mcnelly, p.
35)

Their conceptual framework was based on Bandura’s theory on self-efficacy, and they conducted
a quantitative study with 92 teachers and seven administrators in an urban district in
Pennsylvania. Barnyak and Mcnelly did not explain their rationale behind the sample selection
but mentioned the school district was 1 of 13 districts in Pennsylvania that participated in the
first Governor’s Institute for Parent Involvement. The sample of teachers consisted of 70.8%
females, of whom 32.3% had 6 or more years of teaching experience. Barnyak and Mcnelly used
a survey from “The Parent Involvement Inventory” from the Department of Education in Illinois.
A Likert scale survey was used to identify the current practices and beliefs by teachers and
administrators on parent involvement. The results revealed that teachers and administrators
believed the school and/or district practices supported parent involvement by:
● Support of student learning,

● Soliciting volunteers to help,

● Providing parent communication,

● Providing access to classes,

● Giving parents input in school decisions,

● Providing teachers with resources to improve parent involvement practices,

● Assessing the relationships between parents and teaches (p. 44).

However, several of the participating teachers and administrators shared they were not informed
of the volunteer programs and resources available through the school/or district for “parent
learning” (Barnyak & Mcnelly, 2009, p. 44).
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
42

Teachers and administrators shared their practices to support parents’ monitoring of
homework. However, several revealed they did not use “newsletter, interactive homework,
teacher web page, or email” to communicate with parents (Barnyak & Mcnelly, p. 45). Parent-
teacher conference and information sheets were more common to communicate with parents on
child’s academic performance. When asked about their beliefs on parent involvement, teachers
and administrators identified several techniques as beneficial: “handbook, parent orientation,
newsletter, homework calendar, assignment notebook, special information sheet, and teacher
contract” (Barnyak & Mcnelly, 2009, p. 47). Parent-teacher conferences, parent informational
sessions, academic fairs, and teachers being accessible to parents when necessary were also
deemed beneficial.
The work of Barnyak and Mcnelly (2009) revealed how teachers’ and administrators’
self-efficacy about parent involvement compared to their actual practices. The results showed a
“mismatch” between teachers and administrators beliefs on parent involvement in contrast to the
practices they embedded in the classroom or school.
This study examined what parent involvement looked like at the secondary level and how
Latino parents were involved. Schools’ perspectives on parent involvement helped understand
their (schools’) relationship with parents. Lawson (2003) explored parent involvement from a
school-centric lens and how it affected the level of involvement. His findings indicated an
unbalanced point of view between parents and schools. The study sample included African
American parents and teachers from an elementary school, but left out the experiences of other
parents (e.g., Latino parents). Lastly, Barnyak and Mcnelly (2009) described the beliefs and
practices of teachers and school administrators towards parent involvement. Their findings
revealed a mismatch between teachers’ beliefs and their actual practices in the classroom.
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
43

Several of the studies on schools’ perspectives on parent involvement did not include the
experiences of Latino families at the secondary level. Several of the studies were quantitative
and did not fully capture the experiences of schools and their relationships with parents.
The findings on parents’ and schools’ perspective confirmed how parents and institutions
define parent involvement distinctively base on their perceptions of parents’ responsibilities in a
child’s education. The literature on parents’ perspective concluded that several factors
contributed to parents’ level of involvement such as schools’ welcoming environment, the
response from schools to parents’ concerns, child and teacher invitations, parents’ self-efficacy,
and parents’ roles. As for schools’ perspectives, the literature identified how school leadership,
schools’ self-efficacy, and families’ SES contributed to the level of parent involvement. Several
of the studies did not address the experiences of Latino parents and how schools collaborated
with them. On the contrary, teachers’ beliefs and actual practices were different. The next section
of the literature review focused on methods of involvement.
Methods of Parent Involvement
To understand what parent involvement looked like at the secondary level, I explored
methods of involvement among Latino families. Auerbach (2010) emphasized the importance of
studying parent involvement beyond the traditional lens and taking into account the experiences
of families of color. This section looks at how methods of involvement shaped the participation
level of families. In addition, the research helped to determine what Latino parents perceive
contributes to their efforts and empowers them to become involved in their children’s
educational experiences and how does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences
influence their decision to be involved at the high school level. The literature review explores
those methods of involvement and how they influenced Latino parents’ participation.
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
44

Lopez (2001) examined the concept of parent involvement from a non-traditional school-
related model. He used the experiences of one Latino (im)migrant family to depict their
understanding of involvement. Lopez (2001) explained how parent involvement had been
defined over time as a “scripted role to be ‘performed,’ instead of acknowledging those activities
performed by parents on a regular basis” (Lopez, 2001, p. 417). Also, he discussed how
“marginalized families” whom he described as “outsiders” based on race, class, gender, sexual
orientation, immigrant status, and physical ability have “overwhelmingly” been placed by
research in the “uninvolved” category and suggested that these families were involved, but their
activities were not valued or accepted as conventional involvement (Lopez, 2001, p. 417-418).
These families provided a “counter-story of involvement” that has traditionally been excluded
from academic literature (Lopez, 2001, p. 418). The purpose of the study was to convey how
immigrant families were involved in their child’s life, although it might not be the conventional
way schools had depicted over the years to “explore alternate conceptualizations of involvement
activity and to investigate how the concept of involvement… limits the recognition of these
subaltern forms of involvement” (Lopez, 2001, p. 420).
Lopez (2001) conducted a qualitative study where he selected a purposeful sample of five
immigrant/migrant families who live in Texas and were recommended by nearby school districts.
For the purpose of this study, he selected the Padilla family whose children were identified as
successful based on the school criteria because all children graduated in the top 10% of their
class. Data were collected through field notes, formal and informal interviews in Spanish, and
home visits. The findings revealed that the Padilla’s were “uninvolved” according to the schools’
criteria, but, for the family involvement, they were “teaching their children to appreciate the
value of their education through… hard work” (Lopez, 2001, p. 422). The Padillas experienced
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
45

hardships and used that to teach their five children the value of education and provided consejos
(advice) on working hard. The family believed in strong work ethic and persistence; also, their
personal experiences on the field for their children to work hard at school. The Padillas
communicated with their children on the what they perceived as important in life, such as
working hard which will prepare them for school and work (Lopez, 2001). The study suggested
how “transmission of values” was an important form of involvement for the Padilla family and
presented three principles that Padillas lived by: work as a lesson in life, work to teach children
the value of school, and work to learn life skills (Lopez, 2001, p. 428).
Pérez Carreón et al. (2005) studied parent involvement from the perspective of immigrant
parents using an ecology of parent engagement framework to examine parents’ approaches to
participating in their children’s lives. Through an ecology framework, parents’ experiences
captured the “transformative process” between them and institutions (Pérez Carreón et al., 2005,
p. 469). Researchers had researched for 4 years with the purpose of understanding how parents
from low-income communities collaborated with the school (teachers, administrators, and
children) when beliefs and practices between both were different.
Pérez Carreón et al. interviewed and observed three working-class immigrant parents
from an original group of 17 (13 mothers and four fathers) from Texas who lived in a high-
impoverished area. Through group sessions and workshops, participants shared the various forms
of capital they used to support their children. The researchers worked around parents’ work
schedules and conducted sessions in the evening. Participants revealed their experiences as
immigrant families who struggled to adopt a new educational system in order to be accepted by
the dominant culture (Pérez Carreón et al., 2005). Also, data were collected from field notes,
formal and informal interviews with teachers and principals, and home visits. Parents were
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
46

connected to their child’s education, but when compared to the academic expectations of schools
they did not meet the standards of engagement. Pérez Carreón et al. (2005) discussed how
parents’ roles and involvement had been measured based on “what parents do” and how it fits or
not with the needed of the school. Schools failed to consider Latino parents as partners or
acknowledge their efforts in their child’s education. Although researchers did not provide a
research question, they asked, “Why some immigrant parents manage to have stronger, more
powerful, and more successful school engagement experiences than others?” (Pérez Carreón et
al., p. 471).
The first participant, Celia, explained her experiences as a Salvadorian immigrant shaped
her approach to interacting with her son’s school. She felt the school staff disrespected and
mistreated her because she did not speak English. She challenged the educational system and
stereotypes associated with Latino parents (Pérez Carreón et al., 2005). Celia decided to
participate in the parent-teacher association, even though Latino parents were not provided with
translation or explained their role within the organization. On the contrary, Celia made sure to
have an open communication with her son’s teachers and visited the classroom (Pérez Carreón et
al., 2005). The second participant, Pablo, shared that language was a problem and was unsure
how to communicate with teachers. Pablo explained the challenges he faced as an immigrant
parent. He described teachers’ stereotypes based on class, race, and politics, thus, substantiated
how deficit-thinking continued to exist towards Latino families (Pérez Carreón et al., 2005).
Lastly, Isabel discussed her disappointment within the school to address a problem that affected
her daughter in the classroom and how unaware she was of the educational system to better
advocate for her child. She tried to understand the educational structure and identify stakeholders
who might support her to better communicate with her daughter’s teachers. Pérez Carreón et al.
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
47

(2005) shared that the school’s culture contributed to Isabel’s frustration and isolation from the
school pointing to the lack of sensitivity towards the needs of immigrant families.
Auerbach (2010) approached the topic of methods of involvement and partnerships by
exploring how school leaders conceptualized parent involvement within a large urban public
school district. The researcher discussed the importance of school-family partnerships and
explored the type of relationships schools could build with families. The relationships ranged
from a non-existent to one where schools and families work collectively as partners to develop
an authentic relationship to support the needs of children (Auerbach, 2010). Auerbach argued
that parent involvement could be shaped by social and cultural factors as race, class, gender, and
language that influenced the partnerships schools build with families. Under NCLB, schools
were required to increase parent involvement. Auerbach explored the school-family relationships
and referenced the work of several researchers who studied partnerships and their impact on
schools and families. The four partnerships identified and used for this study were leadership
preventing partnerships, leadership for nominal partnerships, leadership for traditional
partnerships, and leadership for authentic partnerships. Auerbach illustrated the partnership
phases between schools and families from least involve (left) to most involved (right)
relationships (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Leadership continuum for school-family partnerships. Adapted from “Beyond coffee
with the principal: Toward leadership for authentic school-family partnerships,” by S. Auerbach,
2010, Journal of School Leadership, 20, p. 734. Copyright 2015 by Journal of School
Leadership.

Leadership

Preventing

Partnerships

Leadership
for

Nonimal

Partnerships

Leadership
for

Traditional

Partnerships

Leadership
for

Authentic

Partnerships

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
48

Auerbach (2010) characterized leadership preventing partnerships as the typical non-
existent relationship between schools and families: leadership for nominal partnerships in that
schools outreach to parents simply when they were needed. In other words, the relationship was
minimal. Leadership for traditional partnerships encouraged a two-way communication between
parents and school, but revolved around a school agenda. Lastly, leadership for authentic
partnerships emphasized a relationship around “co-constructing roles and engaging in dialogue”
and “mutual learning” defined as a collaborative partnership (Auerbach, 2010, pp. 734-735). The
author proposed a closer look at a leadership continuum to understand better how leadership
worked towards partnerships. The beliefs and practices of three school leaders working in the
direction of authentic partnerships were explored through the following questions, although these
were not indicated as being research questions:
● What are key distinctions in how school leaders envision school-family partnerships and
enact their role in a large urban school district?

● How can a continuum of leadership for partnerships be applied to their approaches?

● What leadership beliefs, strategies, and conditions facilitate more authentic partnerships?
(Auerbach, 2010, p. 735).

Auerbach (2010) conducted a qualitative study among school leaders from Los Angeles
Unified School District (LAUSD) who worked predominantly within Latino communities.
Auerbach used qualitative data from two studies: one family literacy programs in 2009 and a
study regarding visioning parent engagement from 2005 to 2007 (Auerbach, 2010). The sample
included the experiences of leaders (site or district administrators) who worked closely with
Latino parents from low-income communities, English learners, and “underachieving students”
from LAUSD (Auerbach, 2010, p. 735). Participants had been recognized by peers for their
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
49

efforts to encourage and promote parent involvement. Auerbach identified three administrative
leaders whose individual portraits were included in the study: a White woman in her 50s, a
Latina in her 30s, and a Latino in his 40s. All participants had years of experience working with
Latino families, spoke Spanish, worked in schools where 80% to 95% of the student population
qualified for the free or reduced-price lunch program, schools were overcrowded and ranked the
lowest on the Academic Performance Index. The rationale behind the sample selection indicated
their “views and leadership differed in kind or degree from that of most administrators”
(Auerbach, 2010, p. 736). Auerbach used a semi-structured and open-ended approach for
participants to share their accounts on parental involvement; in addition, field observations on
their interaction with families.
The findings revealed leadership preventing partnerships maintained a clear and distinct
line of separation between school and families, alliances were non-existent, a deficit-thinking
model existed among school officials, and school leadership tended to be authoritarian and
provided minimal opportunities for families to participate. Leadership for nominal partnerships
ensured compliance with school mandates, decisions tended to be school-oriented, deficit-
thinking determined the collaboration efforts, and school leaders were authoritarian, yet open-
minded to working with families, when necessary (Auerbach, 2010, p. 749). Auerbach (2010)
explained that, under leadership for traditional partnerships, schools were concerned with school
climate and considered collaboration with parents. Also, they organized family activities and
took on a more collaborative approach towards parents. Lastly, leadership for authentic
partnerships aimed to empower parents through leadership roles and schools worked closely with
families. Through interviews, participants revealed how a deficit-thinking model continued to
influence the work schools did with parents and their unwillingness to provide parents an
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
50

opportunity to be involved or engaged. School administrators indicated how several urban
schools adopted leadership preventing partnerships, which continued to engage in deficit-
thinking towards families, particularly Latino parents.
Delgado-Gaitan (1991) examined how Latino families had been empowered through
shared power with schools. Empowerment was defined around four key elements of power:
“collective process, critical reflection, mutual response and win-win” (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991, p.
22). The researcher intended to explore parent involvement activities at home and school. Over
the course of four years, Delgado-Gaitan conducted a qualitative study in three elementary
schools in Carpinteria, California. Carpinteria School District served over 2,000 students of
whom 35% were Hispanic and 40% were limited English–speaking students. The 70% of the
Latino population of Carpinteria spoke English and had been part of the community for three or
more generations, although they had seen an increase in the immigrant population.
Delgado-Gaitan (1991) did not provide the actual sample size but indicated she
interviewed Mexican American families and teachers/administrators. Also, Delgado-Gaitan did
not provide a rationale for the sample selection but did specify how schools in Carpinteria
struggled to involve Latino parents. Delgado-Gaitan identified two types of parent involvement
that included conventional activities (e.g., parent-teacher conference and school-site councils)
and unconventional activities (e.g., bilingual parental involvement program). Conventional
parent involvement referred to parents’ ability to handle the educational system based on
education experience and support (training) from the school. Nonconventional parent-
involvement activities consisted of funded programs aimed at supporting parents (Delgado-
Gaitan, 1991). The distinction between both was essential to understanding the level and type of
parent involvement.
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
51

The findings revealed that teachers showed high parent involvement around open house,
and principals indicated 90% attendance of parents who had children in bilingual classes.
Participating parents shared that open houses were great to see their child’s work, but did not
allow them to have a conversation with the teacher on their progress (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991).
One teacher explained she expected parents to be involved throughout the year and not rely
solely on teachers to contact them. Parent conferences were important to parents as several of
them requested time from work to attend. Nonconventional parent-involvement activities for this
research consisted of California state-funded programs supporting the bilingual preschool
program and migrant program. Both programs had a parent component that required their
participation. For example, the bilingual preschool program provided parents with monthly
sessions on various topics to better support their children.
Parents were taught to be co-teachers to “support classroom instruction with development
at home” (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991, p. 28). Delgado-Gaitan (1991) highlighted parents could use
their native language and support their child at home while acknowledging their cultural
background and experiences. The migrant program served 1st through 12th-grade students whose
families worked in a migratory-related industry (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991, p. 29). The program
served about 100 families who were required to meet with the director three to four times a year
but only had an attendance of 10% to 25% of parents. Similar to the preschool program, families
were exposed to sessions on various topics from immigration rights to alcoholism. Although
parents were not trained, they received information on issues that might have pertained to their
families, but they were poorly attended. Participating parents realized that they were a “critical
part in their children’s education,” especially those who were part of the preschool program
(Delgado-Gaitan, 1991, p. 31). Delgado-Gaitan (1991) found that parents who participated in the
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
52

preschool program transition into the migrant program, in addition, “some of them” started a
leadership group among parents. The findings suggested the school’s conventional efforts to
involve parents failed to have a “systematic follow-up” as participating teachers and
administrators confirmed that parents were needed, but “only when it was convenient for them to
help” (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991, p. 32).
According to Delgado-Gaitan (1991), several of the parents shared their experiences
within schools and how they were empowered and sought changes, for example, by creating the
Comite de Padres Latinos or Committee for Latino Parents (COPLA). Parents from Carpinteria
took the initiative and started a parent led group to address several concerns for Spanish-
speaking parents. The purpose of COPLA was to help parents better understand the school
system, learn about their rights and responsibilities, and built a support system. COPLA was
based on the concept of the critical reflection process as well as the core features of
empowerment:
● Parents discussed their common history and experience

● They shared their realization that their feelings of isolation in the community were
common to most parents

● They acknowledged that there exists a lack of information regarding schools

● They confronted common stereotypes

● They constructed an egalitarian system

● They realized that maximum support for their children’s education

● They resolved to organize activities. (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991, pp. 34-35)

Through critical reflection, parents felt more comfortable to share their experiences and
sought support from other parents. COPLA collaborated with schools more effectively and
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
53

implemented “systematic linkages between school and the parents” (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991, p.
35). Delgado-Gaitan (1991) found that the parent-empowerment process included parents who
would have remained isolated otherwise.
The study revealed a third type of parent involvement, autonomous group of parents
(COPLA), who implemented their agenda and sought to work with schools to address those
concerns (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991). Under this model, parents agreed to make the necessary
changes and communicate with schools to direct those issues concerning their children’s
academic progress. Also, when parents were empowered, they responded to their surroundings
and took actions (Delgado-Gaitan, 1991).
My study examined what parent involvement would be like for Latino parents at the
secondary level. Methods of involvement helped understand Latino parents’ experiences within
and outside of schools. Lopez (2001) studied parent involvement through a non-traditional lens
and how it affected the success of the Padilla’s children. Pérez Carreón et al. (2005) explored
parent involvement through the experiences of immigrant Latino parents. These parents revealed
how they use their capital to support and guide their children when schools did not provide
support. Although Lopez (2001) and Pérez Carreón et al. (2005) explored the experiences of
Latino parents, further investigation was needed to understand what contributed to and
empowered parents’ involvement at the secondary level.
Auerbach (2010) researched how urban schools carried leadership partnerships with
Latino families. The findings indicated the importance of school-family partnerships, although
she conveyed how deficit-thinking had influenced the position of school leaders towards parent
involvement. She discussed the value of partnerships, although she needed to further discuss how
schools and parents could reach an authentic partnership level. In addition, she did not discuss
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
54

how that authentic partnership would look at the high school level for Latino parents. Delgado-
Gaitan (1991) studied how Latino families could be motivated to share power with schools and
demand changes within their child’s school. Auerbach (2010) and Delgado-Gaitan (1991)
discussed Latino parents’ ability to take on leadership roles and organize within schools but were
limited to discussing how schools supported and encouraged parents to take on those leadership
roles. Several of the studies on methods of involvement did not include the experiences of
parents at the high school level. Parents’ experiences should be considered to change the
perception of institutions of parent involvement and empower more families to become involved.
The next section of this literature review explored parents’ self-efficacy regarding parent
involvement.
Self-Efficacy
Bandura (1989) explored self-efficacy within the context of human agency and social
cognitive theory. Self-efficacy referred to peoples’ beliefs about their abilities to control the
outcomes of events in their lives, which affected “human motivation, affect and action” among
individuals (Bandura, 1989, p. 1175). Bandura presented human agency in three categories:
autonomous agency, mechanical agency and emergent interactive agency. Bandura explained
that autonomous agency was based on the idea that humans were independent of their actions;
mechanical agency was founded on external influences that determined the actions taken, but did
not have “motivative, self-reflective, creative or self-directive” qualities. Lastly, emergent
interactive agency suggested that human actions were based on a “system of triadic reciprocal
causation” that includes personal factors (action, cognitive, and affective) and environmental
factors (Bandura, 1989, p. 1175). Triadic reciprocal causation linked human behavior, personal
and environmental factors to understanding individuals’ actions (Bandura, 1989).
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
55

Individuals with strong self-efficacy tended to be task-oriented and envisioned success;
as a result, they shaped their decisions on their foreseen result. Bandura (1989) explained how
self-efficacy determined the level of motivation someone had in relation to completing or
accomplishing a task. He suggested that, when an individual believed he/she was not able to
overcome a complicated situation, it would be avoided. Bandura (1989) argued that individuals
had to believe they had what it took to succeed and persevere; otherwise, they held themselves
back from achieving their goals. The level of motivation was founded on an individuals’ self-
efficacy that determined the actions taken on by them. Cognitive motivation, he argued, was
based on a goal arrangement found around three self-reactive influences: affective evaluation,
perceived self-efficacy and ongoing readjustment of internal standards (Bandura, 1989, p. 1180).
Affective evaluation was characterized by an individuals’ goals and how decisions were shaped
around them; perceived self-efficacy considers peoples’ abilities to handle situations and their
efforts to move forward; and readjustment of internal standards referred to the process of making
adaptations based on individuals’ achievements (Bandura, 1989; 1991). Bandura (1989)
suggested that, when individuals were placed in the same environmental conditions and had the
knowledge and skills needed, they tended to be more successful.
People who were self-motivated had control over what they did and could predict
consequences based on their actions, set goals and plan actions that would lead to desired
outcomes. Bandura (1991) referenced self-efficacy within the context of self-regulation and went
on to share those individuals’ self-reflective and self-reactive actions shaped their “thoughts,
feelings, motivation, and actions” (p. 248). Self-regulation was the ability to evaluate actions and
how they affected one’s performance, followed by how surrounding conditions helped
accomplish a goal/action, and, lastly, the consequences of those actions (Bandura, 1991).
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
56

Personal efficacy and environment affected human behavior, thus, the higher an individual’s
efficacy, the more motivated one was to achieve a goal (Bandura, 1991).
Personal efficacy was founded on four principles that explained human behavior that
included performance accomplishments, vicarious experience, verbal persuasion, and
physiological states (Bandura, 1977, 1982). Performance accomplishments were based on the
level of mastery among individuals and the earlier they experienced it, the more motivated they
were to persevere, but if they struggled and were exposed to a constant failure their mastery level
would be reduced (Bandura, 1977). He suggested that, through modeling, individuals could
overcome the challenges encountered and were exposed to behaviors intended to improve their
skills (Bandura, 1977). Vicarious experiences encouraged people to take a chance after seeing
others participate in activities that seemed difficult or challenging, which gave them the
confidence needed or efficacy to complete tasks (Bandura, 1977, 1982). Bandura (1977)
explained that modeled behavior with clear objectives increased individuals’ efficacy levels.
Verbal persuasion could convince individuals to believe they could accomplish any task,
although they struggled in the past (Bandura, 1977). When individuals were confident that they
could handle any difficult situation and had the necessary support (provisional aids), they could
collaborate (Bandura, 1977). Finally, emotional arousal was based on how individuals reacted to
stressful and challenging situations, although when challenging situations were avoided, people
did not develop the coping skills needed to handle any situation.
When an individual was perceived to have higher self-efficacy, he/she remained active
and relied on his/her capabilities, and not solely on expectations (Bandura, 1977). Bandura
(1982) discussed how efficacy required an individuals’ ability to develop his/her cognitive,
social and behavioral skills while being able to balance with their environment. Individuals who
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
57

developed strong self-efficacy prioritize their efforts and used challenges as motivators to
achieve their goal (Bandura, 1982). To understand efficacy expectations, three aspects should be
considered: magnitude, generality, and strength (Bandura, 1977). Magnitude referred to the
difficulty of a task, which was taken into consideration by the individual in his/her ability to
complete his/her obligations; generality focuses on individuals’ expectations, which might be
confined or extended based on his/her abilities; and strength referred to individuals’ capacity to
handle situation no matter the circumstances (Bandura, 1977).
The work of Bandura (1977) revealed how successes increased self-efficacy based on
skills developed by individuals along the way. Failure is immediately attributed to an
individual’s ability without taking into account the circumstances that led to that outcome
(Bandura, 1977).
Hoover-Dempsey, Bassler, and Brissie (1992) studied the relationship among parents’
self-efficacy, teachers’ efficacy, and teachers’ perceptions of self-efficacy and how it affected the
level of parent involvement. Although a research question was not provided, the researchers
indicated that they anticipated that, the higher the level of self-efficacy among parents and
teachers, the higher the parent involvement. Hoover-Dempsey et al. (1992) conducted a
quantitative study to examine parents’ participation levels at four elementary schools in a large
public school district. Researchers did not share the rationale behind their sample selection but
discussed their desire to have parents from various school settings. The sample consisted of 390
parents with an average income range between $15,000 and $37,000, thus 30% of the student
population from all four schools. Also, 50 teachers volunteered to be part of the study after a
letter was placed in their mailbox. Those who decided to participate in the study received a
questionnaire that was later collected.
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
58

A significant number of the parent respondents were mothers (326), married (259) and
worked outside of the home (253), although education and income levels varied across the
participants. Researchers created a 12-item Parent Perceptions of Parent Efficacy Scale based on
the work of researchers on self-efficacy. The Teacher Perceptions of Parent Efficacy Scale
included a seven-item survey that discussed teachers’ collaboration efforts with parents (Hoover-
Dempsey et al., 1992). A Likert scale survey was used to determine the levels of involvement
and calculate the hours devoted by parents and teachers. The parent data revealed that parents
with higher levels of self-efficacy volunteered more in the classroom, participated in educational
activities and communicated less with teachers over the phone (Hoover-Dempsey et al., 1992).
Parents’ educational level reflected their level of self-efficacy, which was higher among college-
educated families. The results from teachers indicated that teacher efficacy and teacher
perceptions of parents’ efficacy resulted in higher levels of involvement that included homework
completion, volunteering, conferencing, and participation in educational activities (Hoover-
Dempsey et al., 1992, p. 291). Hoover-Dempsey et al. (1992) concluded that higher parent self-
efficacy increased the likelihood that they would be involved in their child’s education.
The work of Hoover-Dempsey et al. (1992) revealed how parents’ self-efficacy affected
their level of involvement, in addition, their educational level contributed to parents’ ability to
provide support. Lastly, teachers’ self-efficacy and perception of parent involvement affected
parents’ decision to participate in their child’s education.
Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler (1995) presented a model of parent involvement which
suggested why parents become involved and how their involvement affected students’
educational outcomes. The model was directed to answer the following questions: Why do
parents become involved? How they choose specific involvement forms? And How does their
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involvement influence outcomes? (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1995, p. 312). They identified
three reasons parents become involved: “personal construction” of parent roles, self-efficacy to
support their child and response to opportunities offered (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1995, p.
313).
First, they argued that parents constructed their roles in response to what they perceived
their roles should be. They derived their interpretation of their roles by observing other involved
parents and modeling their own parents’ actions of involvement. In addition, Hoover-Dempsey
and Sandler (1995) also argued that parents created roles shaped around the needs of their
children and school activities. For role construction to take full effect, parents must believe they
had the skills and capacity.
Second, Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler (1995) asserted that parents became involved
because they “ha[d] a sense of personal self-efficacy for helping their children succeed in
school” (p. 313). Self-efficacy determined the level of support parents provided their children
and the ownership they took to help them succeed. Parents’ self-efficacy was centered around
families’ response to helping their child succeed that included these four characteristics: “direct
experience of success, vicarious experience, verbal persuasion by others and emotional arousal”
(Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1995, p. 314). Direct experience of success referred to the positive
or negative experiences parents were exposed to while growing up and how these experiences
had been conveyed into the role they took on in their own child’s educational experience.
Vicarious experiences were based on parents’ exposure to other parents who shared similar
experiences of success or failure that shaped their efficacy. Verbal persuasion by other
individuals positively affected parents’ self-efficacy and encouraged them to take on an active
role in their child’s education. Parents’ extended family, friends, and children contributed to their
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involvement. Emotional arousal developed among parents who had a passion for being directly
involved in their child’s education and affected their level of parent involvement as parents were
more concerned for their child’s well-being (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1995).
Lastly, Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler (1995) suggested that parents become involved
when schools provide them with opportunities to be engaged in their child’s education. They
argued that, when parents perceived their involvement would make a difference, they took
advantage of the opportunities offered by the school to support their child’s education, although
access to opportunities was not the decisive reason for parent involvement (Hoover-Dempsey &
Sandler, 1995). Access to opportunities had the least influence among parents compared to direct
experiences, vicarious experiences, and emotional arousal. Researchers discussed self-efficacy
was associated with parents’ responsibilities and demands, thus, resulting in their decision to be
involved in their child’s education (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1995).
Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler (1995) explored three ways in which parent involvement
affected a child’s educational outcomes: modeling, reinforcement, and direct instruction.
Modeling was based on parents taking on school-related behaviors and attitudes intended to
emphasize the importance of an activity in order for the child to have a different appreciation for
it. Reinforcement was when parents strengthened student-related learning they identified as
valuable and determined to have a positive effect on their child’s behavior. Finally, direct
instruction conveyed to parents’ teachings through two types of processes: direct, closed-ended
instruction or direct, open-ended instruction (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1995, pp. 320-321).
Direct, closed-ended instruction was when parents taught children to provide factual responses
with minimal higher thinking as compared to direct, open-ended instruction where parents
encouraged higher thinking and problem-solving skills. Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler (1995)
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concluded that parent involvement was based on the construction of parent roles, parents’ self-
efficacy, and response to opportunities. The model presented revealed that parent involvement
required time to see results, participation from several stakeholders as parents, school, and child,
and, lastly, additional research to identify specific traits linked to student success.
The work of Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler (1995) presented a model of parent
involvement that intended to understand why parents became involved and the effects on student
achievement. Their work concluded that parent involvement was based on parents’ role
construction, self-efficacy, and reaction to opportunities.
Izzo et al. (2000) examined the relationship among social supports, self-efficacy, and
parenting practices among Mexican immigrant families to understand the following: What
factors predict beneficial parenting practices? And What parenting practices best predict
children’s socioemotional adjustment? (p. 199). They identified two aspects of parenting to
understand how they affected the socioemotional adjustment of families: parental
warmth/acceptance and parental control/restrictiveness (Izzo et al., 2000). Parental
warmth/acceptance referred to positive communication towards children that encouraged and
promoted “social and emotional development” (Izzo et al., 2000, p. 199). Izzo et al. developed
three hypotheses:
● Social support predicts parenting practices (warmth and control),

● Parental self-efficacy mediates the relationship between social support and parenting
practices,

● Parenting practices predict children’s socioemotional adjustments (p. 200).

A quantitative study was conducted with 93 Mexican mothers who were first-generation
immigrants and lived in impoverished communities in Chicago, Illinois. Izzo et al. (2000) did not
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explain the reasoning behind the selection of their participants. Participants belonged to a
program called Project FLAME, which was intended to help parents promote literacy among
their children. The schools that belonged to Project FLAME had a Latino student population of
89%, 41% of whom were limited English proficient, and 96% of the families received some
government assistance. The average age of the mothers was 34 years old, seven years of
education, lived in the U.S for about 10 years and had an average of two children at home.
The data were collected using a Likert scale survey intended to measure social support,
parental self-efficacy, parental warmth, parental control, and, lastly, children’s socioemotional
adjustment. Surveys were administered in Spanish in small groups ranging from 10 to 40 parents.
Parents reported often having some level of social support from family, more so than from
friends, although in general, parents indicated low social support ratings (Izzo et al., 2000).
Parents rated themselves higher on parental self-efficacy, parental warmth, and parental control.
Results indicated that social support predicted parental warmth and, when self-efficacy was
added to the analysis, it “significantly predicted parental warmth and social support became non-
significant” (Izzo et al., 2000, p. 206). Izzo et al. (2000) concluded that self-efficacy mediated
the relationship between social supports and warmth. They also concluded that self-efficacy
mediated the relationship between social support and parental control. The authors found that
both social support and parental self-efficacy were predictors of parenting behaviors. In the end,
they also found that parents with social supports felt more efficacious. As a result, more
efficacious parents provided greater warmth and control to their children. Parents who provided
greater warmth and control also had children who were more socio-emotionally adjusted. Izzo et
al. concluded that social support played an important role among Mexican families and that it
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may be associated to parental self-efficacy, as parents felt more capable of supporting their
children.
The work of Izzo et al. (2000) revealed the experiences of Mexican immigrant families in
relation to social supports, self-efficacy, and parenting practices. Researchers indicated that self-
efficacy influenced the relationship between social supports and parental control. In addition,
they recognized that parents with social supports felt more efficacious and provide more warmth
and control to their children (Izzo et al., 2000).
The literature on self-efficacy was relevant to my research question, as it offered insights
on what contributed to and empowered Latino parents’ involvement in their children’s
educational experience. Bandura (1977) explained how self-efficacy was based on skills an
individual developed over time. Therefore, when he or she has high self-efficacy, he or she tends
to be active and rely on their capabilities.
Hoover-Dempsey et al. (1992) explored how self-efficacy affected parents’ level of
involvement. Although a quantitative study was conducted, it did not fully capture the
experiences parents could share about their involvement. In another study, Hoover-Dempsey and
Sandler (1995) presented a model of parent involvement that made a case as to why parents were
involved and its effects on students’ academic performance. The model did not take into account
social and cultural factors that influenced parents’ decision to be involved.
Izzo, Pelletier, and Brent (1999) and Izzo et al. (2000) focused on self-efficacy and
parenting practices/parenting styles among immigrant parents. The findings highlighted the
experiences of immigrant parents, although limited to those with children in middle school.

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Role Construction
To understand how parents are empowered and motivated at the secondary level, this
study explored the research about the relationship between role construction and parent
involvement. This study sought to understand what parent involvement looked like and what
Latino parents perceived contributed to and empowered their involvement. Role construction
was based on parents’ perspectives and experiences within education, which, therefore, influence
how they determined their level of involvement. Walker, Wilkins, Dallaire, Sandler, and Hoover-
Dempsey (2005) defined role construction as “parents’ beliefs about what they should do in
relation to the child’s education” (p. 89). Furthermore, role construction has been found to
motivate parents as it helped “imagine and anticipate” how they should be engaged in their
child’s education (Walker et al., 2005, p. 89). Role construction was characterized based on
“parents’ ideas about the parental role, learned largely through observation and modeling of their
own parents’ school-related involvement and, their friends’ involvement in children’s schooling,
and so forth” (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997, p. 313). Parents decided on activities to be
involved if they were important, necessary, and permissible for their engagement (Hoover-
Dempsey & Sandler, 1997). This section of the literature review was intended to explore and
comprehend how role construction determines parent involvement. The research explored
literature on parents’ role construction and how it determined the role taken on by parents.
Bertrand and Deslandes (2005) studied parent involvement from parents’ perspective and
addressed the importance of role construction. Role construction was based on the relationship
between parents and institutions (Bertrand & Deslandes, 2005). Parents tend to be involved if
they perceive they have the skills and knowledge to support their child’s performance and
learning. Their study focused on the following research question: What are the relative
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contributions of parents’ role construction, self-efficacy, perceptions of teacher invitations, and
perceptions of adolescent invitations to predict parent involvement at home and at school in
Grades 7, 8, and 9? (Bertrand & Deslandes, 2005, p. 166). As discussed above, Bertrand and
Deslandes conducted a quantitative study in Quebec, Canada, where they sampled 770 parents
from diverse backgrounds. For the purpose of this section, I will only reference the findings that
pertain to role construction. Researchers were influenced by Hoover-Dempsey’s (1999) work on
role construction, which guided their Likert scale questions that asked parents if they believed it
was their (parents’) responsibility to help the school educate their child. Bertrand and Deslandes
(2005) focused on parent education programs that supported parent involvement and were
centered around two models: home-based and school-based. Home-based involvement was
centered on student invitations to parents to be engaged in school-related projects, compared to
school-based involvement where teachers outreach to parents to be involved (Bertrand &
Deslandes, 2005).
The findings revealed how parent education programs helped and supported parent
involvement within schools, as parents defined their role around a home-based or school-based
model. Bertrand and Deslandes (2005) discussed how parents’ role construction was
characterized by the relationships developed with their child or teachers. The work of Bertrand
and Deslandes revealed how parents’ role construction at school for seventh-grade students was
the “greatest part of the variance” and it explained those parents’ level of involvement (Bertrand
& Deslandes, 2005, p. 170). In addition, parents’ role construction for ninth grade students was
the “strongest predictor for parent involvement at school” (p. 170). Role construction had a
greater impact among seventh and ninth graders. Bertrand and Deslandes (2005) highlighted that
“the most outstanding pattern is the greater influence of parents’ role construction” (p. 172).
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Parents believed it was their responsibility to monitor students’ progress and be attentive to
activities at school, which represented parents’ role construction. In addition, findings confirmed
that parents were more involved when they believed it was their duty. Bertrand and Deslandes
(2005) highlighted how parents believed educational institutions should create a welcoming
environment for them to be involved.
The work of Bertrand and Deslandes (2005) supported the idea that parents’ role
construction was based on parents’ understanding of involvement at school. Parent education
programs provided parents the support they needed to navigate the school. Lastly, Bertrand and
Deslandes highlighted that parents were involved when they believed it was their responsibility
and that involvement would help their child in school.
Walker et al. (2005) explored Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler’s (1997) theoretical model
of parent involvement. The model assessed parent involvement, but intended to “explain the
process of involvement and influence…” (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997, p. 86). For the
purposes of this study, I will only present an explanation of the model as it is the most relevant to
role construction and the research questions posed in this study will be presented.
Walker et al. (2005) offered a detailed model on the “five sequential levels” (p. 87). The first
level focused on four “psychological contributors” to parent involvement:
● Parental role construction, or parents’ beliefs about what they should do in the context of
their child’s education.

● Parental self-efficacy for helping the child succeed in school, or how much parents
believed they could improve children’s school outcomes.

● Parents’ perceptions of general invitations for involvement from the school, and

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● Perceptions of general invitations for involvement from the child. (Walker et al., 2005, p.
87)

The second level focused on the fact that, once a decision to be involved has been made,
“contextual factors” were taken into consideration: time, energy, and perceptions of specific
invitations for involvement from the child and the child’s teacher (Walker et al., 2005, p. 87).
The third level focused on “mechanisms of parental involvement” or how parents affected a
child’s academic outcome (Walker et al., 2005, p. 87). Level four predicted how the mechanisms
referenced in level three influenced parents’ actions to address the needs of the child and
consider the needs of the school (Walker et al., 2005). Lastly, the fifth level focused on student
outcomes. Walker et al. (2005) highlighted that the model was a “theoretical map” that
juxtaposed existing knowledge and new knowledge (p. 87). They discussed that the purpose of
the research was to present psychological factors that affected parent involvement, followed by
“conceptual and methodological processes” (Walker et al., 2005, p. 87). Researchers presented a
revised theoretical model of the parental involvement process for Levels 1 and 2 (Figure 3).

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Figure 2. Levels 1 and 2 of Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler’s theoretical model of parental
involvement process. Adapted from “Parental Involvement: Model Revision through Scale
Development” by J. M. T. Walker, A. S. Wilkins, J. R. Dallaire, H. M. Sandler, and K. V.
Hoover-Dempsey, 2005. The Elementary School Journal, 106(2), p. 88. Copyright 2015 by The
Elementary School Journal.

Researchers believed that “any distance between what parents think they can and should
do and what they actually do is influenced by their perceptions of available resources” (Walker
et al., 2005, p. 87). The revised model aimed to focus on the psychological predictors at Level 1
(parents’ motivational beliefs, parents’ perceptions of involvement and parents’ perceived life
context). In addition, parental role construction for involvement and parental self-efficacy were
organized under “parents’ motivational beliefs regarding their involvement” (Walker et al., 2005,
p. 89). Role construction was defined as parents’ responsibility towards their child’s education
and learning (Walker et al., 2005). Also, it encouraged parents to anticipate their responsibilities
in their child’s education. Through a mixed study, Walker et al. (2005) examined parents’ beliefs
on involvement and activities in their child’s education. Researchers did not explain their
rationale behind their sample selection but shared their preference for parents to be of children
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who attended a “socioeconomically and ethnically diverse metropolitan public system in the
Mid-South” (Walker et al., 2005, p. 89).
The parent sample included 20 parents who had children in an elementary school. The
interview focused on parents’ beliefs, ideas and behaviors on involvement, in addition, activities
with their children. Three patterns were identified:
1. Parent-focused role construction, reflected parental beliefs and behaviors that the parent
is responsible for the child’s education.
2. School-focused role construction, reflected parental beliefs and behaviors that the school
is ultimately responsible for the child’s education.
3. Partnership-focused role construction reflected beliefs and behaviors that parents and
schools together. (Walker et al., 2005, p. 90)
Researchers used findings from the qualitative study to design their quantitative questions. They
were concerned for the “low reliabilities for school-focused role construction” and the difficulty
of measuring what parents “do not do” (Walker et al., 2005, p. 92). A 10-item role activity
beliefs scale was used to measure role construction. Role construction was based on parents’
experiences, association with other parents, and interactions with school staff (Walker et al.,
2005).
Walker et al. (2005) revealed how role construction and self-efficacy affected the
collaboration efforts between teachers and parents towards student learning. In addition, schools
should support parents to define their role and build their self-efficacy (Walker et al., 2005).
Parents with high self-efficacy were aware of the role they played in their child’s educational
success, although schools did not always support or encourage parents to collaborate.
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This study examined parent involvement among Latino parents and what it looked like at
the secondary level. In addition, what contributed to and empowered parents’ involvement in
their child’s education. To understand their experiences, I explored role construction and how it
determined parents’ level of involvement. Bertrand and Deslandes (2005) examined parent
education programs and how they helped develop parents’ role construction. Their study focused
at the elementary level, although it would be beneficial to see the impact of parent education
programs at the high school level. As mentioned previously, researchers studied parent
involvement in Canada. Walker et al. (2005) argued the importance of role construction and how
self-efficacy contributed to the relationship between parents and schools but fell short of
addressing how parents were empowered by institutions to be involved. Cultural and social
factors contribute to the collaboration efforts between families and institutions. Therefore, I
explored how those factors affect the role construction of Latino parents. Role construction was
important to increase parent involvement and empower parents to be involved in their child’s
school. The next section discussed types of capital and how it is connected or related to parent
involvement.
Types of Capital
Parent involvement was shaped by parents’ access to information and their relationship
with schools and others (e.g., parents, community members, and community-based organization
members) who may influence when and how they are involved (Bourdieu, 2001; Coleman, 1987,
1988; Lareau, 1987). Information and relationships can be considered as forms of capital
possessed by parents (Coleman, 1988). To answer the research questions of how Latino parents
access to resources and experiences influence their decision to be involved at the high school, it
was necessary to understand how types of capital might influence parents’ level and type of
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involvement. Thus, this section outlines the significance of social capital followed by cultural
capital. Social capital was the association among people (networks) that helped them access
resources (Bourdieu, 2001). Cultural capital was parents’ background and experiences and how
they are used to facilitate academic success, “transforming cultural resources into…cultural
capital” (Bourdieu, as cited in Lareau, 1987, p. 74). Literature examined the ways in which social
capital (networks) and cultural capital (parents’ background and personal experiences) affected
parents’ level of involvement. When possible, I offer literature that specifically addressed the
way in which social and cultural capital affected Latino parents’ level of involvement.
Social Capital
The concept of social capital comes from the work of Bourdieu (2001) and Coleman
(1987, 2001). Bourdieu defined social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or potential
resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized
relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition… membership in a group” and was
organized based on “social obligations” (“connections”) (Bourdieu, 2001, pp. 102-103). Social
capital was built on the access an individual had to “network of connections” and the capital
he/she had in reference to his/her associations (Bourdieu, 2001, p. 103). In other words, social
capital was whom one associates with (networks) in exchange for resources made available
within those relationships. Coleman (1987) defined social capital as the “norms, the social
networks, and the relationships between adults and children that were of value for the child’s
growing up” (p. 36). He emphasized that social capital did not only exist within families but also
the community and in how the use of resources determined the behavior among individuals
(Coleman, 1987, 1988). Coleman (1987) shared that social capital within the community was
taken on by one person/adult who supports the parent initiatives or becomes an additional
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advice-giver. As a result, social capital outside the family became important for children who
were limited to social capital at home (Coleman, 1987). The research explored how social capital
characterized parent involvement and focused on the experiences of parents who did or did not
have access to resources (social capital). In addition, how parents provided their child access to
resources through collaborative efforts through networks or extended family was also outlined.
Bourdieu (2001) and Coleman (1987, 2001) discussed social capital and how it defined the
experiences of parents and their involvement level. This section presented theoretical and
empirical work that demonstrated the relationship between social capital and parental
involvement.
Theoretical Literature Related to Social Capital
Portes (1998) explored social capital through four theory sources and their outcomes. He
focused on social capital from a theoretical perspective and the reviewed literature on it. In
addition, I offer contributions made by Bourdieu (2001) on social capital more generally,
although I use his ideas to examine its effects on parent involvement. According to Portes
(1998), social capital is not “a natural given and must be constructed through investment
strategies” or networks built on the association (p. 3). Portes presented his interpretation on
Bourdieu’s work on social capital and its effects on society. For example, Bourdieu separated
social capital into two elements: the “social relationship itself that allows individuals to claim to
resources possessed by their associates … and the amount and quality of those resources”
(Portes, 1998, pp. 3-4). Through a theoretical approach, was defined as an individual’s ability to
secure his association within networks (other people) who were “actual source of his or her
advantage” (Portes, 1998, p. 7). As a result, he identified four theory sources: “internalized
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norms, consummatory versus instrumental dichotomy and social integration” (Portes, 1998, pp.
7-8).
Although Portes went into detail on each of the four theory sources, I only focus on those
relevant to my study. For example, internalized norms referred to how people behaved or were
expected to behave by society and how such behaviors were made possible when “appropriable
by others as a resource” (Portes, 1998, p. 7). In other words, people behave based on their
experiences with other individuals. He discussed how the consummatory and instrumental
dichotomy was centered on “class consciousness” and how individuals supported each other
based on the resources made available by the networks (Portes, 1998, p. 7). Portes (1998)
discussed the importance of individuals’ identification with the community, as it becomes a
“motivational force” that guided their decisions. Finally, social integration suggested how
individuals’ motivation was linked to the role they perceived to have among other people.
Portes (1998) concluded there were three functions of social capital: “social control,
source of family support, and source of benefits through extrafamilial networks” (p. 9). He
discussed how social control referred to individuals as parents and teachers who had control over
individuals. Family support was based on parents’ intellectual and resources that contributed to a
child’s success. He argued single-parent households were more likely to lack the support of a
second parent, to move more often, and to have fewer connections with other parents (Portes,
1998). Lastly, extrafamilial networks were built on the idea that two-parent households could
provide their children with the support and attention and foster this sense of achievement among
adolescents.
The work of Portes (1998) revealed the different sources of social capital and offered
their effects on families and society. Social capital was arranged into four sources (internalized
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norms, consummatory versus instrumental dichotomy and social integration) to understand its
effects. He discussed how social capital was constructed based on access to resources through
association to networks. In addition, Portes (1998) emphasized how family structures contributed
to the social capital parents had or did not have and how it affected children’s lives.
Horvat, Weininger, and Lareau (2003) researched how social class affected the relations
between families and schools. Researchers did not provide a research question, but implied they
would take on the following question: Whether and how social capital can enable certain actors
to contest the judgments or behavior of agents who occupy positions of institutional authority?
(Horvat et al., p. 323). Through a qualitative study, Horvat et al. interviewed 88 third and fourth
graders and their parents. The study intended to compare parents’ relationships with schools and
other institutions parents interacted. They indicated their sample selection of third and fourth
graders because parents were still “heavily involved” (p. 324). The third author used a third-
grade classroom (mixed-race and mixed-class) in Quigley from the Mid-western university
community of Lawrenceville (Horvat et al., 2003). In addition, the author collected data from a
predominantly White suburban school with some Black middle-class families (Swan) and a city
school of White, working-class families (Lower Richmond) with a small percentage of poor
Black families. Besides interviews for data collection, class observations (such as class activities,
lessons, parent-teacher conferences, and parent-teacher association meetings) were conducted in
and outside the classroom.
The findings revealed families were categorized either as middle-class (one adult was
employed) or poor (families received government assistance). Horvat et al. (2003) discussed how
middle-class parents controlled social capital based on their interaction with schools, although
researchers indicated how the results might be shaped by the schools’ background. Social class
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and family structures were juxtaposed to explain the effects of social capital on families. The
social networks of working-class and poor families were based around “kinship groups, ties to
other parents and to professionals” (Horvat et al., p. 327). For example, social class affected
parental networks as evident in a child’s participation in activities, parents’ interaction with other
parents, families’ communication with professionals, and, lastly, their frequent communication
within their networks. They suggested all social classes experience some “informal connections
between parents” for the most part around “out-of-school activities” (Horvat et al., p. 328).
Children’s participation in activities was shaped by social class. For example, middle-class
children had a higher level of enrollment compared to working-class and low-income families.
Middle-class children participated in “just under five organized activities on average, working
class … under three, and poor children …under two” (Horvat et al., p. 328). Such results
indicated middle-class parents exposed their children to more opportunities and, as result,
contributed to parents’ ties with other parents. Middle-class parents could identify other parents
(average of seven), compared to only three among working-class parents (Horvat et al., 2003).
Middle-class parents were also more likely to have within their networks professionals, such as
teacher, lawyer or other professionals.
According to Horvat et al. (2003), working-class and low-income families “primary
source of networks ties was kinship” (p. 330). For instance, contact with a parent was
“considerably more common among working-class and poor respondents, and that frequent
contact with any extended family member was at least somewhat more common” (Horvat et al.,
pp. 330-331). Kinship among working-class and low-income families seemed to be more
significant. The research highlighted how middle-class networks made resources available for
parents to use with their children to reach desired outcomes and better advocate for them.
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Working-class and poor families, compared to middle-class parents tended to handle their child’s
“educational needs” (Horvat et al., p. 334). For example, middle-class parents were more
familiar with the educational system and able to insist on programs and resources for their
children. In contrast, working-class and low-income families who “rarely used network ties to try
to intervene in placement processes or dispute assessments” (Horvat et al., p. 336).
Lastly, race was discussed and noted how Black and White middle-class families had
“more in common with each other than they do with working-class and poor families of either
race” (Horvat et al., p. 341). Horvat et al. (2003) identified social class similarities across race
groups: “children’s organized activities, kin visits, and interventions with teachers in school” (p.
342). Parents used their parental networks to share information. It was discussed how middle-
class Black and White children participated in more activities, compared to working-class and
poorer students, which “broadened parents’ networks” (Horvat et al., p. 342). Kin visits were less
common among middle-class Black and White families, compared to working-class and low-
income families who were frequently in communication. Middle-class Black and White parents
also tended to intervene immediately when their child was struggling academically, which was
not evident among working-class and poor parents.
The work of Horvat et al. (2003) revealed the difference among parental networks based
on SES. Parent networks among parents were based on their participation within schools.
Middle-class children were more involved in extracurricular activities, compared to working-
class and poor children. On the other hand, working-class families communicated regularly with
extended family. Although Horvat et al. (2003) discussed how problems were handled based on
parent networks. For example, working-class and poor parents tended to “undertake individual
responses and do not receive much concrete support through their networks” (Horvat et al., p.
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344). As for middle-class parents, they reacted “collectively” and “draw on to ties to individuals
unconnected with the school who can provide the information, expertise, or authority necessary”
(Horvat et al., p. 344).
Kuperminc et al. (2008) examined the theory of social capital to identify factors that
contributed to school success among middle and high school Latino students. In addition,
researchers explored how parent involvement was linked to achievement. Parent involvement
was considered a form of social capital and studied from the “traditional home and school-based
involvement lens” (p. 471). A social capital framework also suggested how parent involvement
may “contribute indirectly to the academic adjustment of Latino middle and high school students
via influences on students’ sense of belonging in school and teacher expectations for students’
educational attainment” (p. 473). Although a research question was not provided, researchers
expected “school belonging and teacher expectations would mediate the associations of parent
involvement with both academic competence and academic performance” (p. 473). Researchers
conducted a mixed study within two metropolitan public schools (middle school and high
school) that served Latino students. The middle school sample consisted of 195 seventh- and
eighth-grade students (58% female and averaged 13 years old). Also, 79% immigrated from
Mexico or Central America. The high school sampled had 129 students (64% were female and
averaged 16.8 years old). Student surveys were conducted in small groups and were
compensated for their time (Kuperminc et al., 2008).
The findings revealed a difference between Mexican and non-Mexican students over
grades. For example, Mexican students earned lower grades compared to non-Mexican students.
Researchers discussed how “parent involvement was positively correlated with school belonging
and academic competence for middle and high school students,” but “uncorrelated with middle
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school grades and teacher expectations of middle school students’ academic attainment”
(Kuperminc et al., 2008, p. 477). Kuperminc et al. (2008) highlighted how parent involvement
contributed to more positive perceptions of school belonging which were reflected in higher
grades. The study confirmed how parent involvement contributed to higher teacher expectations
at the high school level. Latino parents continued to have a positive role in their child’s
“academic adjustment throughout the high school years” (Kuperminc et al., 2008, p. 480).
The work of Kuperminc et al. (2008) revealed how parent involvement continued to have
a positive effect through high school, even as parent involvement declined. They suggested
parent involvement was a form of social capital and contributed to a positive sense of belonging
among Latino students, which resulted in higher academic performance.
This study examined parent involvement at the secondary level among Latino families
and what contributed to and empowered their involvement in their child’s education. Social
capital (networks) helped me understand Latino families’ experiences within schools and how it
affected their level of involvement. Bourdieu (2001) and Coleman (1987, 2001) explored social
capital and how it provided individuals access to resources, and this study looked at social capital
and its effects on parental involvement. Portes (1998) provided a theoretical perspective on
social capital and the various forms (internalized norms, consummatory versus instrumental
dichotomy and social integration) that existed. In addition, he discussed how family structures
contributed to the social capital carried among families. His work on social capital was used to
understand the experiences of Latino families and how their access (or lack) to resources
contributed to their level of involvement.
Horvat et al. (2003) studied how social class affected the relationships between parents
and schools. Their work revealed how middle-class children were more involved in extra-
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curricular activities, compared to working-class families who communicated with extended
family. Horvat et al. (2003) focused on White parents with children in elementary and belonged
to the middle-class or working-class. My research was intended to understand how Latino
parents’ social capital influenced their decision to be involved.
Kuperminc et al. (2008) explored how social capital contributed to the academic success
among middle and high school students. Researchers discussed how parent involvement
continued to have a positive effect on a child’s academic performance. Researchers concluded
that parents’ resources were a good indicator of academic success. Several of the studies on
social capital and parent involvement included the experiences of Latino families briefly, but
more was needed to understand their decision to be involved. There was a mixed level of
quantitative and qualitative studies, but more research was required to comprehend the effects of
social capital of a child’s academic success. The next section discussed cultural capital and
parent involvement.
Cultural Capital
The concept of cultural capital was based on the work of Bourdieu (2001) and Lareau
(1987) that factored cultural resources (e.g., linguistic structures, authority patterns, and types of
curricula) into the experiences of children within schools (Lareau, 1987, p. 74). Bourdieu (2001)
argued that cultural capital exists in three forms: embodied state, objectified state, and
institutionalized state. For the purpose of this research, I focused on objectified state, meaning
cultural goods, and institutionalized state, which is a form of objectification (Bourdieu, 2001, p.
98). Bourdieu defined the objectified state of cultural capital as material objects such as writings
and paintings and described how these objects could be used to build personal capital. Cultural
capital in the institutionalized state was defined as the academic qualifications of an individual
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and the “monetary value” those qualifications could translate into in the labor market (Bourdieu,
2001, p. 102). Bourdieu (2001) suggested that cultural capital could be perceived as “the best
hidden form of hereditary transmission of capital” (p. 100). In addition, he argued that “class and
class cultures” shape the experiences of children at school (Lareau, 1987). The research
examined how cultural capital (experiences and background of parents) determined parents’
level of involvement. Cultural capital was important to help answer the research questions
because I explored various characteristics, such as parents’ level of education, trust, SES,
language, immigration status, and the concept of educación versus education. This section
presents empirical and theoretical work that showed the relationship between cultural capital and
parental involvement.
Lareau (1987) studied family-school relationships among middle and working-class
families. She argued that “class-related cultural factors shape[d] parents’ compliance with
teachers’ request for parental participation in schooling” (Lareau, 1987, p. 74). Lareau (1987)
believed specific cultural factors influenced parent involvement. Her study answered the
following questions: What do schools ask of parents in the educational experience of young
children? And How do parents respond to schools’ requests? (Lareau, 1987, p. 74). Lareau
looked at two communities (Colton and Prescott) and sampled first and second graders and their
parents. Parents who participated in the two-year qualitative study belonged to a White, working-
class or White, middle-class community. Parents from Colton were from a working-class
community, high school graduates/or dropouts, and employed in skilled or unskilled sectors.
Colton School was located in the working-class community and had a population of 450
students, just over half of whom were White, one-third were Hispanic, and the rest were Black
and Asian (Lareau, 1987, p. 75). In addition, half of the student population qualified for the free
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or reduced-price lunch program. Parents from Prescott were from a professional middle-class
community where the “majority” of the parents were college graduates and had careers (Lareau,
1987, p. 75). Prescott School was located in an upper-middle-class suburban community with a
student population of 300 White students. Lareau (1987) conducted classroom observations as a
volunteer in two first-grade classrooms located in the two different communities. At the end of
the school year, six students from each classroom were selected based on their reading level.
Only White children were selected to “prevent the confounding effects of race” (Lareau, 1987, p.
75). Most of the parents were interviewed at the end of the first and second grade. In addition,
first- and second-grade teachers, school principals, and one resource specialist were interviewed.
Lareau’s (1987) findings indicated how teachers validated the importance of parent
involvement to support academic achievement. The family-school relationship was defined as a
partnership between “family life and school life integrated” (Lareau, 1987, p. 76). For example,
teachers promoted school events through newsletters and encouraged students to invite parents to
school events. Teachers from Colton and Prescott promoted reading to parents and encouraged
their active involvement. Also, teachers encouraged parents to communicate with them about
concerns they had about their child’s academic progress. Teachers and administrators wanted to
be partners with parents, although they did not feel like families were willing or interested
(Lareau, 1987, p. 76). For example, Prescott parents (upper-middle-class) complained to the
principal of the lack of homework, even though, teachers wanted them (parents) to “back them
up” (Lareau, 1987, p. 76). Teachers from Prescott were concerned parents placed too much
pressure on children, which increased their anxiety level. Colton parents’ point of view on
homework was not discussed, as it seemed to be more of concern for Prescott parents. On the
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other hand, teachers from both communities did share the importance of parent involvement in
the “educational process” (Lareau, 1987, p. 76).
Lareau (1987) argued that parents who believed in the concept of partnership provide
their child an advantage, compared to parents who “turned over the responsibility” to the school
(p. 77). For example, Prescott parents were perceived as demanding, compared to Colton parents.
Findings indicated that “virtually” all Prescott parents attended parent conferences, compared to
60% of Colton parents. The difference between the two schools was “apparent not only in the
quantity of interaction but in the quality of interaction” among parents and teachers (Lareau,
1987, p. 77). Colton parents “rarely” contacted teachers and showed “signs of discomfort” that
included “nervous shifting, blushing, stuttering, sweating and looking ill at ease” (Lareau, 1987,
p. 78). Prescott parents and teachers communicated more on academic matters through notes,
telephone or briefly when a child was being dropped off at school. These parents ensured their
child received all support and resources at school.
During open house, Prescott parents were more comfortable in having a conversation
with teachers and other parents as compared to Colton parents who felt they lacked the skills and
capacity to collaborate with teachers. As a result, Colton parents believed that their child’s
education belonged to schools. Prescott parents had the confidence in the division of
responsibility between them and school (Lareau, 1987). They believed they were partners with
teachers and “possessed similar or superior educational skills and prestige” (p. 80). In addition,
Prescott children were exposed to more extracurricular activities, compared to Colton children.
Lareau’s (1987) data showed how family life, such as social networks and childrearing patterns
differed among families in each community, and the type of information they had about their
child’s school. For example, Colton parents interacted more with relatives, compared to Prescott
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parents who socialized with other parents. Childbearing patterns for both groups differ; for
instance, Colton’s children non-school activities were more informal (e.g., bike riding, watching
television, etc.). While Prescott children were involved in formal activities such as sports, art,
and other extracurricular activities (Lareau, 1987, p. 81).
The work of Lareau (1987) revealed how parents’ educational level determined their
level of involvement. Colton parents believed teachers would better support their child’s
education, while Prescott parents believed education was a “shared enterprise and scrutinized,
monitored, and supplemented the school experience of their children” (Lareau, 1987, p. 81).
Parent involvement was associated with parents’ class position and their access to social and
cultural resources.
Reese, Balzano, and Goldenberg (1995) studied the difference between education and
educación (values taught by a parent) among Latino families. Researchers intended to understand
how Latino family values affected a child’s school adaptation and academic achievement.
Through a qualitative study, 32 Spanish-speaking families were selected out of 121 from two
schools in the Los Angeles area. The study focused on the following research questions:
● What educación values about education and learning do immigrant Latino parents
endorse?

● In what ways do these beliefs shape parents actions that affect children?

● In what ways are parents’ beliefs and actions related to student academic
performance? (Reese et al., 1995, p. 59)

The researchers did not provide their rationale behind the selection of their sample but mentioned
their interest in investigating how Latino family values influenced the academic success of their
children. The majority (85%) of the parents came from Mexico and the remaining families from
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Central America. In addition, 75% of the children were born in the United States, while 22%
were born in Mexico, and 3% in Central America (Reese et al., 1995). Parents’ educational level
averaged about seven years, as a result, several of them worked in the service (30.4%), repair
(23.2%) or laborer sector (34.4%). Families were interviewed at home on the following themes:
“family characteristics, demographics, parental views on academic progress, aspirations and
expectations on their child’s education, and, lastly, occupational future” (Reese et al., 1995, p.
62). The study consisted of follow-up telephone interviews that provided an update on student
progress, data on learning activities, parents’ beliefs on child’s progress, and teacher and parent
response to learning progress.
The findings revealed how Latino parents were not able to make a distinction between
“schooling (academics) and upbringing (morals)” (Reese et al., 1995, p. 63). For example, one
mother shared the desire for her child to be a good person where she associated schooling and
upbringing. As a result, Reese, et al. (1995) noticed parents were not able to distinguish
academic and moral development and decided to interview parents more closely. Latino parents’
responses suggested they believed moral education at home was vital for academic instruction
and the way to educate a child. Thus, parents associated teaching their child to be “persona de
bien” (good person) with educación (Reese et al., 1995). Parents indicated that educación
(values) was more than education since educación included the following aspects: “difference
between right and wrong, respect for parents and others, correct behavior, which parents view as
the base upon which all other learning lies” (Reese et al., 1995, p. 66).
The study revealed how family unity and guiding children in the good path was part of
educación. The majority of the parents (80%) aspired for their child to attend college, but only
44% believed their child would reach that goal. Reese et al. (1995) found that Latino parents did
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85

not know what actions they should take to promote academic success and relied on talking to
their children on how they should behave. Parents were asked to rank a set statements on
parents’ responsibility before their child entered school and results indicated: 32% believed
teaching respect was important, 22% believed teaching the difference between right and wrong
was important, 17% believed teaching good manners and behavior was important, and 13%
believed engaging in dialogue with the child (Reese et al., 1995, p. 69). In addition, data revealed
that, once a child entered school, parents did little to prepare that child for preschool, although
they assisted children with homework on a daily or often basis. Lastly, when Latino parents
discussed the concept of educación, it embedded the idea of corporal punishment to keep a child
on the “right path” (Reese et al., 1995, p. 70). When school officials reported parents’ actions
(punishments), several of them believed schools did not support or allowed them to discipline
their child as intended under educación.
Reese et al. (1995) revealed how Latino parents provided their children with educación
(moral values). In addition, when both parents were involved in a child’s home learning it helped
promote academic achievement. Reese et al. used results on home literacy environment and
kindergarten and first-grade academic ratings. Cultural capital was a significant aspect of the
lives of Latino children whose parents believed in the importance of embracing educación (moral
values) as part of their upbringings. Although researchers did not reference educación as cultural
capital, they addressed the importance among Latino families in providing children the guidance
to be a good person in school and society. Moral values were an example of cultural capital in
the institutionalized state as it helped an individual do well in society or labor market.
Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995) examined parents’ cultural models of learning and
education-related values, beliefs, and actions. Researchers investigated various cultural models
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of learning and education among Mexican and Central America families. Although Goldenberg
and Gallimore did not talk about cultural capital as a concept, they did discuss how the
experiences and background of Latino families shaped the experiences of their children. Their
study was intended to answer the following questions:
● To what extent do immigrant Latino parents value formal schooling for their children?

● What role do they see formal education playing in their children’s future lives and well-
being?

● To what extent is there discontinuity in values and beliefs that might work against
children’s academic achievement?

● Alternatively, to what extent is there continuity, or commonality, between parents’
education-related values and beliefs and values and beliefs that support school
achievement?

● What other discontinuities might exist that can interfere with these children’s school
success? (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 188)

In 1983, Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995) began a series of investigations with a group
of nine first-graders who demonstrated reading problems. The student sample consisted of first-
generation students whose parents were immigrants. The authors focused on parents’ beliefs,
attitudes, and actions as well as how parents contributed to their child’s early literacy growth
(Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 188). In addition, they conducted a “subsequent series of
studies” on children’s home literacy experiences, parents’ beliefs and attitudes on children’s
schooling and literacy development, and what schools could do to foster early literacy in child’s
native language (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 188). Their mixed-methods study sought to
identify the “activity settings” at home and school that contributed to the academic outcomes of
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children (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 188). Parents’ beliefs and attitudes (cultural models
of learning and education) contributed to the activity settings of the home and a child’s learning
experience and achievement. The findings indicated how parents’ interest in their child’s
academic success and a school’s commitment improved literacy, although it was noted that when
parents’ beliefs and attitudes were not aligned with the material schools sent home that literacy
development was not as evident, compared to the material that was consistent with parents’
beliefs and attitudes.
In 1989, Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995) selected another group of 121 kindergartners
of Mexican and Central American descent from Southern California. Researchers did not discuss
their rationale behind the second sample of students, although they would use this group
throughout the rest of their study. Through a longitudinal study, researchers intended to
document parents’ aspirations that included “child’s progress, aspirations and expectations for
child’s future attainment, role of schooling, factors on student success, and the role of parents
and teachers” (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 189). Over the course of three years, 32
randomly selected families were visited 12 times. Parent participants averaged seven years of
formal schooling and worked in low-level paying jobs.
The findings revealed that 90% of immigrant parents wanted their children to attend
college, although 54% of the parents expected their children to attend. All participating parents
(except seven who did not answer the question) expected their children to complete high school
or vocational school (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995). Researchers argued how the aspirations
and value of education (cultural models) helped to “make sense of the world, how things work,
and what is the right and proper course of action” (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 191). The
term cultural model was described as how “the social world and personal experience” were
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organized and understood (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 190). Participating parents shared
the importance of education and aspirations, thus, an example of cultural model features. The
authors highlighted three features of their (parents’) cultural model of child education:
1. The role of formal schooling in their children’s future prospects.
2. Parents’ own educational experiences and opportunities.
3. Educación and the foundations of formal schooling. (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p.
191)
Parents perceived formal schooling to be instrumental for social mobility and economic
security. Thirty parents discussed how they aspired for their children to succeed, compared to
them (parents’) who lacked opportunities (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 191). Parents’
educational experiences and desires shaped their expectations for their children. Also, parents
shared that formal education would provide a better job, money, and happiness. Parents’
educational experiences were factored into their desire for children to do well in school. For
example, 54 parents communicated their disappointment in their educational attainment and used
their experiences to motivate their children. Many parents indicated that economic reasons and
family responsibilities contributed to their lack of formal education, including, for some, the lack
of support from their parents (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995).
Researchers indicated how cultural models “evolve as challenges arise and conditions
change” (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 196). The response from parents demonstrated
“more continuity than discontinuity between family and school models” as both valued school
towards economic and social mobility, high aspirations, college, and continuous conversations
with children (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 197). Lastly, parents referenced educación
(morals and comportment) as essential in the upbringing of a child. The authors argued that
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89

educación was to be “respectful, dutiful, and well-mannered,” compared to education where you
were “schooled, knowledgeable, and literate” (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 197).
Participating parents (28%) were not able to distinctively differentiate education and educación
and stated that they thought they were interrelated. Many parents suggested that one of their
responsibilities was the “rearing of a moral and responsible child” (Goldenberg & Gallimore,
1995, p. 199). In addition, 44% of the parents argued that if students did not have morals
(educación), they would not succeed academically. If a child were taught morals, he or she
would be on el buen camino (good path) towards academic success. Educación did not only
consist of formal schooling, but included non-academic characteristics such as learning the
difference between right and wrong, respect for adults, and correct behavior.
According to Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995), many parents shared a concern about
how schools interfered with their children’s upbringings and questioned their childbearing
responsibilities. As an example, teachers communicated to parents that they were a child’s “first
teacher,” while parents claimed, “the teacher is [was] the second mother” (Goldenberg &
Gallimore, 1995, p. 203). Parents were disappointed when teachers questioned their actions.
Findings indicated the importance of educación for many parents but showed how a few
encouraged academic activities in preparation for pre-school. For example, parents responded on
the importance of their responsibilities based on the following statements: teaching the difference
between right and wrong (22%), teaching good manners and behaviors (17%), and engaging in
dialogue (13%) (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 208). Researchers discovered that parents in
the study “do relatively little during the preschool years that prepares children” (Goldenberg &
Gallimore, 1995, p. 208). Through interviews, Goldenberg and Gallimore found that 60% of the
children had fewer than five books and 40% had no books in the home. In addition, only 25% of
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parents indicated that they read to their children. From the results of these studies, children were
at a disadvantage at learning literacy skills and knowledge. Goldenberg and Gallimore suggested
families’ economic responsibilities and parents’ work shaped the cultural model of “child
learning and education,” plus, the role parents believed they needed to support their child
(Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995, p. 212).
The work of Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995) revealed the role of Latino immigrant
parents who taught their children educación (moral values), which translated into academic
success. Educación referred to non-academic elements (e.g., learning right from wrong, respect
adults, and be well-behaved) that several parents believed were necessary for academic success.
Also, researchers discussed the continuities and discontinuities across cultures and generations
that have redefined the role of parents. Although Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995) discussed
cultural models of learning, several of them focused on the main aspects of cultural capital
(cultural resources) that helped understand parent involvement among Latino parents. Many
parents shared their personal educational experiences and used them to promote the importance
of education with their children; in addition, stressed the importance of educación. Through the
concept of educación and education, researchers demonstrated the role of parents and how they
supported their child’s academics.
Lopez (2001) studied the concept of parent involvement through a non-traditional model
that depicted the experience of one (im)migrant family and the value of education. As discussed
above, the researcher did not explicitly mention the idea of cultural capital but presented
evidence that linked to the experiences and background of parents who used it to teach their
children the importance of education. The researcher represented the counter-story of the Padilla
family who symbolized the experience of Latino families whom experiences were not always
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shared. Lopez did not provide a research question but indicated that the study intended to
highlight how immigrant families are involved in their children’s lives. Through a qualitative
study, researcher selected five families purposefully who lived in Texas Rio Grande Valley but
focused on the Padilla family. The Padilla family was identified and selected based on the
success of their children since all their children had graduated high school. The study consisted
of informal observations, in-depth group and individual interviews among all Padilla family
members (Lopez, 2001).
The study revealed the Padillas were considered to be “uninvolved” parents in their
children’s education according to the traditional parent involvement model (Lopez, 2001, p.
422). The Padilla family valued education and taught their children the importance of hard work
and provided them consejos (advice). The Padillas worked the fields and used it as leverage for
their children to aspire to do more than they had accomplished. Lopez (2001) suggested that the
Padilla’s story was grounded in hard work and persistence to encourage their children to work in
school. Camilo and Margarita Padilla did not have the opportunity to go to school and worked in
the fields at a young age to help support their families. When their children grew, the Padillas
believed in the importance of work ethic, which was characterized by “social, cultural and
economic conditions” (Lopez, 2001, p. 425). Although the Padilla parents were not involved
according to the expectations and criteria of the school, they made sure their children understood
the values they were taught at home.
The work of Lopez (2001) revealed the experiences of one (im)migrant family who
taught their children the value of education through consejos (advice). The Padilla family valued
work ethic and ensured their children understood their sacrifices. As a result, the Padilla family
used their cultural capital (experiences and background) to support their children and teach them
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the value of education. Through consejos (advice), the Padilla children continued their education
and made their parents proud. Lopez emphasized the importance of acknowledging the work
families were doing at home, even, if they were not consistent with the traditional model.
Abrams and Gibbs (2002) examined how school reforms could change the current home-
school relations and be more inclusive of parent involvement. Cultural capital was defined by the
work of Bourdieu (1977) who included languages, styles, and behaviors (as cited in Abrams &
Gibbs, 2002). Although Abrams and Gibbs (2002) did not specify their research questions, they
made a case for the following questions:
● What happens when a school adopts a mission to include all parents in the educational
process?

● What happens when a school creates opportunities for sustained parental involvement?

● Can these efforts disrupt the hegemonies of social class and ethnicity that are imprinted
on the culture of public schools? (p. 387).

New Washington School was located in an urban area in Northern California where 26% of
households were headed by two parents and 50% were female-headed households. The student
population was diverse as it was made up of 35% Latino, 35% African American, 20% White,
and 10% Asian students. Abrams and Gibbs (2002) conducted a three-year case study of New
Washington School and their reform efforts. The study consisted of individual interviews, focus
groups, surveys, observations, and access to school records (Abrams & Gibbs, 2002, p. 389). The
sample consisted of 10 New Washington School mothers who were “purposively” selected since
they served a school committee or advisory. The first interview was more detailed as mothers
shared their perspectives on “key players, power struggles, and the dynamics of parent
involvement…,” in addition, follow-up interviews were conducted (Abrams & Gibbs, 2002, p.
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390). The mothers’ backgrounds included White, upper-middle-class; Latina, working-class; and
African American working-class.
The findings revealed how two of the White, upper-middle-class mothers were more
involved and participated as a school volunteer or held a leadership position in the parent-teacher
association. Abrams and Gibbs (2002) determined these mothers were more involved because
they were familiar with the “dominant language of education” and had built relationships within
the school to ensure their child received an excellent education (p. 391). An African American
foster parent revealed how she had to motivate and encourage other parents to participate for
their children not to fall behind, compared to their White peers. This African American parent
depicted a different role than the traditional one for a parent as she took on a leadership role. The
two Latino mothers took on more of an advocate role within the school as they addressed the
needs of the Spanish-speaking community. These two mothers were distrustful of the school
advocating for the needs of the Spanish-speaking children and used their leadership position
within in the Bilingual Advisory Committee to voice their concerns (Abrams & Gibbs, 2002).
Another group of White mothers who had bicultural children and belonged to the middle-
class believed in the importance of an active role within the school. These mothers advocated
parent participation in these roles: “helper, monitor, advocate, and active decision maker”
(Abrams & Gibbs, 2002, p. 394). In addition, these “politically progressive” mothers believed
the educational system still needed to change to better serve the needs of all students (Abrams &
Gibbs, 2002, p. 395). The non-active parents decided not to be involved in school activities or
committees since several of them participated in other ways in their child’s education. One
parent discussed time limitations and economic challenges, but that did not interfere with
advocating for her child.
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Abrams and Gibbs (2002) research highlighted how mothers’ perceptions of power
varied based on ethnicity, culture, and social class. The Latina mothers believed they had limited
power to make changes within the school, compared to White parents who held the positions of
power. On the contrary, White, upper-middle-class mothers claimed that positions of power were
open to anyone who was interested. One White mother discussed how White families’ cultural
capital permitted them to set the standards for meetings and decision-making, thus suggesting it
(cultural capital) was “most efficient and appropriate” (Abrams & Gibbs, 2002, p. 398). Abrams
and Gibbs suggested that cultural capital helped define the roles among various social groups and
how power was unequally divided between race and social class. The study revealed how New
Washington School had a problem in providing a voice and representation for all parents no
matter their social class or ethnicity.
The work of Abrams and Gibbs (2002) revealed how parents’ cultural capital (SES,
ethnicity, and language) determined their level of involvement. Social class and ethnicity shaped
the interaction and dynamics among parents. Researchers argued, “school as a site of change is
[was] tempered by narratives of power and privilege that human actors bring into the playing
field” (Abrams & Gibbs, 2002, p. 404). Latino and African American parents demanded that
their children receive the support and resources to succeed, but felt they lacked the leadership
position, education, and language.
Turney and Kao (2009) examined barriers (race and legal status) immigrant parents
encountered that influenced their level of involvement. When individuals’ cultural capital was
examined, you took into account various elements, such as race and legal status, to appreciate
their experiences, thus, in this case, parent involvement. Although the researchers did not
provide a guiding question, they intended to focus on parental involvement among
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kindergarteners, how immigrant parents and children adapted to the educational system, and,
lastly, the type of barriers parents encountered at school. Through a quantitative study, 12,954
parents participated in a national study aimed at documenting the transition of kindergarteners
(Turney & Kao, 2009). The study intended to identify barriers that interfered with parent
involvement, although prior research indicated that a child’s academics and behavior motivated
parents to be involved.
The sample participants were as follows: 63% of the mothers were White, 12% Blacks,
and 6% Hispanic, in addition, 45% worked full-time. Participating parents indicated the
following: 86% attended parent conference, 75% attended open house, 36% attended parent-
teacher association or parent-teacher organization meeting, and only 9% participated in the
parental advisory group meeting. Turney and Kao (2009) determined the most common barriers
were work schedule (51%), transportation (4%), and safety problems getting to school (2%).
Researchers highlighted that 18% had no barriers to be involved, while 55% indicated they had
two or more barriers. Turney and Kao discovered that the experiences of minority immigrant
parents were different to the rest of the parents. For example, native and foreign-born Black and
Hispanic parents were more likely to be from a lower SES and unmarried, compared to White
parents. Additional factors to be taken into account included non-monetary resources, such as the
presence of other siblings to support the mother and a mother’s employment status.
Turney and Kao (2009) argued that race and immigration status continue to determine
parents’ level of involvement, for instance, foreign-born Hispanics and Asians were “2.5 and 2.8
times” likely not to feel welcome at their child’s school (p. 264). The language continued to be a
significant barrier for immigrant parents rather than compared to childcare or transportation. On
the contrary, native-born parents (Black and Hispanic) indicated barriers that affected their level
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of involvement, such as not feeling welcome, transportation, inconvenient meeting times, and
safety around the community (Turney & Kao, 2009). The authors concluded that immigrant
parents faced the most barriers to be involved in their child’s school. Family SES and language
were “a consistent and negative predictor of all barriers to involvement” that continued to affect
parents (Turney & Kao, 2009, p. 264).
The work of Turney and Kao (2009) revealed how parents of elementary school children
were more likely to be involved when children are doing well. Immigrant parents faced barriers
such as language, childcare, transportation, and safety that affected their level of involvement. It
was evident that these parents’ cultural capital (background and experiences) determined their
level of involvement and interaction with teachers. Researchers suggested that immigrant parents
might be less involved in their child’s school, however, have “different ways of demonstrating
their commitment to their children’ education” (Turney & Kao, 2009, p .268).
This study explored parent involvement at the secondary level among Latino parents
along with what contributed to and empowered these parents’ involvement. Cultural capital
helped me understand how Latino parents’ personal experiences and background affected their
level of involvement. Lareau (1987) examined how SES and educational level affected the
family-school relationships and parents’ level of involvement. Her research provided details on
how parents’ cultural capital influenced their involvement at the elementary level among White
families. The study did not include the perspectives of other ethnic groups or races, particularly
Latinos. Also, her study did not focus on the secondary level.
Abrams and Gibbs (2002) studied how school reforms transformed home-school
relationships. Their findings revealed how cultural capital (SES, language, and ethnicity)
affected parents’ level of involvement and influenced the relationships with other parents. The
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study did not make a case on how schools strategize to involve more Latino and African
American parents. My study sought to understand the experiences of Latino parents and what
contributed to and empowered their involvement. Although Lareau (1987) and Abrams and
Gibbs (2002) addressed how cultural capital (educational level, language, SES, and access to
resources) affected the dynamics among parents and their level of involvement, they did not
focus exclusively on Latino parents and factors that affected their decision to be involved.
Reese et al. (1995) explored the difference between education and educación (moral
values) among Latino families. Researchers concluded how Latino parents provided and
embraced educación (moral values), but expected schools to offer an education. They missed the
opportunity to discuss how schools validated the work done by parents at the elementary level
since parents believed moral values (educación) were embedded in the educational experience of
their children.
Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995) studied parents’ cultural models of learning among
Mexican and Central American families. My research focused on Latino parents with high-
school-aged children and their decision to be involved. Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995) and
Reese et al. (1995) addressed the concept of educación but did not elaborate how it was
associated with parents’ level of involvement or how it empowered them to be involved at the
secondary level.
Adams and Christenson (1998) analyzed the effects of trust between schools and
families and how it built their relationships. Trust was considered a type of cultural capital to
measure parents’ level of involvement. The study gained perspective from African American and
White participants but left out other groups like Latinos. My research sought the perspective of
Latino parents and how cultural capital shaped their decision to be involved.
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Lopez (2001) examined parent involvement through a non-traditional model that
documented the experiences of one immigrant family and their perspective of education. The
researcher left out how school officials worked with families who did not fit the traditional
model of involvement. Additional research was needed to depict the experiences of more Latino
families who have limited interactions with their child’s schools, particularly at the secondary
level. Lopez (2001) validated the experiences of a Latino family, but more research was needed
to understand the experiences of families through a non-traditional model better.
Lastly, Turney and Kao (2009) explored how race and immigration status affected
parents’ level of involvement. Their findings revealed that immigrant parents encountered
barriers such as language, childcare, transportation, and safety that held them back from
involvement. Researchers did not contend how schools used such information to direct their
efforts to increase parent involvement, particularly among immigrant families or at the secondary
level (high school). Turney and Kao (2009) focused on undocumented parents whose
experiences differed from those of families familiar with the educational system.
Several of the studies on cultural capital included the experiences of Latino families but
limited at the secondary level. This research focused on the experiences of Latino families with
high-school-aged children whose experiences were not as recent on the impact of cultural capital
on parent involvement. The next section will present the conceptual framework on parent
involvement at the secondary level that guided my study.
Conceptual Framework
Using the literature above, I created my conceptual framework to answer my research
questions: What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be
involved in their children’s educational experience? And How does Latino parents’ access to
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resources and experiences influence their decision to be involved at the high school level? A
conceptual framework is developed after analyzing various theories, concepts, and definitions in
response to a researcher’s understanding of the worth of researching an area of interest
(Merriam, 2009). The literature helped identified ideas and concepts that explained parent
involvement from both parents’ perspective as well as the perspective of schools. I developed the
conceptual framework from the following bodies of literature: self-efficacy, role construction,
types of capital, and schools’ perspective [schools’ behavior]. I assert that parents’ level of and
conception of what counted as involvement would be the result of the interaction of a set of
elements drawn from these bodies of literature. I define parent involvement as parents having
specific roles that characterize their responsibility in supporting their child’s education and
collaborating with schools (Eccles & Harold, 1993).
In addition, parent involvement was based on parents’ concerns, access to resources and
support from schools, and sense of welcome from their child’s school (Lopez et al., 2001; Peña,
2000). First, parents’ self-efficacy determined their level of involvement based on their beliefs
and abilities to support their children. Second, the way they constructed their role in relation to
their high school-age children influenced or shaped their level of involvement. Third, types of
capital, such as social and cultural capital, influenced what parents considered involvement and
how they were involved. Lastly, the way the schools behaved in relation to parents shaped what
parents considered as involvement and the way they were or were not involved. Presented below,
as Figure 3 is a visual representation of the conceptual framework and a description of the
model. Following is an explanation of the concepts of self-efficacy, role construction, types of
capital, and schools’ perspective [schools’ behavior] and how they were relevant to this study.
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After the figure is an explanation of each of the parts, starting with self-efficacy, moving to role
construction and then types of capital and ending with schools’ perspectives.

Figure 3. Presentation of conceptual framework.
Parents’ perspective on involvement was based on three key characteristics (self-efficacy,
role construction, and types of capital) that shaped parents’ experiences and decision to be
involved (Figure 3). First, self-efficacy was grounded on individuals’ beliefs to influence the
outcomes in their lives. Parents’ self-efficacy focused on parents’ abilities to affect the
educational experience of their children; therefore, it determined their level of involvement.
Second, role construction drew on parents’ perspectives and experiences within education that
contributed to their level of involvement. Parents defined their roles based on what they believed
their responsibility should be and their interactions with other parents. Role construction and
self-efficacy coincided with parents’ beliefs and what influenced the type of role they had in
their child’s life and level of involvement. Third, types of capital, such as social and cultural
capital, reflected the access to networks and resources to using parents’ background and
experiences to promote academic success. Social and cultural capital and role construction
complemented each other as they helped parents define their role and how they would like to be
involved in their child’s’ education. Parents used their capital to support their children from
home or directly at school. Lastly, schools’ perspective on parent involvement shaped the
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decision of parents to be involved. Schools created the environment and culture on parent
involvement, as well, as the expectations for parent involvement, although self-efficacy, role
construction, and types of capital were absolute factors that shape parents’ perspective on
involvement.
Self-Efficacy
I drew on the literature from self-efficacy to learn how it shaped parents’ level of
involvement. I believed that parents’ beliefs about their abilities to support their children will
play a significant role in shaping the way they interacted with their child and the educational
process. As children moved along grade levels, particularly high school, many parents were not
as involved and might distance themselves from schools. I argued that parents’ self-efficacy
determined their level of involvement. For example, if a parent felt efficacious he/she would talk
about his/her role in and knowledge about his/her child’s education; on the other hand, if a parent
had low self-efficacy, they would be less informed and connected to their child’s educational
experience. For the purposes of this study, I defined self-efficacy as individuals’ beliefs about
and abilities to influence particular outcomes (Bandura, 1989).
Using the work of Bandura (1989), I referenced his definition of self-efficacy as
individuals’ beliefs about their abilities and capacity to control the outcomes of their lives. The
work of Bandura (1989) revealed that self-efficacy was shaped by personal and environmental
factors. Furthermore, individuals with strong self-efficacy were task-oriented, envisioned
success, and, as a result, persevered to achieve their goals (Bandura, 1989). Parents’ self-efficacy
took into consideration parents’ abilities to control the academic outcomes of their children.
Drawing from Hoover-Dempsey et al. (1992), I asserted that parents’ level of self-
efficacy influenced their level of involvement. Parents with high self-efficacy participated,
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volunteered, and communicated with schools more often, compared to parents with low self-
efficacy (Hoover-Dempsey et al., 1992). Researchers argued that parents’ education determine
their level of self-efficacy, therefore, I believed Latino parents’ educational level contributed to
their level of self-efficacy and involvement at the secondary level.
In addition, I argued that self-efficacy affects parents’ level of involvement, therefore,
influencing their child’s academic outcomes (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1995). For instance, I
believed that when parents assumed they were not able to support their children, many relied on
teachers and school officials to do so. As a result, parents with low self-efficacy did not get
involved, compared to parents with high self-efficacy who were actively involved. I sought
additional research on parent self-efficacy, particularly among Latino parents and how it affected
their decision to be involved.
Lastly, based on the work of Izzo et al. (2000), I contended that parents who had access
to social supports had a high self-efficacy and better relationships with their children. I believed
that parents’ self-efficacy reflected on parents’ behavior and decision to collaborate with other
parents. In addition, using Izzo et al., I argued that parenting behaviors reflected parents’ social
support and self-efficacy.
When seeking to determine how self-efficacy affected Latino parents’ decision to be
involved, I took into consideration Bandura’s (1989) breakdown on human agency (autonomous
agency, mechanical agency, and emergent interactive agency) as a reference to understand parent
involvement, particularly an emergent interactive agency that considered personal and
environmental factors into an individual’s decision. I argued that, to understand the accounts of
Latino families, it would be important to take into deliberation their communities, personal
experiences, and how these reflected their involvement. I attempted to understand how self-
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efficacy guided Latino parents’ decision to be involved, above all, as children entered high
school.
As discussed above, parents’ self-efficacy affected their interaction with their child’s
school and educational process. The next section focused on role construction and how it shaped
parents’ perspective on involvement, followed by an explanation of the relationship between
self-efficacy and role construction.
Role Construction
I referenced the literature from role construction to gain insight into how it influenced
parents’ level of involvement. I believed parents’ perspective and experiences about their child’s
education was a decisive factor that influenced or shaped their involvement, particularly at the
secondary level. As children grew older and entered high school, many parents defined their
roles based on what they believed their responsibility should be in their children’s learning, as
well, as their interaction with other parents. For the purpose of this study, I defined role
construction as parents’ beliefs and experiences within education (Hoover-Dempsey et al., 2005).
Using the work of Bertrand and Deslandes (2005) and Walker et al. (2005), I believed
role construction was grounded in the relationship between parents and educational institutions,
plus their other education connected experiences. I asserted that all these education experiences
influenced how motivated they [parents] were to be involved. Therefore, I believed that parents
become involved when they perceive themselves to have the skills and knowledge needed to
assist their child in learning. When institutions validated the skills and capacity of parents, it
motivated and encouraged them to be involved in their child’s education. I argued that parents’
decision to be involved be encouraged by their interaction with other parents by observing and
modeling their participation (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997). Parents’ role was influenced
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by their surroundings (environment) and determination to take on an active role in their child’s
learning.
I drew on the work of Walker et al. (2005), whose theoretical model of parental
involvement helped illustrate how role construction was shaped and influenced by psychological
factors. Using the work of Hoover-Dempsey et al. (2005), I argued that role construction be
based on parents’ sense of responsibility towards their child’s education and motivation to be
involved. Therefore, role construction was examined to understand what shaped the way Latino
parents constructed their role and how schools’ actions influenced parents’ role construction and
motivation to be involved.
To explore how role construction affected parents’ level of involvement at the secondary
level, I interviewed parents and asked questions that would help me understand their relationship
with schools (e.g., teachers, administrators, staff) and other parents, the extent to which their role
was shaped by their interaction with other parents and school officials, how they saw their role in
relation to their child’s academic progress, the benefits of collaboration with other parents and
teachers, the support and resources schools provided them to navigate the educational system,
and their sense of responsibility in their child’s education.
I argued how role construction drew on parents’ perspective and experiences as well as
how it shaped their decision to be involved in their child’s education. As discussed above,
parents’ self-efficacy focused on their abilities to influence their child’s educational experience.
Therefore, self-efficacy and role construction together shaped parents’ decision to be involved in
in their child’s learning. The next section focused on types of capital and how they affected
parents’ perspectives on involvement.

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Types of Capital
I drew on the literature from types of capital to understand how it influenced parents’
level of involvement. I argued that social capital (networks) and cultural capital (parents’
experiences and background) contributed to parents’ involvement in their child’s education,
although many were not as involved when their child entered high school. There was a
correlation between role construction and types of capital that is examined later in the conceptual
framework section. I asserted that many parents might not be aware on how their social and
cultural capital affected their child’s education, which would be evident in their level of
involvement. For example, if a parent had access to information or resources through networks
(social capital) he/she would ensure that his/her child took advantage of it. On the other hand, if
a parent knew that they did not have access to resources or information (social capital) to support
their child they would depend on their child’s school to offer some support.
Similarly, if a parent did not finish high school or attend college, he/she might use those
experiences and background (cultural capital) to encourage his/her child to value the importance
of education and seek a better future. In contrast, if a parent attended college, the expectation
might be that his/her child will likely do the same and will probably ensure that he/she was
academically prepared and involved in extracurricular activities. College-educated parents
understood the college admission process and the importance of students being well-rounded
within academics and extracurricular activities. As a result, these parents would ensure their
child was taking rigorous classes and involved in extracurricular activities to be considered a
strong candidate for admission.
For this study, I examined how social capital and cultural capital shaped parents’ decision
to be involved. I defined social capital as the relationship among people with access to resources
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(Bourdieu, 2001). In addition, cultural capital was characterized as parents’ background and
experiences and how they supported their child’s academic success (Lareau, 1987). The next
section presents the effects of social capital on parent involvement, followed by cultural capital.
Social capital. Using the work of Portes (1998) and McNeal (1999), I argued that parent
involvement is a type of social capital parents could provide their child as they moved along
grade levels and access resources. Parent involvement included parent-child discussion, parent-
teacher organization, and direct involvement and monitoring (McNeal, 1999). Social networks
become valuable for parents as they access resources, which brought about their level of
involvement (Sheldon, 2002). Drawing from Portes (1998), I contended that parents’ interactions
with other parents determined the amount of resources they made accessible to their children.
Parents who had access to more social networks were more likely to be involved at home and
school, therefore, affecting their child’s education (Sheldon, 2002). Therefore, I believed that
Latino parents’ communication and collaboration with other parents would determine their level
of involvement.
The work of Horvat et al. (2003) revealed that SES affected the relationship between
schools and families. I believed social capital affected a child’s behavioral outcome. For
example, if parents were of low SES, minority and belong to a single-parent household, it was
likely they were less involved (McNeal, 1999). The social networks of working-class and low-
income families differ based on the collaboration with other parents and relationship with
professionals (Horvat et al., 2003). As a result, I argued that SES affected the academic
outcomes of children and how parents handled problems at school. I sought to understand how
Latino parents’ social networks influenced how they defined parent involvement and their level
of involvement in their child’s education.
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Lastly, using the work of Schlee, Mullis, and Shriner (2009), I argued that social capital
and resource capital affect the academic achievement of children. Social capital was organized
around a family structure, marital status, and parents’ level of involvement (Schlee et al., 2009).
Parents’ social capital provided children access to resources and information, however, race and
SES must be taken into account to understand how networks impact parents’ decision to be
involved. Therefore, I sought to understand how Latino parents’ SES and family structure
influenced role construction and the way they thought about parent involvement.
To understand how social capital influenced parents’ definitions of and approach to
involvement, I conducted interviews with Latino parents. I asked questions aimed at gaining
insight into how parents built their social capital, how their relationships with other parents
shaped their definitions of involvement and the approach taken to be involved (home and/or
school), the effort to expand and retain their networks, and how did they take advantage of
resources (networks) to help their child’s learning.
Cultural capital. Drawing from Lareau (1987), I argued that the relationship between
middle and working-class families differ as cultural factors shaped their level of involvement.
For example, middle-class families felt more confident in sharing responsibilities with schools;
compared, to working-class families who felt they lack the skills and capacity to work with their
child’s teacher (Lareau, 1987). I believed Latino parents’ experiences and background
contributed to the role they perceived to have in their child’s education. There was a correlation
between role construction and types of capital (social and cultural capital) that determined
parents’ decision to be involved. I discussed how both shaped parents’ perspective on
involvement.
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Based on the work of Reese et al. (1995), I argued that the concept of educación (moral
values taught by families) play a role in the way that parents defined and enacted involvement.
Latino parents believed educación was taught at home and helped a child’s academic
performance, in addition, a child learned the difference right and wrong, respected the elders, and
behaved in an acceptable manner (Reese et al., 1995). As a result, Latino parents perceived that
educación was an important aspect of their upbringings (cultural capital). I sought insight into
the way that educación shaped their definitions of involvement and how parents were involved.
Using the work of Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995) and Abrams and Gibbs (2002), I
examined how social class, ethnicity, and parents’ cultural models of learning influence Latino
parents’ level of involvement. The work of Abrams and Gibbs (2002) revealed that parents’
perception of power was influenced by ethnicity, culture, and social class. Therefore, I asserted
that cultural capital would determine Latino parents’ decision to be involved in their child’s
learning, I sought additional research among parents with children at the secondary level.
Last of all, the work of Turney and Kao (2009) addressed how race and the legal status of
immigrant parents shaped their decision to be involved. In addition, such families encountered a
language barrier and work schedule conflict. Although immigrant parents might not be involved
in school, they had their means of supporting their children (Turney & Kao, 2009). Researchers
argued that, when schools did not provide a welcoming environment, fewer parents were
involved. For that reason, I looked at research on how schools helped built parents’ capital. In
addition, I examined how schools shaped parents’ decision to be involved.
I argued how social capital (networks) and cultural capital (parents’ experiences and
background) influenced parents’ decision to be involved in their child’s education. As discussed
above, social capital focused on parents’ access to networks and how it shaped parents level of
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involvement. Cultural capital considered parents’ experiences and background and their decision
to be involved in their child’s learning. There was a relationship between role construction and
types of capital that contributed to parents’ perspective on involvement. Social and cultural
capital shaped the role of parents and their decision on how they would like to be involved in
their child’s education. Parent’s social and cultural capital determined how they decided to
support their child either from home or/and school. The next section focused on schools’
behaviors and how they affected parents’ perspective on involvement.
Schools’ Perspective
I considered the literature on schools’ perspective to understand how it shaped parents’
level of involvement. I argued that schools’ behaviors affect parents’ decision to be involved in
their child’s education. Parent involvement was distinctively defined by institutions and parents,
which explained the collaboration or lack thereof between both. I believed schools needed to be
explicit with parents as to what they expected from them, discuss how parents could support
students’ academic success, and what made it possible for schools to do their job. In addition,
schools needed to create a positive environment and have clear expectations on parent
involvement. For the purposes of this study, I defined parent involvement from a schools’
perspective as parents collaborate and agree to the needs of schools (Lawson, 2003).
Drawing from Hoover-Dempsey et al., (1992), I argued that teachers affect the level of
parent involvement. Schools with high efficacy, high SES, highly educated teachers, and
administrators who supported teachers’ self-efficacy tended to have more involved parents (ibid).
As a result, parents were more involved, and teachers took on the responsibility to engage
parents in their child’s education (Hoover-Dempsey et al., 1987). Researchers argued that
schools’ SES and teachers’ efficacy affect their perception of involvement; hence, I believed
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Latino parents’ SES and self-efficacy contributed to their decision to be involved. I sought
additional research on how parents perceive schools’ responsibility towards parent involvement
and how it affected their decision to be involved.
Based on the work of Lawson (2003), I asserted that parents’ SES and communities
determined schools’ perception of their involvement. Teachers assumed that if parents were not
responsible for their child’s learning the work they did in the classroom would be useless
(Lawson, 2003). In addition, parents’ self-efficacy affected their level of involvement as they
perceived their concerns would be ignored by teachers. Furthermore, teachers’ perceptions of
parent involvement demonstrated a disparity between teachers and parents (Lawson, 2003). As a
result, I argued that teachers and parents must collaborate to build a positive relationship for
parents to be involved and support their child’s academic success. I attempted to understand how
schools’ perceptions of parent involvement directly affected Latino parents’ decision to be
involved.
The work of Barge and Loges (2003) revealed the importance of communication between
teachers and parents to encourage parent involvement. I expected teachers to outreach to parents
and motivate them to be involved by encouraging them to attend parent conferences, visit
schools, and communicate with teachers (Barge & Loges, 2003). I strived to understand how
schools communicated with Latino parents and offered opportunities for them to be involved.
Lastly, using the work Barnyak and Mcnelly (2009), I contended that schools’ practices
influenced parent involvement. Many schools did not communicate regularly or use parents’
language of preference to support them on how to monitor their child’s academic performance
and encourage parent involvement. As a result, there was a discrepancy between parents and
schools as to what constituted parent involvement or what it looked like at the secondary level.
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Most schools did not collaborate with parents towards a mutual understanding of what parent
involvement should be to encourage more parents to be involved. Teachers and administrators’
self-efficacy determined their efforts towards parent involvement reflect their actions within the
classroom [school] (Barnyak & Mcnelly, 2009). I sought to understand how schools’ actions
regarding parent involvement guided Latino parents’ definition of involvement and their
decisions to be involved, above all, as their children entered high school. Also, I made an effort
to identify schools’ attempt to outreach parents from their (parents’) perspective and how it
motivated them to be involved.
To gain an understanding of the way these parents experience schools’ expectations
regarding their involvement and how they work with parents to involve them, I conducted
interviews. I sought to understand how schools encouraged and promoted parent involvement,
the role schools had in parent involvement, schools’ level of responsibility to promote parent
involvement, particularly at the secondary level, and how schools communicated with parents on
school events.
I argued how schools’ perspective on parent involvement influenced parents’ decision to
be involved. As discussed above, parents’ self-efficacy, role construction, and types of capital
contributed to parents’ decision to be involved. Schools’ perspective on involvement was based
on how parents could support and collaborate with their needs. As a result, many parents decided
not to be involved at school and supported their child in other ways. Schools should provide a
positive environment with clear expectations towards parent involvement that would influence
Latino parents’ decision to be involved.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODS
This chapter illustrates the qualitative approach, research design, instrumentation,
sampling strategy, and data collection methods that guided this study. The purpose of this study
was to determine what contributed to and empowered Latino parents’ involvement and how
access to resources and experiences influenced their decision to be involved. To have a
reasonable understanding of what parent involvement looked like, I examined what shaped
parents’ thinking about what counted as involvement. I took into consideration self-efficacy, role
construction, types of capital (social and cultural), and schools’ behaviors. My case study was
guided by the following research questions: What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their
efforts and empowers them to be involved in their children’s educational experiences? And How
does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences influence their decision to be involved
at the high school level?
Research Design
Qualitative research sets out to explore and understand individuals’ perspectives on an
issue that has been identified as a “social or human problem” (Creswell, 2009, p. 4). Merriam
(2009) suggested that qualitative research enables researchers to construct an understanding of an
experience or situation they have determined to be of value. Qualitative research was appropriate
for my study as the questions I asked were geared towards understanding Latino parents’
experiences in relation to participating in their children’s high school educational experiences.
Case study, a form of qualitative research, is a type of research that consists of an “in-
depth description and analysis of a bounded system (single entity)” (Merriam, 2009, p. 40).
Merriam (2009) asserted that a researcher decides to use a case study approach when she is
interested in “insight, discovery, and interpretation rather than hypothesis testing” (p. 42).
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Research questions guide the case study and researcher to further explore in-depth the problem
being investigated that will lead to an end result (Creswell, 2009; Merriam, 2009). I used a
qualitative case study method for this study because the research questions called for this
approach. I used the case study method to explore Latino parents’ involvement in high school
from their point of view.
A case study design allowed focus on key aspects of the research and provided an “end
product [that was]…richly descriptive” (Merriam, 2009, p. 39). This case study focused on a
single entity, parents, to discover how specific characteristics affected it. Case studies could be
characterized into three categories: particularistic, descriptive, and heuristic. First, particularistic
referred to a specific situation or experience that allowed a researcher to focus on “practical
problems” (Merriam, 2009, p. 43). Second, descriptive proposes an elaborate description of the
situation or experience being studied, in addition, included as many interactions over a period of
time. Lastly, heuristic emphasized the ability to expand readers understanding and rethink their
views on the problem being discussed (Merriam, 2009). As a result, qualitative studies are
distinguished for their ability to “capture complex action, perception, and interpretation”
(Merriam, 2009, p. 44). This study incorporated several of the characteristics of a case study
approach that helped my research.
For this dissertation, I sought to understand what parent involvement looked like and
what contributed to and empowered parents’ thinking about involvement in their child’s
education at the high school level. My conceptual framework illustrated how parents’
perspectives on involvement were built on four key aspects that included self-efficacy, role
construction, and types of capital, as well, as schools’ behaviors. A parent’s decision to be
involved was supported by what shaped his/her idea of what involvement was based on the
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following: parents’ beliefs on their ability to influence their child’s educational experience (self-
efficacy), parents’ beliefs on what their responsibilities were in their child’s education (role
construction), parents’ access to networks and resources (social capital) and parents’ background
and experiences (cultural capital), and schools’ behaviors towards parent involvement. A case
study focused on “multiple-bounded systems” (cases) that allowed for a holistic approach
(Merriam, 2009, p. 43) to understand parent involvement from parents’ perspectives.
Sample and Population
Site Selection
I conducted this multi-case study for this research with the condition that parents would
be nominated by community-based organizations (CBOs) that worked with parents on
educational issues and helped them build partnerships with schools. I used the following criteria
to select organizations that could recommend and provide access to parents who might be willing
to participate in this research.
Criterion 1. I sought CBOs that worked closely with Latino parents who lived in low-
income and underserved communities, belonged to an impoverished background, and had a
limited/minimum understanding of the educational system. These organizations needed to show
an interest in working with need-based families and provided them with information on the
educational system and child’s learning.
Criterion 2. The second criterion for CBOs was that they be willing to give me access to
parents during workshops or training sponsored by the organization. To be included in this study,
the organizations had to work with Latino parents where they educated through training,
workshops, and advocacy information; helped parents built relationships and collaborated with
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schools to monitor their child’s education; increased parents’ knowledge (capacity) on
educational issues; and built parents’ confidence to advocate for their child’s education.
I looked at webpages of CBOs that were ostensibly geared towards Latino parents. I
reached out to 10 organizations that worked with parents who met the parent profiles described
below (Table 1). Second, I created a handout in Spanish and English that detailed the type of
participants needed for my study. After I shared the handout with the organizations, I requested
the nomination of parents. I emailed and called several of the organizations, and several of them
were interested in the research. I ended up having five CBOs that were willing and allowed me to
present my study to parents. Many of these CBOs worked directly with schools and,
predominantly, the Latino community, such as Big Brother, Big Sister, Advancement Project,
Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF), Central American
Resource Center (CARECEN), and Families in Schools. My initial interaction with these CBOs
was via email, followed by a conversation over the phone and, lastly, an invitation to one of their
events. I went to the CBOs on one or two occasions to introduce myself and interact with
parents. CBOs allowed me to share with parents my research. At the end of the session, I
collected parents contact information and followed up that same day or the following.
Furthermore, two CBOs (Big Brother, Big Sister and MALDEF) provided contact information
for parents they believed met the criteria and could contribute to the study.
Participant Selection
I set out to understand parents’ perspectives on parent involvement and what involvement
looked like at the secondary level. To gain a better insight, I needed to take into consideration the
components discussed above that affects parents’ decision to be involved. As a result, I decided
to use a purposeful sampling to select the participants for this study. Purposeful sampling
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allowed me to “discover, understand, and gain insight … from a sample from which the most can
be learned” (Merriam, 2009, p. 77). In addition, purposeful sampling allowed me to look at a
group of parents who would provide me with information related to my research questions and
goals (Maxwell, 2013). Maxwell (2013) highlighted five goals of purposeful sampling: achieving
representativeness, capturing the heterogeneity in the population, selecting individuals to test
theories in the study, establishing particular comparisons, and selecting participants who will
provide the most productive relationships and help answer research questions (pp. 98-99). I
developed a criterion-based selection process to identify parents who would have different types
and levels of involvement based on external factors, such as what they did and did not do for
their child’s education. Thus, I used snowball or network sampling, and I sought a sample with
maximum variation to understand parents with diverse backgrounds and experiences.
Criteria
Criterion 1. The first criterion was that the parents had to be familiar with a community-
based organization aimed at providing families with resources to be more effective advocates for
their child.
Criterion 2. The second criterion was that parents be first-, second-, and third-generation
immigrants.
Criterion 3. Parents had to have children in public, private, or charter schools.
To recruit parents who met the criteria, I attended CBO events like Advancement Project,
a parent workshop at a community center, a MALDEF Health Wellness workshop sponsored by
Children’s Hospital, a CARECEN monthly parent meeting at their headquarters, and a parent
seminar provided by Families in Schools. I invited parents to participate in the study. Parents
signed up. I used a screener to determine if they met the criteria. I talked to these selected parents
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and had an informal conversation to determine if they met the Latino parent profile that I had
created to ensure maximum variation in my respondent pool. The conversations were brief and
after I asked these parents if they would be interested to be part of the study. For those, who did
not want to be part of the study I asked if they had any parents/friends who might be interested. I
made sure to obtain their contact information to follow-up, if necessary. In addition, I requested
the contact information of the parents they recommended. The selected participants for this study
met the Latino parent profiles.
Table 1
Latino Parent Profiles for Parent Involvement at the Secondary Level
Lupe Hilda Noemi
⋅ Second/Third-generation
parent.

⋅ Attended HS/Community
College

⋅ Child attends a public school.

⋅ English speaker

⋅ Lives in underserved
community.

⋅ Nominated by CBO.

⋅ Has a high-school-aged child.

⋅ Latino, immigrant parent.

⋅ Attended HS in the U.S

⋅ Child attends a public school.

⋅ English/Spanish speaker

⋅ Employed

⋅ Lives in underserved
community.

⋅ Nominated by a CBO.

⋅ Has a high-school-aged child.

⋅ Latino, immigrant parent.

⋅ Attended school in Mexico

⋅ Child attends a public school.

⋅ Spanish speaker

⋅ Unemployed

⋅ Lives in underserved
community.

⋅ Nominated by a CBO.

⋅ Has a high-school-aged child.

Carmen Victoria Alma
⋅ Latino, first-generation parent.

⋅ Attended Elementary in the
U.S

⋅ Moved to Mexico and attended
HS

⋅ Certified/Trained as medical
assistant

⋅ Child attends a public school.

⋅ English/Spanish speaker

⋅ Unemployed/full-time
volunteer

⋅ Lives in underserved
community.

⋅ Nominated by CBO.

⋅ Has a high-school-aged child.

⋅ Latino, immigrant

⋅ Attended HS

⋅ Child attends a public school.

⋅ Spanish speaker

⋅ Employed

⋅ Lives in underserved
community.

⋅ Nominated by CBO.

⋅ Has a high-school-aged child.

⋅ Latino, immigrant parent.

⋅ Attended university in
Honduras

⋅ Child attends a public school.

⋅ Spanish speaker

⋅ Unemployed/handicapped

⋅ Lives in underserved
community.

⋅ Nominated by a parent

⋅ Has a high-school-aged child.

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I selected six parents whom I thought would help me understand what parent
involvement looked like at the secondary level and what Latino parents perceived contributed to
and empowered their involvement in their child’s education.
Instrumentation and Data Collection
The purpose of this study was to understand what Latino parents perceived contributes to
and empowers their involvement in their child’s education at the secondary level. As discussed
in the section on the conceptual framework, my key interest was to understand what shaped
parents’ thinking about what counted as involvement using four characteristics: self-efficacy,
role construction, types of capital, and schools’ behaviors. The expectation was for parents to
understand the important role they played in their child’s education and use personal traits (self-
efficacy, role construction, and types of capital) to build their knowledge, skills, and confidence
to be an advocate for their child. My role as a researcher in this qualitative multi-case study was
to search for meaning and understanding by collecting and analyzing data (Merriam, 2009).
Interview
Interviews were necessary, as they enabled me to learn about parents’ behavior, feelings,
and how they saw the world around them. As Creswell (2009) explained, interviews provided me
valuable insight into events and actions that took place in the past and that I could not have
observed. I interviewed six parents for this multi-case study. I conducted three interviews with
each parent. I used semi-structured interview protocols in which I asked questions about parents
the experiences that had shaped their decision to be involved. This approach allowed me to ask
questions that were more “flexibly” worded or questions were less structured (Merriam, 2009, p.
90). I conducted the interviews over the course of a few weeks. The interviews ranged in the
number of hours I spent with each parent. I spent as many as two hours with one parent and as
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few as 45 minutes with another parent. Each interview took about 1 hour to 2 hours. I
interviewed parents in their homes or public place, based on their preference.
In the first interview (Appendix A), I became familiar with parents’ background and
experiences growing up. In addition, they shared their experiences as students and how those
experiences affected their goals and aspirations for their children. The second interview was a
follow-up to the first interview and an opportunity to gain additional information that was not
observed or discussed in the first interview. The interview questions were intended to learn about
parents’ background and experiences with their child’s education, what parent involvement looks
like for them at the secondary level, and what they perceive contributed to their efforts and
empowered them to be involved. The final set of interview questions focused on details not
addressed in the first and second interview.
Data Analysis Procedures
I began data analysis while I was still in the field. This choice was aligned with Bogdan
and Biklen’s (2007) admonition that one does not wait to analyze data but begins while still
engaged in the data collection process. In addition, these qualitative researchers recommended
that literature be reviewed as the study is conducted (Merriam, 2009). Therefore, during data
collection, I transcribed interviews and reviewed the transcripts immediately so that I could
review respondents’ answers and make commentary on any details discussed that I found
imperative for my research questions. Once I left the field, I first returned to my conceptual
framework. I began by open coding to identify details and information that would help answer
my research questions and pertain to my conceptual framework. Consistent with Maxwell
(2013), I reviewed the data carefully and created my own coding based on trends I observed and
considered important. As I looked at field notes and transcribed interviews, I sought to find
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evidence that exposed how parents’ self-efficacy, role construction, types of capital [social and
cultural capital] shaped their decision to be involved. I also look at how schools’ behaviors
shaped parents’ perspective on parent involvement. Examples of codes that emerged from the
data during the open coding process were role construction, self-efficacy, social capital, parent-
child relationship, cultural capital, SES, parent-school relationship, resources, and language. I
then engaged in analytical coding to generate categories. Analytical coding required more than
descriptive evidence. It was imperative for me to look at the data carefully so that I could
uncover its meaning with the purpose of identifying themes and categories that would help
answer my research questions.
In the analytic coding phase, I sought evidence that demonstrated how parents’ beliefs
and abilities (self-efficacy), parents’ beliefs on their responsibilities (role construction), parents’
access to social capital and cultural capital (types of capital), and how schools’ behaviors shaped
their decision to be involved. When I reached a point of saturation and I could no longer classify
data, I determine that I had reached a deductive research phase (Merriam, 2009, p. 176). Lastly, I
created a case study database or category system that allowed me to retrieve the data without
difficulty and use in this multi-case study. I identified themes and evidence much more easily to
answer my research questions. I discovered an interdependence among self-efficacy, role
construction, and types of capital. Parents’ beliefs influenced the role parents decided to take,
and their level of involvement; furthermore, social and cultural capital helped distinguish the role
of parents and how they would like to be involved.

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Limitations and Delimitations
Limitations
This study was limited as it only collected data that pertained to Latino parents who were
associated with CBOs. Also, the study did not intend to capture the schools’ perspective, as the
focus was on Latino parents with high school-aged children. In addition, I had to rely on the
truthfulness of the parents I interviewed provide their perspective and experiences. My sample
was constrained in that it only included six parents’ voices and did not represent parents from
other perspectives, in other words, parents not associated with CBOs. All participating parents
were predisposed to a form of involvement and developed self-imposed boundaries, hence,
reason why they looked different to other parents. In addition, all participants were women.
Delimitations
My status as a novice researcher delimited what I was able to learn. I was solely
responsible for the approach I took to conducting interviews. As any novice researcher, I realized
once I left the field that there were questions I could have and should have asked and times when
I should have probed parents’ experiences further and observed their interaction with other
parents and/or school officials. Therefore, I missed an opportunity to obtain additional details on
parents’ experiences. I am also a novice analyst who could have made better connections or
interpretation of the data. For example, I should have reflected more on parents’ personalities
and their interaction with their child, parents and school officials. In addition, I should have kept
better analytical memos where I documented my thoughts and learning experience with each
interviewee.

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Credibility and Trustworthiness
Several factors need to be considered that influenced my trustworthiness as a researcher
and the credibility of my findings. As a researcher in a qualitative study, I was the “primary
instrument” to collect data and analyze it (Merriam, 2009, p. 15). With respect to my
trustworthiness, as a Latina and secondary teacher, I was aware that I had my own biases and
views on parent involvement based on my interactions with parents. As a result, it was important
for me to monitor my personal biases and subjectivities to ensure they did not affect the data
collection and analysis of it. Hence, it affected me as a researcher to probe parents more.
Merriam (2009) discussed that researchers must present analyzed information that would
contribute to the field of study as given by participants. Qualitative studies allowed researchers
to understand “how people interpret their experiences, how they construct their worlds, and what
meaning they attribute to their experiences” (Merriam, 2009, p. 5). Therefore, as a researcher, I
was conscious of my biases, opinions, and feelings when conducting data collection. For
example, when I introduced myself to parents, I did not disclose that I was an educator for the
school district and community many of them belonged to ensure that they felt comfortable to
share information. As an educator who constantly communicates with parents, I had to remind
myself that I was taking on the role of a researcher and not of an educator. I listened to parents’
experiences, concerns, and accomplishments and how those defined their role as a parent at the
secondary level. Although participants could have lied about their experiences, many provided
personal accounts that helped define their role as a parent. As a researcher, I reminded parents
that all information shared by them was for educational purposes and would not be disclosed to
individual schools or school officials. I never provided parents with advice or recommendations
for any concerns or problems they disclosed.
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After each session, I wrote reflective notes on ideas and questions that derived from each
interview. In addition, I listened to each interview and identified key concepts and ideas
mentioned by each participant. This allowed me to discover what questions I needed to ask again
for clarification. In addition, I had conversations with my dissertation chair on concerns and
questions that developed from each interview session.
Steps I took to ensure the findings’ credibility of included recording post-interview notes
to review the information collected and determine if there was any additional information or
follow-up questions needed (Merriam, 2009). Prior to interviews, I did my best to ensure that the
interview questions would provide useful information and participants would be able to provide
details that would support my research. As a researcher, my objective was to collect “special
kind of information” and understand the perspectives of Latino parents (Merriam, 2009, p. 88).
In addition, I paid attention to my study’s “conceptualization” and was vigilant with how
data was “collected, analyzed, interpreted, … and presented” (Merriam, 2009, p. 210). I also
ensured that I collected rich, descriptive data by conducting three interviews with each
respondent, each interview investigating another aspect of each parent’s experience. Another
check I utilized was triangulation. I interviewed multiple parents and brought theories from the
literature to bear on the data “to confirm emerging findings” (Merriam, p. 215). As a researcher,
my priority was for my findings to be credible and trustworthy of conducting this study
(Merriam, 2009).
Conclusion
Through this case study, I sought to examine what Latino parents perceive contributed to
their efforts and empowered them to become involved. CBOs that worked with Latino parents
helped identify participants that met the Latino Parent Profile I created for this case study. I
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conducted data collection through a formal interview with each parent to share their personal
story and how they were involved in their child’s educational experience. After the first
interview, I followed up with parents and asked any questions that needed further details.

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CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
The purpose of this study was to examine what parent involvement is and what
contributed to and empowered parents to become involved in their child’s education at the
secondary level.
This study asked two research questions,
1. What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be
involved in their children’s educational experiences?
2. How does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences influence their decision to
be involved at the high school level?
I begin by presenting findings related to research question 1: Latino parents’ perceptions
of the factors that contributed to their efforts and empowered them to be involved. The first
finding is that Latino parents believed it was important to be involved, although their
participation differed based on their role construction. Two themes emerged. First, the way
parents constructed their role was based on their relationship with their own parents and their
experiences influenced their approach to parenting.
The second theme to emerge is that parents believed it was important to spend quality
time with their child. The second finding is that parents’ relationship with their child’s school
played a role in the way they were able to be involved in their child’s academic life. In this
category, three general themes emerged. First, the principal at their child’s high school affected
the parents’ level of participation. Second, their child’s counselor and teachers played an
important role in parents’ level of participation. Lastly, their child’s school environment
influenced their decision to be involved.
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Next, I turn my attention to findings related to research question 2: the influence access to
resources and experiences played in Latino parents’ decisions to be involved. The first finding
focuses on the role self-efficacy played in parents’ participation in their child’s education. The
second finding reveals how social capital and cultural capital affected parents’ level of
involvement.
Research Question 1
The first research question asked, “What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their
efforts and empowers them to be involved in their children’s educational experiences?”
As discussed in Chapter Two, the conceptual framework for this study drew from four bodies of
literature: role construction, self-efficacy, types of capital, and schools’ perspective [schools’
behavior]. The first finding is that Latino parents believed it was important to be involved,
although their participation differed based on their role construction. Their experiences with their
parents played an important role in their approach to involvement. Two themes emerged. First,
parents constructed their role based on their relationship with their own parents and their
experiences influenced their approach to parenting. This theme is consistent with the literature on
parent involvement that suggests that parents’ perspectives and experiences help to define
parents’ role construction and involvement choices (Bertrand & Deslandes, 2005; Walker et al.,
2005). The second theme is that parents believed it was important to spend quality time with
their child. The second finding is that parents’ relationship with their child’s school played a role
in the way they were able to be involved in their child’s academic life.
I present findings in relation to the concepts in the conceptual framework. First, I
describe the ways these parents’ choices regarding involvement in their children’s lives were
influenced by the way their own parents had been involved in their lives when they were
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children. Second, I present the way that parents’ beliefs about their abilities (self-efficacy) to
support their children influenced their choices about involvement. Third, I explain the way that
social and cultural capital shaped their type of involvement. Lastly, I present how schools’
behavior played a role in parents’ choices regarding involvement in their children’s educational
experiences.
The first finding to emerge from the data was that parents’ role construction as a parent
was influenced by their experiences as children, and, as a result, dictated their approach to
involvement. As explained in my conceptual framework, role construction could be explained as
“parents’ ideas about the parental role, learned largely through observation and modeling of their
own parents’ school-related involvement and, their friends’ involvement in children’s schooling,
and so forth” (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997, p. 313). In other words, parents’ involvement
was shaped, in part, by their experiences with their own parents and others around them. The
parents constructed their role as parents in response to the way they saw their parents behave.
Specifically, respondents described their own parents’ lack of involvement in their education and
how it influenced the way they envisioned their role as a parent. They found themselves
intentionally seeking to provide their children with different experiences than the ones they had
and saw their involvement as an opportunity to influence their child’s education positively. I
offered this finding in one theme. The theme describes parents’ experiences with their own
parents in relation to school experiences and how those experiences translated into their own
approach to parent involvement.
Finding 1: Parents’ Experiences With Their Own Parents Played an Important Role in the
Way They Talked About Their Own Approach to Their Involvement With Their Own Kids

All six parents had memories of their parents’ involvement in their own educational
experience that left strong impressions on them. All respondents recalled significant experiences
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with their parents and how these experiences shaped their involvement in their child’s education.
Participants’ response to their parents’ involvement fell into two sub-themes: Participants reacted
against their own parents’ parenting, and participants emulated their own parents’ parenting. The
first finding presented respondents own approach to parenting in reaction against their parents’
lack of involvement.
Theme 1: Participants reacted against their own parents’ parenting. Participants
discussed their parents’ lack of involvement and their desire for them to have been involved. As
a result, each developed his/her perspective of his/her role and what it meant to be involved.
Each respondent shared that his/her experiences with his/her parents influenced his/her approach
to parenting.
All six of the respondents discussed how their parents were not involved in their
education but provided non-educational support. Each participant shared that his/her parents
valued and encouraged education, but were not involved. They also communicated that they
were determined to be more involved than their own parents were. For example, Alma
mentioned her parents were supportive, although they were completely uninvolved. She said,
Mi papá y mi mamá no, nunca se preocuparon. ¿Ellos se preocupaban porque fuéramos a
la escuela? Sí. Mi mamá siempre dijo que quería que sus hijos estudiaran. Mis papás son
personas que nunca fueron a la escuela, mi mamá nomás-- era gente muy luchadora y
trabajadora, pero ellos no se involucraron. Mi mamá solo iba dos veces al año a la
escuela. Era por convicción propia… Lo que me hubiera gustado es que mis papás se
hubieran involucrado más, que estuviera más pendiente de nosotros, en vez de que nos
regañaran tanto. Eso me hubiera encantado.
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My dad and my mom never worried. Did they worry about us going to school? Yes. My
mom always said she wanted her children to study. My parents are people who never
went to school. My mom was hardworking, but they were not involved. My mom would
only go twice a year to school. It was out of self-conviction …What I wish is that my
parents would have been involved more, that they would have keep an eye on us, rather
than scold us so much. I would have loved that.
Alma explained both of her parents believed it was important that she and her siblings attended
school. As an adult, Alma would have liked for her parents to have been more involved. Her
experiences with her parents left a strong impression. They modeled a belief that school was
important, as Alma remembered how her mother worried that she went to school and cared that
she studied. Her parents simultaneously modeled a lack of involvement, in Alma’s mind, because
of their lack of education. Thus, Alma’s understanding of parent involvement was influenced by
what she saw in her parents. She looked back on her experience wistfully, wishing that they had
been more involved. Alma reflected on her memories of her parents’ lack of involvement but
shared her approach to parenting. She argued,
A buscar las herramientas que él necesita para llegar a eso. A educarme, a conseguir
herramientas, a conseguirle los recursos que mi hijo necesita para llegar al éxito que
necesita… Uno de los más importantes, porque el papel más importante que nosotros de
padres debemos de hacer es llevar a nuestros hijos a que hagan lo que deben de hacer
para llegar a su éxito.
To look for the tools he needs to get that. To educate myself, to get tools, to get the
resources that my child needs to reach success...One of the most important, because the
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most important role as a parent is to ensure our children do what they must do to reach
their success.
Alma reacted against her parents’ lack of involvement and believed that, to ensure the success of
her child, she needed to educate herself. In addition, she actively looked for resources to help her
son to succeed. She believed the educational system was complex and challenging for parents to
understand and the reason why they needed to learn about it to better support their child. She
discussed the importance of parents being involved in their child’s education. Alma’s memory of
her parents was how they were not involved, but believed education was important. As a result,
she decided to become an informed and resourceful parent. In addition, she argued that it was the
responsibility of a parent to ensure his/her child could succeed.
Four of the six respondents remembered their families’ hardships made their parents
unavailable and altered their educational plans. Many respondents shared that they had to help
their parents, such as care for their younger siblings or work to provide additional income. For
example, Hilda shared her experiences:
It was kind of difficult, being that my parents always worked, and they worked different
hours. My dad worked from 8:00 to 5:00, and my mom worked the wing shift which was
from 4:00 to midnight. High school was tough because I had to come home after school
and help take care of my siblings because my mom was at work. I would stay home and
cook dinner for my dad and my siblings. Sometimes I was so tired that it was hard for me
to do my homework, because I had been taking care of my siblings.
Hilda was compelled to mature at a young age as she learned how to care for her siblings and
kept the home organized, while her parents worked. After a long day at school, she returned
home to the responsibility of her siblings and the household. She prioritized her family and
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responsibilities at home, as a result, sacrificed her education. Most of the respondents’
experiences were similar to those of Hilda where they had to help their families and leave school.
Several participants discussed how their priority as a parent was to ensure their child finished
school. In addition, they never expected their child to take on the responsibilities they took while
growing up. Hilda discussed,
I wish I could have done things different. Now, I sit back and I tell myself, if I would
have had the support from my parents, I would probably be in a different position now,
and that’s one thing that I’ve always said. I want to give that to my girls because I know
what it feels not to have the support from your parents, and I think it’s really important. It
helps you guide. For you to be able to have your parents advocate for you, I think it’s one
of the most important things because, if you see your parents involved in your school,
then it makes you want to even try more and more and just try to reach the stars if you
can, but it’s kind of difficult without the support.
As a parent, Hilda shared the importance being there for your child and emphasized
education. She said she wished her parents would have been advocates and supported her. Hilda
suggested that, if a child were to see his/her parent involved, it would motivate him/her to work
harder. Therefore, she decided she would provide her daughters with a different experience.
Most of the respondents had taken on the responsibility of an advocate for their child. Each
participant had an interest in his/her child’s education and made the decision to be involved. In
some cases, participants’ parents did not take on the responsibility of being engaged in their
child’s education. Carmen discussed how her father and mother had clear responsibilities
towards the family. She discussed,
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No, definitivamente nunca estuvieron involucrados. De hecho ellos, te vuelvo a repetir, o
sea mi papá se encargaba de traer el pan de cada día, mi mamá se encargaba de cocinar,
de lavarme la ropa y siempre estaba pendiente de mí. Pero de una manera no muy
involucrada a la escuela. Mi mamá se quedó con la responsabilidad que a nosotros no nos
faltara de comer, y mi papá de que no faltara un plato en la casa.
No, definitely, they were never involved. In fact, I repeat, my dad took care of bringing
bread every day [breadwinner], my mom took care of cooking, washing clothes and
always looked out for me. But not very involved at school. My mom was responsible that
we had something to eat, and my dad to make sure that food was in the house.
Here Carmen suggested that her parents had specific roles within the household that did not
necessarily relate to school. Her parents’ roles were specific to their responsibility towards the
care of their child, but there was no indication of how they supported Carmen’s education.
Therefore, Carmen decided to take a different approach to parenting and argued the importance
of understanding the educational system. Similar to Alma, Carmen discussed the significance of
parents’ taking an interest to understand the educational system to support their child. She stated,
Es la educación, creo que es falta de educación. Falta de conocimiento de nosotros como
padres, de que muchos no nos involucramos. Es un sistema muy rígido, es un sistema
muy complicado. Pero cuando tú sabes navegar el sistema—yo conozco mucha gente que
ha aprendido a navegar el sistema y que ha nadado en el sistema.
It’s education. I think it’s the lack of education. Lack of knowledge from us as parents.
The reason why many of us do not get involved. It is a very rigid system. It is a very
complicated system. But, when you know how to navigate the system—I know a lot of
people who have learned to navigate the system and swum in the system.
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Here, Carmen discussed how parents should make an effort to learn how to navigate the
educational system to better support their child. She believed that parents’ lack of education
could affect their understanding of the educational system and, therefore, their level of
involvement. Carmen stated the educational system was too complicated and multifaceted for
parents to understand. In her mind, this was a reason why they should learn how to navigate
through it. She claimed, once you understood the system, you would be able to swim through it
without any trouble. She suggested that, when parents had access to valuable information, they
learned how to support their child better. Other respondents also stated their parents’ lack of
involvement motivated them to take on an active role in their child’s education. For some
respondents, parent involvement consisted of parents who attended school events. Hilda
remembered how her father visited her school. She recalled,
My dad was the one that was more involved. He was the one that would come to the open
house. He was the one that was registering me in school. He’s the one that I recall seeing
in school. During open houses or any special events, he’s the one that I remember seeing.
He was the one that was involved more.
Hilda explained that her father attended school events on a regular basis and, as a result, she had
a vivid memory of him being involved. She made no reference to her mother. Therefore, Hilda
associated the importance going to school meetings.
For several respondents, their participation in their child’s education had been a response
to what they would have liked from their parents. Hilda said parents must take on the role of an
advocate. She argued,
I think that when it comes to the child’s education, our role is to be there and make sure
that they’re doing good in school…be their advocate. For you to be able to have your
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parents advocate for you, I think it’s one of the most important things because, if you see
your parents involved in your school, then it makes you want to even try more and more
and just try to reach the stars if you can, but it’s kind of difficult without the support.
I want to give that to my girls, because I know what it feels not to have the support from
your parents, and I think it’s really important.
Hilda discussed how it was the responsibility of the parent to be his/her child’s advocate to
ensure his/her academic success. She argued that, when parents were involved, the child felt
motivated to aspire to do more because he/she had his/her parents’ support. Her experiences
while growing up inspired her to be involved in her daughters’ education and provide them the
support her parents were not able to give her. As a parent advocate, she believed her role was to
ensure her daughters reached their academic goals.
Advocacy was depicted as a form of involvement that consisted of support and
encouragement towards their child’s education. Respondents mentioned they had taken on the
role of a parent based the idea of advocacy. Much of the literature on parent advocacy suggested
parents being involved in their child’s education, such as attending school events, monitoring
their child’s progress, and understanding the educational system (Auerbach, 2007a; DePlanty et
al., 2007; Williams & Sanchez, 2012a). Carmen believed parent involvement positively
influenced a child. She argued,
Creo que los padres tenemos mucho poder. Sí, creo que hacemos una gran diferencia en
la educación de nuestros hijos cuando te involucras.
I think parents have a lot of power. Yes, I think we can make a big difference in our
children’s’ education when you get involved.
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Here, Carmen suggested parents made a difference in their child’s life when they were involved.
She thought parents needed to be informed of their child’s progress to be able to help them. All
respondents’ decisions and actions were intended to support their child and provide them
guidance towards academic success. Participants’ experiences with their own parents contributed
to their advocacy towards their child’s education. They stated they built their role as a parent
based on their experiences with own parents. For example, Hilda used her personal experiences
to share the value of an education with her daughters. She communicated,
Well, I always advise them and tell them that school is…Their education is something
nobody will ever be able to take from them, no matter what. That’s something that
they’re always going to…Whatever education they get, whatever career they decide they
chose for, that’s something that nobody is going to be able to take away from them. I
always try to motivate them by using examples of even myself.
I’m always telling them stories about myself, stuff I went through. I think it’s
important for them to know so that they don’t make the same mistakes. Sometimes, they
cry. Sometimes, they cry about it and they tell me, they’re like, “I don’t want that to
happen to me. I don’t want to go through that. I’m sorry that you went through it.” I tell
them “This is why I want your life to be passionate about what you guys want to do for
the rest of your life.”
Hilda stated education was an asset no one could take away. She used her experiences to
encourage her daughters to push themselves towards a career. In addition, Hilda believed that
sharing her life outcomes would teach her daughters to set goals for themselves. She discussed
how her daughters empathized with her struggles and believed it might have a positive impact on
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them. Most respondents have taken the same approach as Hilda to share their life stories to
inspire their child.
Several participants recalled how gender played an important role in the support they
received from their parents. Four of the parents had strong memories of their mothers’ emphasis
on gender-specific roles and responsibilities. They remembered their mothers as caregivers and
how they were taught those skills. For example, Noemi shared her mom’s role,
No, mi mamá era de “enséñate a tejer, enséñate a coser, enséñate a cocinar, enséñate a
hacer quehacer, porque eres mujer.” Entonces, era diferente.
No, my mom was about “teaching you how to knit, teaching you how to sew, teaching
you how to cook, teaching you to do chores because you’re a woman.” It was different.
Noemi discussed how her mother taught her skills and responsibilities she would need to manage
a household. She recalled her mother did not teach the value of an education. Some of the
respondents shared similar accounts. Several, particularly those who had young ladies,
encouraged the importance of an education and stayed away from the traditional gender-specific
roles. Although these mothers valued their Latino heritage, they decided to raise their daughters
differently. Noemi decided to teach her daughter the importance of an education, particularly as a
Latina. She commented,
Porque yo sé que es una manera en que ella no solamente va a ser mejor persona sino va
a estar más educada y va a poderse enfrentar en la vida. Y más porque recuerde, estamos
en un país donde todavía existe la discriminación, y es muy difícil, no nada más por ser
latino, sino porque es mujer. Entonces yo sé que ella entre más preparada y entre más
educación tenga, no es que más vaya a valer, sino que va a tener más oportunidades.”
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Because I know it’s one way she will be a better person but will be more educated and
will be able to face life. And more because, remember, we are in a country where
discrimination still exists, and it is very difficult, not just for being Latino, but being a
woman. So, I know the more prepared and education she has, it does not mean she is
going to be worth more, but will have more opportunities.
Noemi argued that an education would help her daughter become a better person. As an educated
Latina, she would be able to confront any challenges, particularly discrimination. She decided
not to teach her daughter skills and responsibilities around a household. Instead, Noemi hoped to
encourage her daughter to go to school positively. In addition, she corroborated with respondents
on how an education provided status and respect within society.
Some respondents recalled how their mothers did not care for their education and the lack
of support they received from them. One respondent said that her mother did not care for her
education. Lupe shared her mother’s lack of encouragement while growing up. She commented,
My dad was like, “No, you’re going to go and he pushed me.” My mom was just like,
“You know what? I don’t care. It doesn’t matter to me. You get it you get it. You don’t,
you don’t. No big deal.” My mom is really like…not really encourage me in school. I
know both of them don’t have their high school diploma. My dad only finished up to
third grade, and, my mom, she made it up to ninth grade. Education really wasn’t a big
thing, but my dad did push me to go to school.
Here, Lupe discussed how her mother verbalized her lack of care regarding her education while
her father motivated her to continue. As a result, Lupe did not have a good memory of her
mother. On the other hand, her father encouraged her to go to school even with his limited
education and mother’s constant negativity. Although respondents did not share the same
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childhood experiences as Lupe, several remembered how their mothers instilled traditional
women roles. As a parent, Lupe decided to have a different relationship with her daughter,
compared to the one she had with her mother. She shared,
I would say, our relationship, we’re pretty close because we really don’t have many
people. We’re pretty close…but, for the most part, my daughters they know, no matter
what, I’ll always be there for them.
I just hope that they all get an education. If they could pursue further then even
better but basically education and happiness that’s all I really want. I tell my kids money
comes and goes you don’t take that with you, so that really does not mean nothing. The
only reason why I push education is because in this world today you cannot do anything
without education.
Lupe shared her close relationship with her daughters, since they did not have many people they
could rely on for support. She communicated the importance of an education and how it was an
accomplishment no one could take away. Her open communication with her daughters allowed
her to have a positive and healthy parent-child relationship, compared to the one she had with her
mother. Lupe’s relationship with her daughters had been based on support and encouragement.
Although respondents’ parents were not involved in their education, they did not experience the
rejection of a parent in the same way that Lupe did. For several of them, their parents’ lack of
aspiration and involvement played a bigger role in shaping their role as a parent.
Five respondents discussed their parents’ lack of aspiration for and involvement in their
education. Participants reminisced about how their parent encouraged education; however, their
involvement was not noticeable. Each shared their parents’ lack of involvement and how it
shaped their aspirations and level of involvement in their child’s education. For example, Noemi
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discussed how her father encouraged her to go to school, but did not take on an active role. She
argued,
Sí estaba motivada de ir a la escuela por mi papá. Mi papá me decía que él solamente
tuvo oportunidad de ir a la escuela hasta el grado siete, y que él quería que yo estudiara
más, que él sabía que tenía la capacidad y que podía hacerlo. Entonces, él me motivaba a
seguir, a estudiar. Pero aunque nos motivaba nunca nos decían: “siéntate a hacer la
tarea”. Era una motivación verbal, pero tal vez por los pocos estudios de ellos no nos
podían ayudar, o no nos decían: “¿en qué te ayudo?” o sabían la responsabilidad de decir:
“para la escuela su única responsabilidad es hacer la tarea…
Yes, I was motivated to go to school by my dad. My dad told me that he only had the
opportunity to go to school up to the seventh grade, and he wanted me to study more. He
knew I was capable and I could do it. He motivated me to continue to study. Although he
motivated us, he never said, “sit down to do your homework.” It was a verbal motivation,
but, perhaps because of their limited education, they could not help us, or say, “How can
I help you” or knew the responsibility to say, “for school, your only responsibility is to do
your homework.
Here, Noemi talked about how her father finished the sixth grade and wanted her to surpass his
level of education. Although her father motivated her to study, he never made sure she
completed her schoolwork. She argued her father’s level of education limited his ability to help.
As a result, he provided verbal motivation and affirmed that her responsibility was to do her
homework.
Bertrand and Deslandes (2005) discussed how parents were involved when they believed
it would improve their child’s performance. Several of the respondents’ parents believed they
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were not able to help their child, and, instead, provided other forms of support. For many
respondents, their fathers’ verbal encouragement left a remarkable effect on them. Their
educational experiences shaped their role as a parent, therefore, the choices they made to support
their child. Noemi suggested how parent involvement was vital to a child’s academic success.
She commented,
Yo creo que tienen que tener un papel muy importante porque en la casa es donde tiene
que nacer la curiosidad, las ganas, el amor al estudio. En los padres cae la base de todo…
Pero yo creo que el papel importante para que un niño triunfe está en su casa, en los
padres. Para que en la escuela triunfe, tienen que primero los padres inculcarle a ese niño
lo que quieren para que así haya mejoría de él académicamente...
I think they have a very important role [as a parent] because, at home, it is where you
help built their curiosity, the desire, the love to study. Parents set the foundation for
everything…I believe that, in order for a child to succeed, it begins at home with the
parents. For a school to be successful, parents need to teach their child what they want
from them so there is academic improvement.
Noemi discussed how a parent should help build his/her child’s curiosity and desire to learn. In
addition, she believed that the role of a parent was to ensure the academic success of his/her
child. She suggested how parents needed to communicate their expectations with their child at an
early age at home, which they could apply at school. Noemi’s experiences corroborated that of
several of the respondents regarding parents’ lack of aspiration and involvement. As a result,
respondents decided to take on an active role in their child’s education. Several of them shared
their aspirations with their child as a way to encourage them to pursue higher education. In
addition, parents discussed how they learned from their parents’ choices.
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All parents mentioned they learned from their parents’ choices. As discussed above,
respondents communicated how their parents worked long hours and were not involved in their
education. Several participants found themselves in a similar situation when they realized their
child started to struggle in school. For example, Alma shared,
Porque en algún momento de mi vida yo también cometí los mismos errores porque
andaba muy involucrada en mi trabajo: “Estoy cansada, solo firmo, pero no chequeo.” En
el algún momento de mi vida yo venía y solo firmaba. Ahora que estoy metida en la
escuela, me doy cuenta cuánta ayuda necesitan los muchachos.
A mí me falta todavía conocer mucho más, por qué no es mucho—porque antes
me dedicaba mucho a trabajar, igual que los otros padres y se me olvidó mi gran
inversión que son aquí mis dos hijos. Y ahorita que estoy muy involucrada, me doy
cuenta cuan solos había dejado a mis hijos cuando trabajaba. Por ganarme diez dólares o
20 dólares más la hora. No vale la pena, tu hijo vale más que eso.
Because, at some point in my life, I also made the same mistakes because I was very
involved in my work: “I’m tired. I would sign, but did not check.” At some point in my
life, I would come and just sign-in. Now that I’m in school, I realized how much help the
kids need.
I still have a lot to learn because it is not much—because, before, I was dedicated
to work like the other parents, and I forgot about my great investment my two children.
And now that I’m involved, I realize how abandoned I had my children. For earning 10
dollars or 20 dollars more an hour. It’s not worth it, your son is worth more than that.
Here, Alma discussed the lack of support she provided her son and how neglected he was while
she worked. She believed, as parents, you forget about your investment (children) while you
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work to earn a few extra dollars. Alma realized how she mimicked her parents’ actions and
decided she would not expose her son to the same cycle. She insisted it was not worth it. She had
the opportunity to become a parent volunteer and learned how to support her child.
Several respondents reported their own parents were like Alma’s in that they worked long
hours and were never involved. Therefore, many participants decided they would be involved in
their child’s education. Thus, many believed their parents could have done more. Alma learned
from her choices as a parent and decided she would prioritize her son’s education. Her vision
was for him to pursue higher education and obtain a good job. She suggested,
Sí, me encantaría que él lograra su meta de que estudiara y tuviera un buen trabajo. Y
después de graduarse, tenerlo, pueda hacer su vida ya como él guste hacerla. Tener la
seguridad de tener una carrera, tener un buen ingreso. Porque si tú estudias, y llegas a la
universidad, digamos, te gradúes; ya aunque sea hagas tu bachelor y luego hagas tu
máster, te da la oportunidad de tener un buen ingreso. Un ingreso que una persona
regular, que viene a trabajar, no lo va a ganar. Y logre su sueño, logre ir a los lugares y
haga lo que él necesite. Y sea pues una persona de bien en este país, que sea una persona
de provecho, de éxito.
Yes, I would love for him to achieve his goal to study and have a good job. After
graduation, for him to have the life he wants. Have a secure career, good income.
Because, if you study and make it to college, let’s say, you graduate and have your
bachelor’s and then master’s, it gives you the opportunity to have a good income. The
income that an average person who comes to work will not earn. And to achieve his
dream, go places and do what he needs to do. And be a good person in this country, that
is a successful person.
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Alma revealed how a college degree could provide personal gratification. Her aspirations for her
child revolved around education and income. She was mindful of the opportunities available with
a college education. In addition, Alma believed a career would provide income security. Most of
the respondents shared the same feeling of how an education could lead to opportunities.
Participants’ parents’ lack of involvement motivated them to be involved in their child’s
education. As discussed prior, Lupe’s parents were not involved. Therefore, as a parent, she
decided to take on an active role. She believed a child was cared for at school when parents were
involved. Lupe argued,
I feel, when you don’t go, I feel like…How do I…It sounds, that’s just my opinion,
though, but I really feel like, when you don’t get involved, that they really leave those
kids to the side. I see it. When you’re involved, they pay attention to your child because
they’ll be like, “Okay this parent is on it” versus someone else. If that parent, maybe
they’re working or what not. They could have a valid reason, but I feel like they push
them to the side. They won’t even bother because they’re like, “Parent never comes...”
Here, Lupe suggested that, when parents were not involved, those kids were neglected and
overlooked by the school. On the other hand, when a parent was engaged, the school was
responsive and attentive to the needs or concerns of the parent. Lupe, as many of the
respondents, believed it was important to be involved and collaborate with her child’s school.
Participants reacted to their parents’ lack of involvement and wanted to safeguard that their child
had the support he or she needed.
Furthermore, respondents considered their involvement essential for their child’s
academic success. For example, Alma suggested that a parent needed to take on an active role in
his/her child’s education. She commented,
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Es el más importante porque para que un padre—debe de ser activo en la educación de su
hijo, estar al pendiente, tener comunicación con los maestros, tener comunicación con su
consejera, estar al pendiente que te conozca todo el mundo en la escuela. Desde el que
barre hasta el que—hasta el director, y tener comunicación para que tú sepas qué hace tu
hijo en la escuela. Aparte, no faltar a ninguno de los talleres que tú necesitas como padres
para ayudar a tu hijo, llevarlo a que se gradúe a que tenga éxito, paso por paso, y todas las
herramientas están, simplemente que no las sabemos buscar.
Disciplina, reglas, reglas no negociables, las reglas de la educación no deberían
ser negociable con tus hijos. También crear un ambiente educativo en tu casa y estar al
cien con talleres informándote de todas las leyes nuevas para la educación y todo lo
nuevo que cada año cambia, ver que cosas con las que tú puedes ayudar o no va a ayudar
a tu hijo.
It is the most important because, for a parent, must be active in their child’s education, be
aware, communicate with teachers, communicate with the counselor, be aware that
everyone knows you at school. From the person who sweeps to the—to the principal, and
communicate so you know what your child is doing at school. Besides, do not miss any
of the workshops that you need as parents to help your child, lead him to graduate to be
successful, step by step, and all the tools are available, the problem is that we do not
know how to look for them.
Discipline, rules, non-negotiable rules, the rules of education should not be
negotiable with your children. Also, create an educational environment in your home and
be at a hundred with workshops informing you of all the new laws for education and
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everything new that changes each year, see what things you can help or will not help your
child.
Alma believed a parent should be familiar with everyone within the school campus, from
teachers, counselors to the custodians. She recommended parents attend school workshops to
learn how to better support their child to graduate. In addition, she suggested the importance of
parents to gather resources. As a parent, she argued how discipline and rules should not be
negotiable between a parent and child. She suggested parents create a home environment that
focused on education.
Several participants shared similar beliefs on what their role should be as a parent at the
school and home. All respondents expected their children to go to college. As discussed prior,
parents shared how the lack of education created challenges for them. Victoria shared her
account:
Sí, porque lo que le digo de que, por ejemplo, antes y ahora todavía los trabajos son
pesados, mal pagados, por no tener estudios. Entonces creo que eso la motiva a que tiene
que estudiar para poder tener algo que la va a mantener.
Yes, because what I tell her, for example, before and now jobs are still hard, poorly paid,
for not having an education. So, I think that motivates her to have to study in order to
have something to take care of herself.
Victoria argued level of education determine the type of job and income you earn. She hoped her
experiences motivated her daughter to continue her education.
Similarly, several respondents used their personal accounts to encourage their child to
appreciate the value and importance of an education. For several participants, their aspirations
and involvement in their child’s education were based on their experiences growing up in
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poverty. As a result, their decision to be involved was inspired by their lack of access to an
education and opportunities. Participants examined how their parents were uninvolved but
provided non-educational support, imposed gender-specific expectations, and lacked aspirations
or involvement towards their education. However, several participants emulated an action or
behavior from their parents.
Table 2
Participants Reacted Against Their Own Parents’ Parenting
Research Question 1:
What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be involved
in their children’s educational experiences?
Finding 1 Parents’ experiences with their own parents played an important role in the way
they talked about their own approach to their involvement with their own kids
Theme 1 Participants reacted against their own parents’ parenting
Participant Own Parents’ Lack of
Involvement
Reaction Against Own Parents’ Parenting
Alma Parents were supportive,
but completely
uninvolved

Parents modeled a lack of
involvement
Own parents influenced her understanding of parent
involvement.

Looked for resources to become an informed and
resourceful parent.

Parent was responsible for the success of their child.

Create a home environment that focused on
education.
Hilda Parent hardships made
parents unavailable.
Therefore, she had to
help care for siblings and
manage the household.
Priority as a parent was to ensure her child finished
school.

Provide children a different experience.

Attended school events regularly.

Ensure her child reached her academic goals.

Believed her role was to advocate for her daughters.

Used her personal experiences to motivate her
children towards a career.

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Table 2, continued
Research Question 1:
What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be involved
in their children’s educational experiences?
Finding 1 Parents’ experiences with their own parents played an important role in the way
they talked about their own approach to their involvement with their own kids
Theme 1 Participants reacted against their own parents’ parenting
Participant Own Parents’ Lack of
Involvement
Reaction Against Own Parents’ Parenting
Carmen Parents established
specific roles within the
household that did not
relate to school.
Decided to take a different approach to parenting
and the educational system.

Understand and navigate the educational system.

Be informed of child’s progress to help them.
Noemi Parents emphasized
gender-specific roles and
responsibilities.

Parents’ level of
education limited their
ability to help.
Encouraged the importance of an education and
rejected the traditional gender-specific roles.

Communicate expectations to your child at an early
age.

Parents should help build curiosity and desire to
learn.
Lupe Mother verbalized her
lack of care in her
education.
Decided to have a different relationship with her
daughters based on support and encouragement.

Communicated the importance of education.

Parents needed to be involved and collaborate with
their child’s school.

Theme 2: Participants emulate their own parents’ parenting. As discussed in this
study, respondents shaped their role as a parent based on their relationship with their own
parents. Therefore, their choices shaped their role construction and relationship with their child.
Respondents agreed their parents were not involved in their education and wished they would
have taken on an active role in their education. Although participants shared their disillusionment
with their parents, they also emulated some of their parents’ behaviors or actions. Specifically,
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participants attended school events as requested by their child’s teacher/school and embraced the
support of other adults.
All six respondents discussed how one of their parents attended a school event. For
example, Hilda shared her memory of her dad’s participation in school events. She said,
My dad was the one that was more involved. He was the one that would come to the open
house. He was the one that was registering me in school. He’s the one that I recall seeing
in school. During open houses or any special events, he’s the one that I remember seeing.
He was the one that was involved more.
Hilda vividly remembered her father who attended school events and how important it was for
her to see him. Her father believed his participation in school events was a way to support his
daughter. As shared by Hilda, her father’s participation in school left a valuable mark, as a result,
she made the decision and effort to attend school events as a parent.
All respondents had taken on an active role in their child’s education. For most
respondents, parent participation had a positive effect on their child’s academic performance.
Hilda’s involvement in her daughters’ education goes beyond school events. She shared a daily
routine with her daughters. She said,
We talk all the time. When I pick them up, the first thing I always ask is, “how was
school?” If I know that one of them had something to do in class, I always ask them, “Did
you turn in this?” Or, try to make conversation with them as far as school goes, but, a lot
of times, they start the conversation themselves when I pick them up.
We think maybe that…a lot of times, we make mistakes and we think that “Well,
I’m working hard I can’t go to your school, I can’t participate, I can’t really be involved
in your school because I have to go to work so that I can give you want or what you
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need.” We’re not realizing that by, doing that, we’re actually hurting our kids because,
sometimes, what the kid needs is for the parent to be there.
For the kids, it’s good because they see the parents. I think it’s important because
the kids are able to see that there are parents involved, and I think this will help them
when they grow older and have their own kids. It’s going to help them be a part of their
kids in school as well.
Here, Hilda shared a typical day with her daughters and how she made it a priority to ask them
about their day in school. Consequently, Hilda’s daughters shared about school to the point that
they initiated those conversations. She suggested parents need to make time to be involved in
their child’s education and not use work as an excuse. Hilda suggested it was parents’
responsibility to do more than just provide for their child, but also to be there for them and
provide support. In addition, she discussed a parent should model good behavior. She believed, if
children observed their parents being involved, they would replicate that behavior when they
became parents.
In addition, respondents stated their parents worked long hours; therefore, they learned
the importance of being able to provide for their family. Most of the participants attended school
events. As described previously, participants’ parents attended required school meetings. For
example, Victoria discussed how her mother made sure to attend school meetings. She
commented,
Recuerdo también de cuando eran las juntas de los maestros con los padres. Mi mamá
nunca--ella ponía parte de su tiempo para poder llegar a las reuniones. Pero casi no--
porque era la única casi de que nos—como padre y madre a nosotros....
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Mi mamá era la que estaba más involucrada, en el sentido que ella nos inscribía
en la escuela, a ella le mandaban los mensajes de lo que fuera necesario. Ella—lo mismo,
como era padre y madre a la vez, ella era la única que aportaba su tiempo, lo poco que
podía.
I also remember when it was the teachers’ meetings with parents. My mom never—she
made time to attend these meetings. But almost not—because she was the only—as a
father and mother to us.
My mother was the one most involved, in the sense that she enrolled us in school,
she was the one whom messages were sent to when necessary. She was like a father and
mother at the same time. She was the only one who gave her time, as little as she could.
Here, Victoria discussed how her mother tried to attend parent-teacher meetings but encountered
several challenges as a single parent. Her mother was involved in her education and
communicated with school. Victoria acknowledged her mother’s sacrifices. Therefore, as a
parent, she learned to prioritize her child’s education. She shared her challenges when unable to
attend school meetings. She commented,
Sí, porque a veces, por ejemplo, cuando hay reuniones en las tardes que necesitamos ir,
yo no puedo ir porque pues tengo que trabajar…yo me las ingenio para poder llegar a la
escuela.
Para darle apoyo, para que mire que estoy ahí, pero no es por cuidarla, sino nomás
por estar apoyando a la escuela y agarrar más información.
Yes, because, sometimes, for example, when there are meetings in the evenings that we
need to go, I cannot go because I have to work…I figure it out on how to get to school.
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To give her support, so that you can see that I’m there, but not just to care for her,
but to support the school and get more information.
Victoria shared it could be a challenge when school meetings were in the evening, particularly if
she had to work. She discussed she found a way to attend the meetings or obtain the information.
In addition, she wanted her daughter to know how she could count on her support. Victoria was
involved not just because she cared but wanted to be informed to guide her daughter better.
Several respondents shared memories of their parents’ attending school meetings. As a
result, several of them emulated their parents’ actions of going to school events. Participants
shared they made time to attend parent conference for their child’s grades and when unable to
attend they visited their child’s counselor. They believed it was important to communicate with
their child’s teachers and counselor to monitor their academic performance. For a few
participants, mentoring had a positive impact while growing up. As a parent, one respondent
shared she sought a mentor for her child. Another experience participants emulated from their
parents was to rely on the support and encouragement from other adults.
One of the participants remembered how her mother valued the support of a mentor.
Lupe described how her mother decided a mentor would be a good idea for her daughter and
decided to get one. Lupe shared her positive experiences with her mentor as a child. She shared,
I know my mom had got one for me when I was younger. She told me she wanted to get
one for me because we didn’t have any family. We didn’t have any family. She wanted
me to have somebody else that I can go to or feel they’re also a part of my family besides
just my mom and my dad…I mean, that was the best thing that ever happened to me.
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She [the mentor] was always supportive and she just pushed me. She motivated me, so
because she encouraged me and gave me so much motivation and, “You can do it. You
can go further.” That’s what made me continue on. If it wasn’t for that I wouldn’t have.
Lupe shared the support and motivation her mentor provided her as a child. She discussed how
her mother decided to find her a mentor since they did not have family they could count on for
help. Lupe valued the role her mentor provided her over the years and stated how a she was “the
best thing that ever happened.” As a parent, Lupe sought a mentor for her daughters, but their
experience with their mentors was not the same as she experienced growing up. Her mentor had
an important mark in her life that it shaped her role as a parent. Although participants did not
have a mentor as Lupe they counted on other adults such as grandparents, older siblings or
extended family members who supported them as a child. For several of the respondents’
parents, these adults provided their children additional support and motivation many were not
able to provide. Respondents shared positive experiences with other adults as their parents relied
on them to care for them while they worked. In Lupe’s case, her mentor had an impact in their
life that influenced her parenting. She argued,
She was always supportive and she just pushed me. She motivated me, so because she
encouraged me and gave me so much motivation and, “You can do it. You can go
further.” That’s what made me continue on. If it wasn’t for that I wouldn’t have.
Like I said before my parents we didn’t go out hiking or any of that stuff. I think by like
having them a different atmosphere that they have no clue what it’s about. It helps them
because my Big Sister [mentor] did that with me and I think that’s why I can go to some
art gallery, I can go to some fancy restaurant or I could be in this whole new culture and
honestly, I can adapt very quickly to it because it doesn’t … I’m not intimidated by it.
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Lupe explained how the activities and experiences she had with her mentor affected her
as an individual. For example, she discussed how her mentor exposed her to activities, such as
hiking and art galleries, which she would not have done with her parents. As a result, those
experiences helped build her self-esteem. Therefore, Lupe used her memories to recreate those
similar experiences with her daughters. She was grateful to her mentor and the support she
provided over the years as a child and now as a parent. Lupe has continued to communicate with
her mentor over the years. Mentors provided respondents that additional support and guidance.
Not all had the same experiences as Lupe, but they did rely on the support of extended family
members and friends. Several participants recalled how their grandmothers helped raise them as
their parents worked. A few of respondents believed mentors provided their child additional
guidance and support.
Two parents recognized the positive impact mentors provided a child. For instance, Hilda
accepted the support of mentors from a local community-based organization to work with their
daughters. She commented,
I think the [mentor] has helped a lot because I’m able to call the big sister [mentor] and
tell them, “Look, I’m having this problem. Do you have any suggestions?” I think that I
would probably say that Big Sisters [mentors] is who I would go to.
Now that I’m going through all this applications for college, they’re [mentor] the
ones that have helped me a lot. Without them, the support that they are giving my kids, I
don’t know if it would…I’m sure I would get it done, it would just be a little bit harder.
Hilda said her daughter’s mentor had been supportive of the college application process. In
addition, how she could rely on her mentor whenever she had a problem and needed advice. She
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believed the mentor had access to information and could guide her daughter. Hilda trusted her
daughter’s mentor.
Like Hilda, other respondents understood the importance of other adults who could help
address concerns and questions about their child’s education. Although most of them did not
have a mentor as Lupe and Hilda, they had specific adults they could rely on for support, such
as their child’s counselor, teacher or other parents. Participants were invested in their child’s
education and looked out for their best interest. Several of them knew whom they could go to
for help and guidance at their child’s school. In addition, many of them were associated and
involved with community organizations. As presented above, participants shared some of their
parents’ actions while growing up and how they emulated some of their behaviors. They shaped
their parenting style based on what they would have wanted from their parents and what they
perceived should be their role as a parent.
This section addressed one of the findings in the study on how parents’ experiences with
their own parents played an important role in their approach on involvement with their own
child. The findings identified two categories: participants reacted against their own parents’
parenting, and they emulated their own parents’ parenting. As discussed, participants reacted
against their parents’ lack of involvement and made a commitment to their child’s education.
They wanted to provide their children with a different experience and access to opportunities.
Although respondents’ parents were not involved, some emulated their parents’ behaviors and
actions. As parents, they reflected on their childhood and the life they envisioned for their
children. Several shared the most memorable experiences with their parents, which influenced
their role construction. As presented, participants’ experiences shaped their role as parent and
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level of involvement in their child’s education. The next theme addressed parents’ relationship
with their child’s school and how it affected their level of involvement at the high school level.
Table 3
Participants Emulated Their Own Parents’ Parenting
Research Question 1:
What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be involved
in their children’s educational experiences?
Finding 1 Parents’ experiences with their own parents played an important role in the way
they talked about their own approach to their involvement with their own kids
Theme 2 Participants emulated their own parents’ parenting
Participant Own Parents’ Behaviors and
Actions
Actions Emulated From Own
Parents/Adults
Hilda Father participated in school
events
Attended school events.

Participation goes beyond attending school
events (e.g., communication with children).

Parents need to model good behavior.

Accepted the support from community-
based organizations.
Victoria Mother attended school
meetings although she was a
single parent.
Learned how to prioritize her child’s
education.

Found ways to obtain the information when
she was not able to attend school meetings.
Lupe Mother valued the support of
a mentor.
Decided to find a mentor for her daughters,
but experience was not the same as it was
for her.

Recreated similar memories she
experienced with her mentor with her
daughters.

Finding 2: Parents’ relationship with their child’s school predisposed their level of
involvement

All six parents had distinctive experiences with their child’s high school that contributed
to their level of involvement. Each participant shared his/her accounts with different
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stakeholders, from the academic counselor, teachers, and principal. The second finding is that
Latino parents believed their child’s school predisposed their level of involvement. Their
experiences with their child’s school were shaped by their relationship with school officials.
Three themes emerged. First, parents’ level of involvement was based on their relationship with
school staff. This theme is consistent with the literature on parent involvement that suggests that
parents’ level of involvement was based on schools’ commitment to engaging parents and
providing them a role within the school (Auerbach, 2007a; DePlanty et al., 2007; Williams &
Sanchez, 2012a). The second theme to emerge is how schools’ lack of support did not discourage
parents from being involved. The third theme addressed how a school environment influenced
parent involvement. The first theme presented how respondents entrusted school staff for
support.
Theme 1: Parents’ relationship with school staff contributed to their involvement.
Respondents discussed their relationship with their child’s academic counselor and teachers. In
addition, participants depended on these stakeholders to support them with their child. Several
respondents developed a relationship with their child’s counselor and relied on them for
guidance. For example, several directly communicated with the counselor whenever they had a
question or concern. The first experience addressed respondents’ interaction with their child’s
counselor and teachers.
Three of the parents shared how they trusted their child’s academic counselor.
Respondents considered their child’s counselor as someone they could go for support and
guidance. For example, Carmen talked about how supportive her daughter’s counselor had been
as she struggled with emotional issues. She commented,
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Un día me hablaron a la casa y me dijo la consejera… y ella me dijo que quería hablar
conmigo y ya cuando llego a su oficina ya le dije que qué pasaba y ella me dijo que
notaba a Leslie muy triste, que Leslie lloraba mucho. ¿Qué te digo? Como me conocen, y
gracias a Dios que te conocen. Y yo le dije: “¿por qué?,” entonces ella me dijo que ella
cuando salía en la tarde a agarrar su carro, cuando terminaba su turno, Leslie
corría…Pero a ella le llamó la atención que Leslie casi siempre estaba llorando en las
bancas, y Leslie siempre ha sido muy alegre… y muy amiguera. Entonces ella notó ese
cambio en mí, y me habló a mí y me dijo que le iban a poner una tutora. Sí, pero no era
una tutora, era como promotora, que venían y hablaban contigo. Entonces ella me dijo
que tal vez Leslie tenía un problema, y que ella por medio de la persona ésta que venía,
le podía encontrar cuál era el problema, porque a veces nosotros como—los jóvenes
cuando están jóvenes, no nos dicen todo a los padres, entonces ella contó con mi apoyo, y
me dijo que me quería pedir a mí de favor que yo la apoyara, porque sentía ella que
Leslie necesitaba ayuda extra. Ella ya le había hablado a Leslie y Leslie no, pues “es que
suéltame” y se hace un poquito así, se queda con todo. Y sí, le pusieron a esta persona,
fíjate nomás lo que descubrí. Le pusieron a esta persona y al principio la primera
entrevista fue conmigo. Y entonces, como ella quería saber cómo nosotros educábamos a
nuestros hijos y todo, entonces ya después ellos siguieron solos, y por ahí ya después me
di cuenta que mi hija se quería hasta matar, a suicidar por el muchachito, porque una vez
el muchachito la dejó y mi hija llegó a pensar que ella se podía quitar la vida. Para mí fue
un trauma. Yo decía: “¿Pero cómo, si yo vi a mi hija bien?” Por eso te digo, a veces es
bueno que los consejeros o las personas de la escuela te conozcan, porque si no hubiera
sido por la consejera, yo nunca me hubiera dado cuenta. Y si—imagínate—si no le pongo
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a la persona esa a mi hija, que ella se puede expresar mi hija con ella, imagínate si se
mata y yo nunca me voy a dar de cuenta. Yo pensé que conocía a mi hija.
One day, they called my house, and the counselor told me…she told me that she wanted
to talk to me, and, when I got to her office, I told her what was wrong, and she told me
that she noticed Leslie very sad, that Leslie cried a lot. What can I tell you? Since they
know me, and, thank God, they know you. And I said, “Why?” Then, she told me that,
when she left in the afternoon to pick up her car, when she finished her shift, Leslie ran.
But she was struck by the fact that Leslie was almost always crying in the benches, and
Leslie has always been very cheerful…and very friendly. Then, she noticed that change,
and she talked to me and told me that they would find her a tutor [mentor]. Yes, but she
was not a tutor, she was like a promoter [mentor]. They came and talked to you. Then,
she told me that, perhaps, Leslie had a problem, and that she, through the person who
came, could find out what the problem was because sometimes we, like, young people,
when they are young, they do not tell parents everything. She had my support, and she
told me that she wanted me to support her because she felt Leslie needed extra help. She
had already spoken to Leslie and not Leslie, because “let me go” and does a little bit like
that, takes everything. And, yes, they put this person [mentor]. Just look what I
discovered. They placed this person and the first interview was with me. And, then, she
wanted to know how we educated our children and everything. Then, afterwards, they
stayed by themselves, and, afterwards, I realized that my daughter wanted to kill herself,
commit suicide for the young man [boyfriend] because the young man had left her. My
daughter came to think that she could take her life. For me, it was a trauma. I said, “But
how, if I saw my daughter well?” That’s why I say, sometimes, it is good for the
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counselors or people at school to know you. Otherwise, if it had not been for the
counselor, I would never have noticed. And yes—imagine—if I would not have put that
person [mentor] to my daughter, where she would have been able to express with my
daughter with her. Imagine if she would have killed herself, and I would have never
noticed. I thought I knew my daughter.
Here, Carmen shared her positive relationship with her daughter’s counselor who
outreached about her daughter. The counselor noticed her lack of motivation and how she
isolated herself. As a result, professional helped was provided for Carmen’s daughter who had
suicidal thoughts. She received the guidance she needed to overcome her depression. Carmen
was unaware of her daughter’s situation and was grateful for the counselor who advocated for
her daughter’s safety.
Several respondents shared they could depend on their child’s counselor for support. In
addition, participants believed teachers had an important role in their child’s education. For
example, Hilda argued how teachers played a critical role in their child’s life. She said,
I tell them that it’s important for them to have a good relationship with their teachers. I
always tell them your teachers are your parent at school, because they’re the ones that
spend more time with you, probably more than I do, because they’re in school most of the
time.
I think me seeing them involve themselves as teachers in the kid’s education
motivates you because if a stranger is really interested in my child’s education, why
shouldn’t I? I think that motivates for you to see that your teacher, your child’s teacher
cares how they’re doing in school, I think that that motivates you to want to be a part of
it.
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Hilda discussed how teachers had a valuable role in a child’s life since they spent a long period
of time with them. She believed teachers should be seen as parents and respected for their
commitment to education. Hilda was motivated to be involved in her child’s education. She
believed that if a stranger [teacher] invested their time to help her child succeed, she should as
well. Several participants shared the same views as Hilda and were inspired to help their child
succeed when they noticed others were interested and concerned. Although some respondents
had unfortunate encounters with staff members at school, it did not interfere with their
commitment to their child’s education. In addition, participants discussed how important it was
for schools to understand the needs and concerns of parents.
Table 4
Parents’ Relationship With School Staff Contributed to Their Involvement
Research Question 1:
What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be involved
in their children’s educational experiences?
Finding 2 Parents’ relationship with their child’s school predisposed their level of involvement
Theme 1 Parents’ relationship with school staff contributed to their involvement
Participant Parents’ Perception of Their
Child’s Counselor and
Teachers
Parents’ Relationship with Counselor/School
Staff
Carmen Trusted academic counselor. Counselor was supportive as daughter struggled
with emotional issues.

Positive relationship with counselor and helped
her daughter.
Hilda Teachers played an important
role in child’s life.
Teachers should be seen as parents and
respected for work in their child’s education.

Theme 2: Schools’ lack of support did not discourage parents from being involved.
Participants shared their experiences with their child’s school and how it helped shape their level
of involvement. Several shared schools did not provide an environment that welcomed parents,
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but that did not prevent or limit their involvement. The first experience addressed how the lack
of support for parents did not discourage their involvement.
Five of the parents shared an incident with a school staff member who did not help or
address a concern they had about their child. As discussed prior, school stakeholders were
perceived as individuals whom parents trusted to go for help. Alma believed her child’s
counselor was indifferent and unhelpful. She stated,
No. Yo fui con ella varias veces. De hecho, yo la reporté, porque yo quería información y
quería ayuda, y si supuestamente me mandaban con la consejera es porque ella me podía
ayudar y podíamos sentarnos a hacer un plan para mi hijo. Y yo le dije a ella que nos
sentáramos, nunca tuvo tiempo. Le hablé, fue una vez y me dijo: “esto es lo que necesita
su hijo” y todo me lo dio escrito en una hoja y ya, “es lo que necesita y eso tiene que
hacer y punto.” No me dijo cómo lo iba hacer. Es lo que te digo. Llega un padre que no
esté informado, ¿qué va a hacer?
No. I went with her several times. In fact, I reported her because I wanted information
and I wanted help, and, if they sent me with the counselor, it was because she could help
me and make a plan for my son. And I told her that we needed to sit down, but never had
time. I called one time, and she said, “This is what your child needs” and gave me written
note and said, “this is what he needs and has to do, and period.” She did not say how he
was going to do it. That’s what I say. There comes a parent who is not informed, what
will they do?
Alma shared her frustration with the academic counselor and how she never had time to sit with
her to create an academic plan for her child. The counselor was uncooperative with her as a
parent who was concerned about her son’s education. She filed a complaint against the counselor
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for her lack of ability to work with a parent. Alma received a note from the counselor that
indicated what her son needed to do, but she had no idea about the steps or the process since the
counselor did not explain. As an involved parent, she was informed and aware of her rights as a
parent. Alma’s encounter with the counselor did not prevent or limit her level of involvement.
On the contrary, she sought support outside of school.
A few respondents learned from prior experiences with school staff members, as a result,
decided to go directly to the principal. For example, Lupe believed teachers could give parents
the run around when dealing with problems at school. She explained,
The thing is, from my experience, teachers will give you the runaround. It’s like they’ll
handle it within, and it’ll never go to the next person and et cetera. To cut to the chase, I
just go directly to the principal and address it so, later on, there’s no, “She never brought
that up to me, or this was just…” This way it’s, like, no. I’m bringing it up. I think
because I just, with my kids it’s more of like I just want to cut to the chase and get to the
main source and just deal with it.
Lupe discussed how teachers had given her the runaround and decided it was more efficient to go
directly to the principal. She avoided the waste of time and dealt with the matter much more
efficiently. Her experiences with her daughters’ teachers did not discourage her from being
involved. On the contrary, she continued to monitor their progress and dealt with the principal
directly.
Several respondents shared their positive experiences with their child’s teachers. A few
participants corroborated Lupe’s lack of confidence in teachers. For example, Noemi suggested
teachers be engaged in their profession and ensure all students were learning. She indicated,
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Tal vez los maestros necesitan recordar, así le dije, tal vez yo creo que los maestros
necesitan recordar lo que es la pedagogía, el amor a enseñar, el amor a ellos a traerlos, a
que aprendan, a que sepan lo que quieren. No nada más decir: “yo llego, enseño, si
aprendiste bueno y si no pues—ni modo.”
Perhaps teachers need to remember, so I said, maybe I think teachers need to remember
what is pedagogy, the of love teaching, the love for them to learn, to know what they
want. Nothing else to say, “I came, I teach, if you learn good and if not—oh well.”
Here, Noemi discussed how teachers needed to reflect on their motives to be an educator and
their educational pedagogy. She believed educators should love to teach and pass the love to
learn to students. In addition, Noemi suggested how teachers should not be passive aggressive
but demonstrate a passion for their profession. Teachers should prioritize the needs of all
students and not allow any to fall between the cracks.
Several participants shared positive experiences with teachers. For the most part,
respondents felt comfortable to outreach to their child’s teachers and discuss their progress. Most
shared positive experiences with teachers and counselors, although that was not always the case
with the principal. Several participants shared their experiences with the school principal and
believed it was their responsibility to build a positive school environment that would invite
parents to be involved.

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Table 5
Schools’ Lack of Support did not Discourage Parents From Being Involved
Research Question 1:
What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be involved
in their children’s educational experiences?
Finding 2 Parents’ relationship with their child’s school predisposed their level of involvement
Theme 2 Schools’ lack of support did not discourage parents from being involved
Participant Schools’ Lack of Support Parents’ Relationship with School
Alma Academic counselor was
indifferent and unhelpful.
Frustration towards counselor who never had
time to sit and discuss her concerns.

Filed a formal complaint.

Relationship with counselor did not prevent or
limit her level of involvement.
Lupe Teachers could give parents the
runaround.
Decided to communicate with the principal
directly.
Noemi Teachers should be engaged in
their profession and ensure
student learning.
Believed teachers should prioritize the needs of
all students.

Theme 3: School environment influenced parent involvement. Respondents shared
how a school environment could set the tone for parents to be involved in their child’s education.
Many said their child’s school did not provide an environment that welcomed parents; hence,
several found other support networks. For example, some participants shared their experiences
with the parent center at their child’s school. Several discussed their relationship with the school
principal and how it shaped their perspective of the school. The first experience focused on
participants’ encounters with the school principal.
Five of the parents found the school principal indifferent to parents’ involvement. Several
of participants discussed how they were not welcomed by the school staff or targeted by school
administrators. Alma shared her experiences with the principal after she questioned her decisions
and its effects on students. She said,
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Y si tú vienes y ahora exiges: “quiero que me digas, me informes las cosas a tiempo,”
eres un padre molestia en la escuela. Porque ese es el papel que me han nombrado a mí,
que soy un padre molesto porque pido información, porque pregunto. Y pregunto por qué
están trayendo ese tipo de detalle a la escuela, y cosas que necesito. Y aparte busco
talleres para enseñarle a los papás que van a la escuela donde van mis hijos también.
And if you come and demand, “I want you to tell me, tell me about things on time,”
you’re a problem parent at school. Because that’s the role they have given me, I’m a
problem parent because I ask for information, because I ask. And I ask why they are
bringing certain kind of workshops to school, and things I need. And besides I look for
workshops to teach parents who go to school where my children go to as well.
Alma voiced her frustration as she questioned the principal’s decision and how she was labeled a
problem parent. She believed the principal felt challenged, as she demanded explanations for
decisions being made. Alma questioned the type of workshops presented to parents and how
useful they would be to them. She had taken on the responsibility to find workshops that could
be more helpful to parents.
Most respondents shared their concern for the school principals’ lack of interest to
involve and collaborate with parents. In addition, some parents felt a sense of frustration with
their principal. For example, Noemi confronted the principal after he interrogated her daughter
without her consent or knowledge. She argued,
Al siguiente día yo fui y enfrenté al director y le dije: “yo quiero saber por qué ustedes
interrogan a mi hija sin mi presencia, sin mi autorización, si ella es menor de edad”. O
sea, mi preocupación no era tanto lo que ella sabía de los reportes, porque ella ya me lo
había platicado a mí, sino, mi pregunta es, ¿cómo la escuela maneja estos asuntos en su
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discreción, aparentemente, sin tomar en cuenta a los papás? Cuando yo le dije al director
y me dijo: “es un asunto confidencial”, me dijo, “no te lo puedo decir”. Le dije yo: “eso
lo respeto, pero déjeme decirle que el problema yo ya lo sé”. Le dije: “el problema aquí
está en que ella es menor de edad y por cortesía yo espero que por lo menos ustedes me
digan ‘vamos a llamar a tu hija para interrogarla sobre un asunto que está en
investigación’”…Porque si él haiga sabido, como le repito, que era mi hija, yo estoy
segura de que me hubiera notificado. Pero yo siento que es una-- pues más falta de
respeto, de que dices tú: “¿cómo no se pone él a pensar lo que puede pasar cuando
interrogan a una menor de edad?” Es interrogar a una menor de edad sin la presencia de
un adulto o sin la autorización de los padres.
The next day, I went and confronted the principal and told him, “I want to know why you
questioned my daughter without me, without my permission, if she is a minor.” That is,
my concern was not so much what she knew of the reports, because she had talked to me
about it, but my question is how the school handled this matter in its discretion,
apparently without taking into account the parents? When I told the principal, he said, “It
is a confidential matter.” He said, “I cannot tell you what.” I told him, “I respect that, but
let me tell you the problem I already know.” I said, “the problem here is that she is a
minor and, courtesy, I hope that, at least, you tell me, “we are going to your daughter for
questions on a matter that is under investigation” because, as I mentioned, if he would
have known that it was my daughter, I’m sure he would have notified me. But I feel it’s
a—it’s disrespectful. You tell yourself, “how he does not think what can happen when
interrogating a minor?” It is questioning a minor without the presence of an adult or
without parental consent.
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Noemi shared her frustration with the principal and his lack of respect towards his daughter. She
believed he had an obligation to contact and obtain her parental consent for the interrogation. In
addition, Noemi was informed of her rights as a parent and those of her daughter. She insisted
that, if the principal would have known who her daughter was, he would have responded
differently. Noemi was a parent volunteer at her daughter’s school. She stood up to the principal
and expressed her frustration towards his actions. Most respondents had minimal interaction with
their principal, although several of them had a negative perception of them (school principal) and
shared a concern about their professionalism. For example, Carmen shared what she heard from
other parents about the principal. She said,
Sí, yo siento que un director tiene que tener un respeto. Y honestamente, para mí, el
director del high school, no lo conozco al 100%, y yo sé que no puedes hablar de una
persona si no la conoces, pero a veces son más malos comentarios los que oyes que los
buenos comentarios. Y lo que tú lo ves, la primera impresión para mí cuenta mucho, y es
una persona que tiene muchos hombres ahí, por ejemplo, los security—el staff que le
dicen—que son unos huevones de primera, mucha jovencita ahí. Yo he ido y mucha
gente lo ha dicho, por eso lo quería sacar, son personas que no tienen mucho criterio, son
personas que no tienen ética, son personas que si están ahí es por estar. Tú puedes ir y
ver y no se les ve nada de profesionalismo, al contrario, para mí son unos lobos con cara
de security y de querer hacer el papel de security, cuando en realidad tú vas ahí y te
sientes hasta acosada. O sea, tú caminas y volteas y te sientes acosada, porque es lo que
es.
Yes, I feel that a principal has to have respect. Honestly, for me, the principal of the high
school, I do not know him 100%, and I know you cannot talk about a someone you do not
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know, but, sometimes, you hear more bad comments than good comments. And what you
see, the first impression counts a lot for me, and he is a person who has many men there,
for example, the security [campus staff]. The staff are lazy and there are many young
ladies. I’ve gone and many people have said the same and reason they wanted to remove
him. Its people who have no judgement, have no ethics. They are people who are there
just to be there. You can go and you will see the lack of professionalism. On the contrary,
for me, they are wolves with the face of a security and want the role of security when en
realidad you go and you feel harassed. I mean, you walk and you turn around and you
feel harassed, because it is what it is.
Carmen expected school leaders to carry themselves in a professional and respectful manner. She
commented how she did not know the principal but had heard concerns from other parents
around the issue of ethics. In addition, parents felt unsettled with the campus aides who worked
at the school. She believed there was an issue with respect and accountability. All respondents
shared this perspective that school leaders should carry themselves in a professional and
educated manner. In addition, they believed that a school should welcome parents and address
their concerns. For example, Alma argued how schools placed barriers for parents and made it
difficult for them to be involved in their child’s education. She said,
Porque te digo que es muy difícil, es como una barrera que hay entre padres y staff de la
escuela, no es tanto con el maestro. Es como como que no te dejan cruzar esa línea, y si
tú eres un papá y preguntas mucho, es que eres un papá muy preguntón. “¿Por qué
quieres tanta información?” Pero es tu derecho. Entonces, con ellos es bien difícil
traspasar eso.
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No, y por eso hay muchos padres faltantes de ir a la escuela, porque no los alientan. No
sé porqué, o no sé si es que a ellos no les conviene, porque en realidad, a ellos les gusta
mamás que siempre le estén ayudando a ellos, pero si usted les empieza a exigir, eres una
mamá molestia.
Because I say it is very difficult. It is like a barrier between parents and school staff, not
so much with the teacher. It’s like as they do not let you cross that line, and if you’re a
parent and ask questions a lot, you’re a very nosy parent. “Why do you want so much
information?” But it is your right. So, with them, it is very difficult to pass through that.
No, and that is why there are many missing parents who go to school, because
they do not encourage them. I do not know why, or if it is not suitable for them, because,
in reality, they like moms who help them, but if you start to demand, you’re a trouble
parent.
Alma acknowledged how parents were discouraged to be involved in their child’s education by
the school staff. She discussed how parents had been pushed away from the school when they
started to ask questions, as a result, they were labeled as nosy. Alma shared how that was a
reason parents distance themselves from schools. In addition, she believed schools preferred
parents who helped and asked no questions. Several participants shared their experiences with
schools and how they did not welcome parents. Although many did not feel welcome at their
child’s school, that did not deter them from being involved in their child’s education. Carmen
said schools welcomed parents, but did not provide the support they needed. She asserted,
Es una escuela bienvenida, entre paréntesis. ¿Qué quiero decir con esto? Es que tú puedes
ir cuantas veces tú quieras, pero desafortunadamente, no te dan el apoyo que tú necesitas.
O sea, te informan, pero al mismo modo no te informan. Es como que-- por ejemplo, sí
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puedes ser bienvenido, la escuela es para los padres que sean bienvenidos, pero como que
ellos no se enfrentan para darte toda la información. Hay como más de 3,000 alumnos y
hay como diez consejeros para los 3,000 alumnos. Eso quiere decir que son demasiados
alumnos para los poquitos consejeros, y si el joven es tímido y no va al consejero, se
puede quedar sin graduarse.
It is a welcoming school in parentheses. What do I mean by this? You can go as many
times as you want, but, unfortunately, they do not give you the support you need. In other
words, they inform you, but, at the same time, they do not inform you. It’s like, for
example, you can be welcomed, the school is for parents to be welcomed, but as they do
not give you all the information. There are about more than 3,000 students and about 10
counselors for 3,000 students. That means too many students for the same number of
counselors, and if the child is shy and does not go to a counselor, they might not
graduate.
Here, Carmen believed schools welcomed parents and provided minimal information on a child.
She believed schools expected students to contact their counselors and ask questions on their
progress or academic record. Carmen thought that, if the child was shy, they would not ask for
help and believed parents needed to interfere on their behalf. She was disappointed in how
schools were not willing to allow parents advocate for their child. Most respondents did not share
the same sentiment as Carmen. Hence, they had another support network within the school that
helped them navigate through the system. Several participants shared their experiences with the
parent center.
Four of the parents visited the parent center at their child’s school. Each parent had a
different experience at school that influenced their level of involvement. For example, Noemi
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discussed how the parent center welcomed parents and provided them with various workshops.
She argued,
Yo creo que de sentirme bienvenida, referente a las personas que trabajan el centro de
padres, como es el trabajo de ellas, nos sentimos bienvenidas. Pero lo que es
administración, no nos acepta, porque el centro de padres se encarga de conseguirnos
talleres. Hay talleres que nos informan sobre el título uno, que son los derechos de los
padres, que tienen que invitar, que el Distrito acepta a los padres.
I feel welcome. Concerning those who work in the parent center, since it is their job, we
feel welcome. But what’s administration, they do not accept us because the parent center
finds workshops. Some workshops tell us about the Title I, parents rights. They have to
invite parents, to indicate that the district accepts parents.
Noemi discussed how she felt welcomed by the parent center. As a result, felt connected to the
parents. She discussed how parent workshops were planned and organized by the parent center.
The center allowed parents to have a safe space where they could collaborate and communicate.
Several participants mentioned their school had a parent center but did not welcome all
parents. As a result, respondents learned their way around the school and relied less on other
parents. Although parent centers were created to provide parents a support network, several
respondents shared their concerns when parent representatives were not helpful. For example,
Victoria said parents had no place to go when the parent center was closed. Parents were
restricted to what they could do when the center was closed. She shared,
Por ejemplo, personas adecuadas en el sentido en que nosotros como padres vamos al
centro de padres, entonces hay ciertos días que no podemos llegar o entrar porque no hay
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nadie, o sea, no está la persona del centro de padres. Y es el único lugar donde podemos
ir pues, estar como padres.
For example, the right people in the sense, as parents, we go to the parent center, then
there are certain days that we cannot go or go into the school because the person who
oversees the parent center is not there. And it is the only place where we can go for it, be
as parents.
Here, Victoria offered that parents were left without a place to gather when the parent
representative was unavailable. She was disappointed that, if the parent center was closed,
parents had nowhere to go while on campus for support. In addition, she questioned the
leadership within the parent center and if it adequately served the needs of all parents. The parent
center had become an important space for parents to gather. Some participants shared their
experiences with the parent center, and it varied for each one. As discussed prior, Noemi had a
respectable relationship with the parent center and actively participated in events. Therefore,
Noemi’s relationship with the parent center was positive, and it encouraged her to participate and
volunteer. She learned how the school was structured and her rights as a parent.
Many respondents, however, did not attribute their decision to be involved due to the
parent center. Some questioned the purpose and responsibility of the parent center. For example,
Alma said parent volunteers were given priority compared to those who were not involved. She
said,
Te dan la bienvenida cuando tú perteneces a los padres, pero la escuela de mi hijo no la
siento así como confortable. Sí te dan bienvenida cuando ya estás ahí adentro, que ya te
metiste de alguna manera, porque no te dan información si tú no la pides. Y como yo
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digo y alego: ¿cómo te van a pedir información si los papás no tienen ni idea qué es lo
que necesitan hacer? No saben ni siquiera que existe un salón de padres.
They welcome you when you belong to the group of involved parents, but I do not feel
my child’s school to be comfortable. Yes, you are welcome when you’re in there, you are
involved in some way, because they will not give you information unless you ask for it.
And as I say, how you are going to inquire if the parents have no idea what they need to
do? They do not even know there is a parent room.
Here, Alma shared how schools helped parents who were associated with the parent center, but
what if you were not it was likely that you were on your own. In addition, she argued several
parents had no idea of how things worked within the school, therefore, it was possible they had
no knowledge of the existence of the parent center. Most of the participants learned about the
services and support available within their child’s school as involved parents. Each parent had
their way of how to address issues and concerns that affected their child’s education.
This section addressed the second finding in the study on parents’ relationship with their
child’s school and how it predisposed their level of involvement. The findings identified three
themes: parents’ relationship with school staff contributed to involvement, schools’ lack of
support did not discourage parents from being involved, and school environment influenced
parent involvement. As discussed, respondents’ relationship with a school staff member
(counselor, teacher and school principal) contributed to their involvement. They said their
positive relationship with a school staff member played a key factor. Although some
participants shared their positive relationship with a counselor or teacher, not all parents had the
same experiences. Several mentioned schools did not support parents’ involvement but did not
discourage them. Many argued how a school’s environment played a critical role in parents’
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decision to be involved. As presented, participants’ experiences with their child’s school
influenced their level of involvement. The next theme addressed how parents’ type of capital
contributed to their level of involvement.
Table 6
School Environment Influenced Parent Involvement
Research Question 1:
What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be involved
in their children’s educational experiences?
Finding 2 Parents’ relationship with their child’s school predisposed their level of involvement
Theme 3 School environment influenced parent involvement
Participant School Environment Influenced
Parent Involvement
Parents’ Relationship with School
Alma Questioned school principal on
decisions and how these affected
students.
Disappointed in school principal.

Labeled as a problem by principal.

Believed parents were discouraged from being
involved.

Involved parents were given priority, compared
to those parents who were not involved.
Noemi Confronted school principal after
he interrogated without parental
consent.

Parent center welcomed parents
and provided workshops.
Frustration with principal and lack of respect
toward her daughter.

Parent center provided parents a space to
collaborate and communicate.

Positive relationship with the parent center.
Carmen Limited interaction with principal, but heard the
concerns from other parents.

Parents are discouraged and students are
expected to ask for help.
Victoria Parents were not provided a
place to go when the parent
center was closed.
Disappointed parents have nowhere to go for
support.

Research Question 2
The second research question asked, “How does Latino parents’ access to resources and
experiences influence their decision to be involved at the high school level?” As discussed in
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Chapter Two, the conceptual framework for this study drew from four bodies of literature: role
construction, self-efficacy, types of capital, and schools’ perspective [schools’ behavior]. The
first finding revealed that limited social and cultural capital contributed to parents’ involvement.
Three themes emerged. First, parents’ lack of social capital shaped their level of involvement.
This theme is consistent with the literature on parent involvement that suggests that parents’
social networks become valuable as they access resources and determined their level of
involvement (Sheldon, 2002). The second theme is that communities’ limited resources
influenced parents’ involvement. The theme is relevant to the literature on how the social
networks of working-class and poor families varied based on the collaboration with other parents
(Horvat, Weininger, & Lareau, 2003). The third theme is that parents’ cultural capital motivated
them to be involved. The literature revealed how the moral values (educación) taught by families
played an important role in how they defined and enacted involvement (Reese, Balzano, &
Goldenberg, 1995).
I present findings in relation to the concepts in the conceptual framework. First, I explain
the way that social and cultural capital shaped their type of involvement. The first finding to
emerge from the data was that limited social and cultural capital contributed to parents’
involvement. As explained in my conceptual framework, social and cultural capital reflected the
access to networks and resources to using parents’ background and experiences to promote
academic success. For example, parents used their types of capital to support their children from
home or directly at school.
Finding: Parents’ Limited Social Capital and Cultural Capital Contributed to Their
Involvement at the High School Level

All six respondents shared their limited access to resources (social capital), plus their
background and experiences (cultural capital) prompted them to be involved in their child’s
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education. Participants shared the lack of resources within their communities and how they
sought help at their child’s school. In addition, respondents discussed how their personal
experiences motivated them to be involved in their child’s education and ensured they had the
tools to succeed. The finding to emerge from the data addressed how parents’ limited social
capital and cultural capital contributed toothier involvement at the high school level. Three
themes developed. First, parents’ lack of resources factored into their decision to be involved. As
explained in the conceptual framework, social capital was defined as the association among
people (networks) that promoted access to resources (Bourdieu, 2001). The second theme
addressed how communities’ limited resources influenced parents to be involved in their child’s
education. Last, parents’ experiences and background motivated them to be involved. Likewise,
cultural capital was described as parents’ background and experiences and how it factored into
their decision to be involved. The first theme presented discussed how participants’ lack of
access to resources limited their ability to support their child.
Theme 1: Parents’ lack of resources (social capital) factored into their decision to be
involved. Respondents reflected on the lack of resources and how their background contributed
to their decision to be involved in their child’s education. Several respondents reflected on their
educational outcomes, and, as a result, they were determined to find resources for their children.
In addition, participants shared that their education and experiences motivated them to be
involved. The findings on parents’ access to capital are presented as follows: social capital
followed by cultural capital. Several of the participants shared their decision to leave their home
country as a result of the disparity that existed.
Four of the parents shared their limited access to resources as children and how it
motivated them to be involved in their child’s education. Several of the participants immigrated
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to the United States for better opportunities, such as education and jobs. For example, Alma
shared her decision to leave her home country based on the lack of networks. She argued,
Entré en la universidad pero me embaracé, y ya se me complicó un poco cuando el niño
nació y yo estaba estudiando y trabajando. Se me complicó más. Y ya me vine para este
país porque yo quería que mi hijo estudiara acá. Porque en mi país, sea lo que estudies, es
difícil. Yo también tenía la idea de que: porque eras un universitario podías conseguir
mejores trabajos. No, en mi país si no tienes una buena recomendación, no puedes
conseguir trabajo, ni colocarte en un buen puesto. Esta es una de las decepciones que tuve
en mi país.
I went to college, but I got pregnant, and it got a little complicated when the child was
born and I was studying and working. It was more complicated. I came to this country
because I wanted my son to study here. Because, in my country, whatever you study, it is
difficult. I also had the idea that, because you were a college student, you could get better
jobs. No, in my country, if you do not have a good recommendation, you cannot get a
job, or put yourself in a good position. This is one of the disappointments I had in my
country.
Alma discussed her struggles as a parent while she continued her studies at the college level. Her
disappointment emerged when she realized a college education would not be the gateway to a
career. She argued that if, you did not have the proper recommendations [networks], you would
not find a job. Alma had her educational capital and recognized the negative effects of networks
in her home country. As a result, she decided not to raise her child in her country and immigrated
to the United States. Her decision was based on the value of education [educational capital] and
lack of networks [social capital] her son would have had to encounter if they would have stayed.
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In addition, her decision to immigrate was based on her experiences [cultural capital] and the fact
that she had family in the United States. Alma’s decision to move was an example of her being
involved in her child’s education. She realized she needed to access resources and expand her
networks to help her son. Her access to networks in the United States helped facilitate her move.
Much like Alma’s educational capital allowed her to intervene on behalf of her child and
take into account the lack of resources in her country, several respondents shared similar
accounts regarding not having the resources and deciding to leave. As parents, they valued
education and it motivated them. For example, Carmen said her limited access to resources
inspired her to be involved in her child’s education, and take on an active role within the school.
She stated,
Pero sí creo que si yo hubiera sido una profesional, sería una vida completamente
diferente para mis hijos, viviríamos en una casa más amplia porque podríamos pagar una
renta. Yo no estaría batallando con los empleos que yo he tenido mediocres, y entonces
ya vendría ahí la educación para mi hija. ¿Por qué? Por las circunstancias. Y yo no estaría
en este barrio y yo podría pagar otra en un área mejor que donde yo estoy. Aquí donde yo
estoy no me gusta, pero no puedo hacer nada porque no tengo dinero, todo está muy caro.
Entonces, sí afecta, claro que sí afecta, porque si la niña ve gente alrededor que todos
caminan para la misma dirección ella va a caminar para la misma dirección. Y yo como
no tengo un nivel académico es muy difícil para mí rescatarla porque todos caminan para
allá.
But I do believe that, if I had been a professional, life would be completely different for
my children. We would live in a larger house because we could pay rent. I would not be
struggling with the mediocre jobs that I have, and where education would come for my
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daughter. Why? By the circumstances. And I would not be in this neighborhood, and I
could pay a better area than where I am. Here where I am I do not like, but I cannot do
anything because I have no money. Everything is very expensive. Then, it does affect, of
course it does, because, if the girl sees people around who all walk in the same direction,
she will walk in the same direction. And, since I do not have an academic level, it is very
difficult for me to rescue her because everyone walks there.
Here, Carmen discussed, if she would have been a professional, her children would be exposed
to a different lifestyle and would live better. Her SES determined the community and resources
available to her children. Carmen discussed how her surroundings influenced her daughter. She
suggested everyone in the community was heading in the same direction and spoke in a tone of
defeat and disappointment. Carmen expressed the importance of communication between a
parent and child. She talked about empathy towards one’s children.
Similarly, several of the respondents associated SES to their quality of life, hence the
reason they believed their involvement had been key. Although Carmen shared a sense of
disappointment for her inability to provide her family with resources, she conveyed enthusiasm
to help other parents. She commented,
Creo que tiene mucho poder. Creo que los demás padres cuando me ven, ellos se
involucran, porque yo siempre lo he dicho, a veces los seres humanos somos como
borreguitos, vemos a los demás y nos vamos a donde van los demás. Pero yo siempre les
digo a los papás: “Tienes que tener mucho cuidado cómo haces las cosas,” por ejemplo,
cuando tú te involucras hay mucho conocimiento, no tienes idea yo cómo he aprendido,
he cambiado. Yo he cambiado mucho, he cambiado mi mentalidad, yo he cambiado
muchas cosas que yo pensé que yo las hacía bien, pero que estaban mal, y ahora no, ahora
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sé que son correctas porque sé que son correctas. Ahora he aprendido un poquito más de
leyes, he aprendido un poquito más de cómo educar a tu hijo ya académicamente, lo que
tienes que hacer y lo que no tienes que hacer también, pero gracias a que me he dado la
oportunidad de involucrarme, porque en mi casa nadie me va a decir eso. Yo voy a hacer
mi casa como yo crecí, como mi mamá nos educó a nosotros, pensando que yo me voy a
trabajar y llevar a mis hijos a la escuela y ya, hazte como puedas.
I think it has a lot of power. I think, when other parents see me, they get involved,
because I’ve always said it, sometimes human beings are like lambs. We see others and
we go where others go. But I always tell parents, “You have to be very careful how you
do things.” For example, when you get involved, there is a lot of knowledge. You have
no idea how much I have learned. I have changed. I have changed. I have changed my
mind. I have changed many things that I thought I did well, but they were wrong, and
now I know they are correct because I know they are correct. Now, I have learned a little
more laws. I have learned a little more on how to educate your child, what you have to do
and what you do not have to do, too, but, thanks to the opportunity to be involved
because no one would have told me at home. I’m going to make my home as I grew up,
as my mother educated us, thinking that I’m going to work and take my children to
school and, now, do as you can.
Carmen was motivated to be involved in her child’s education as she learned how to help her
child, became aware of the law, and developed self-awareness as a parent. Her actions were
evidence of her involvement in her child’s education as she had access to networks that provided
resources. In addition, she believed parents could inspire each other. Carmen suggested
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involvement was essential to understand the educational system. She suggested several parents
would continue the same cycle and not be involved.
All respondents had to learn about the educational system as they were involved in their
child’s education. As a result, some parents detached themselves from their child’s school once
they learned how to obtain information and sought resources for their children. Several
participants shared the limited resources within their communities and how their drive to help
their child shaped their actions as a parent.
Table 7
Parents’ Lack of Resources (Social Capital) Factored Into Their Decision to be Involved
Research Question 2:
How does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences influence their decision to be
involved at the high school level?
Finding Parents’ limited social capital and cultural capital contributed to their involvement at
the high school level
Theme 1 Parents’ lack of resources (social capital) factored into their decision to be involved
Participant Parents’ Lack of Resources
(Social Capital)
Parents’ Motivation to be Involved
Alma Decided to leave her home
country based on the lack of
networks.
Educational capital allowed her to recognize the
negative effects of networks in her home country.

Experiences (cultural capital) and the fact that she
had family in the U.S. contributed to her decision to
leave.

Educational capital allowed her to intervene on
behalf of her son.
Table 7, continued
Research Question 2:
How does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences influence their decision to be
involved at the high school level?
Finding Parents’ limited social capital and cultural capital contributed to their
involvement at the high school level
Theme 1 Parents’ lack of resources (social capital) factored into their decision to be
involved
Participant Parents’ Lack of Resources
(Social Capital)
Parents’ Motivation to be Involved
Carmen Limited access to resources
inspired her to be involved.
Limited socioeconomic status determined the
community and resources available. Therefore,
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182

parent involvement was key.

Involvement and communication was key to help
her child.

Parent involvement helped parents understand the
educational system.

Theme 2: Communities’ limited resources influenced parents’ involvement in their
child’s education. Participants shared that their communities’ lack of resources inspired them to
be involved in their child’s education. In addition, several of them sought support from CBOs.
Several respondents depended on their child’s school to access information and resources. For
example, several schools provided parents educational workshops and space for parents to gather
information. Participants were interested in their child’s education, and, as a result, several of
them had taken advantage of the resources made available by the school.
Five parents said their schools provided parent resources. Several respondents discussed
the need for more programs to help parents navigate the educational system and better support
their child. For example, Alma believed the parent center should be more than a place for parents
to socialize. She stated,
Para todas las academias. Pero en el salón de padres el padre encuentra ayuda.
Lamentablemente, a veces agarramos el salón de padres para irnos a tomar un cafecito y
un pan; talleres no muy educativos, que es el problema que tengo yo, que yo quiero llevar
talleres como ésos que te digo que he ido, donde fui a aprender lo que necesitan los
muchachos para graduarse como debe de serlo. Pero las señoras, lamentablemente, van
cinco, no van muchas, para un plantel tan grande no van muchas. Quieren talleres de
tejer, y yo pensé que a veces no ocupamos eso. ¿Un cafecito y un pan? Bueno, qué
bueno. Para ser bienvenidos está muy bueno, pero no hay que ir por el café, es
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información. Y es un problema, es un problema. Por seguir siendo presidenta dicen que
soy muy exigente, me estaban diciendo ayer: Es que tú quieres cosas que no—.” No, es
que yo quiero cosas para aprender y ayudar a los muchachos. Pero hay una maestra que
es la que les ayuda a los muchachos de aprendices de inglés y me gusta ella. Ella trabaja
mucho para ayudar a los muchachos y le ayuda mucho a los muchachos, y va y les dice:
“No, aquí no hay talleres de tejer, aquí tienen que haber talleres para ayudarle a los
muchachos. Aquí no me vengan que esto.” Pero ella es muy—y me encanta ella por eso.
For all the academies. But, in the parent room, the parent finds help. Unfortunately,
sometimes, we grab the parent room to go and have a cup of coffee and piece of bread.
Workshops are not very educational, which is the problem I have. I want to take
workshops like those I tell you I’ve gone, where I went to learn what the kids need to
graduate. But the ladies, sadly, only five go, not many, for a large campus. They want
knitting workshops, and I think, sometimes, we do not need that. Coffee and bread? Well,
good. To be welcomed, it is very good, but we should not go for the coffee. It’s
information. And it’s a problem, it’s a problem. For being president, they say that I am
very demanding. They were saying to me yesterday, “Is that you want things that do not.”
No, it’s just that I want things to learn and help the kids. But there is a teacher who helps
the English learners and I like her. She works hard to help the kids and helps the kids a
lot, and tells them: “No, there should be no knitting workshops, we should have
workshops here to help the kids.” But she’s very—and I love her for that.
Here, Alma shared her concern about the use of the parent center as a place for parents to
socialize over a cup of coffee. She believed the space should be used to provide informative and
useful workshops parents could use to support their child. Alma’s actions of involvement were
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based on her requests for useful workshops. She voiced her concern as an involved parent but did
not receive the support from other parents. On the contrary, Alma was perceived to demand too
much as a parent. She was disappointed with the parents who did not see the urgency for
workshops that would help them. As discussed prior, Alma had an educational capital that
motivated her decisions to be involved in her child’s education. In addition, she demanded
resources for parents but was perceived as problematic by other parents and school staff.
Respondents shared the importance of being involved in their child’s education, even
though their child was in high school. They understood that their role as a parent differed as their
child grew older, but still needed their support. As a result, several benefited from educational
workshops to obtain the information they needed. For example, Carmen stated incentives worked
among parents to attend workshops. She shared,
Bueno, de hecho, hay talleres y hay muchos. Pero, desafortunadamente, no hay el apoyo
de los padres, pero porque muchos están trabajando, y no van a dejar de trabajar para
venir a un taller. Claro que no, desde luego que no lo van a hacer porque yo estaba en esa
situación y o trabajaba o me iba a un taller. Entonces, no es fácil. Pero yo creo que
motivándolos. Inclusive ahorita … va a abrir un taller de cuatro talleres. Son cuatro
sesiones y van a dar 50 dólares a los padres que asistan. Entonces, eso apenas sucedió
ayer y ya tenía 40 padres apuntados. Yo me quedé muy sorprendida. Yo le pregunté al
coordinador: “¿Pero por qué haces eso? Yo he ido a todos los talleres y nunca nos han
dado eso, estás mal. ¿Qué va a pasar con todos los talleres que no dan dinero?” Entonces,
fíjate que él dijo algo muy bonito, y me sentí después yo mal, porque como siempre he
sido voluntaria por miles de años, yo nunca he recibido nada y así soy feliz. Porque,
como yo digo, la oportunidad está para el que la aprovecha. Pero él dijo algo muy bonito,
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dijo: “Carmen, muchos padres están dejando de hacer muchas cosas porque ir al taller
requiere tiempo, y sí hay muchas agencias que tienen mucho dinero, esto no es nada para
lo que yo le pueda ayudar a los padres económicamente.” Fíjate, esa persona con un
corazón tan grande y a la vez tratando de ayudarles a reforzar un poquito más su
mentalidad y a cambiar, dijo: “Yo quiero comunidades que salgan adelante,” pero
necesitan también—y es cierto—el apoyo económico….
Well, in fact, there are workshops and there are many. But, unfortunately, there is no
support from the parents because many are working, and they will not stop working to
come to a workshop. Of course not, they will not do it because I was in that situation and
either I worked or went to a workshop. Then, it is not easy. But I think motivating them.
Even now…will open a workshop of four sessions. There are four sessions, and they are
going to give $50 to parents who attend. So, that just happened yesterday and already had
40 parents signed up. I was very surprised. I asked the coordinator, “Why do you do that?
I have gone to all the workshops and they have never given us that. You are wrong. What
will happen to all the workshops that do not give money?” Then, he said something very
nice, and I felt bad afterwards, because as I have always been a volunteer for thousands
of years, I have never received anything and I am happy. Because, as I say, the
opportunity is for the one who takes advantage of it. But he said something very nice, he
said, “Carmen, many parents are leaving things behind to go to a workshop that takes
time, and, yes, there are many agencies that have a lot of money.” This is nothing to how
I can help parents economically. “Look, that person with such a big heart and, at the same
time, trying to help them strengthen their mentality and change.” He said, “I want
communities that move forward,” but they also need—and it is true—economic support.
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Carmen discussed how workshops were available but poorly attended due to parents’ work
schedules. Most parents could not afford to skip work for a school meeting. She discussed how a
community organization attracted several parents to attend four sessions in exchange for a
monetary incentive. Carmen voiced her concern about such tactic and argued she had never been
compensated and did not understand why it was necessary. As a result, one of the facilitators
shared the importance to reward parents who had to give up their time. In addition, he said he
wanted to help families. Carmen realized that the CBO facilitator had the best intention to help
parents.
Similarly, several participants attended school events, from parent conferences to school
meetings. If they found them useful, they continued to attend. Respondents shared their child’s
school-sponsored meetings were poorly attended, and, sometimes, the topic was of little interest
or relevance to them. Several schools depended on CBOs to provide additional resources and
support they were not able or capable of providing their parents. As discussed prior, Carmen
discussed how parents were encouraged to workshops in exchange for an incentive. Several
participants’ communities had limited resources. For example, Hilda discussed the limited access
to programs for her daughters. She commented,
The community itself I think ... The community doesn’t really ... I don’t see any ... There
isn’t really much that the community offers them here. I don’t know if it’s because the
area we live in but I’ve always tried to, even out of school, I’ve tried to look for places in
the community that have either cheerleading or stuff like that for them to be involved in
and that’s pretty much the only way that they have been impacted. I mean I’ve taken
them to parks where they can help other kids do either cheerleading and gymnastics and
stuff like that but it hasn’t really been much that the community has been able to offer.
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Hilda discussed how her community had limited resources for her children. She had looked for
programs that offered a range of activities for her daughters besides cheerleading and
gymnastics. She contemplated whether her area of residence was a factor for the limited
resources available. Hilda wanted to expose her daughters to other opportunities but was
disappointed by the lack of them in the community.
Along the same line, several respondents shared the lack and limited resources available
within their communities and relied on their child’s school for resources and programs.
Participants wanted to share with their children the educational and recreational opportunities
that would help them. A few respondents argued the Latino community should prioritize
education over material things and money. For example, Noemi believed that Latinos should
aspire to an education compared to making money. She suggested,
Venimos a decir: solamente hay que trabajar y trabajar y hacer dinero, no. Aquí ya se
trata más de crear una cultura de decir: somos latinos que venimos a demostrar no nada
más que podemos trabajar sino también que podemos estudiar y que podemos sobresalir
y salir adelante.
We come to say: we have to work and work and make money, no. Here, it is more about
creating a culture. We are Latinos who come to demonstrate not only that we can work,
but also that we can study and we can excel and get ahead.
Here, Noemi discussed how the Latino community prioritized economic security and needed to
change their attitude. She argued Latinos should focus on academic perseverance and expand
their educational capital to get ahead.
Respondents agreed an education would open doors to opportunities. Therefore,
resources were needed within the community to help promote education as a vehicle to success.
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Respondents’ limited access to resources encouraged them to be involved in their child’s
education. Several respondents believed the lack or limited access to resources reduced their
child’s access to opportunities as compared to others. As presented, respondents’ limited access
to resources shaped their level of involvement. In addition, their background and educational
experiences were factored into their participation in their child’s education. As a result, several
participants taught their children the importance of moral values (educación) and how it shaped
their involvement in their child’s education.

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Table 8
Communities’ Limited Resources Influenced Parents to be Involved in Their Child’s Education.
Research Question 2:
How does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences influence their decision to be involved at
the high school level?
Finding Parents’ limited social capital and cultural capital contributed to their involvement at the
high school level
Theme 2 Communities’ limited resources influenced parents to be involved in their child’s
education.
Participant Parents’ Lack of Resources
(Social Capital)
Parents’ Motivation to be Involved
Alma Lack of programs to help parents
navigate the educational system.
Believed the parent center should provide
informative and useful workshops to parents.

Voiced her concern for the lack of parent
workshops for parents that would teach them
how to support their child.
Carmen Incentives were necessary to
encourage parents to attend
workshops.
Believed parents should not be compensated to
participate in workshops.

Schools should sponsor informative and useful
workshops to parents.
Hilda Limited access to programs for
daughters.
Exposed daughters to opportunities available
within the community, although they were
limited based on area of residency.
Noemi Believed Latinos should aspire
to more than making money.
Believed Latinos needed to focus on academic
perseverance and expand their educational
capital.

Education would open doors to opportunities.

Theme 3: Parents’ experiences and background (cultural capital) motivated them to
be involved in their child’s education. As discussed prior, findings suggested participants used
their education level and experiences to be involved in their child’s education. As a result,
respondents took on an active role to teach their children about educación (moral values) in order
for them to be good and productive citizens in society.
All six respondents discussed the importance of teaching educación (moral values) to
their children. Each respondent shared some of those values that included respect towards
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themselves and others, honesty, love, hard work to responsibility. Noemi argued parents had an
obligation towards their child’s welfare. She argued,
Yo creo que como madre es mi responsabilidad de criar a mis hijos de una manera en que
les sirva para ellos. Como yo mi deber de tenerlas, que sean buenas personas, buenas-- o
sea, que sean respetuosas con ellas mismas, con la sociedad, con los que les rodean, que
tengan una educación de decir no nada más escolar, sino una educación personal de cómo
comportarse y de cómo ayudar a los demás.
I think, as a mother, my responsibility to raise my children in a way they will serve
themselves. As my duty, for them to be good people: good meaning be respectful of
themselves, with society, with those around them, have an education not just a personal
education on how to behave and how to help others.
Noemi talked about teaching her child about educación (moral values) to do well in society. She
wanted her daughter to embrace these moral values to help her make better choices. In addition,
Noemi believed her role as a parent was to ensure her daughter learned how to take care of
herself and be a good person in society. Noemi corroborated with respondents’ beliefs of how
educación (moral values) would shape (impact) the decisions made by their children.
Participants believed communication with their child was critical for them to succeed. In
addition, participants believed that, if they shared their educational experiences with their child,
it would inspire them to accomplish more. In addition, some participants stated they learned from
their mistakes as a parent. For example, Alma started to emulate her mother’s actions. She stated,
Entonces él me platica cosas que él hace; pero a él le cuesta decirme si él está mal. No,
no lo culpo, porque en algún momento de mi vida he cometido el mismo error que mi
mamá cometió con nosotros. Y yo no tengo confianza con mi mamá, porque mi mamá
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me regañaba cuando yo quería hablar con ella. Y en algún momento de mi vida, yo hice
lo mismo con mi hijo. Entonces pienso que él piensa que si él me va a decir algo de lo
que le está pasando, o él no ha hecho o está haciendo mal; él no me lo comunica porque
tiene miedo a que le llame la atención.
Then, he talks to me about things he does, but finds it difficult to tell me if he is wrong.
No, I do not blame him because, at some point in my life, I made the same mistake that
my mother committed with us. I do not trust my mom because she would scold me when
I wanted to talk to her. At some point in my life, I did the same thing with my son. I think
he believes that, if he is going to tell me something that is happening to him or he has not
done or he is doing something wrong, he will not communicate it to me because he is
afraid he will be trouble.
Alma shared she behaved like her mother, and her son responded like she did when she was a
child. She shared she did not trust her mother and would not communicate. Her son did not
communicate with her since he did not want to be scolded. Several respondents discussed the
value around teaching children about educación (moral values). As discussed prior, participants
taught to respect themselves and others and honesty. Alma expected her son to trust her, but her
son feared her reaction. As a result, Alma changed her relationship with her son and wanted him
to trust and depend on her for support. In other words, if a child did not trust his or her parents,
there was a lack of communication.
Respondents shared the importance of teaching a child moral values that would help them
in the future. Noemi argued parents had an obligation toward their child’s welfare. She argued,
Yo creo que como madre es mi responsabilidad de criar a mis hijos de una manera en que
les sirva para ellos. Como yo mi deber de tenerlas, que sean buenas personas, buenas-- o
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sea, que sean respetuosas con ellas mismas, con la sociedad, con los que les rodean, que
tengan una educación de decir no nada más escolar, sino una educación personal de cómo
comportarse y de cómo ayudar a los demás.
I think, as a mother, my responsibility to raise my children in a way they will serve
themselves. As my duty, for them to be good people, good-- meaning, be respectful of
themselves, with society, with those around them, have an education not just a personal
education on how to behave and how to help others.
Noemi believed her responsibility, as a parent was to ensure her children learned how to take
care of themselves and be good people. She wanted her children to embrace educación (moral
values) to help them make choices and help others. Noemi corroborated other respondents’
beliefs on how educación determined the decisions made by their children.
Respondents’ educación was shaped by their relationship with their parents as well as by
what they perceived to be essential for their child to succeed. Several participants discussed how
parents’ background could be factored into the success of a child. Five respondents discussed
how ethnicity should not be an indicator of a child’s success. On the contrary, several argued the
responsibility and commitment of parents towards their child’s education. For example, Alma
believed American and Asian parents had an advantage compared to Latino parents. She stated,
Pues el americano sabe un poquito más como funciona el sistema, y sabe cómo ir y atacar
a la escuela, para que sus hijos lleguen a donde van a llegar, pero no los hacen todos…,
los asiáticos van más allá. Y no es porque sean inteligentes, no, son disciplinados, y son
comprometidos con lo que están haciendo, esa es la diferencia entre los—y la raza latina,
lamentablemente—uno el papá, por el trabajo, por querer dar lo material a los
muchachos, no les prestan el tiempo que necesitan. Y no somos papás disciplinados
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tampoco, y tampoco queremos aprender. En eso es donde nosotros fallamos, como latinos
en eso es lo que fallamos.
Sí, porque aparte de que son una raza muy disciplinada, el padre es muy
disciplinado. Y aparte, impulsa mucho a sus hijos, exhorta mucho a sus hijos a que
estudien, a que lo primordial es el estudio y el trabajo, porque ellos son demasiado
disciplinados. Ellos no son tan inteligentes, sino que disciplinados es que son, lo que no
somos nosotros.
The American knows a little more about how the system works and knows how to go and
attack the school, so that their children gets to where they have to go, but not everyone
does it…Asians go beyond. And it is not because they are intelligent. They are
disciplined, and they are committed to what they are doing. That is the difference
between the—and Latinos, unfortunately—as a parent, because of work, our desire to
give material things to the kids, you neglect spending time with them. As parents, we are
not disciplined, and we do not what to learn. And that’s where we fail, as Latinos that’s
how we fail.
Yes, besides that they are a disciplined, parent is very disciplined. And besides,
they push their children, urges their children to study hard, because school and work are
important, because they are too disciplined. They are not intelligent, but disciplined is
what they are, which we are not.
Here, Alma explained how American and Asian parents understood the educational system and
would attend school to advocate for their child to reach their goal. She believed the difference
between Asians and Latinos was discipline and commitment. Alma suggested how Latino
parents chose work over spending time with their child. In addition, Latino parents were not
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disciplined and willing to learn. As a result, parents failed their child, and it justified why Asians
were successful.
Several respondents shared culture could be factored into a child’s academic success. In
addition, most shared the idea that Asians had the discipline and commitment that lacked within
the Latino community. For example, Carmen shared Asians helped each other as a community
and ensured everyone was protected. She argued,
Es que ellos tienen el apoyo de los mismos de su comunidad. Ahí, de verdad, yo me he
dado cuenta de que ellos se ayudan. Ellos, nomás ven a una persona que es de la misma
raza de ellos, aunque no lo conozcan, lo ayudan. Lo ayudan a empujarse para arriba. Y
nosotros, desafortunadamente, nos empujamos pero para abajo. Y es muy triste decírtelo,
pero en la educación, nosotros como latinos tenemos que trabajar un poquito más en eso.
Cambiar, quitarnos esos estereotipos. A veces vas a hablar inglés y hablas un inglés bien
feo y en vez de decirte: “No te preocupes” y darte confianza, se burlan de ti. Y ellos no,
los asiáticos no… Nomás ven que es uno de ellos, se apoyan en todos los aspectos. En
todos los aspectos, económica y moralmente, y están ahí para cuando esa persona cae.
Ellos le ayudan a que se levante…Entonces, es nuestra comunidad. Es la educación, creo
que es falta de educación. Falta de conocimiento de nosotros como padres, de que
muchos no nos involucramos. Es un sistema muy rígido, es un sistema muy complicado.
Pero cuando tú sabes navegar el sistema—yo conozco mucha gente que ha aprendido a
navegar el sistema y que ha nadado en el sistema.
It is that they have the support from their community. I have realized that they help each
other. They see a person who is of the same race, even if they do not know them, they
help them. They help push them up. We, unfortunately, push ourselves down. And it’s
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195

very sad to tell you, but, in education, as Latinos we have to work a little bit more.
Change, those stereotypes. Sometimes you speak English and speak terrible and instead
of saying “Do not worry” and encourage you, make fun of you. Asians do not do that...
When they see that it is one of them, they support them in all aspects. In all aspects,
economic and moral, and they are there for when that person falls. They help them get
up. So, it’s our community. It’s education, I think it’s the lack of education. Lack of
knowledge as parents, reason why we do not get involved. It is a very rigid system, it is a
very complicated system. But when you know how to navigate the system-- I know a lot
of people who have learned to navigate the system and who have swum in the system.
Carmen explained how Asians supported each other as a community when someone had a
difficult time. As a community, they ensured the welfare of their people and helped uplift them
when they encounter a hardship. On the contrary, Latinos did not embrace a sense of community
and could, at times, bring each other down. Carmen mentioned Latinos ridiculed each other
when one attempted to speak English, compared to Asians, who encouraged each other to
practice. Asians helped each other in any social and economic aspect. In addition, Carmen
discussed how it was the lack of education and knowledge why parents were not involved in
their child’s education.
The educational system could be complicated to understand, thus why parents should be
encouraged to learn how to navigate it. Several of the respondents shared the sentiment regarding
how, as a community, Latinos limited themselves from being involved in their child’s education.
Latinos needed to learn how to be risk-takers, such as Asians. In addition, the Latino community
encountered other challenges such as limited education, language barrier to immigration status.
For example, Hilda discussed how Latinos closed doors for themselves. She commented,
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196

I think if the community came together and ... I think that the Latino parents a lot of times
we close our own doors on ourselves. We’re not realizing that we’re also closing them for
our kids when we do that. As a community, I don’t think that we’re involved as we
should be involved.
We don’t look for help, we don’t ask for help. Sometimes, I think that we might
think that just because we’re Latinos or because your status…immigration status.
Sometimes, they might think that, that they don’t have the same rights.
Similarly to Carmen, Hilda discussed how Latinos did not support each other as a community,
and, as a result, closed doors. Latinos did not look or ask for help, although, for some, that may
be due to language barriers or issues of legal status. Several respondents shared the same
sentiment as Hilda on how legal status could be factored into parents’ decision to be involved in
their child’s education. In addition, some parents might neglect to understand they had the same
rights as any other parent. Many Latino parents believed it was important to acculturate to the
mainstream to help their child.
Five respondents believed English contributed to parents’ level of involvement. Several
shared they struggled to communicate with their child’s teacher or counselor due to their limited
English. For example, Noemi shared how she had witnessed parents who were discouraged to be
involved in their child’s school due to the language barrier. She discussed,
No me afecta, pero yo lo he visto en la escuela de mi hija que hay mamás que estan
buscando intérprete, hay mamás que dicen: “No, es que yo no puedo hablar con la
consejera porque no habla español.” Entonces son barreras que nos pone y nos cohíbe, es
muy triste que a veces los papás no se interesen en la educación de sus hijos y que
todavía digan: “Okay, voy a ir” Y vayan y se enfrenten con esa barrera y digan: “No,
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pues es que no le puedo preguntar porque no le entiendo.” Entonces sí afecta mucho, sí
afecta porque quieren saber algo y les da hasta pena pedir un intérprete.
It does not affect me, but I have seen it at my daughter’s school that there are moms who
are looking for an interpreter. There are moms who say, “No, I cannot talk to the
counselor because she does not speak Spanish.” These are barriers that are placed and
limit parents. It is sad how parents are not interested in their child’s education and say,
“No, I cannot ask you because I do not understand.” Then it does affect a lot. It does.
affect because they want to know something and they are shy to ask for an interpreter.
Noemi talked about how language barriers could become obstacles for parents who were
interested in their child’s education. She shared she had seen parents who were not able to
communicate with their child’s counselor and were shy to ask for an interpreter. For several
parents, language did affect their decision to be involved in their child’s education, although
several of the respondents shared they were not discouraged. In addition, participants believed
their child should dominate the English language. Several respondents believed that it was
important for their child to speak English. Carmen shared how her child refused to speak Spanish
and found herself not being able to communicate with him in the future. She commented,
En mi caso, no. Porque mi inglés es muy limitado. En mi perspectiva, no. Es muy
limitado mi inglés y ahorita estoy llegando a que si yo no aprendo Inglés, me voy a
quedar sin comunicarme con mi hijo, porque a mi hijo no le gusta el español. Entonces,
yo sé que me voy a quedar sin comunicarme con él. Porque ya ahorita ya llegan al grado
de que hay matemáticas que yo no le entiendo nada y entonces él se frustra porque él me
dice en Inglés, y yo le quiero enseñar en español. Entonces, ahorita se está perdiendo un
poco la comunicación.
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In my case, no, because my English is very limited. In my perspective, no. My English is
very limited, and, now, I realize that, if I do not learn English, I am not going to be able
to communicate with my son because my son does not like Spanish. I know I will not be
able to communicate with him. Right now, he has reached a level of math I do not
understand and then he gets frustrated because he tells me in English, and I want to teach
him in Spanish. So, you're missing out on communication right now.
Here, Carmen shared she had to learn English. Otherwise, she would not be able to communicate
with her son. In addition, she discussed her relationship with her child and the challenges she
encountered due to the language barrier. Carmen tried to help her son with his homework
assignment in Spanish while he expected assistance in English.
All respondents shared the importance of their children being proficient in the English
language in order for them not to struggle or depend on anyone. For example, Hilda explained
the advantages she had to communicate in English, compared to other parents. She stated,
If we don’t speak the language then you have to depend on other people to translate for
us, and translations don’t always come out the same way. If, sometimes, the school
doesn’t…If the school doesn’t have somebody to translate, then we have to depend on
our own kids to translate for us. The translation is not going to be the same as if we spoke
up and stood up. If we stand up and speak for our kids, then it would be so much easier.
I think, because I didn’t have to sit around and wait for somebody to come and
translate for me right there, and then if I walked into the office and there was nobody to
speak Spanish to help me translate, I didn’t have to sit around and wait for somebody to
come and speak for me. I was able to speak for myself to advocate for my kids.
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Hilda discussed the challenges parents faced when they did not speak the language and depended
on others to translate for you.
Like Hilda, other respondents shared how they relied on their child to help them. She
believed it was more significant when the parent was able to stand and speak up for their child
and not depend on anyone else for assistance. All respondents believed communication between
parents and school was essential for their child’s success, although parents expected schools to
accommodate to their needs. For example, Noemi shared Latinos expected society to
accommodate to their needs. She suggested,
Eso de cultural no es completamente, pero yo creo que sí tiene un porcentaje y algo de
importancia, porque si vemos a los asiáticos, por ejemplo, ellos vienen y los papás de
esos niños que vienen de inmigrantes estudian, no paran, siguen aprendiendo inglés,
siguen luchando para hacerse partícipes de esta cultura. En cambio, uno del latino viene y
nosotros queremos que nos hablen nuestro idioma, nosotros queremos que aquí sea como
en nuestro país, no nos adaptamos a la cultura que ya tiene este país ¿Sí me explico?
Being a cultural thing is not completely, but I think it does have a percentage and of
importance, because if we see Asians, for example, they come and the parents of those
children who come as immigrants study, do not stop, continue to learn English, continue
to struggle to become participants of this culture. However, when a Latino comes and we
want to be spoken in our language, we want it to be like our country, we do not adapt to
the culture that exists in this country. Do I make sense?
Noemi shared how Asians’ academic success was not cultural, but based on how parents
modeled the importance of education. For example, it was common for Asian parents to go to
school and learn English to become part of the American culture. Latinos who immigrated to the
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
200

United States expected to be spoken in their native language. Also, Latinos refused to adapt to
the culture in this country and preferred to continue their traditions. All respondents believed it
was important to learn English to help their children and communicate with their child’s school.
Each participant had different reasons for why some knew English compared to other parents.
For example, some respondents were born or brought young to the United States where they
attended school. The rest tried to learn English and continue their education but struggled.
This section addressed one of the findings in the study on how parents’ lack of resources
and personal experiences shaped their decision to be involved in their child’s education. The
findings identified three categories: parents’ lack of resources factored into their decision to be
involved, communities’ limited resources influenced parents to be involved in their child’s
education, and parents’ experiences and background motivated them to be involved in their
child’s education. As discussed, participants’ lack of access to resources factored into their
decision to be involved to support their child’s education. As a result, respondents sought support
from communities, although they realized it was limited. Participants shared how their
experiences and level of education inspired them to be involved.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
201

Table 9

Parents’ Experiences and Background (Cultural Capital) Motivated Them to be Involved in
Their Child’s Education
Research Question 2:
How does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences influence their decision to be involved at
the high school level?
Finding Parents’ limited social capital and cultural capital contributed to their involvement at the
high school level
Theme 3 Parents’ experiences and background (cultural capital) motivated them to be involved in
their child’s education
Participant Parents’ Experiences and
Background (Cultural Capital)
Parents’ Motivation to be Involved
Noemi Parents had an obligation
towards child’s welfare.

Parents were discouraged to be
involved due to the language
barrier.

Latino parents expect society to
accommodate their needs.
Believed in teaching children about educación
(moral values).

Role of a parent was to ensure their child
learned how to take care of themselves and be
good people in society.

Children should embrace educación (moral
values) to help make choices.

Language could become a barrier for parents
who are interested in their child’s education.

Latino parents need to model the importance of
education as other parents (Asian).
Alma Learned from their mistakes as a
parent.

Cultural differences influenced
how children are raised.
Believed in a strong relationship based on trust
and support.

Latinos were not disciplined and willing to
learn, compared to other groups.
Carmen (Asian) Communities helped
each other and ensured everyone
was protected.

Lack of education and are
knowledge why parents were not
involved in their child’s
education.

(Her) Child refused to speak
Spanish.
Latinos needed to create a sense of community
and support network.

Parents should learn how to navigate the
educational note.

Had to learn English to communicate and help
her child with homework.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
202

Table 9, continued
Research Question 2:
How does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences influence their decision to be involved at
the high school level?
Finding Parents’ limited social capital and cultural capital contributed to their involvement at the
high school level
Theme 3 Parents’ experiences and background (cultural capital) motivated them to be involved in
their child’s education
Participant Parents’ Experiences and
Background (Cultural Capital)
Parents’ Motivation to be Involved
Hilda Latinos closed doors for
themselves.

Advantage of being able to
communicate in English.
Latinos need to look or ask for help, although
factors as legal status and language could hold
parents back.

Believed parents were able to stand and speak
up for their child and not depend on anyone for
assistance.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
203

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS IN
RELATION TO PRACTICE, POLICY, AND RESEARCH
To better understand parent involvement at the secondary level, the purpose of this study
was understand what Latino parents perceived contributes to and empowers their involvement in
their child’s education at the secondary level. Therefore, it was decided to explore parents’
relationship with their own parents and the implications of those relationships, parents’ access to
resources, and how their experiences with their child’s school influenced their decision to be
involved. Specifically, the research questions asked,
1. What do Latino parents perceive contributes to their efforts and empowers them to be
involved in their children’s high school educational experiences?
2. How does Latino parents’ access to resources and experiences influence their decision to
be involved at the high school level?
Participants were selected based on their willingness to share their experiences as parents of high
school students. The stories of these parents conveyed their struggles and triumphs within an
educational system that tends to discourage parent involvement, particularly at the high school
level. Each participant shared her educational journey with her child and how it reflected what
she would have wanted from her parents. Latino parents were motivated to be involved in their
child’s education as they developed creativity, resilience, and agency (intention of involvement).
Through their voices, they exposed the realities Latino parents continued to experience and the
deficit-thinking that continued to exist within public schools.
These Latino parents creatively used their personal experiences to develop their approach
to involvement. Participants were motivated and inspired to take an active role in their child’s
education by finding resources and changing gender-specific expectations they learned from
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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their own parents’ choices. Also, some parents shared there were certain behaviors they emulated
from their parents such as participation in school events and relying on the support of other
adults. Parents’ resiliency to support their child’s education predisposed their level of
involvement. Several participants shared their relationship with their child’s school and how it
influenced their level of involvement. Their self-resilience to support their child helped identify
school staff and other adults. In addition, several shared how the lack of support at their child’s
school did not discourage them and sought support from different networks. Lastly, parents’
limited social and cultural capital helped establish agency. Their limited access to resources
inspired them to be involved. Also, their level of involvement was based on their moral values
(educación) and personal background.
This study used a qualitative research design. I gathered data through interviews with six
parents to understand their perspective on parent involvement and what contributed to their
decision to be involved. Analysis of the data revealed agreements and variations among the
parents on what parent involvement looked like at the secondary level. In addition, the role of
their experiences and the access they had to resources played in the way they defined their roles
as parents and their decisions to be involved in their child’s education also emerged. For
example, on one end of the continuum, three parents were exposed to and familiar with the
American school system since they were either born in the United States or were brought to the
United States at a young age. Therefore, these parents’ experiences and understanding of the
school system varied from the rest of the participants. Because they spoke English, they could
communicate with their child’s teachers and counselors. At the other end of the continuum, three
parents immigrated to the United States as young adults and struggled to understand the
educational system. They learned how to navigate and communicate with school officials,
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
205

although several of them did not speak English fluently. As a result, they believed schools
overlooked parents who were interested in their child’s education. Parents and schools defined
parent involvement differently, which shaped the relationship between both. Parents used their
personal experiences, relationship with school staff, social capital, and cultural capital to define
parent involvement. As for schools, they shaped involvement around parent participation in
school events, parent-staff relationships, school environment, and resources and support they
provided parents (Figure 4).

Figure 4. Venn diagram on parent involvement.
In general, Latino parents shared what they perceived contributed to their efforts and
empowered them to be involved. They specified how their parents’ lack of involvement inspired
and shaped their roles as parents. Their responses to their parents’ lack of involvement were
categorized into two themes: reaction against their parents’ involvement and emulation of their
parents’ parenting. Also, Latino parents shared how their limited access to resources (social
capital), plus their background and experiences (cultural capital) shaped their role construction.
Their limited access to social capital was categorized into three themes: parents’ relationship
with school staff, schools’ lack of support, and school environment. Lastly, data revealed how
cultural capital contributed to parent involvement and was divided into two themes: educación
(moral values) shaped parents’ level of involvement and how parents’ background determined
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
206

their child’s academic success. Variation existed among parents and how they defined and
shaped their role construction.
Consistent with the literature, the majority of the parents agreed on the importance of
being involved in their child’s education at the high school level. These findings demonstrated
the complexity of strategies and approaches taken on by Latino parents to support their child’s
education.
Implications and Recommendations
Parent involvement has, for years, been defined and structured around the perspective and
expectations of educational institutions. The federal government has mandated school districts,
and schools redefine the role of the parent and better support parents’ efforts inside and outside
of school (“Parental Involvement in Title I Schools,” 2016). NCLB and other policies required
school districts to engage parents in school decisions that would affect the performance of
students. As a result, parent programs were required by the federal government to be “more-
equitable and effective programs of school, family, and community partnerships” (Epstein, 2005,
p. 179). Furthermore, NCLB anticipated better relationships between parents and schools would
reduce the achievement gap. This study sought to understand how Latino parents perceived
parent involvement at the high school level and what contributed to their role construction. Data
from this study provided implications for practice, policy, and research.
This study provided qualitative data that documented the stories of six Latino parents
around parent involvement and their struggles within the educational system. Through these
interviews, several of the parents shared the complexity of the educational system and how these
policies failed to address the needs and concerns of Latino parents. Understanding the
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
207

perspectives and experiences of Latino parents can provide insight into how schools can better
build relationships with families to increase the success of all students.
In addition, this study revealed the need for effective resources and ongoing support for
parents at the high school level. Also, it acknowledged the ongoing efforts of Latino parents who
used their creativity, resilience, and built agency to support their child. Data analysis provided
evidence of how schools did not provide the tools and resources for parents. As a result, it helped
to realize how those factors could help outline the implications for future policies on parent
involvement at the high school level.
Implications for Practice
The insights gained from this study should be used to inform secondary schools (middle
and high). Schools should reconsider how they define parent involvement and how they provide
opportunities for parents to be involved. With respect to defining parent involvement, the schools
should broaden their definition of involvement to more accurately reflect the different ways that
parents of secondary students are and want to be involved in their children’s academic lives.
Schools need to change their mindset towards parents’ lack of interest in their child’s education.
For example, schools should not define the role of a parent solely on their needs or expectations.
On the contrary, the priority should be to define and build a parent-school partnership committed
to the academic success of every child. Schools should provide parents with opportunities on
how to support their child while acknowledging their efforts. For example, several parents shared
how their child’s school did not provide the support they needed.
This study identified that parents saw the importance in their involvement in their child’s
education. Despite the various experiences of the parents, they all agreed on the importance of
being involved in their child’s education. All parents made it a priority to be involved in their
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
208

child’s education. Yet they did not consistently have the positive experience from their child’s
school that their participation was valued. Thus, schools should work more intentionally to
involve all parents. The literature on parent involvement suggested that Latino parents were
discouraged and belittled for their lack of involvement at school, although several of them valued
and promoted education from home (Pérez Carreón et al., 2005). In addition, Hill and Torres
(2010) suggested several Latino families felt disrespected and devalued, and, as a result, did not
trust schools.
Based on the data, interviewed parents agreed that schools needed to create an
environment that welcomed parents and addressed their concerns. Parents wanted to feel
validated and recognized by school officials. For example, Alma exemplified this idea when she
shared how schools placed barriers for parents and made it difficult for them to be involved. She
stated,
Because I say it is very difficult. It is like a barrier between parents and school staff, not
so much with the teacher. It’s like as they do not let you cross that line, and if you’re a
parent and ask questions a lot, you’re a very nosy parent. “Why do you want so much
information?” But it is your right. So, with them, it is very difficult to pass through that.
No, and that is why there are many missing parents who go to school, because
they do not encourage them. I do not know why, or if it is not suitable for them, because,
in reality, they like moms who help them, but if you start to demand, you’re a trouble
parent.
When parents experienced this type of response from schools, many were discouraged to ask for
help. Therefore, schools need to build a positive relationship with parents and provide them with
information and opportunities to support their child. Schools need to create an environment
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
209

where parents feel welcome and safe. This recommendation was further confirmed as most of the
parents shared how their child’s school did not provide a positive and welcoming atmosphere.
Furthermore, participating parents shared their role construction had been shaped by their
experiences with their own parents and perceptions of their parents’ involvement. Several
parents felt less efficacious as their children grew older. Therefore, many of the parents sought
their child’s school for support and guidance. For example, Eccles and Harold (1993) suggested
that parents were influenced to be involved by various factors such as parent/family
characteristics, the neighborhood, child characteristics, teacher characteristics, school
characteristics, teacher beliefs, parent beliefs, teacher practice, parent practice and child
outcomes. In addition, they believed schools had a responsibility to create the role of parents that
would best support their efforts in promoting academic achievement (Eccles & Harold, 1993).
As discussed above, several parents felt rejected by their child’s school, and, as a result, tried to
support their child to the best of their abilities. In addition, parents felt less efficacious as their
child grew older (Eccles & Harold, 1993), which explained the lack of parent involvement at the
high school level.
On the other hand, Auerbach (2007a) believed parents had an important role in their
child’s education and highlighted three roles parents perceived to take on: moral supporters,
struggling advocates, or ambivalent companions. As discussed previously, parents’ role
construction was based on the support and acknowledgement provided by the school. The data
revealed how parents believed they had an important role in their child’s education and sought
support from the school to continue those efforts. Schools must broaden their definition of parent
involvement and provide parents the opportunity to take on a more active role in their child’s
education. Similarly, those working with Latino parents should
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
210

1. Provide a welcoming and safe environment for parents to seek support and access
educational opportunities (such as parent-based workshops that will continue to
support and encourage their involvement at school and home and access to resources
and CBOs).
2. Support efforts to encourage involvement at the secondary level by building a clear
vision between parents and schools on parent involvement.
This dissertation highlighted the role construction of Latino parents, which aligned with the
literature on parents’ perspectives on involvement, to provide ideas that could be of practical use
for schools that work with parents at the secondary level.
Implications for Policy
The current educational policy, ESSA of 2015, addressed parent participation. For
example, ESSA outlined how schools needed to engage parents in areas like design and
implementation of a school improvement plan, input on school report cards, and strategizing how
to support subgroups who continue to underperform (Every Student Succeeds Act primer: Parent
and community engagement, n.d.). It is not clear how ESSA addressed the concerns participating
parents shared about their child’s school, such as being discouraged from being involved and the
lack of support. As a result, these educational policies do not address the needs of all parents,
particularly Latino parents. The framework behind several of these educational policies
continued to focus on the needs of White, middle-upper class, and educated parents who
advocate for their child and can provide their child the support they require. The data from this
study revealed that Latino parents continued to encounter bias within schools and lack the
support from schools that provided the following implications and recommendations for future
policies.
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First, the federal department of education, which enacts policies to increase student
achievement, should corroborate with state agencies to ensure educational reforms are culturally
sensitive and align to the needs of Latino parents. Interviewed parents shared how schools need
to do more to encourage and support parents at the secondary level. This assessment
demonstrated the need for school districts and schools to implement stronger networks of
communication with parents. Several parents shared their frustration with their child’s school
and their lack of commitment towards parent involvement. The literature on parent involvement
suggested the importance of communication and support between parents and schools. For
example, Auerbach (2007) highlighted how parents take on roles based on the support given by
their child’s school. The data underlined the lack of communication and support from schools.
Therefore, schools must reevaluate and assess the needs of their parents to better support and
encourage parent involvement.
Second, the state department of education and school districts should better monitor
schools’ engagement with parents by conducting focus groups to identify effective practices.
Therefore, schools could reflect, create, and implement a parent involvement model reflective of
the needs of parents, particularly Latino parents. Furthermore, such information should be
published and shared with parents in Spanish and English. Eccles and Harold (1993) argued that
the role of parents should reflect schools’ efforts towards student achievement. Therefore,
collaborative efforts among families, schools, and the community should be undertaken. The
data revealed the lack of support for parents and frustration several felt. School districts should
create a parent involvement model reflective of the needs of all parents and how they will help
parents and schools.
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212

Third, schools should be allocated administrative support and funding to increase parent
involvement at the secondary level. For example, administrative support could help facilitate and
create a system for parents to better navigate the school system. In addition, schools could
benefit from additional resources and funding to encourage parents to seek help and participate
in school-sponsored events. Lastly, schools should promote and support the role of parent
representatives [leaders]. Each school should have parent leaders who would be responsible for
communicating and collaborating with parents as they share information and resources. Several
parents discussed how schools discouraged them from being involved and the lack of resources.
Each school should create and implement a vision of what parent involvement should look like at
the secondary level. Also, how schools would support the role of parents.
Implications for Research
Data from this research revealed the experiences of Latino parents within public schools
and how those experiences shaped their roles as parents. In addition, parents shared the lack of
resources and support to help their child. More research is needed to capture and expose the
experiences of Latino parents. This means that research was sought to identify how parents
supported their child at home and school. Additional research is needed to understand better the
role of Latino parents at the secondary level and how parents contribute to their child’s
education.
To expand the research on Latino parent involvement, researchers need to document the
experiences and contributions of Latino parents and their struggles within the school system.
Carreón et al. (2005) and Lopez (2001) argued that it is important to explore parent involvement
from a non-traditional lens and the experiences of Latino parents. In addition, researchers
discussed how parents used their capital in their child’s education. Participating parents
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
213

confirmed the lack of support from schools towards supporting and empowering parents. The
voices of Latino parents need to be documented and used as a tool for better outreach and
collaborative efforts on behalf of schools. Likewise, parents can help schools and school districts
understand their role as a parent and how they can be supported. Thus, it is imperative that
research on Latino parents be conducted more often to better document their experiences around
parent involvement and strategies being implemented by schools. Research should be carried out
by those within the field of education and share their findings with school districts and schools to
create a parent-school model reflective of the efforts and needs of parents.
Conclusions
This study provided qualitative data on the experiences of Latino parents regarding what
contributed and empowered their decision to be involved in their child’s education. Also, this
study analyzed how parents’ social and cultural capital shaped their involvement at the
secondary level, which provided implications for practice, policy, and research. Findings
suggested that for schools and school districts that work with Latino parents should
1. provide a welcoming and safe environment for parents to seek support and access to
educational opportunities (such as parent-based workshops that will continue to support
and encourage their involvement at school and home; access to resources and CBOs)
2. support efforts to encourage involvement at the secondary level by building a clear vision
between parents and schools on parent involvement.
Moreover, school districts and schools should collaborate with parents to build strong
relationships that will increase the academic success of Latino students. Also, schools need to
provide resources that will support parents build their educational capital. Implications for policy
suggest
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
214

1. the federal department of education, in enacting policies to increase student achievement,
should collaborate with state agencies to ensure educational reforms are culturally
sensitive and align to the needs of Latino parents.
2. the state department of education and school districts should better monitor schools’
engagement with parents by conducting focus groups to identify effective practices.
3. the schools should be allocated administrative support and funding to increase parent
involvement at the secondary level.
Finally, implications for research suggest
1. more research is needed to understand parents’ perspective on their role as a parent at the
secondary level and how schools are supporting parents’ efforts to increase student
achievement among Latinos.
2. research on Latino parents should be conducted by those familiar with their social and
cultural struggles and presents their findings to school districts and schools.
It is time to include parents in the conversation on student achievement and acknowledge the
valuable role they play in their child’s education regardless of the child’s grade level. Based on
the finding of this study, these implications for practice, policy, and research could support
school districts and schools to create an effective parent involvement model reflective of the
needs of Latino parents.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
215

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Appendix A
Parent Interview Protocol

Parent Name: ____________________________________ Date:_________________
Time Started: ______________ Time Finished: ______________
Total Time:_____________
Researcher: J. Gonzalez
____________________________________________________________________________

Session I
Personal Background
1. How long have you lived in Los Angeles?
2. What kind of work do you do?
3. What do you like to do when you are not working?
a. How often do you have the chance to do X?
4. What language do you usually use when you write? What language do you read best?
5. What is your highest level of education? Where did you go to school?
6. Tell me about your own experiences with school.
a. What do you remember?
b. Did you enjoy school?
c. Were you motivated to go to school? If so, by who or what?
7. How were your parents involved in your education?
8. How did your parents interact with school, teachers, administrators, and staff?
9. As a student, did you ever have a homework assignment or project you had a hard time figuring
out how to do it?
a. Did you ask someone for help? If so, who?
b. Did they help?
10. Tell me about a typical day on the weekend or after-school with your parents. What kind of
activities did you do?
11. As a teenager, what did you want to be when you grew up? What were your goals, dreams and
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aspirations?
12. Did you achieve your goals?
a. How did your parents help you reach your goals or dreams?
b. Do you wish your parents had done something differently?
c. Were there any other people who helped you accomplish your goals or dreams?
13. Is there anything else you would like to share about yourself as a teenager, when you went to
school, or your parent’s involvement in school?
*** Small Break
Self-Efficacy
1. How many children do you have? What are their grade levels?
2. Where do they go to school?
a. What kind of school is it (public, charter, or private school)?
3. How far away is school from home?
4. How do your kids get to school every day?
5. What language do you use to talk with your child[ren]?
6. What kind of activities do you do with your children?
a. How often?
b. Is there a cost?
c. Have these activities impacted or influenced your role as a parent?
7. Tell me about a typical day on the weekend or after-school with your child.
8. Tell me about your relationship with your children.
a. How often do you talk to them?
b. What are your conversations usually about?
c. Do they talk about problems their having (personal or in school)?
d. Do they talk about school?
e. Do you talk about school?
9. How do you handle a problem your child is having in school? Please provide an example and how
you solved it.
10. What do you hope for your kids when they grow up?
11. How often do you talk to your child about your goals or dreams for them?
a. How does your child respond?
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12. What do you think is your role in helping your kids achieve those goals?
13. What actions are you taking to help them achieve this?
14. What do you think your child expects from you as a parent?
15. When and where does your child complete their homework?
a. How do you make sure they complete their homework?
16. If your child has a hard time with their homework, what steps do you take to assist them?
17. When your child’s report card arrives at home, do you and your child discuss their grades?
18. Is there anything else you would like to share about your interactions with your child?
*** End of Session One

Session II
Role Construction
1. How do you feel about your child’s school? For example, is your child’s school welcoming to
parents or does your child’s school pay no attention to parents?
2. What reasons or motives would make you visit your child’s school?
3. How often do you visit your child’s school for parent conference, Back to School Nights, sporting
events, or school meetings?
4. How do you learn about school events?
5. Are there other school events you participate during the school year?
a. How often?
b. How useful were those events?
c. Are you encouraged to attend the following year?
6. Do you know who your child’s teachers are?
a. Tell me about your relationship with them.
b. Do you know how to contact them?
c. When do you talk to your son/daughter’s teachers?
d. Please provide an example of a conversation you had with a teacher.
7. Do you know who your child’s counselor is?
a. Tell me about your relationship with them.
b. Do you know how to contact them?
c. When do you talk to your son/daughter’s counselor?
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d. Please provide an example of a conversation you had with the counselor.
8. Would you change anything about your child’s school?
9. Who would you suggest those changes to?
10. What role do you think parents should have in their child’s education?
11. Can you describe what your role looked like when your student was in elementary school?
12. How has your involvement in your child’s education and your interaction with the school changed
from elementary to high school?
a. Are there activities or roles as a parent that you miss from elementary?
b. Who or what has influenced your involvement now?
13. How does your child’s school help with your role as a parent?
14. Does your child’s school encourage or motivate you to be part of your child’s education? What
resources are available for you to support your child’s education?
15. Have you ever collaborated with a teacher, counselor or school administrator to support your
child’s education?
a. How did you collaborate?
b. Who initiated the collaboration?
c. How effective was this collaboration?
16. Is there anything else you would like to share about your experiences with your child’s school or
experiences as a parent? For example, when your child was in elementary and now that he/she is in
high school.
*** Small Break

Types of Capital
Social Capital
1. How is your relationship with other parents with children in high school?
a. What do you talk about?
b. How often do you talk about your children’s education?
2. Outside of school, who helps you when you have a question or concern about your child’s
education?
a. How did you meet these people? How long have you known them?
b. What is your relationship with them?
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c. How do you support each other?
d. How often do you communicate with them?
3. Are there any community organizations or groups you are a part of?
a. What is your relationship with this organization?
b. How long have you known this organization?
c. How often do you engage with this organization?
d. How did you find out about this organization?
e. What support do they provide parents?
4. How important is it for you to work with other adults or community organizations to support your
child?
a. How did they support you or your child?
5. Are there other resources would you like to see in your community?
6. Is there anything else you would like to share about your experiences with other adults, parents, or
community organizations?

Cultural Capital
1. A recent report states that 71% of Latino high school students graduated within four years,
compared to Asians (94%), Whites (83%), and African Americans (66%). Why do you think this
is? How do you think race impact these graduation rates?
2. What advise would you give your students to motivate them to graduate from high school?
3. As a community, how can we help increase the high school graduation rates for Latinos?
4. How can your experiences be used positively to ensure your child to graduate high school?
5. What language did you first teach your child?
6. Do you think a parents’ ability to communicate in English will indicate succeeds in their child’s
education?
SPANISH SPEAKERS: How do you think not speaking English fluently impacted your role in
your child’s education?
ENGLISH SPEAKERS: How do you think speaking English fluently impacted your role in your
child’s education?
7. What is the foundation of a good education?
a. Who contributes?
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b. What contributes?
8. How can your level of education positively impact your child’s educational experience?
9. What are the most important values to you?
Values: what someone considers important in life—right and wrong; influences an individual’s
behavior and attitude
10. As your child’s first teacher, tell me about the most important family values you have taught your
child.
11. How do your values positively impact your child’s educational experience?
12. Do you think your child’s school reinforces your family values?
a. How have you seen it?
13. Do you think anyone else influences your family values?
14. How do your family values positively affect your child’s behavior?
15. How often do you share your experiences with your child?
a. How do they respond?
16. How do your personal experiences positively influence your child’s education?
17. How have you been able to financially support your child’s education?
18. Do you think your families’ financial status impact your child’s educational experience?
19. Do you teach your child about their Latino heritage? If so, how?
20. How do you think your families’ heritage positively impact his or her education?
21. What role do you see your community playing in your child’s education?
22. Is there anything else you would like to share about your personal experiences, values or heritage,
relationship with other adults, parents, or community organizations?

Thank you for your time!

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Parent Interview Protocol (Spanish)

Nombre del Padre: ___________________________________ Fecha:____________
Hora de empezar: ______________ Hora de terminar: ______________
Tiempo Total:_____________
Investigadora: J. González
________________________________________________________________

Sesión I
Historial personal
1. ¿Cuánto tiempo ha vivido en Los Ángeles?
2. ¿En que trabaja?
3. ¿Qué le gusta hacer cuando no está trabajando?
a. ¿Con qué frecuencia tiene la oportunidad de hacer esta actividad?
4. ¿En que idioma escribe? ¿Qué idioma lee mejor?
5. ¿Cual es su nivel más alto de educación? ¿A dónde fue a la escuela?
6. Hábleme de sus experiencias en la escuela.
a. ¿Que recuerda?
b. ¿Disfrutaba la escuela?
c. ¿Estaba motivado/a de ir a la escuela? ¿Si es así, por quién o porqué?
7. ¿Cómo estaban sus papás involucrados en su educación académica?
8. ¿Cómo interactúan sus padres con la escuela, maestros, administradores y personal?
9. Como estudiante, ¿hubo alguna vez que tuvo una tarea o proyecto la cual no sabia como
hacerla?
a. ¿Le pidió ayuda alguien? Si es así, ¿a quién?
b. ¿Le ayudaron?
10. Hábleme de un día típico en el fin de semana o después de la escuela con sus padres. ¿Qué
tipo de actividades hacían?
11. Cuando era adolescente, ¿qué quería ser cuando fuera adulto? ¿Qué eran sus metas, sueños
y aspiraciones?
12. ¿Pudo lograr sus metas?
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a. ¿Cómo le ayudaron sus padres alcanzar sus metas o sueños?
b. ¿Hubiese deseado que sus padres hubieron hecho algo diferente?
c. ¿Hubo otras personas que le ayudaron a lograr sus metas o sueños?
13. ¿Hay algo más que le gustaría compartir acerca de usted cuando era un adolescente,
cuando fuiste a la escuela, o la participación de sus padres en la escuela?
*** Pequeño descanso
Autoeficacia
1. ¿Cuántos hijos tiene? ¿En que grado esta(n)?
2. ¿A dónde van a la escuela?
a. ¿Qué tipo de escuela es que (pública, charter, o privada)?
3. ¿Qué tan lejos esta la escuela de su casa?
4. ¿Cómo llegan sus hijos a la escuela todos los días?
5. ¿En que idioma se comunica con su hijo(s)?
6. ¿Qué tipo de actividades hace con sus hijos?
a. ¿Con qué frecuencia?
b. ¿Hay algún costo?
c. ¿Estas actividades han impactado o influenciado su papel como padre?
7. Hábleme de un día típico en el fin de semana o después de la escuela con sus hijos.
8. Hábleme de su relación con sus hijos.
a. ¿Con qué frecuencia habla con ellos?
b. ¿De qué platican?
c. ¿Le hablan acerca de sus problemas (personal o en la escuela)?
d. ¿Le hablan acerca de la escuela?
e. ¿Les habla usted de la escuela?
9. ¿Cómo soluciona un problema que su hijo/a está teniendo en la escuela? Tiene algún
ejemplo y cómo soluciono el problema?
10. ¿Qué quisiera para sus hijos en el futuro?
11. ¿Con qué frecuencia hable con sus hijos acerca de sus metas o sueños para ellos?
a. ¿Cómo responde su hijo/a?
12. ¿Qué crees que es su papel en ayudar a sus hijos a alcanzar esas metas?
13. ¿Qué medidas esta tomando para ayudarlos a lograr estas metas?
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14. ¿Qué piensa usted que su hijo espera de usted como padre?
15. ¿Cuándo y dónde hacen sus hijos su tarea?
a. ¿Cómo asegurarse que terminaron su tarea?
16. Si su hijo tiene alguna dificultad con su tarea, ¿qué medidas toma para ayudarlos?
17. Cuando las calificaciones de su hijo llegan a casa, ¿hablan usted y su hijo sobre sus
calificaciones?
18. ¿Hay algo más que quisiera compartir acerca de sus interacciones con su hijo?
** Final de la primera sesión

Sesión II
Role Construction (Papel como padre)
1. ¿Cómo se siente acerca de la escuela de su hijo? Por ejemplo, ¿es la escuela bienvenida a
padres o la escuela no le pone atención a los padres?
2. ¿Qué razones o motivos lo/a harían visitar la escuela de su hijo?
3. ¿Con qué frecuencia visita la escuela de su hijo para conferencia de padres, Noches de
Regreso a la escuela, eventos deportivos o juntas escolares?
4. ¿Cómo se entera acerca de eventos en la escuela?
5. ¿Hay otros eventos en la escuela en los que participa durante el año escolar?
a. ¿Con qué frecuencia?
b. ¿Qué tan útiles son esos eventos?
c. ¿Se siente alentado/a o motivado/a en asistir al año siguiente?
6. ¿Sabe quiénes son los maestros de su hijo?
a. Hábleme de su relación con ellos.
b. ¿Sabe cómo contactarlos?
c. ¿Cuándo habla con los maestros de su hijo /a?
d. Proporcione un ejemplo de una conversación que tuvo con un maestro/a.
7. ¿Sabe quién es el consejero de su hijo?
a. Hábleme de su relación con ellos.
b. ¿Sabe cómo contactarlos?
c. ¿Cuándo habla con el/la consejero/a de su hijo /a?
d. Proporcione un ejemplo de una conversación que tuvo con un el/la consejero /a.
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8. ¿Cambiaría algo de la escuela de su hijo/a?
9. ¿A quién le sugeriría esos cambios?
10. ¿Qué papel cree usted que los padres deben tener en la educación de sus hijos?
11. ¿Me puede describir que era su papel cuando su hijo estaba en la escuela primaria?
12. ¿Cómo ha cambió de la primaria a la secundaria su involucramiento en la educación de su
hijo y su interacción con la escuela?
a. ¿Hay actividades como padre que extraña de la primaria?
b. ¿Quién o qué ha influenciado su involucramiento ahora?
13. ¿Cómo ayuda la escuela de su hijo con su papel como padre?
14. ¿Lo/a alienta o motiva la escuela de su hijo/a a ser parte de la educación de su hijo? ¿Qué
recursos hay disponibles para usted para apoyar la educación de su hijo?
15. ¿Ha colaborado con un maestro, consejero o administrador en la escuela para apoyar la
educación de su hijo?
a. ¿Cómo colaboro con ellos?
b. ¿Quién inició la colaboración?
c. ¿Qué efectiva fue esta colaboración?
16. ¿Hay algo más que le gustaría compartir acerca de sus experiencias con la escuela de su
hijo o experiencias como padre? Por ejemplo, cuando su hijo/a estaba en la escuela
primaria y ahora que está en la escuela secundaria.

Tipos de capital
Capital social
1. ¿Como es su relación con otros padres que tienen hijos en la escuela secundaria?
a. ¿De que hablan?
b. ¿Con qué frecuencia hablan de la educación de sus hijos?
2. Fuera de la escuela, ¿quien le ayuda cuando tiene una pregunta o preocupación acerca de la
educación de su hijo/a?
a. ¿Cómo conoció a estas personas? ¿Desde cuando se conocen?
b. ¿Que es su relación con ellos?
c. ¿Cómo se apoyan uno al otro?
d. ¿Con qué frecuencia se comunica con ellos?
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3. ¿Existen organizaciones comunitarias o grupos en los que usted participa?
a. ¿Cuál es su relación con esta organización?
b. ¿Desde cuanto sabe de esta organización?
c. ¿Con qué frecuencia se involucra con esta organización?
d. ¿Cómo se entero de esta organización?
e. ¿Qué apoyo proporcionan para padres?
4. ¿Qué tan importante es para usted trabajar con otros adultos o organizaciones en la
comunidad para apoyar a su hijo?
a. ¿Cómo lo/la apoyan a usted o a su hijo/a?
5. ¿Hay otros recursos que le gustaría ver en su comunidad?
6. ¿Hay algo más que le gustaría compartir sobre sus experiencias con otras adultos, padres, o
organizaciones comunitarias?

Capital cultural
1. Un reporte reciente indica que 71% de los estudiantes Latinos se gradúan de la preparatoria, en
comparación a los estudiantes asiáticos (94%), anglo-sajones (83%) y afro-americanos (66%).
¿Porque cree que esto sucede? ¿Cómo piensa que la raza afecta los porcentajes de graduación?

2. ¿Qué consejo le daría a su estudiante para motivarlo a que se gradué de la preparatoria (high
school)?

3. Como comunidad, ¿cómo podríamos ayudar aumentar los porcentajes de graduación?

4. ¿Cómo pueden sus experiencias influir positivamente a que su hijo/a se gradúa de la
preparatoria?

5. ¿Qué idioma le enseño a su hijo/a primero?

6. ¿Cree usted que la habilidad de los padres en comunicarse en inglés indica el éxito académico
de su hijo/a?

ESPANOL: ¿Cómo piensa usted que el no hablar inglés con fluidez afecta su papel en la
educación de su hijo/a?
INGLES: How do you think speaking English fluently impacted your role in your child’s
education?
7. ¿Qué es la fundación de una buena educación?

a. ¿Quién contribuye?
b. ¿Qué contribuye?
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
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8. ¿Cómo cree que su nivel de educación puede influir positivamente a la experiencia
educacional de su hijo?

9. ¿Cuáles son los valores más importante para usted?

Valores: lo que considera alguien importante en la vida—lo bueno y malo; contribuye al
comportamiento de una persona
10. Como el primer maestro de su hijo, dígame de los valores más importantes que le ha
enseñando a su hijo.

11. ¿ Cómo influyen positivamente sus valores a la experiencia educacional de su hijo/a?

12. ¿Cree usted que la escuela de su hijo reforza sus valores familiares?

a. ¿Como lo ha visto?
13. ¿Cree usted que alguien mas afecta sus valores familiares?

14. ¿ Como cree que sus valores familiares influyen positivamente al comportamiento de su
hijo/a?

15. ¿Qué tan seguido comparte sus experiencias con su hijo?

a. ¿Cómo responden?
16. ¿Cómo influyen positivamente sus experiencias personales a la educación de su hijo/a?

17. ¿Cómo ha podido usted apoyar financieramente la educación de su hijo?

18. ¿Cree usted que el estado financiero de su familia afecta la experiencia educativa de su hijo?

19. ¿Le enseña usted a su hijo acerca de su herencia Latina? ¿Si es así, como?
20. ¿Cómo cree que la herencia de su familia influye positivamente a su educación?

21. ¿Qué papel toma su comunidad en la educación de su hijo/a?

22. Hay algo más que le gustaría compartir acerca de sus experiencias personales, valores o
herencia, relación con otros adultos, padres o organizaciones comunitarias?

*** ¡Gracias por su tiempo!

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
236

INFORMED CONSENT FORM FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

Appendix B
Consent Form
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Waite Philips Hall, 3470 Trousdale Parkway, Los Angeles, California, 90089

Consent to Participate in a Research Study on
Latino Parent Involvement at the Secondary Level (High School)

You are being asked to participate in a research study conducted by Jacqueline González, a
student at the University of Southern California (USC), because you have self-identified as a
Latino parent of a high school aged child. A research study is how researchers (college students
and other professionals) try to understand why things are the way they are and gain new
knowledge in their field. Your participation is voluntary. Read the information below and ask
questions if there is something you do not understand, before agreeing to participate in this
research. Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. If you agree to
participate, you will sign this form and receive a copy for your records.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This study will look at what parent participation looks like at the high school level from a
parents’ point of view and why parents participate in their child’s education. You will participate
in a series of interviews over the course of a month in a location and time of your choice.
Additionally, I would be happy to join you in any educational or non-educational related activity
to observe how you engage and participate with your child. All information shared during the
interviews and observations will be anonymous and will be used for research purposes only.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you voluntarily agree to participate in this study, you will take part in a series of 2 to 3
interview sessions that will last 1 to 2 hours each time. The interview questions will be on your
educational experiences and background, your role as a parent with a high school aged child,
your relationship with your child’s school, how you participate in your child’s education, and
any additional information you would like to share with me as a parent. Sessions will be audio-
recorded every time we meet for interviews.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
237

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
The study is of no-risk and danger to you and your family. The intention of the research is to
understand Latino parents’ point of view on participation in their child’s education and their
relationship with their child’s school. Information will not be shared with your child’s school or
any other group not a part of this study. You will remain anonymous and a pseudonym (alias
name) will be given to you for this study. I will work around your personal/or work schedule to
conduct interviews. You will provide me with days and times that work best for you and I will
respect your time.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SOCIETY
Your participation in this study will help to understand Latino parents’ experiences with a high
school child and their school. The information will guide schools to better communicate and
work with Latino parents to help students succeed in school.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
Upon completion of the interview series, you will receive a gift card with a value of $25.00 as
compensation for your participation. If you decide not to participate/or leave before completing
the interviews series, you will not receive the gift card.

CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. The University
of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection Program (HSPP) reviews and monitors
research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects. Data will be stored on a
computer only accessible to the researcher with a protected password. Audio-recordings will be
accessible to participants, Institutional Review Board (IRB), field supervisor, and transcriber. All
interviews will be transcribed by a professional. All audio-recordings will be erased 3 years after
the study.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your decision to withdrawal will not have any penalty or loss of
benefits. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your participation
in this research study.

INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
You may contact Jacqueline González at (323) 854-9756 or gonz766@usc.edu any time you
have questions about the research.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
238

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT-IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or
the research in general, you may contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, 323-821-5272, or
upirb@usc.edu.

I have read the information provided above. I have been given the opportunity to ask questions.
My questions and concerns have been answered to my satisfaction. If you agree to participate,
you must be given a signed copy of this document and a copy of the approved consent form for
this study written in English.

AUDIO RECORDING

I agree to be audio-recorded during all interview sessions.

I do not want to be audio-recorded during all interview sessions.

______________________________________ __________________
Name of Research Participant Date

______________________________________ __________________
Signature of Research Participant Date

I have explained the research to the participant and answered all of his/her questions. I believe
that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely consents to
participate.

______________________________________ __________________
Name of Person Obtaining Consent Date

______________________________________ __________________
Signature of Person Obtaining Consent Date

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
239

FORMULARIO
DE
CONSENTIMIENTO
INFORMADO
PARA

INVESTIGACION
NO
MEDICA

Consent Form (Spanish)

Universidad del Sur de California
Escuela Rossier de educación
Waite Philips Hall, 3470 Trousdale Parkway, Los Angeles, California, 90089

Consentimiento para participar en un estudio de investigación sobre
la participación de los padres latinos a nivel de preparatoria (high school)

Se le ha pedido que participe en un estudio de investigación realizado por Jacqueline González,
una estudiante de la Universidad del Sur de California (USC), porque usted se ha
autoidentificado como un padre latino con un niño/niña en la preparatoria. Un estudio de
investigación es como investigadores (estudiantes universitarios y otros profesionales) tratan de
entender porque las cosas son como son y obtener nuevos conocimientos en su campo. Su
participación es voluntaria. Lea la siguiente información y haga preguntas si hay algo que no
entiende, antes de aceptar participar en esta investigación. Por favor, tómese todo el tiempo que
necesite para leer el formulario de consentimiento. Si usted acepta participar en esta
investigación, firme este formulario y recibirá una copia para sus archivos.

PROPOSITO DEL ESTUDIO
Este estudio vera lo que es la participación de los padres al nivel de la preparatoria desde el
punto de vista de un padre y por qué los padres participan en la educación de sus hijos. Usted
participará en una serie de entrevistas a lo largo de un mes en un lugar y la hora de su elección.
Además, yo estaría encantada de ir con usted a cualquier actividad educativa o no educativa para
observar cómo se involucra y participa con su hijo/a. Toda la información compartida durante las
entrevistas y observaciones serán anónimas y se utilizaran únicamente con fines de
investigación.

PROCEDIMIENTOS DE ESTUDIO
Si usted voluntariamente acepta colaborar en este estudio, participará en una serie de 2 a 3
sesiones de entrevista que van a durar de 1 a 2 horas cada vez. Las preguntas de la entrevista
serán sobre sus experiencias educativas y personales, el papel de padre con su hijo/a en la
preparatoria , su relación con la escuela de su hijo/a, cómo participa en la educación de su hijo/a
y cualquier información adicional que le gustaría compartir conmigo de usted como padre. Las
sesiones serán grabadas en audio cada vez que nos reunamos para las entrevistas.

RIESGOS Y MOLESTIAS POTENCIALES
El estudio no tienen ningún riesgo ni peligro para usted y su familia. La intención de la
investigación es de comprender el punto de vista de los padres latinos sobre la participación en la
educación de sus hijos y su relación con la escuela de su hijo/a.

La información no será compartida con la escuela de su hijo o cualquier otro grupo que no sea
parte de este estudio. Va a permanecer en el anonimato, y a usted se le dará un seudónimo
EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
240

(nombre de alias) para este estudio. Trabajare de acuerdo a su horario personal o de trabajo para
realizar las entrevistas. Usted me dará los días y horas que le funcionen mejor y respetar su
tiempo.

POSIBLES BENFICIOS PARA LA SOCIEDAD
Su participación en este estudio ayudará a comprender las experiencias de los padres latinos con
un hijo/a en la preparatoria y la escuela de ellos. La información guiará a las escuelas a
comunicarse y trabajar con los padres latinos para ayudar a los estudiantes a tener éxito.

PAGO/INDEMNIZACION POR PARTICIPAR
Al término de la serie de entrevistas, usted recibirá una tarjeta de regalo con valor de $25.00
dólares como compensación por su participación. Si usted decide no participar o salir antes de
completar la serie de entrevistas, no recibirá la tarjeta de regalo.

CONFIDENCIALIDAD
Vamos a mantener sus registros para este estudio confidencial en la medida de lo permitido por
la ley. El programa de Protección a Sujetos Humanos (PSH) de la Universidad del sur de
California revisara y supervisara los estudios de investigación para proteger los derechos y el
bienestar de los sujetos de investigación. Los datos se almacenaran en una computadora que solo
se puede acceder por el investigador con una contraseña protegida. Audio-grabaciones serán
accesibles a los participantes, la Junta de Revisión Institucional (JRI), supervisor de campo, y el
transcriptor. Todas las entrevistas se transcribirán por un profesional. Todas las grabaciones de
audio se borrarán 3 años después del estudio.

PARTICIPACION Y RETIRO
Su participación es voluntaria. Su decisión de retirarse no tendrá ninguna sanción o pérdida de
beneficios . Usted no renuncia a cualquier reclamación legal, derechos o recursos a causa de su
participación en este estudio de investigación.

INFORMACION DE CONTACTO DEL INVESTAGATOR
Puede comunicarse con Jacqueline González al (323) 854-9756 o gonz766@usc.edu en cualquier
momento que usted tenga preguntas sobre la investigación.

DERECHOS DE INVESTAGACION DEL PARTICIPANTE - INFORMACION DE
CONTACTO DE JRI
Si usted tiene alguna pregunta, duda o queja sobre sus derechos como participante de la
investigación o de la investigación en general, puede comunicarse con la Junta Universitaria de
Revisión Institucional (JURI) Parque de, 3720 South Flower Street # 301, Los Angeles, CA
90089-0702 , 323-821-5272, o upirb@usc.edu.

EXAMINING LATINO PARENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
241

FIRMA DEL INVESTIGADOR

He leído la información proporcionada anteriormente. Se me ha dado la oportunidad de hacer
preguntas. Mis preguntas e inquietudes han sido contestadas a mi satisfacción. Si usted acepta
participar, se le debe entregar una copia firmada de este documento y una copia del formulario
de consentimiento aprobado para este estudio escrito en español

GRABACION DE AUDIO

Estoy de acuerdo en ser audio grabado durante todas las sesiones de entrevistas.

Yo no quiero ser audio grabado durante todas las sesiones de entrevistas.

______________________________________ __________________
Nombre del participante en la investigación Fecha

______________________________________ __________________
Firma del participante en la investigación Fecha

He explicado la investigación al participante y respondí todas sus preguntas. Yo creo que él/ella
entiende la información descrita en este documento y libremente da su consentimiento para
participar.

______________________________________ __________________
Nombre de la persona que obtiene el consentimiento Fecha

______________________________________ __________________
Firma de la persona que obtiene el consentimiento Fecha

FIRMA DEL PARTICIPANTE DE INVESTIGACION

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Research continues to indicate the importance of parent involvement in children’s academic success. Despite the importance of participation, parent involvement had been defined from a school-centric lens that excludes parents’ perspective on involvement. This study examined what parent involvement looked like at the secondary level and what shaped parents’ decision to be involved in their child’s education. In addition, this study examined parents’ abilities and beliefs (parental self-efficacy), roles taken in their child’s education (role construction), access to networks (social capital), experiences and background (cultural capital), and lastly, schools’ behaviors towards parent involvement. Through interviews, the stories of Latino parents described how they perceive involvement, activities they are involved in, and how their beliefs and experiences shaped their decision to be involved in their child’s educational journey. Although little is known about the ways in which parents of Latino high school students are involved, the purpose of this study was to understand what Latino parents perceive contributed to and empowered their involvement in their child’s education. In addition, how parents’ access to resources and experiences influenced their level of involvement was analyzed.

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Asset Metadata

Creator González, Jacqueline (author)

Core Title Examining Latino parents' perspective on parent involvement at the secondary level: why should we care

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 09/21/2017

Defense Date 09/21/2017

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag community-based organizations,cultural capital,involvement,Latino parents,OAI-PMH Harvest,parental self-efficacy,parents' perspective on involvement,role construction,secondary level,self-efficacy,social capital

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Slayton, Julie (committee chair), Hasan, Angela (committee member), Hayes, Kathy (committee member)

Creator Email gonz766@usc.edu,ms.jackieg@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-431005

Unique identifier UC11264293

Identifier etd-GonzalezJa-5739.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-431005 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-GonzalezJa-5739.pdf

Dmrecord 431005

Document Type Dissertation

Rights González, Jacqueline

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA