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The Negro in American industry

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The Negro in American industry

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Content TEE NEGRO IN AMERICAN INDUSTRY
*
A T h esis
P re se n te d to th e D epartm ent o f Economics
U n iv e r s ity o f Southern C a lif o r n ia
In P a r t i a l F u lf illm e n t
of th e
R equirem ents f o r the
D egree of M aster of A rts
Bv -
Newell D ^E ason
May, 1932
UMI Number: EP44611
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This thesis, written under the direction of the
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Research in partial fulfillment of the require
ments for the degree of
Master -of-Arts
•cretary
Dean
Faculty Com m ittee
Prpfessor. Leonard......
Chairman
Profess or.. V in < ? e&t......
I I '
Professor Marston
i
THE NEGRO IN AMERICAN INDUSTRY
CONTENTS
C h ap ter Page
I n t r o d u c t i o n ....................* ......................................................................iv
I . The I n d u s t r i a l S ta tu s o f th e Negro . ........................ 1
Gains in American In d u s try ........................................ 3
Advance in to s k i l l e d and s e m i- s k ille d p u r s u i t s . 11
I I . The Trend in Negro Wages ............................ 14
Wages of S o uthern Negro W o r k e r s ........................... . 14
U n s k i l l e d ................................................................. 15
S k ille d ................................................................................. 16
Wages of N o rth ern Negro W o r k e r s .......................................19
U n s k i l l e d ...............................................................................21
S k i l l e d ......................................................................................23
I I I . -Working C o n d itio n s . .................................................................. 25
D is c rim in a tio n in w orking c o n d itio n s ..............................25
Economic I n s e c u r it y . .. .. . .. ........................ 28
Housing and environm ent . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
B a rric a d in g of th e H igher P o s itio n s . . . . . . 31
IV. I n d u s t r i a l E ff ic ie n c y and A b ilit y .................................... 35
Com parative a b i l i t y and e f f ic ie n c y .......................... 37
A bsenteeism and tu rn o v e r . . . . . . . . . . . 39
V. Negro Workers and O rganized L abor. ...................................48
A ttitu d e o f O rganized Labor toward th e Negro . 48
A ttitu d e o f Negro tow ards O rganized Labor . . . 51
The Negro and S t r i k e b r e a k i n g ....................................... 56
ii
C hapter Page
G a i n s ...................................................................................... .58
L o s s e s ...................................................................................59
V I. C o n c l u s i o n s ............................................. ................................ . . 63
E sta b lish m e n t of a new P la n t P o l i c y .......................... 64
I n d u s t r i a l E d u catio n . . . . . ......................................... 69
C oo p eratio n and O rg a n iz a tio n ........................................... 72
F u tu re Outlook of Negro in American In d u s try . . 78
B i b l i o g r a p h y ....................... 81
iii
TABLES
T able Page
I . L a rg e st I n d u s t r i a l Groups of Negroes .................................. 2
I I . In c re a s e o f S k ille d and U n s k ille d Negro Workers In
S e le c te d I n d u s tr ie s of 14 S ta te s - A p ril, 1922 -
A p r il, 1925 ........................................................ 12
I I I . Average R ates f o r W hite and Negro Workers in the
Foundry In d u s try , Birmingham, Alabama, 1926 . . 15
IV. Average H ourly R ate, V irg in ia I n d u s t r i e s , 1928 . . 17
V. Average Weekly E arn in g s i n a Chicago Foundry, 1925-
1926 ........................................................................... 20
V I. R ates of Pay f o r Negro and W hite Workers in th e M etal
I n d u s t r i e s , P it t s b u r g , 1925 ........................ 21
V II. E ff ic ie n c y of Negroes a s Compared to White Workers
A ccording to O pinions of Employers ........................ 36
V I I I . R e g u la rity of Negro as Compared to White Workers
A ccording to O pinions of Employers ........................ 36
IX. P er Gent of Negroes and Per Cent o f Turnover Due
to Negroes in F if t e e n T y p ic a l P la n ts in C leve
la n d , 1924 ............................................................ 42
X. Independent Negro Unions ......................................................... 54
iv
INTRODUCTION
In th e l a s t decade th e re h as been a sudden change i n th e
N egro's r e l a t i o n to in d u s tr y . The change h as b ee n so sudden
th a t w hite la b o r , b o th o rg an iz ed and u n o rg a n iz e d , has been
u n ab le to a d ju s t I t s e l f to the s i t u a t i o n . Negro w orkers, l i k e
w ise , have been slow in a d ju s tin g them selves to t h i s sudden
m ig ra tio n from th e farm to in d u s tr y . The essen ce of t h i s t r a n
s i t i o n h as been th e s h i f t i n g of th e N eg ro 's p o s it io n from th a t
o f a la b o r re s e rv e to a r e g u la r elem ent in th e la b o r f o r c e of
n e a rly every b a s ic in d u s tr y . Thus the Negro has come in con
t a c t w ith problem s t h a t co n fro n t a l l i n d u s t r i a l la b o r, some
o f w hich become more t r a g i c a l l y r e a l i s t i c to him b ec au se o f
th e i s o l a t e d p o s it io n t h a t he h o ld s in American economic l i f e ,
and b ecause of th e b a r r i e r s e r e c te d by w o rk ers, em ployers, and
u n io n s . O bviously th e n , th e y a r e problem s which the Negro
cannot cope w ith s u c c e s s fu lly w ith o u t th e c o o p e ra tio n of h i s
fe llo w w h ite o rg a n iz e d w o rk ers. Y et b o th s id e s have c o n s ta n tly
r a i s e d o b s ta c le s to th e consummation of such c o o p e ra tio n . P e r
haps th e g r e a t e s t of th e s e o b s ta c le s h as b e e n th e narrow and
e x c lu s iv e c r a f t s tr u c t u r e of American tr a d e unionism .
The sudden s h i f t i n g of the Negro i n to in d u s try has n o t
been w holly advantageous e i t h e r to in d u s t r y , or to th e Negro
h im s e lf . The s h i f t i n g o f the Negro from a 3em i-feudal a g r i
c u l t u r a l system to a h ig h ly im p erso n al i n d u s t r i a l system came
too su d d en ly . The type of Negro employee th a t had been p r a c
t i c a l l y sh an g h aied , by th e la b o r a g e n ts , from th e poolrooms
V
and s t r e e t c o rn e rs o f th e S outh, were s e t up In th e minds of
p e o p le who had n e v e r used Negro la b o r b e fo re a s re p r e s e n tin g
th e t y p i c a l Negro w orker. To th e Negro ra c e a s a ^foole t h i s
meant the r e p u ta tio n of i n e f f i c i e n c y an d i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and
to in d u s try t h i s d is r e g a r d of in d iv id u a l d if f e r e n c e s meant a
w a s te f u lly h ig h e r tu rn o v e r.
Trade u n ion h o s t i l i t i e s and r a c i a l d is c r im in a tio n k e p t
th e Negro from e n te r in g in d u s try n o rm ally . I t was the im petus
of th e World War, and in many in s ta n c e s a s s t r i k e b r e a k e r,
t h a t the Negro g a in e d h is e n tra n c e in to American in d u s tr y .
S tr ik e b reak in g p re s e n ts a d i f f i c u l t problem to th e s tu d e n t
who t r i e s to determ ine w hat should be th e a t t i t u d e of th e c o lo re d
w orkers in a s i t u a t i o n of th i s k in d . As a s t r i k e b re a k e r he
becomes a r e a l t h r e a t to the e f f o r t s o f th e w h ite w orker to o r
g a n iz e f o r th e m aintenance o f p ro p er l i v i n g s ta n d a rd s . The em
p lo y e r u se s t h i s r e s e rv e of Negro la b o r a s a whip f o r w h ite la b o r .
Y et the Negro must g ain a p la c e i n Indus tr y . He i s in need o f
a job and must tak e one where he f in d s i t . At th e same tim e,
s t r i k e b re a k in g te n d s to i n te n s if y th e antagonism of th e w hite
w orker toward th e Negro.
One of the most s e rio u s s o c ia l problem s i s low p a id la b o r .
Negroes u s u a lly re c e iv e low wages i n in d u s tr y . The d e s ir e to
pay a low er wage s c a le i s o f t e n one of th e prim ary, m otives
f o r making r a c i a l changes in p e rs o n n e l. M oreover, th e Negro
s u p p lie s in d u s try w ith a g r e a t su p p ly of u n s k il le d la b o r w hich
f u r t h e r ex ten d s low wages to them. But w ith th e h ig h e r p o s i
tio n s b a r r ic a d e d by r e f u s in g a p p r e n tic e s h ip to Negro w orkers,
I
Vi
o rg a n iz e d la b o r a id s in f o rc in g low wages upon th e Negro w orker.
Wages re c e iv e d by Negro i n d u s t r i a l w orkers a r e u s u a lly
low er th a n t h e i r f e llo w w h ite w o rk e rs. T his means th e y are
e n t i r e l y in a d e q u a te , o f te n tim es re a c h in g th e b a re s u b s is te n c e
l e v e l . Where wages a r e so low a s to endanger adequate sta n d a rd s
o f l i v i n g , the i n t e r e s t of a l l w o rk e rs, and th e community a r e
a t is s u e . Low wages a r e a f e r t i l e source of i n e f f i c i e n c y , of
p o v e rty , of prem ature o ld a g e , of i l l n e s s , of i r r e g u l a r work
and c rim e . The low wage s c a le fo r Negro w orkers and th e r e
s t r i c t e d a c c e ss to work a r e so r e s t r i c t i v e o f a l l th e o p p o rtu n i
t i e s o f those who r e c e iv e them a s to make p r a c t i c a l l y u n a t t a i n
a b le the good l i f e t h a t th e community se ek s f o r a l l of i t s
members. The w e lfa re o f Negro wage e a rn e rs in in d u s try i s th e
concern of everybody. F or upon the wage e a rn in g c la s s e s depend,
to a v e ry la rg e d e g re e , th e p r o s p e r ity o f the community, and,
i n the l a s t a n a ly s is , the s e c u r i t y and permanency of th e economic
system .
With such problem s o f i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s fa c in g
Negro la b o r , w hite w orkers, em ployers, and the community, th e
p r e s e n t s tu d y i s n o t w ith o u t b e n e f i t . This i s not a s tu d y on
ra c e r e l a t i o n s n o r an a tte m p t to o f f e r a program f o r th e s o lu
t i o n of a p r e s s in g and a g g ra v a tin g problem . R a th er i t i s an
e f f o r t to o b ta in a f a i r e s tim a te of th e s t a t u s o f th e Negro
w orker in American Indus t r y ; i t is an attem p t to s e t f o r t h
d e s c r i p t i v e l y , w ith a c r i t i c a l a n a ly s is , the c h a r a c t e r , e x te n t,
and problem s of h is p ro g re ss in in d u s try ; i t i s a stu d y of th e
i n t e r a c t i o n of such f a c t o r s a3 r a c e , wages, w orking c o n d itio n s ,
tr a d e u n io n h o s t i l i t i e s , s t r i k e b re a k in g , e t c . . I t i s b ased
vii
upon an ex am in atio n of a l l a v a ila b le m a te r ia l a s w e ll as some
f i r s t hand o b s e rv a tio n in th e f i e l d .
The term ’’in d u s t r y ”, in t h i s s tu d y is to be i n te r p r e t e d
n a rro w ly , a s any m a n u fa c tu rin g , m ech an ical, o r m ining a c t i v i t y
i n which people e a rn a l i v i n g .
I
CHAPTER I
THE INDUSTRIAL STATUS OP THE NEGRO
European im m igrants had f o r a hundred y e a rs , p r i o r to th e
World War, su p p lie d th e i n d u s t r i a l la b o r o f Am erica. The World
War, how ever, o ccasio n ed a c h a lle n g e to th e e s ta b li s h e d a t t i
tu d e s which had k e p t Negroes more or le s s co n fin e d to th e South,
and to c e r t a i n t r a d i t i o n a l ty p e s of employment. The im petus
to Northward m ig ra tio n was g iv e n by th e W orld War. The a f t e r
war boom p e rio d of 1919-1920, put a g r e a te r premium upon la b o r
th a n a t any p re v io u s tim e . The stream of im m ig ratio n wa3
suddenly checked. The grow th of in d u s try depended upon ta p p in g
a l l a v a ila b le so u rces of la b o r su p p ly , and th e Negro was the
most a v a ila b le supply.
Between 1915 and 1928 t h i s new i n d u s t r i a l o p p o rtu n ity
a t t r a c t e d 1,200,000 Negroes from the South to th e N orth. They
went in to th o se i n d u s t r i e s needing masses of u n s k i l l e d w orkers
- th e s t e e l an d ir o n i n d u s t r i e s , lumber an d saw m i l l s , r a i l
r o a d s , s to c k y a r d s , c o n s tr u c tio n , ro ad m a in ten an ce, c ig a r and
to b a c c o , and food i n d u s t r i e s . In 1910, only 692,409 or ab o u t
o n e - te n th of a l l the Negroes a t work were engaged in i n d u s t r i a l
p u r s u i t s . ^ j n ig 2 0 , t h i s number had in c re a s e d c o n s id e ra b ly ,
960,059 b ein g employed in th e v a rio u s i n d u s t r i e s . 2 So, d u rin g
a span of te n y e a rs 267,630 Negro w orkers were added to the
ran k s o f th e i n d u s t r i a l w orkers:
The l a r g e s t i n d u s t r i a l groups of Negroes i n 1920 were in
th e fo llo w in g d iv is io n s o f employment:
^U nited S ta te s Bureau o f Census R e p o rts, O ccu p atio n s, 1920,
V ol. IV, p. 341.
2I b i d .
2
TABLE I
UNSKILLED W ORKERS
B u ild in g tr a d e s - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 135,000
Lumber (saw m i l l s ) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 106,000
Ir o n and S te e l - _ _ 105,600
M iscellan e o u s I n d u s tr ie s - - - - - - - - - - - 86,200
F o o d -------------------------------- - - - - 27,700
Tobacco - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 21,200
T e x t i l e s - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 18,800
Chemical w o rk e rs - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 17,500
C lay and B rick Y a rd s- - - - - - - - - - - - - - 8,800
G eneral M etal I n d u s t r i e s - - - - - - - - - - - - 4,000
Paper and Pulp M il ls - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2,900
T an n e rie s - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2,500
C l o t h i n g ............... ............................— — ----------------- 1,400
P r in t in g - - - - - - - - - ---- - - - - - - - - 1,200
T o ta l 535,000
These u n s k il le d la b o re rs c o n s t i t u t e 60.3 p e rc e n t of
a l l Negroes i n M anufacturing i n d u s t r i e s .
SEMI SKILLED W ORKERS
' Ir o n and S te e l I n d u s tr ie s - - - - - - - - - - - 23,600
C igar and Tobacco I n d u s t r i e s - - - - - - - - - - - 19,800
Food I n d u s t r i e s - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 15,800
C lo th in g I n d u s t r i e s - - - ------- - - - - - - - 13,900
Lumber and F u r n itu r e I n d u s tr ie s - - - - - - - - 9,600
T e x tile I n d u s tr ie s - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 9,300
Chem ical P la n ts ( P r in c i p a ll y ------- ---
F e r t i l i z e r W orks)- - - - - - - - - - - - 2,300
M iscellan eo u s I n d u s tr ie s - - - - - - - - - - - 23,000
T o ta l 117,300
13.2 p e rc e n t of a l l Negroes i n m an u factu rin g i n d u s t r i e s
were semi s k i l l e d .
SKILLED WORKERS
C a rp e n te rs t — . — — — - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 34,200
B rick and Stone Masons - - - - - - - - - - - - - 10,600
Mechanics - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 9,000
M oulders - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 6,000
P a in te r s - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 9,000
P l a s t e r e r s - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 7,000
T a ilo r s - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 6,900
5
E n g in eers ( s ta t io n a r y ) c ra n e men, e t c . - - - - - - - 6,500
Plumbers (gas and steam f i t t e r s ) - - - - - - - - - - 3,500
B lack sm ith s, forgem en and hammer men - - - - - - - - 8,900
T o ta l 102,300
S k ille d w orkers c o n s t i t u t e a b o u t 10 p e rc e n t of the
Negroes in m a n u fa ctu rin g i n d u s t r i e s . !
O ther Negro i n d u s t r i a l w orkers a r e found i n the coal
m ining, lo n g sh o re w ork, to o l making, e l e c t r o ty p i n g , r a i l r o a d i n g ,
g la s s blow ing, lith o g ra p h in g and c o p p e ra n ith in g . Many Negro
women have found t h e i r way i n t o the com m ercial la u n d e r ie s , food
i n d u s t r i e s , a n d th e le s 3 s k i l l e d b ran ch es of the n eed le tr a d e s .
In many c i t i e s c e r t a in of the s p e c ia liz e d sew ing tr a d e s , a s f o r
exam ple, the making of lamp shades in C hicago, have come to d e
pend v e ry h e a v ily upon th e la b o r of Negro women. Prom 1910 to
1920 th e number o f Negro women in m a n u fa ctu rin g and m echanical
p u r s u its in c re a s e d from 68,018 to 1 0 5 ,3 2 0 .2
I t h as b ee n in the ir o n and s t e e l i n d u s t r i e s t h a t the
Negro has made h i s l a r g e s t g a in s . The o p p o r tu n iti e s in ir o n
and s t e e l i n d u s t r i e s have, to a la r g e e x t e n t , been a ffo rd e d
by the b e l i e f , w hether w e ll founded o r n o t, t h a t Negroes a r e
n o t e a s i l y a f f e c te d by h e a t as a re o th e r w orkers. M oreover,
among the f i r s t to f e e l th e need f o r more la b o r , s t e e l f a c t o r i e s
s e n t a g e n ts o u t to r e c r u i t Negro w orkers in the South d u rin g
th e World War and d u rin g th e re cru d escen c e of b u s in e s s i n 1923.
In 1910, 6 .3 5 p e rc e n t of th e u n s k il le d w orkers in th e s t e e l
3
in d u s tr y were N egroes. In 1920, the Negro w orkers were 17
^C harles S. Johnson, The Negro i n American C i v i l i z a t i o n , p . 39.
2U n ited S ta te s Census R ep o rt, O c c u p a tio n s , V ol.IV , 1920, p .3 4 1 .
3 I b id .
p e r c e n t of the u n s k il le d w o rk e rs .* T his shows a g a in o f 10.65
p e rc e n t in te n y e a r s . Complete f ig u r e s in d ic a tin g the p re s e n t
p r o p o rtio n o f Negroes in the s t e e l in d u s try a re u n a v a ila b le ,
b u t th e re a r e fragm ents which throw some l i g h t on th e s i t u a t i o n .
In 1928, th e p e rso n n e l o f f i c e r o f th e C arnegie S te e l Company
d e c la re d th a t th e number o f Negroes on th e Company*s pay r o l l s
had f l u c t u a t e d between 10 and 12 p e r c e n t sin ce th e c lo s e of
th e war. Twenty th re e m i l l s in th e P itts b u r g d i s t r i c t r e p o r te d
th e employment o f 16,000 N egroes, or 21 p e rc e n t of the t o t a l
f o r c e , in 1923. The l a r g e s t s t e e l companies in th e Chicago
d i s t r i c t i n th e w in te r of 1926-1927 employed 4,164 N egroes,, o r
10 p e rc e n t o f a t o t a l fo rc e of 4 1 ,0 8 1 .
The Tennessee Coal and I ro n Company In Birmingham not o n ly
employs la r g e numbers o f Negroes b u t has developed model ho u sin g
and in s u r e s t h e i r te n u re . The I l l i n o i s S te e l Company employs
11 p e rc e n t N egroes, who c o n s t i t u t e 2.57 p e rc e n t of th e s k i l l e d
w o rk ers, 10.6 p e rc e n t of th e semi s k i l l e d , an d 21 p e rc e n t o f
th e u n s k i l l e d . In a l l the o th e r p l a n t s , e x c e p t the Duquesne
p la n t of the Bethlehem S te e l C o rp o ra tio n th e overwhelming p r o
p o r tio n o f th e Negroes were u n s k i l l e d . In the Duquesne p la n t
e ig h ty p e rc e n t of the Negroes were semi s k i l l e d o r s k i l l e d ,
s e rv in g as gas m akers, h e lp e r s on fu rn a c e s , a sh hoppermen,
la d le l i n e r s and narrow gauge r a i l r o a d switchm en.
The main f a c t o r in the in c re a s e o f the Negroes i n the
ir o n and s t e e l in d u s try h a s b ee n th e g e n e ra l absence of th e
^•United S ta te s Census R ep o rt, O cc u p atio n s, V ol. IV, 1920,
p . 341.
5
tendency among Negro w orkers to u n ite f o r c o l l e c t i v e b a rg a in in g .
M oreover, the Negro would n o t s t r i k e , and many p la n ts f o r t i f i e d
th em selves a g a in s t s t r i k e s by so in te rm ix in g Negro w orkers
among t h e i r w h ite w orkers a s to re n d e r c o n c e rte d a c tio n impos
s i b l e . So a s th e Negroes g ain ed m oreqjobs th e w h ite w orkers
gain ed more ra c e p r e ju d ic e . The Negro w o rk ers had won, and
th e y had l o s t .
In 1920, th e re were 2,816 t i n p l a t e and tin w are w o rk ers,
904 of which were tin s m ith s .* Lead w orkers among th e Negroes
though few , se c u re t h e i r jobs la r g e ly f o r t h e re a s o n t h a t th e
work i s la b o rio u s and e x c e e d in g ly d an g ero u s, r e s u l t i n g o f te n
in le a d p o iso n in g .
P rio r to th e m ig ra tio n Negroes were p r a c t i c a l l y excluded
from e l e c t r i c a l p l a n t s . I n 1918, 900 Negroes were on th e
weekly pay r o l l o f th e W estinghouse E l e c t r i c and M anufacturing
Company.2 The advance of the Negro in e l e c t r i c a l p la n ts ,
how ever, h a s been r e ta r d e d by t h e i r la c k of e d u c a tio n a l p re
p a r a t io n , ac co rd in g to a r e c e n t su rv e y .
24,648 Negroes were employed in s h ip y a rd s from 1916 to
1919. T his was a g r e a t in c re a s e over the 4,000 employed p r i o r
to 1916# The number of Negroes employed h a s d e c re a se d con
s id e r a b ly sin c e 1919. T his i s due, however, t o th e ending
of war h o s t i l i t i e s , and the f a i l u r e o f t h e U n ite d S ta te s to
develop a M erchant M arine. The m a jo r ity o f th e Negroes in
th e s h ip b u ild in g in d u s try a re engaged i n common l a b o r , . alth o u g h
*U nited S ta te s Census R eport, O cc u p atio n s, V ol. IV, 1920,
p • 344.
2E. S. M cC lelland, ”Negro Labor in th e W estinghouse E l e c t r i c
and M anufacturing C o r p o r a tio n .” O p p o rtu n ity , V ol. I , pp. 22-23.
6
4,963 o r 20.7 p e rc e n t of them are engaged in o c c u p a tio n s which
may be c la s s e d as s k i l l e d .
The Negro h as made s u b s t a n t i a l g a in s in the mining in d u s
try.^- The a r e a s tr e t c h in g from P en n sy lv a n ia to Alabama, i n
c lu d in g p o rtio n s of Ohio, E a s te rn K entucky, V ir g in ia , Tennessee
and West V ir g in ia , c o n ta in s th e coal f i e l d s in ¥fcich th e Negro
w orkers have p la y e d t h e i r m ost im p o rta n t r o l e .
In 1920, th e re were 8,000 Negro m iners i n th e P itts b u r g
c o a l d i s t r i c t a lo n e . D uring th e prolonged s t r i k e in th e
W estern P en n sy lv an ia c o a l f i e l d s , the Negroes employed in
t h i s a re a in c re a s e d from 586 i n 1924 to 2,865 in 1927, one
company hav in g 800 Negroes out of a t o t a l w orking fo rc e of
2 ,0 0 0 , m ost o f whom had been r e c r u i t e d from e i t h e r West V ir
g in ia o r o th e r S outhern S t a t e s . West V ir g in ia i t s e l f had 23,
990 Negro c o a l m iners in 1925:
T h e ir r e l a t i o n to th e in d u s try in o th e r s t a t e s has n o t,
how ever, been e n t i r e l y n e g l i g i b l e . Of 310,719 bitum inous mine
w orkers th ey were 5 2 .7 p e rc e n t of a l l w orkers in Alabama;
19.9 p e rc e n t i n West V ir g in ia ; 2 .4 p e rc e n t in I l l i n o i s ; 1 .9
p e rc e n t in Ohio; 1 .6 p e rc e n t in In d ia n a ; 1 .4 p e rc e n t i n Penn
s y lv a n ia , and 10.9 p e rc e n t of th e combined fo rc e in 11 o th e r
s t a t e s . 2
The Negro se c u re d h i s fo o th o ld in th e N orthern f i e l d s ,
p r im a r ily , by s t r i k e b re a k in g , b u t t h i s i s not tru e of th e
S o u th ern f i e l d s . In th e Southern f i e l d s Negro la b o r was used
from th e b e g in n in g , and some Negro m iners have been co n n ected
w ith th e u n io n s in c e the d ay s o f th e K nights of Labor. Too,
th e Negroes in the non-union coal f i e l d s of West V ir g in ia and
^-George E. Haynes, The Negro a t Work in New York G ity .
pp. 19-23.
^R obert W. Dunn, Labor and A utom obiles, p . 146.
7
Alabama perform ev ery ty p e of work of w hich they a re c a p a b le .
Many h o ld p o s it io n s r e q u ir in g s k i l l and t r a i n i n g ; many a c t a s
forem en, b o s s e s , o v e r s e e r s , in s p e c to r s an d m anagers.
The au tom obile in d u s tr y is co m p a ra tiv e ly new to th e Negro.
The autom obile p la n ts in D e tr o it began to h i r e Negroes in 1917.
In 1926, th e Ford p la n t and two o th e r la rg e autom obile p la n ts
were em ploying 11,000 N egroes. The Dodge B ro th e rs works em
p lo y ed 915 N egroes, d i s t r i b u t e d over 19 d i f f e r e n t d e p a rtm e n ts.
F ig u re s p u b lis h e d in 1929 by R obert W. Dunn, in Labor and Auto
m o b ile s , accorded th e Hupp P la n t w ith 12 p e rc e n t Negro la b o r;
th e S tu d eb ak er, 10; th e McCord R a d ia to r, 10; th e C a d illa c , 5;
th e M urray Body, 4; th e C h e v ro le t, 3 .5 ; th e Dodge, 3 .5 ; the
P ackard, 3; th e Timkln D e tr o it A xle, 2 .5 ; th e C h ry s le r, 1 .5 ;
th e Hudson, 1 .2 ; th e L in c o ln , 1 .0 ; th e P a ig e , 1 .0 ; w h ile many
p la n ts had l e s s th an 1 .0 p e r c e n t Negroes on t h e i r pay r o l l s
The g r e a t m a jo r ity of th e se Negroes a r e u n s k il le d , a lth o u g h
a la r g e number a re semi s k i l l e d . Very few a re doing r e a l l y
s k i l l e d w ork. The Ford H ighland P la n t had only two s k i l l e d
Negroes o u t of an e s tim a te d 4 ,0 0 0 . A stu d y made by th e D e tr o it
Bureau of Government R esearch p u b lis h e d in 1927, p o in te d out
t h a t in 1926 s ix t y f iv e per c e n t of a l l the Negroes employed
in the c i t y o f D e tr o it w ere engaged in u n s k il le d work.
There were 21,334 N egroes, in 1920, w orking in c i g a r and
tobacco f a c t o r i e s . ^ Of the t o t a l number of Negro la b o r e r s in
c i g a r and tobacco f a c t o r i e s , 91.6 p e r c e n t were in th e th re e
^R obert W. Dunn, Labor an d A utom obiles, p. 146.
^U nited S ta te s Census R e p o rts, O ccu p atio n s, 1920, V ol. IV,
p. 345.
8
s t a t e s of K entucky, N orth C a ro lin a , and V ir g in ia . This same
number form ed 5 5 .6 p er cen t of a l l la b o r e r s in t h i s in d u s tr y .
In th e c i g a r e t t e f a c t o r i e s of P e te rs b u rg , V irg in ia o f 1,200
women w o rk e rs, 500 were N egroes. T his means t h a t about 42
p e r c e n t o f th e women w orkers are Negroes. They a ls o have
100 Negro men and boys employed* I n 1921, th e re were r e p o r te d
6,551 Negro women i n 39 tobacco f a c t o r i e s a l l of which had em
ployed Negroes p r i o r to th e w ar. I n th e same y e a r alm ost f i v e
hundred Negroes were w orking in c i g a r an d tobacco f a c t o r i e s
i n M isso u ri, and one t h i r d of them were semi s k i l l e d . A la rg e
number of Negro c ig a r w orkers a r e employed in New York and
New J e r s e y . In 1927, th e re were 2,500 Negro w orkers in the
tobacco f a c t o r i e s of P h ila d e lp h ia . V arious e s tim a te s p la c e
th e t o t a l number of Negroes a t p re s e n t in th e tobacco in d u s tr y
a t about 50,000 w o rk ers. These c o n s t i t u t e a b o u t th re e f i f t h s
o f a l l to b acco f a c t o r y em ployees. They in c re a s e d a t th e r a t e
of alm o st 75 p e r c e n t a f t e r 1910, b u t d ec re ase d somewhat by
1930.
The tobacco in d u s tr y i s th e i n d u s t r i a l f i e l d in which th e
u n s k il le d Negro women had se c u re d a f o o th o ld p r i o r to the
World War. I t w ill be e a sy to see why Negroes dom inate th e
to b acco in d u s tr y when we d is c u s s the w orking c o n d itio n s and
th e wages in th a t in d u s tr y .
The la b o r s h o rta g e , b o th d u rin g and fo llo w in g the World
War, r e v e rs e d th e p o lic y of the fo o d in d u s tr y from h ir in g a s
few Negroes a s p o s s ib le to t h a t o f h ir in g as many as p o s s ib le
9
and even to s o l i c i t i n g t h e i r la b o r . ”In 1915, s ix t e e n food
packing e s ta b lis h m e n ts i n Chicago employed 1,105 N egroes;
by 1916 th e number had grown to 2,529; by 1917 to 4 ,7 6 5 ; by
1918 to 6 ,5 1 0 , b u t dropped to 5,379 i n 1920* "3-
Even Negro women under th e s t r e s s of n e c e s s ity w ere em
p lo y ed in the meat packing p l a n t s . I n a b a t t o i r s , s to c k y a rd s ,
and ta n n e r ie s th ey were employed in a l l c a p a c i t i e s e x c e p t th e
a c t u a l b u tc h e rin g an d in s p e c tio n of m e a ts. A ccording to th e
U nited S ta te s D epartm ent of Labor th e se Negro women, new
comers to in d u s tr y , trimmed, a s s o r t e d , and g raded d i f f e r e n t
p o r tio n s o f th e c a rc a s s e s ; th ey s e p a r a te d and c le a n e d th e
v i s c e r a , p re p a re d , cured an d canned the m eats, an d g rad ed ,
c le a n e d , cured and tan n ed th e hides.2
According to P ro fe s s o r C h a rles S. Johnson th e re a re a t
p r e s e n t 8,000 Negroes employed in th e y a rd s o f Chicago, en
gaged in a l l g rad es o f work. The g r e a t e s t p a r t o f th e se w orkers
a re employed in u n s k i l l e d jo b s . A few a r e engaged in s k i l l e d
work.
Longshoring i s an o c c u p a tio n in which th e Negro h a s , f o r
a long tim e , h e ld an u n in te r r u p te d p r e s t i g e . The work c a l l s
f o r th e com bination of s tr e n g th and a g i l i t y , f o r w hich th e
Negro was g iv e n p r e f e re n c e . About 30 per cen t of the lo n g
shoremen in th e U n ited S ta te s a r e N egroes. The f e d e r a l census
o f 1920 in d ic a te s th a t 27,337 out of a t o t a l o f 85,928 lo n g -
3
shoremen a re N egroes. I n New York alone in 1926 th e re were
6,000 longshorem an; i n P h ila d e lp h ia one f ir m a lo n e , in 1917,
had from 400 to 500 Negroes w orking a s longshorem en.
• ^-Greene and Woodson, The Negro Wage E a r n e r, p. 272.
2I b i d . , pp. 272-273.
5U. S. Bureau of Census R e p o rts, O ccu p atio n s, 1920, p .
351. 1
.10
The im portance of th e Negro in the C otton M ills of th e
South i s s m a ll. T his i s a s t r i k i n g f a c t sin c e th is in d u s tr y
i s r i g h t a t h i s door. P ro fe s s o r C h a rles Johnson, contends th a t
’’one p ro b ab le reaso n f o r th e e x c lu s io n i s th e number of women
em ployed, and th e f e a r o f too c lo s e c o n ta c t b etw een th e r a c e s
a t t h e i r work. P ro fe s s o r Broadus M itc h e ll, of Johns Hopkins
U n iv e r s ity , h o ld s th a t ’the re a so n Negroes a re not employed
in th e one c h a r a c t e r i s t i c in d u s tr y of th e South i s t h a t i t i s
th e one c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n d u s t r y . ’ ”^ - N e v e rth e le s s , 17,477 Negro
men and 7,257 women a re r e p o r te d i n th e t e x t i l e m i l l s . Ex
c lu d in g th e w orkers in New Y ork, th e o th e rs seem to b e w orking
alm o st e x c lu s iv e ly in th e opening, p ack in g , and sh ip p in g de
p a rtm e n ts, or in such g e n e ra l work as tr u c k in g , y ard work,
sw eeping and c le a n in g th e m i l l s . For in s ta n c e , th e Labor
Commission of G eorgia r e p o r ts 4,758 Negro men and women in
th e t e x t i l e m i l l s , b u t th e s e w ere e n t i r e l y draymen, p o r t e r s ,
s c ru b b e rs and f l o o r c le a n e r s .
In th e c lo th in g in d u s try Negro women w orkers in c re a s e d
from 529 in 1910 to 7,623 i n 1920.** In P h ila d e lp h ia a su rv ey
showed t h a t o f 126 garm ent shops em ploying 5,822 women in
1927, 842 were N eg ro es.5
C h a rles S. Johnson, in The Negro i n American C i v i l i z a t i o n ,
^-Charles S. Johnson, op. c i,t. , p . 51.
2U. S. Census R e p o rts, O ccu p atio n s, V ol. IV, 1910, p . 325:
V ol. IV, 1920, p. 351.
^S adie T. A lexander, ’’Negro Women in Our Economic L i f e ”,
O p p o rtu n ity , March, 1930, p . 41.
11
sa y s:
The g e n e ra l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f Negro w orkers th ro u g h o u t the
U n ited S ta te s g iv e s an in d ex b o th to the amount o f work p e r
form ed, and to t h e i r im portance in th e s t r u c t u r e of American
i n d u s t r i e s . They p ro v id e 2 1 .0 p e r c e n t of th e b u ild in g -
la b o r e r s , 24 p er c e n t of th e ch em ical la b o r e r s , 60 p e r c e n t
o f the tobacco w orkers, 14 p e r c e n t of th e ir o n and s t e e l
l a b o r e r s , 8 9 .5 p e r c e n t o f the saw an d p la n in g m ill u n s k il le d
h a n d s, 16 p e r c e n t of th e b l a s t fu rn a ce a n d r o l l i n g m ill
u n s k il le d h an d s. In work r e q u ir in g some m easure o f s k i l l
th e y a r e 29 p er c e n t of the g la s s w orkers, 42 p e r cen t o f
th e f i s h packing and c u rin g hands, and 5 1 .7 p e r c e n t o f the
longshorem en. On the o th e r hand, th ey have few er th a n t h e i r
p o p u la tio n p r o p o rtio n of ir o n m olders (5 .5 o f a l l ir o n m o ld e rs ),
c o tto n m il l w orkers ( 1 .2 ) , c o a l m iners ( 7 .7 ) , and p etro leu m
w orkers ( 3 . 0 ) . l
J u s t what p ro p o rtio n o f th e e n t i r e number of i n d u s t r i a l
w orkers th e s k i l l e d Negro w orkers c o n s t i t u t e s i s d i f f i c u l t t o
a s c e r t a i n . E stim a te s v a ry . One in v e s t i g a t o r p la c e d the
number of s k i l l e d w orkers a t 5 per c e n t an d th e sem i s k i l l e d
w orkers a t 15 p er c e n t . A nother su rv e y was made by th e De
p artm e n t of Labor in 1923 which covers 273 em ployers o f
Negro la b o r in f o u r te e n s t a t e s r e p r e s e n tin g such an a s s o r te d
group of i n d u s t r i e s a s i r o n , s t e e l , co p p e r, l e a t h e r , m achinery,
to b a c c o , f o o d - s t u f f a , b o i l e r s , r a i l r o a d equipm ent, g l a s s ,
t e x t i l e s , w ir e , saws, o i l , cem ent, p a p e r, ch inaw are, and o th e r
i n d u s t r i e s . I t showed t h a t in M aryland, C o n n e tic u t, M ichigan,
and K ansas, s k i l l e d Negro w orkers in c re a s e d f a s t e r th a n un
s k i l l e d w orkers d u rin g th e p e rio d of a y e a r. The r e v e r s e was
tr u e in Ohio, C a lif o r n ia , P e n n sy lv a n ia, I l l i n o i s , W isconsin,
New York, In d ia n a , K entucky, New J e r s e y , and Oklahoma. Accord
in g to th e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f th e U n ited S ta te s Census r e p o r t s
on o c c u p a tio n s f o r 1920, ab o u t 198,000 Negroes were engaged
in s k i l l e d la b o r e i t h e r in o r o u ts id e th e f a c t o r i e s . T his
f i g u r e can n o t be ta k e n as p o r tra y in g th e a c t u a l s i t u a t i o n ,
how ever, f o r in c lu d e d in t h i s number a r e many w orkers who
o b v io u sly were n o t s k i l l e d . Among th e s e may be in c lu d e d f i r e
men in b u ild in g and f a c t o r i e s . Almost 125,000, o r k3 p e r c e n t
of Negro w o rk e rs, w ere lik e w is e emplcyed in sem i s k i l l e d la b o r.
I n s h o r t , ab o u t one t h i r d of a l l t i e Negroes a f f i l i a t e d in any
way w ith i n d u s t r i a l employment o u tsid e the f a c t o r y w a ll s ,
perform ed la b o r , r e q u ir in g g r e a t e r o r le s s s k i l l . 2
■^■Charles S. Johnson, The Negro in American C i v i l i z a t i o n,
p . 42.
2Greene and Woodson, o p . c i t . , pp. 333-339.
12
The F e d e ra l D epartm ent of Labor s tu d ie d th e p a y r o lls o f
273 em ployers of Negro la b o r d u rin g th e y ear p r i o r to A p ril
30, 1923 in C a lif o r n i a , C o n n e tic u t, D elaw are, I l l i n o i s , In d ia n a ,
K ansas, K entucky, M aryland, M a ssa c h u se tts, M ichigan, M isso u ri,
New je r s e y , New York, Oklahoma, Ohio and W isconsin. The i n
d u s t r i e s in c lu d e d m achinery, to b a c c o , ir o n , an d s t e e l , fo o d
s t u f f s , b r a s s , b r i c k , ru b b e r, r a i l r o a d equipm ent, and occupa
tio n s in the f i e l d o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , c o n s tr u c tio n and r a i l r o a d
work. Negro w orkers during t h a t p e rio d in c re a s e d by 18,050.
Of t h i s number 13,893 were u n s k il le d and 4,157 s k i l l e d . The
s k i l l e d w orkers in c re a s e d 3 8 .5 p e r c e n t and th e u n s k il le d i n
c re a s e d 4 4 .0 p e r c e n t. The fo llo w in g ta b le shows th e in c re a s e
f o r both groups*1
TABLE I I
In c re a s e of S k ille d and U n s k ille d Negro Workers in
S e le c te d I n d u s tr ie s o f 14 S ta te s - A p r il, 1922
A p ril 1923
S ta te s In c re a s e
P e rc e n t
S k ille d
P e rc e n t
U n sk illi
P e rc e n t
M aryland 55.48 186.86 27.67
C o n n e tic u t 88.74 90.48
88.58
M ichigan 66.77 70.73
62.48
Kansas 40.42 68.97
37.13
Ohio 69.93 68.04 71.21
C a lif o r n ia 66.67 60.00 68.00
P en n sy lv an ia 64.91 43.68 77.52
I l l i n o i s 45.41 39.94
46.69
W isconsin 58.24 33.33
60.48
New York 37.19 30.00
37.79
In d ia n a 70.17 18.18
102.86
K entucky 24.00 13.93 27.15
New J e rs e y 74.82 12.96 85.16
Oklahoma 14.10 3 .8 5 15.67
R e l e a s e o f U. S. D epartm ent o f L abor, 1923 •
At p re s e n t the number of s k i l l e d and semi s k i l l e d w orkers
a re f a r l e s s th an in 1920 b ecause of the d e p re s s io n . F u r th e r
m ore, many Negroes as m a rg in a l w o rk ers, have e i t h e r been de
m oted from t h e i r p o s i t i o n to t h a t of u n s k i l l e d la b o r e r s , o r
have b e e n a f f i l i a t e d w ith th e company long enough to be n ear
r e tir e m e n t w ith p e n sio n , and have been d is c h a rg e d a s an economy
m easure. One Los A ngeles company v e ry p la in ly employed t h i s
p o lic y . In s p i t e of th e untow ard c o n d itio n s t h a t c o n fro n t
Negro la b o r in the i n d u s t r i e s , the group i s moving tow ard s k i l l e d
l a b o r p u r s u i t s . D uring th e l a s t f i f t e e n y e a rs in most n o rth e rn
c i t i e s th e re h as been an in c re a s e in the number o f Negroes em
p lo y ed in s k i l l e d p u r s u i t s . In Middle W estern c i t i e s , such
a s Chicago and D e t r o i t , th e r e i s a g r e a t e r tr e n d tow ard em
p lo y in g Negroes in s k i l l e d work th a n e x i s t in many e a s te r n
c i t i e s l i k e New York and P h ila d e lp h ia . The number o f s k i l l e d
N egroes i s p r im a r ily dependent upon th e n a tu re o f th e in d u s try
and th e e x te n t o f i t s u n io n iz a tio n . The tre n d of the Negro
w orker s in c e the World War seems to be tow ard s k i l l e d p o s i t i o n s .
C o n firm atio n of t h i s tr e n d must w a it upon p u b lic a t io n of th e
r e s u l t s o f the 1930 Census#
14
CHAPTER I I
THE TREND IN NEGRO W AGES
I t i s q u ite g e n e r a lly assumed by em ployers t h a t a Negro
i s n o t w orth a s much to them a s a w h ite w orker, r e g a r d le s s
o f h is work. They assum e, m oreover, t h a t th e Negro can ’’l i v e
on l e s s ” and i s n o t u n fa v o u ra b ly a f f e c te d by in a d e q u a te w ages.
Due to th e se w id esp re ad assu m p tio n s, Negroes in many p la c e s
have had to a c c e p t low er wages th a n w h ite s i n i d e n t i c a l jo b s .
N o n -ra c ia l f a c t o r s , however, sometim es e n te r s to produce th e
same r e s u l t s . For in s t a n c e , Negroes have e n te r e d I n d u s try
on th e lo w est rung of th e i n d u s t r i a l la d d e r . About 90 p er
c e n t of them a re engaged in u n s k il le d work. E n tran ce r a t e s of
pay a r e low, and Negroes b e in g newcomers m ust ac ce p t th e s e
e n tra n c e r a t e s .
In th e S outhern s t a t e s d u a l wage s c a le s a re common. ’’The
s im p le s t economic d is c r i m in a tio n ”, says S c o tt N earin g , ”i s in
th e r a t e of pay*”- 1 - In 1929, wages f o r Negro u n s k i l l e d w orkers
in m il ls and shops ran g ed from $1850 to $20,00 w eekly, v a ry in g
w ith the l o c a l i t y . The wages o f w h ite u n s k i l l e d w orkers
ranged from $22.50 to $ 2 4 .0 0 . In a t t r i b u t i n g th e p re v a le n c e
o f Negroes in the tobacco in d u s tr y to th e b a s e ly low compen
s a tio n , Greene and Woodson sa y s:
In V irg in ia th e wage s c a le was a low a s $4.00 a week. In
M isso u ri th e median wage f o r Negro tob acco w orkers reach ed
-J-Scott N earin g , B lack Am erica, p . 101.
15
$7.70 a week, w h ile the w h ite w orkers r e c e iv e d $ 1 3 ,2 0 . In
T ennessee in 1927 'The e a rn in g s of th e Negro w orkers f e l l
v e ry much below th o se of the w h ite women. In th e m anufacture
o f tobacco p ro d u c ts o th e r than c i g a r s , th e in d u s tr y which em
ployed th e second l a r g e s t number of women, the median was
only $ 7 .6 0 .' For w hite women 't h e median was a s h ig h as
$ 1 3 .2 0 ' th e same was tr u e of o th e r s t a t e s v i s i t e d by th e i n
v e s t i g a t o r .1
Sometimes th e d i f f e r e n t i a l i n pay i s not so o penly ap
p l i e d , b u t i s a p p lie d by c a l l i n g Negro jobs by d i f f e r e n t names.
The s u p e rin te n d e n t of a plough f a c t o r y in E v a n s v ille , Kentucky
s a id to P ro fe s s o r H a rris :
Negroes do work w h ite men w o n 't do, su ch a s common la b o r,
heavy, h o t and d i r t y work, p o u rin g c r u c ib le s , work in th e
g rin d in g room s, and so on. Negroes a r e employed because th e y
a re ch e ap e r. Negro common la b o r s t a r t s a t t h i r t y c e n ts an
hour and soon g e t . t h i r t y - f i v e c e n t s , whereas w h ite la b o r
s t a r t s a t f o r t y - f i v e to f i f t y c e n ts . On p ie c e work w h ite s
make s i x t y to s i x t y - f i v e c e n ts an h o u r. The Negro does a
d i f f e r e n t g rade of work, and makes a b o u t ten c e n ts an hour
le s s . 2
The fo llo w in g ta b le of the a v e ra g e wage r a t e s in th e
fo u n d ry in d u s tr y in th e Birmingham d i s t r i c t was f u r t h e r c i t e d
by Spero and H a r r is :
TABLE I I I .
Average R ates f o r White and Negro W orkers in
th e Foundry I n d u s tr y , Birmingham,Alabama,
19263
C ra f t
White
Rate
C a lc u la te d
day r a t e 4
M a ch in ist
M olders
$0.77 p e r h r
0 .7 9
$6.16
6 .3 2
^-Greene and Woodson, o p . c i t . , p. 286.
^Spero and H a r r is , The B lack W orker, p. 169.
3I b i d . , p . 170.
^ C a lc u la te d on th e b a s is of an e ig h t hour d a y .
16
B lacksm iths
E l e c t r i c i a n s
C a rp e n ters
Core makers
Core Foremen
P a tte r n makers 0.81
0 .8 1
0 .7 9
0 .7 5
0.79
6.48
6 .4 8
6.52
6.00
6.32
5.50 to
6.00 p er day
C ra ft C olored R ate
M olders H elp ers
C lip p e rs
Crane o p e ra to rs
Cupola te n d e rs
Hammers
P i t Foremen
Core Foremen
$3.60 p er day
3.60
4 .7 5 -5 .2 5
3.85
4 .0 0
4.50
5 .00
T his t a b le shows th e Negro core forem en r e c e iv in g $5.00
per day, w hereas th e w h ite core forem en r e c e iv e d $5.50 to
$6.00 a day. T his may be due in p a r t to th e d i s p o s i t i o n o f
th e em ployer to com pensate th e w h ite w orker in la r g e r pay
f o r th e tem porary s o c ia l d isa d v a n ta g e in a c c e p tin g th e same
p o s it io n of th a t w ith which a Negro i s a s s o c ia te d . When a
Negro m older, m a c h in is t, c a rp e n te r o r b la c k sm ith work i n th e
same fo u n d ry a s w h ite c ra fts m e n , th e y a r e c o n sid e re d h e l p e r s .
So i f economic p re s s u re th ro w s . the two d iv e rg e n t ra c e s in t o
c o m p e titio n , th e w hite man’s job i s ranked above the N egro’s .
This i s n o t a co n scio u s o p e r a tio n , b u t works a u to m a tic a lly
having become a r u l e .
The fo llo w in g ta b le of th e a v e ra g e h o u rly r a t e in
V i r g i n i a ’ s m a n u factu rin g a n d m echanical i n d u s t r i e s , shows
th e d i f f e r e n t i a l in th e av e ra g e h o u rly r a t e f o r w h ite and
c o lo re d wage e a rn e rs :
17
TABLE IV
AVERAGE HOURLY RATE, VIRGINIA INDUSTRIES, 19281
Males Females
I n d u s tr y w h ite c o lo re d w h ite c o lo re d
A b a tto ir , Meat Packing .50 .35 .34 .25
A utom obiles, A c c e sso rie s and R e p airs .42 .32 .37 .25
Bakery P ro d u cts
.50 .34 .30 .22
Boots and Shoes
.42 .22 .25 .20
B ric k and T ile
.42 .31 - —
Candy, Chewing gum, e t c .
.45 .26 .28 .17
Cannery P ro d u cts
.56 . 23 . 23 .22
C rabs, O y ste rs, Clams
.45 .31 ' .25 .25
Creamery and D airy P ro d u c ts
.59 .33 .24 .23
F e r t i l i z e r and Guano
.46 • 31 - - -
.22
F i s h o i l and F ish Guano
.45 .40 - - -
- - -
F lo u r and G r i s t M ills
.52 .26 .38 - - -
F u r n it u r e , e t c .
.40 .32 .29 .26
Garments
.59 .34 .28 .16
K n ittin g M ill3
.44 .28 .22 .14
Lime, Cement, Lim estone
.35 .30 . 35 • 36
L au n d eries .47 .33 .20
.18
Paper and Pulp M ill P ro d u c ts .42 .33 .28 .27
Paper Boxes, Bags, Twine .44 .28 .25 .25
P eanut C leaning and C offee R o a stin g .51 .27 .24 .14
P u b lic U t i l i t i e s .37 .28 .32 .25
R a ilro a d A c t i v i t i e s .60 .46 .39
S ash, Doors, B lin d s, e t c . .46 .28 .22
- - -
Saw M ill P ro d u cts .30 .23
-------
S hin B u ild in g .72 .46
S ilk M ill P ro d u cts .40 .30 .27 .22
S toves .62 .28
. . .
Tannery P ro d u c ts .35 .34
Tobacco and i t s P ro d u c ts .44 .27 .26 .15
T runks, Bags, e t c . .34 .29 .28
Wood P roducts .35 .25 .22 .13
Woolen M ill P ro d u cts .36 .39 .24
- —
C o tto n M ill P roducts .32 .27 .24 .17
^Spero and H a r r is , o p .o i t . , p . 175.
18
In g e n e ra l t h i s ta b l e shows t h a t th e average r a t e o f pay
f o r Negroes was low er th an t h a t f o r w h ite s . I t f u r t h e r in d ic a te s
t h a t Negro women a r e the v ic tim s of ra c e and sex e x p l o i t a t i o n .
T h e ir wages a r e low ered because th e y a re N egroes, an d a g a in
c u t down b ecau se th ey are women. In b o th N orth and South th e y
r e c e iv e much l e s s than w h ite women, b u t p a r t i c u l a r l y in S ou th ern
s t a t e s . The Women’s Bureau o f th e U n ite d S ta te s made a wage
com parison s tu d y i n se v e n te e n s t a t e s and found the median wage
f o r c o lo re d women ranged from $2.40 to $6.65 a week low er th a n
th o se of w h ite women in Kentucky and M isso u ri r e s p e c t i v e l y .
Where work i s done on p ie c e r a t e s , c o lo re d women a r e o f te n a s
sig n e d jo b s th a t a re p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t and w hich, th e r e f o r e ,
y i e l d much low er r a t e s p e r u n it o f tim e than w h ite w o rk e rs. In
some garm ent f a c t o r i e s in the South, Negro women a r e not allow ed
to work on ivhite c lo th w hich pays a h ig h e r r a t e th a n th e c o lo re d
c l o t h . I n th e South th e n , wages i n b oth s k i l l e d and u n s k il le d
work f o r Negroes a r e lower th a n th e wages of w h i t e s .2 The
methods of wage d is c r im in a tio n r e p o r te d a re lim ite d o n ly by th e
d egree of human schem ing.
Negroes and w h ite s i n S outhern i n d u s t r i e s a r e .u s u a lly en
gaged in d i f f e r e n t ty p es of w ork. There i s a t r a d i t i o n a l d i s
t i n c t i o n betw een w hite men’s and b la c k m en's jo b s. P o s itio n s
commanding a u t h o r it y and h ig h wages go to th e w h ite man.3 The
m e n ial, h a r d , d i r t y , u n a t t r a c t i v e and lower p a id jobs go to th e
! u . S. D ept, of L abor, Womens B ureau, Negro Women i n In d u s
t r y . No. 29, p . 55.
2Spero and H a r r is , o p . c i t . , p . 173-174.
3Tbomas L. Dabney, "S outhern Labor and th e N egro." O p p o rtu n ity .
November, 1929, p . 81.
19
b la c k man. P u b lic o p in io n in the South, su p p o rts th i s d is c rim in a
t i o n because i t w ould be c o n sid e re d s o c i a l e q u a l i t y to pay
w h ite and c o lo re d th e same wages f o r th e same work. Such a t t i
tu d e s a l t e r th e c o n d itio n of th e la b o r m arket f o r Negroes in
t h a t even em ployers u s in g c o lo re d la b o r f o r th e f i r s t tim e o f f e r
th e Negro low er wages than th e y would w h ite s . The Negro w orker
under th e h an d icap o f c o lo r has no a l t e r n a t i v e , and a s a new
comer in in d u s try , he must take what o th e rs do n o t w ant.
In th e N orth d u a l wage s c a le s a re n o t so common. But as
l a t e as 1927 th e fo llo w in g r a t e of pay was p o ste d by a New
York garm ent making concern: ’ ’White w orkers $24.00; c o lo re d
$20.00.nl
In g e n e r a l, however, Negro men in u n s k i l l e d jobs r e c e iv e
th e same pay as w h ite men. But where th e y c o n s t i t u t e a la rg e
p r o p o rtio n of the em ployees of a p la n t, the g e n e r a l wage s c a le
i s q u ite o f te n low er th a n where he form s a sm a ll p a r t of th e
f o r c e . His wages lik e w is e rem ain low b ecause he flo o d s th e
u n s k il le d and lotv p a id s e c tio n s of in d u s tr y . M oreover, he i3
o f te n d en ied the o p p o r tu n ity f o r advancement which c a r r i e s w ith
i t h ig h e r rem u n e ra tio n .
I t . i s ex trem ely d i f f i c u l t to g e t dependable com parative
d a ta on th e wages o f Negro and w hite w orkers i n the n o rth e rn
p l a n t s , how ever, th e fo llo w in g f ig u r e s and ta b le may throw
some l i g h t on th e s i t u a t i o n :
A medium s iz e d s t e e l foundry in C hicago, em ploying 35 Negroes
in a t o t a l f o rc e of 135, r e p o r te d in 1927 th e av erag e weekly
wage of i t s w h ite w orkers a s $37 and of i t s c o lo re d w orkers a s
^Charles S. Johnson, op.cit., p. 59.
20
$29. Of th e 35 N egroes, b u t 2 were s k i l l e d men, a m older an d
a ladleraan, r e c e iv in g 85 and 80 c e n ts an hour r e s p e c t i v e l y .
E leven were semi s k i l l e d c h ip p e rs and g r in d e r s , g e t tin g 55
c e n ts an h o u r. The rem aining 22 were u n s k il le d la b o r e rs a t
50 c e n ts an h o u r. T able V shows th e a v e ra g e w eekly wage in
a n o th e r Chicago foundry employing 31 Negroes o u t o f a t o t a l
fo rc e o f 211.
TABLE V
AVERAGE W EEKLY EARNINGS IN A CHICAGO FOUNDRY, 1925-1926
S k ille d Labor G eneral Labor
1925 1926 1925 1926
January w h ite 33.81 40.57 26.36 38.58
c o lo re d 33.81 41.33 25.92 42.67
F eb ru ary w h ite 34.87 39.75 27.64 39.28
c o lo re d 35.30 40.19 28.00 39.23
March w hite 40.31 39.75 43.70 35.28
c o lo re d 40.25 39.46
40.03 29.61
A p ril w h ite 37.50 40.71 41.19 26.19
c o lo re d 37.12 40.07 38.80 34.53
May whi be 39.75 41.55 31.30 38.65
c o lo re d 39.99 40.08
32.79 38.20
June w h ite 47.03 39.80 27.50 42.75
c o lo re d 42.21 42.99 29.29 49.64
J u ly w h ite 47.24 39.43 26.50 40.36
c o lo re d 42.63 40.50
27.63 22.43
August w h ite . 39.75 39.79 33.36 35.78
c o lo re d 39.82 40.13 33.38 36.11
Septem ber w h ite 39.00 39.75
33.36 35.78
c o lo re d 33.82 40.63 33.38 36.11
O ctober w h ite 39.75 39.50
34.44 43.87
c o lo re d 40.74 42.01 31.80 43.48
November w h ite 39.34 40.88
28.50
44.54
c o lo re d 40.26 43.32 28.50 38.84
December w hite 39.00 40.51 29.16 34.17
c o lo re d 40.85 34.25 35.60 37.66
A lthough th e s e f ig u r e s show no d if f e r e n c e s in e a rn in g s
a t t r i b u t a b l e to r a c e , c e r t a i n n o rth e r n com m unities, where th e
in f lu e n c e of S ou th ern t r a d i t i o n i s s tr o n g e r th a n in Chicago,
do have d i f f e r e n t wage r a t e s f o r w h ite and Negro l a b o r . 1
ISpero an d H a r r is , o p . c i t . , p. 174-176.
21
In th e t a b l e below i3 th e av e ra g e h o u rly wage r a t e s o f
Negro and w h ite w orkers i n th e P itts b u r g d i s t r i c t in 1925:
TABLE VI
RATES O P PAY FOR NEGRO AND WHITE W ORKERS IN THE METAL
INDUSTRIES, PITTSBURG, 19 251
O ccupation Negro White
B oilerm akers .7 0 -.9 0 .7 0 .9 0
C hippers .50 and bonus .4 5 -.6 5 and bonus
Core Makers .60 .6 0 -.9 0
G rin d ers .55 .4 0 -.6 0
M a ch in ists .60 .7 0 -.9 0
M a c h in is t’s H elp ers .60 .60
M illw rig h ts .6 0 -.9 0 .6 0 -.9 0
H olders .60 .75
P o lis h e rs .55 .65
R o llin g M ill Hands .60 .75
M ill L aborers .4 0 -.5 0 .4 0 -.5 0
T his t a b l e in d ic a te s t h a t th e Negro w orkers in th e m e tal
i n d u s t r i e s of P itts b u r g work under a low er wage s c a le than
w h ite s . The two r a c e s , however, do d i f f e r e n t work. The Negro
i s a s sig n e d the m enial and cruder o p e r a tio n s . Where the work
i s i d e n t i c a l th e wages a r e the same. I t i s encouraging to
n o te t h a t a n in c re a s in g number o f firm s a re a d o p tin g t h e '
p o lic y of paying on m e rit in s te a d of a c c o rd in g to d is c rim in a to ry
p r a c t i c e s •
The V ir g in ia Commissioner of Labor g iv e s some com plete
d a ta on v a r i a t i o n s betw een th e wages of w h ite and Negro w orkers
in h i s r e p o r t . 2 The fo llo w in g s e le c te d o cc u p atio n s show t h a t
^Spero and H a r r is , o p .c i t . , p. 177.
2V ir g in ia D epartm ent of Labor and I n d u s tr y , R e p o rt, 1928,
p . 90,
22
d a ily wsge3 v a r ie d a s fo llo w s :
Cement Workers §6.33 4.42
H elp ers .3 .3 7 3.08
L ab o rers 3 .2 5 3.06
S heet Metal Workers 6.16 4.75
S l a t e r s and T ile S e t t e r s 8 .3 7
Steam F i t t e r s 9 .3 3
. . . .
M iscellan eo u s 4.29 2.75
1927 th e Bureau of Labor S t a t i s t i c s made
o f wages and h o u rs in c o tto n co m p re sses.1 The study co v ered
th e s t a t e s of A rkansas, Alabama, G eorgia, L o u is ia n a , M is s is s ip p i,
N orth C a ro lin a , Oklahoma, South C a ro lin a , Tennessee and T exas.
In 67 e s ta b lis h m e n ts cov erin g 4,071 male and 106 fem ale w orkers
o f whom 2,873 m ales were Negroes a s were a l l of th e fe m a le s,
' th e i n v e s t i g a t i o n r e p o r te d a s fo llo w s on th e av e ra g e e a rn in g s :
P er Hour P er Week
A ll S ta te s Average E arn in g s P u ll Time
M arkers $0.400
w h ite §24.00
c o lo re d 0 .2 8 4 16.16
W eighers and ch eck ers
w h ite 0,479 29.24
c o lo re d 0.275 14.95
Openers (dinkey c re s s )
w h ite * 0.250 15.00
c o lo re d 0 .3 0 0 17.43
T ruckers
w h ite 2.76 16.56
c o lo re d 2 .6 4 14<.84
Sam plers
w h ite 0 .464 27.84
c o lo re d 0.328 18.83
C h a rles S. Johnson makes th e fo llo w in g o b s e rv a tio n of th e
1Bureau of Labor S t a t i s t i c s , 1927, p. 403-404.
23
wages p a id f o r Negro w o rk ers:
1. F or u n s k i l l e d work in th e N o rth , th e r e i s l i t t l e d i f
fe re n c e betw een wages p a id to Negroes and wages p aid to non
u n io n w h ite s .
2. In most s e c tio n s of th e S outh, f o r u n s k ille d work, th e
wages f o r Negroes a r e l e s s than th e wages p a id to w h ite s .
3 . F or s k i l l e d work in th e N orth th e s c a le of wages f o r
w h ite s and Negroes i s p r a c t i c a l l y the sam e, b u t Negroes do n o t
g e t f r e e a c ce ss to the work.
4. F or s k i l l e d work in the South Negroes have g r e a t e r
a c c e ss b u t i n most s e c tio n s th e r e i s a d u a l wage s c a le .
5. The e n tra n c e r a t e s of pay w h eth er a s a r e s u l t of r e c e n t
ad m issio n to in d u s tr y , or of d e l i b e r a t e d e sig n a r e , in g e n e r a l,
th e Negro r a t e s of p ay .
6. On p ie ce r a t e s in th e N orth th e r e is th e same s c a le ,
b u t Negroes a r e n o t f r e e l y allo w ed th e p ie c e work b rin g in g
h ig h e s t w eekly pay.
7. On p ie c e work in th e S outh th e r e a r e o c c a sio n a l d i f
fe re n c e s In s c a le s a s w e ll as l i m i t a t i o n s to work b rin g in g
th e lo w est returns.-*-
S o c ia l w e ll b e in g i s in e x tr i c a b l y r e l a t e d to wages, and
th o se whose incomes a re lo w e st must pay sev ere p e n a ltie s in
m a ln u tr itio n , d ise a se a n d d e a th . E xcept in th e case o f h ig h ly
s k i l l e d and w e ll o rg a n iz e d wage e a rn in g g ro u p s, in which c l a s s
th e Negro does n o t f a l l , the income of i n d u s t r i a l w orkers i s
n o t ad eq u ate to g u a ra n te e the n e c e ss a ry p r o te c tio n of minimum
sta n d a rd s o f h e a l t h , com fort and d ecency. T his w i l l be found
^-Charles S. Johnson, op.cit., p. 55.
© s p e c ia lly tr u e in the case of Negro w o rk e rs. C e r ta in ly a
s o c ie ty t h a t d e s ir e s to make p ro g re s s in an o r d e r ly manner
cannot look w ith com placency upon the f a i l u r e o f th e i n d u s t r i a l
system to compensate j u s t l y t h a t group o f black i n d u s t r i a l
t o i l e r s •
25
CHAPTER I I I
W ORKING CONDITIONS
Negro la b o r a s th e l a t e e n t r a n t and a s th e m a rg in a l w orker
i n in d u s tr y perform s the l e a s t d e s ir a b le work from the p o in t
o f view o f w ages, o p p o rtu n ity , a n d p h y sic a l c o n d itio n s :
The w hite American is more and more g ra d u a tin g from th e
d is a g re e a b le and heavy jobs and p a s s in g them to th e new est
a r r i v a l , th e Negro. As one i n v e s tig a to r p u ts i t , 'when we
v i s i t the d is a g re e a b le d e p a rtm e n ts , we se e a g r e a t many
N egroes. The more d is a g re e a b le the work., the g r e a t e r w i l l
be th e p r o p o rtio n o f b la c k s .*
The dom ination of th e tobacco in d u s try b y th e Negro i s
e a s i l y u n d e rsto o d when a t t e n t i o n i s d ir e c te d to th e c o n d itio n s
under w hich th e y la b o r . The Negroes perform th e d is a g r e e a b le ,
u n s k il le d la b o r which b ecau se o f i t s d u s ty , d i r t y , and un
s a n i t a r y c h a r a c te r i s d i s t a s t e f u l to t h e w h ite s . Most of th e
c le a n , s k i l l e d machine work i s perform ed by h ig h e r p a id w h ite
women. A su rv ey made by th e Women’s B ureau p o in ts out in
p a r t: j.
In tob acco f a c t o r i e s c o n d itio n s w ere p a r t i c u l a r l y un
s a t i s f a c t o r y . Sometimes the fumes were so s tr o n g t h a t th e y
were s t i f l i n g and provoked in c e s s a n t coughing from persons
n o t accustom ed to such c o n d i t i o n s .' F re q u e n tly th e women
wore h a n d k e rc h ie fs t i e d over t h e i r noses and mouths to p re
v e n t in h a lin g th e heavy tobacco d u st d if f u s e d th ro u g h o u t th e
room. One manager s a i d new w orkers o f te n s u ffe re d from nausea
and lo s s o f a p p e t i t e , b u t a s soon as th e y g o t u sed to th e
tobacco th ey d id n o t mind i t . D ust was th ic k in th e a i r in many
o f th e f a c t o r i e s , e s p e c ia lly th o se i n which th e s c re e n e r was
o p e ra te d in the g e n e r a l workroom w ith o u t ex h a u st sy ste m s. In
18 f a c t o r i e s th e se c o n d itio n s were so b ad th a t v e n t i l a t i n g
system s to p u r if y th e a i r was needed. A stro n g c o n tr a s t was
n o ted in one f a c t o r y ; th e d u st was ta k e n o f f by e l e c t r i c f a n s ,
w h ile h u m id ifie rs and a system of w ashing th e a i r k e p t i t
pure and f r e s h . 2
^"Herman Feldman, R a c ia l F a c to rs in American I n d u s tr y , p . 53.
2U. S. D ept, of L abor, Womens B ureau, Negro Women in
In d u s tr y , B u l l e t i n , No. 20, 1922, pp. 28-29.
26
I t i s no e x a g g e ra tio n to say th e Negro i s li m i t e d w ith in
each o cc u p a tio n to th e le s s d e s i r a b l e p o s i t i o n s . The d i s —
t r i b u t i o n of h a rd and s tre n u o u s work to Negroes i s a m a tte r
o f common p r a c t i c e . In some Los Angeles i n d u s t r i e s , such as
th e com m ercial f e r t i l i z e r in d u s tr y , the Negro o fte n form s th e
whole p e rso n n e l e x c e p t f o r w hite forem en. Negroes dom inate
t h i s in d u s tr y because th e work is d u s ty , d i r t y , u n p le a s a n t,
and u n h e a lth f u l, and, Negro w o rk e rs, a s m arg in al w o rk e rs, a c c e p t
such c o n d itio n s w ith o u t co m p lain in g . F u r th e r , Negroes o fte n
f i l l d is a g re e a b le jobs d u rin g th e u n p le a s a n t se a so n tu rn in g
them over to w h ite s i n o th e r se a so n s. For in s ta n c e , in th e
s t e e l in d u s tr y the Negro t o i l s b e f o re th e w h ite h e a t o f t h e •
s t e e l oven w h ile t h e i n te n s e h e a t o f th e summer’s sun is b e a tin g
down. They a r e f r e q u e n tly com pelled to ta k e tim e o f f . Then,
in some p l a n t s , as w in te r comes and w h ite men want th e se jo b s ,
Negroes a re f i r e d upon th e s l i g h t e s t p ro v o c a tio n .
Some of i n d u s t r y ’s b r u ta l and inhuman d i s t i n c t i o n s made
betw een Negroes and w h ites a r e r e p o r te d by an i n v e s t i g a t o r :
I asked i f Negroes w ere not em ployed anywhere i n th e p l a n t .
He s a id , ’y e s , some jobs w hite f o lk w i l l not doj so th ey have
to ta k e n ig g e rs in , p a r t i c u l a r l y in ducco work, s p ra y in g p a in t
on c a r b o d ie s . T his soon k i l l s a w h ite man.* I in q u ir e d i f
i t never k i l l e d N egroes. ’Oh, y e s , ’ he r e p l i e d . ’I t s h o rte n s
t h e i r l i v e s , i t c u ts them down, b u t th e y ’r e j u s t n i g g e r s . ’^ -
M r""
Such a t t i t u d e s a re su p p o rted by th e b e l i e f , w hether o r n o t
w e ll fo u n d ed , t h a t Negroes a r e not a s e a s i l y a f f e c t e d by h e a t
and o th e r a d v e rse p h y s ic a l c o n d itio n s as o th e r w o rk ers. There
i s , more th a n l i k e l y , no a c tu a l t r u t h in th e b e l i e f t h a t th ey
■^Herman Feldman, op.cit., p. 45.
27
a re b e t t e r a d a p te d th a n o th e r ra c e s to work in th e p resen ce o f
h e a t o r do s tre n e o u s work, r a t h e r th e p r o b a b i l i t y i s th a t
h av in g been p e rm itte d " h e a t” and s tre n e o u s jobs on t h i s a s
sum ption, a f a i r d eg ree of su c cess has p ro v id e d su p p o rt f o r the
assum ption.^-
Negro women in th e c o t to n , tobacco, t e x t i l e , and o th e r
i n d u s t r i e s a r e a t an e x tra o r d in a r y d is a d v a n ta g e . Under th e p r e s
su re of e i t h e r supplem enting th e fa m ily income o r su p p o rtin g th e
fa m ily e n t i r e l y , th e y must work u nder c o n d itio n s w hich w h ite
women w ould n o t en d u re. Negro women a r e found in la r g e numbers
in in d u s t r i e s in v o lv in g th e l i f t i n g o f heavy w e ig h ts , and in
th e u n h e a lth y tobacco and f u r dyeing i n d u s t r i e s .
T h e re fo re , a f t e r f in d in g an i n d u s t r i a l job Negroes pay a
p e n a lty f o r c o lo r, not o nly i n t h e i r income and o p p o rtu n ity
f o r prom otion, b u t i n b ein g lim ite d w ith in ea ch o cc u p atio n to
th e le s s d e s ir a b le p o s it io n s . P ro fe s s o r Feldman found t h i s
c o n d itio n p r e v a le n t an d s a id :
I f in a s in g le f a c t o r y th e re i s a f o r c e of w h ite w orkers
and a fo rc e of Negro w orkers s e g re g a te d from each o th e r, i t
w i l l be found alm o st in v a r ia b ly th a t th e Negroes a r e f o rc e d
to do t h e i r work in th e o ld e r , d i r t i e r and a lto g e t h e r le s s
d e s ir a b le s e c tio n s of th e f a c t o r y . I f p r o v is io n is made f o r
r e c r e a t i o n , r e s t , and m eals f o r w h ite s, u s u a lly e i t h e r no
such p ro v is io n i s made f o r Negroes or i t i s in a d e q u a te . In
m ost c a s e s , the Negro must a c c e p t th e s e i n d u s t r i a l h a n d ic a p s .
He f u l l y r e a l i z e s th a t he i s th e o b je c t of d is c r i m in a tio n and
co n se q u e n tly o fte n f e e l s h u m ilia te d and d is c o u ra g e d . F re q u e n tly
h is r e a c tio n to t h i s tre a tm e n t i s to g iv e in r e t u r n l e s s e f f o r t
qnd l e s s e f f i c i e n c y . He comes to d eserv e th e c r i t i c i s m , which
was in many cases o r i g i n a l l y u n m e rite d .2
C lo sely a l l i e d to d is c rim in a tio n s in w orking c o n d itio n s
•^National Urban League, Negro W orkers, p . 14.
^Herman Feldman, op.cit., pp. 44-45.
28
i s th e f e a r of a r b i t r a r y d is m is s a l. The em ployer in e x e r c is in g
h i s t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t of a r b i t r a r y d is c h a rg e goes u n c h a lle n g e d
by Negro I n d u s t r i a l w o rk e rs. I t would b e f u t i l e f o r th e u n
o rg a n iz e d Negro w orker to do so . The e x is te n c e of a la r g e la b o r
su p p ly s e c u re s the em ployer in u s in g h is r i g h t to d is c h a rg e an
employee a s he deems f i t and ad v a n tag e o u s. Race p r e ju d ic e on
th e p a r t o f forem en le a v e s Negro w orkers s u b je c t to momentary
d is m is s a l. O b je c tio n , in some in s ta n c e s , on th e p a r t of w hite
w orkers le a v e s him v ery in s e c u r e .
The nf e a r p s y c h o s is ”, r e s u l t i n g from economic i n s e c u r i t y ,
h a s an u n h e a lth y e f f e c t upon the Negro w o rk er. The f e a r s of
inadequacy of com pensation, of d ep en d en t o ld age, of i l l h e a l t h ,
o f i n j u r y , o r ra c e d i s t i n c t i o n , of r e d u c tio n in s ta n d a rd o f
l i v i n g , a l l c o n s p ire to d is c o n c e r t him and le a v e him in a s t a t e
o f u n r e s t . T his ”f e a r p s y c h o s is ” i s accom panied by the f e e l i n g
o f u t t e r h e lp le s s n e s s .
In terv iew 's w ith Negro w orkers le a d s to th e b e l i e f t h a t
t h i s f e e l in g of h e lp le s s n e s s tu r n s to h o p e le s s n e s s . Many w r i te r s
on la b o r problem s r e f e r to th e Negro as fu n d a m e n ta lly S o c i a l i s t
and F a t a l i s t . Dr. W atk in s, P ro f e s s o r o f Labor Economics a t
th e U n iv e rs ity of C a lif o r n ia a t Los A ngeles, sa y s:
R e v o lu tio n a ry p h ilo so p h y f i n d s f e r t i l e s o i l i n th e minds
of th o se who are a b le and w i l l i n g to work b u t who, on ac co u n t
o f conspicuous w eaknessess in o u r economic system a r e fo rc e d
to a c c e p t id le n e s s w ith i t s t r a i n of cu m u lativ e in d e b te d n e s s ,
want and m isery . An i n d u s t r i a l system t h a t f a i l s to g u a ra n te e
r e g u l a r i t y of employment i s j u s t l y in d ic a te d by th o s e who a s
a consequence of i r r e g u l a r i t y of work s u f f e r a lo w erin g of th e
s ta n d a rd s of l i f e . l
^-Gordon S. W atkins, Labor P ro b lem s, p. 151.
29
However, in s p ite of th e s e untow ard c o n d itio n s in which Negro
t
la b o r e x i s t s , he has n o t allow ed h im se lf to tu r n to channels
o f b i t t e r rese n tm en t a g a in s t th e economic system . N e v e rth e le s s ,
a re a s o n a b le d egree of s e c u r i t y from a r b i t r a r y d is m is s a l and
unemployment i s a fundam ental c o n d itio n to the N eg ro 's s o c ia l
and economic p r o g re s s .
Negro w orkers have q a ite f r e q u e n tly been r e j e c t e d from
i n d u s t r i a l c e n te r , b ecau se of th e lack of a d e q u a te p ro v is io n s
f o r housing them. I f th e r e i s a housing sh o rta g e in a c i t y ,
th e Negroes a r e g e n e r a lly the f i r s t to s u f f e r , sin c e th ey
c a n n o t a f f o r d to pay th e in c re a s e d r e n t a l s . One i n v e s tig a to r
says concerning Negro i n d u s t r i a l h o u sin g :
What ap p e ars to be the most com prehensive su rv e y o f i n
d u s t r i a l housing developm ents was made by L e if u r Magnusson and
p u b lis h e d in the B u l l e t i n o f th e U n ited S ta te s Bureau of Labor
S t a t i s t i c s , No. 263 in 1920. Concerning Negro h o u sin g the
in v e s t i g a t o r found ’a c e r t a i n amount of s e g r e g a t i o n 1 in housing
i n a few company tow ns. Negroes in Alabama a r e s e p a r a te d , a l
though two company towns in th a t s t a t e s t a t e d t h a t they made
no s e p a r a tio n of Negroes and w h ite ; a s t e e l town in w e ste rn
P en n sy lv an ia a l t e r n a t e d th e m ig ran t r a c e s w ith Negro f a m ilie s
i n o rd e r, i t s t a t e s , to p rev en t too g r e a t c la n n is h n e s s among
th e European im m igrants and s i m i l a r arrangem ent i s observed in
an ir o n m ining town in M ichigan.
Among th e m is c e lla n e o u s i n d u s t r i e s i t was found th a t one
town p ro v id ed houses f o r n a tiv e w hites and bunks f o r Negroes
and im m igrants. C olored f a m il ie s liv e d in b a rra c k s w ith a
m atron and e n t e r t a i n e d t h e i r men f r i e n d s on th e p orch in th e
summer, w hile no arrangem ent was made f o r w in te r c a l l s .
To each of th e concerns re s p o n s ib le f o r housing dev elo p
ment the R esearch Committee o f th e N atio n a l I n t e r r a c i a l Con
fe re n c e d ir e c te d a s p e c ia l in q u ir y co n cern in g Negro housing
and r e p l i e s were r e c e iv e d from 34.
The Youngstown s h e e t and tube Company had b u i l t in 1918
f o r Negro w orkers 135 c o n c re te 2 - 3 and 4 room h o u se s. The
W estinghouse A ir Brake Company had b u i l t 50 model 3 - 4 and 5
room houses w ith r e n t a l s o f $12.00, $15.00 and $18.00 a month.
The R epublic C otton M ills which owns th e town o f G reat P a l l s ,
South C a ro lin a , has ’a s e c tio n o f th e v i l l a g e d evoted e x c lu
s iv e ly to housing N egroes”, p ro v id in g a ls o a school and a
moving p ic tu r e t h e a t r e . O lder developm ents a r e lo c a te d a t
50
Birmingham. G e n e ra lly , the em ployers ex p ressed r e l i e f t h a t
though em ploying Negroes th e y have n o t had to g iv e any c o n s id e r a
t i o n to th e h o u sin g of Negro em p lo y ees.1
Q uite o f te n com panies f u r n is h t h e i r w h ite w orkers w ith
"model" h o u sin g f a c i l i t i e s and Negroes a r e given th e l e s s de
s i r a b l e o r bunk h o u ses. These u n d e s ira b le bunk houses produce
forms of r e c r e a t i o n th a t sap th e c h a r a c te r of th e w o rk e rs.
A group of u n e d u c a te d , in e x p e rie n c e d Negroes w ith no homes
le a d s to the developm ent o f d i s t r i c t s th a t no c i v i l i z e d com
m unity can be proud o f . Paul B lan sh ard w r i te s o f th e S o u th ern
m il l v ill a g e s
At th e edge of many of th e S o u th ern m ill v i l l a g e s i s
"n ig g e r tow n", a s h o r t s t r e t c h of ro a d fla n k e d by sm a ll, u n
p a in te d c o tta g e s which have th e g e n e ra l ap p earan ce of b e in g
ru n down a t th e h e e ls . I t s houses a re u s u a lly w ith o u t l i g h t s
and ru n n in g w a te r, and in many ca se s they a re owned by p r iv a te
r e a l t o r s . The few Negro w orkers o f the m ills may tra d e a t
th e same s to r e s w ith w h ite w o rk ers, b u t ev ery o th e r p a rt of
t h e i r s o c i a l l i f e i s d i s t i n c t . They a r e a m in o rity r i g i d l y
c o n fin e d to a few rooms in the m ill and a few houses o u ts id e
o f th e m i l l v i l l a g e . 2
The N egro’s u n s te a d in e s s as a w orker may, to some e x t e n t,
be p la c e d a t th e f e e t of poor housing c o n d itio n s . The long
d is ta n c e s th ey have to t r a v e l to work e v e ry morning p re c lu d e s
r e g u la r and p u n c tu a l a tte n d a n c e . M oreover, poor h o u sin g ,
and th e la c k o f h o u sin g a l to g e t h e r , sa p s th e am b itio n of Negro
w o rk e rs. C oncerning t h i s Herman Feldman sa y s:
There i s l i t t l e in c e n tiv e to h a rd , co n tin u o u s work f o r a
man who f a c e s th e p ro sp e c t o f b e in g hom eless any day. Employers
have found th a t th e r a t e of tu rn o v e r among c o lo re d w orkers who
liv e in co m fo rtab le h o u se s, a s compared w ith th a t of w orkers
who l i v e u nder cru d e and d is a g re e a b le c o n d itio n s , i s much
s m a lle r. I t is to the i n t e r e s t o f in d u s tr y , a s w e ll as o f th e
^-Charles S. Johnson, o p .c i t . , p. 92-93.
^Paul B lan sh a rd , Labor in S outhern C otton M ills , pp. 6 7 -6 8 .
31
th e community th a t w o rk e rs, w hatever t h e i r r a c e , be p ro v id e d
w ith a d e q u ate housing in wholesome surroundings.^-
A c o n d itio n u n d er w hich th e Negro must work which h in d e rs
h i s p ro g re s s m ost, a f t e r he has succeeded in f in d in g a jo b , i s
th e r e f u s a l to adm it him to th e more s k i l l e d o r h ig h e r paying
ty p e s of work. T his is the m ost w idespread and common b a r r i e r
to the N egro’s advance. The a t t i t u d e of th e la b o r unions i s
an ex c ee d in g ly im p o rta n t f a c t o r i n d e te rm in in g the e x te n t to
which c o lo re d s k i l l e d w orkers a re s u c c e s s fu l in f in d in g p o s i t i o n s .
U n fo rtu n a te ly f o r th e Negro, m ost o f the i n d u s t r i e s which need
a n o tic e a b le p r o p o rtio n of tr a in e d w orkers a re o rg a n iz e d . This
means t h a t a p p r e n tic e s h ip i s denied the Negro an d he i s , th e r e
f o r e , u n ab le to sh a re a d e q u a te ly in work in v o lv in g s k i l l , and
w hich a r e th e b e s t p a id jo b s . On r a i l r o a d s Negroes n ev er g e t
th e r e s p o n s ib le p o s it io n s o f conductor or s t a t i e n m a s t e r , a l
though he f r e q u e n tly perform s the c o n d u c to r’s work i n ta k in g
charge o f t r a i n s .
Trade u n io n s a re n o t the only o b s ta c le in th e N egro’s
advance to the h ig h e r p o s it io n s . Prom otion to e x e c u tiv e p o s i
t i o n s of m anagers, s u p e rin te n d e n ts , and d i r e c t o r s a re so r a r e
f o r th e Negro a s to be a lm o st non e x i s t e n t . As C harles
Johnson s t a t e d th e c a s e , ”None o f th e H o ra tio A lger a s c e n s io n s
from m essenger to manager o r from p o r te r to p r e s id e n t need be
counted in to th e la b o r tu rn o v e r where Negroes a r e co n cern ed .
Once a p o r te r , b a r r in g th e phenom enal, always a p o r t e r . ”2
^Herman Feldman, o p .c l t . , p. 47.
^C h arles S. Johnson, nB laek Workers and th e C ity ” . S urvey.
March 1, 1925, p . 643.
32
In in te rv ie w s w ith Negro w o rk e rs, many i n t e r e s t i n g ex
p e r ie n c e s a re t o l d by them of economic p e n a lti e s o f b la c k n e s s .
One w orker t e l l s of becoming a meat e x p e rt in a Chicago packing
company, l a t e r to b e r e p la c e d by a w h ite w orker, red u ced in
s a la r y and p o s itio n to an o rd in a ry meat c u t t e r , and f i n a l l y
d ism isse d because he com plained. He became an e x p e rt by h ard
stu d y and h is knowledge o f c h e m istry , and now he works in a
Hollywood ic e p la n t. A nother worker t e l l s of b e in g made a
b la c k sm ith in a fo u n d ry , and l a t e r bein g re p la c e d by a w h ite
w orker, and p la c e d a s a rammer. One w orker t e l l s of h av in g
been tw enty fo u r y e a rs w ith a company la c k in g one y e a r of g e t tin g
a p e n sio n and b e in g l e t o f f r e c e n tly as an economy m easure,
w h ile w h ite w orkers w ith th e concern o nly two y e a rs were r e t a i n e d .
In some in d u s t r i e s the Negro i s allow ed to show h is c a
p a c ity f o r advancem ent. C hief among th e s e i s th e m etal in d u s tr y .
John T. C lark i n an a r t i c l e on the Negro in S te e l say s:
P erhaps the m ost s i g n i f i c a n t ev id en ce of th e p ro g re ss o f
th e Negro in s t e e l i s the slow b u t c o n s ta n t in c re a s e i n th e
number of straw b o sse s or " p u s h e r s .” In 1923 th e l a r g e s t
number o f straw b o sses found in any m i l l was t h i r t y f i v e . W e
found in December, 1925, in one m il l employing 1,500 N egroes,
53 stra w b o s s e s . These men a re gang foremen who determ ine
th e p e rso n n e l of t h e i r g an g s. Foremen n a t u r a l l y a r e ap p e a rin g
o u t from th e ra n k s of straw b o s s e s . In seven out o f the n in e
m i l l s in v e s tig a te d , from two to t e n Negro forem en each were
found in com plete c o n tro l of c e r t a i n p ro c e s s e s .^
I t i s in th o se i n d u s t r ie s such a s i r o n , s t e e l , 'a n d foundry
t h a t th e Negro is a p t to make h is g r e a t e s t g a in s i n th e h ig h e r
p o s it io n s because of th e la r g e number of Negro w orkers a t the
bottom . A g ain st heavy odds an d in s p i t e o f d iscouragem ent th e
I jo h n T. C la rk , "Negro in S t e e l . " O p p o rtu n ity , March,
1926.
33
Negro i s pushing up in to h ig h e r p o s itio n s :
In C lev elan d e le v e n out o f tw elve o f th e fo u n d rie s
s tu d ie d w ere prom oting Negroes to t h e i r h ig h e s t s k i l l e d
g ra d e s , and one o f th o se i n d u s t r i e s , th e N a tio n a l M alleab le
C a stin g s Company, had Negro forem en, c le r k s , tim e k e e p e rs, l o
com otive e n g in e e r s , c ra n e men, and cupola men.
B u t, th e w r i t e r ad d s,
we must remember t h a t in th e s e in d u s t r ie s we have alm ost a
mass in v a s io n of N egroes. These in d u s t r i e s a r e , m oreover,
not s tr o n g ly u n io n iz e d and th e y r e q u ir e a r e l a t i v e l y sm all
number of h ig h ly s k i l l e d , h ig h ly p a id men w orking w ith a
la r g e s u b -stra tu m of u n s k i l l e d l a b o r .1
M ention must be made o f th e in c re s.sin g number o f Negro
ch e m ists s e c u rin g jobs in in d u s try by d is p la y in g t h e i r a b i l i t y .
In many in s ta n c e s th e se c h e m ists a r e in the d i f f e r e n t p la n ts
by sh e e r a b i l i t y .
The h is t o r y o f American in d u s tr y is r e p l e t e w ith evidence
o f th e tendency of em ployers to e x p l o it b la c k w o rk ers. The
e r a d i c a t io n of the e v i l s r e s u l t i n g from i n d u s t r i a l d is c rim in a
t i o n on acco u n t of c o lo r i s a prim ary d u ty o f a c i v i l i z e d
community. N a tio n a l p ro g re s s i s in c o n c e iv a b le a p a r t from
ad e q u ate p r o te c tio n of a l l th e n a t i o n 's w orkers from th e a v a r ic e
o f th o se who v alu e p r o f i t s above human l i f e . The c o n d itio n s
t h a t make d is c rim in a tio n in w orking c o n d itio n s n e c e ss a ry and
p o s s ib le should be e lim in a te d in the i n t e r e s t o f s o c i a l w e lfa re
and p ro g re s s . U nhealthy w orking c o n d itio n s and poor housing
have a d e t e r i o r a t i n g e f f e c t upon th e m orale of Negro w o rk ers.
The im pairm ent of t h e i r h e a lth th r e a te n s t h e i r v e ry e x is te n c e ,
becau se t h e i r c a p i t a l i s t h e i r c a p a c ity to work. T h eir co n tin u e d
c a p a c ity to work i s a l l th a t sta n d s betw een them and the
•^-Charles S. Johnson, op.cit., p. 387.
34
a l t e r n a t i v e s of charity and s t a r v a t i o n . I t i s a n a t io n a l
d u ty of prim e im portance f o r Negroes to p r o te c t t h e i r p h y s ic a l
re s o u rc e s w ith th e a i d of a p r o g re s s iv e s o c ie ty .
35
CHAPTER IV
INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY AND ABILITY
N o rth ern em ployers a r e n o t h ir in g Negroes from any a l
t r u i s t i c or p h ila n th r o p ic m o tiv es; t h e i r o p in io n a s to th e
d e s i r a b i l i t y of r e t a i n i n g c o lo re d w orkers or h i r i n g im m igrants,
M exicans, or w hite w orkers w i l l depend upon th e e x te n t to which
Negroes a re m easuring up to the demands o f n o rth e r n i n d u s t r i a l
s ta n d a r d s . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to form a s c i e n t i f i c d is c u s s io n
o f th e N egro’s i n d u s t r i a l e f f ic ie n c y b e c a u s e , in th e f i r s t
p la c e , p r a c t i c a l l y no s c i e n t i f i c m easurem ents of com parative
i n d u s t r i a l e f f ic ie n c y have been made. In th e second p la c e ,
th e problem seems e x c e p tio n a lly s u b je c t t o th e in flu e n c e of
in d iv id u a l b i a s . M oreover, w r i t e r s on th e s u b je c t g e n e r a lly
g iv e an acco u n t of the o p in io n of em ployers, who have u sed
t h e i r own e x p e rie n c e s w ith a few Negroes i n one p a r t i c u l a r e s
ta b lis h m e n t, to g e n e r a liz e on the e f f ic ie n c y and a b i l i t y o f a l l
Negro w orkers throughout In d u s try . I t is . p a r t i c u l a r l y d e s i r a b l e ,
how ever, to d is c o v e r how la r g e numbers o f em ployers th ro u g h o u t
in d u s tr y ten d to re g a rd Negro la b o r s in c e th e y have had some
y e a rs of a c tu a l e x p e rie n c e w ith them. Some o f th e r e s u l t s of
s tu d i e s made a s to th e N egro’s e f f ic ie n c y and as to co m p arativ e
c a p a c itie s of the w h ite and c o lo re d w o rk ers w i l l be b r i e f l y
summarized:
The M ayor's I n t e r r a c i a l Committee of D e tr o it in 1926 s e n t
o u t q u estio n aire s_ in which were in c lu d ed q u e s tio n s re g a rd in g
e f f i c i e n c y , r e g u l a r i t y and tu rn o v e r. The fo llo w in g ta b le g iv e s
a more d e t a i l e d p ic tu r e of th e r e s u l t s :
36
TABLE VII
EFFICIENCY OF NEGROES AS COM PARED TO WHITE
W ORKERS ACCORDING TO OPINIONS OF EMPLOYERS
Degree of E f f ic ie n c y Firm s
More e f f i c i e n t than w h ite 11
Same e f f ic ie n c y as w h ite 68
L ess e f f i c i e n t th a n w h ite 24
No t g iv en 17
T o ta l 120
Employing
5,102
12,631 (ap p ro x i
m ate)
2,729
1,109
21,571
TABLE V III
REGULARITY O F NEGRO AS COM PARED TO WHITE
W ORKERS ACCORDING TO OPINIONS OF EMPLOYERS
D egree o f R e g u la r ity Firm s Employing
More r e g u la r 7
*
199
Same 68 8,864
Less 33 11,587 (n o te)
Not given 12 921
T o ta l 120 21,571
These ta b le s in d ic a te t h a t two th ir d s o f the em ployers
h i r i n g 82 p e r c e n t of th e Negro men r a t e d t h e i r Negro w orkers
as e f f i c i e n t or more e f f i c i e n t th a n w h ite w o rk ers; t h a t a l
though some em ployers r e p o r te d t h a t Negro w o rk ers were more
r e g u la r , or j u s t as r e g u la r a s w h ite s , the m a jo rity f e l t th a t
Negro w orkers were s l i g h t l y le s s r e g u la r th a n w h ite w o rk e rs.
The r e c e n t m ig ra tio n was f e l t to be re s p o n s ib le f o r th e h ig h
r a t e of i r r e g u l a r i t y . Labor tu rn o v e r f o r Negro em ployees was
th o u g h t to be g e n e r a lly l e s s th an f o r w hite em ployees.
^Charles S. Johnson, op.cit., pp. 70-71.
37
Surveys which have been c a r r i e d on in C in c in n a ti, Chicago
and D e tr o it exem plify th e e x t e n t to w hich Negro la b o r has g iv en
s a t i s f a c t i o n in the i n d u s t r i a l c e n te r s . In C in c in n a ti i n q u i r i e s
were made of over 1,700 em ployers an d over th r e e - f o u r t h of
th e s e c o n s id e re d Negroes to be s a t i s f a c t o r y em ployees, w hile
l e s s th a n one f i f t h o f them h e ld th e o p p o s ite view . The con
c lu s io n s of th e Chicago Race Commission (1920) a re p a r t i c u l a r l y
im p o rta n t b ecause a c a r e f u l a tte m p t was made to cover r e p r e
s e n ta ti v e in d u s t r i e s em ploying la rg e numbers of N egroes, so t h a t
t h e i r fin d in g s m ight be as com plete and r e l i a b l e a s p o s s ib le .
0 137 e s ta b lis h m e n ts em ploying 5 o r more N egroes, 118 r e p o r te d
t h a t c o lo re d la b o r had been s a t i s f a c t o r y , w hile 19 s a i d i t had
n o t . The predom inance of the fa v o u ra b le o p in io n i s more e v id e n t
when i t i s seen th a t th e 118 e s ta b lis h m e n ts were th o se em ploying
th e l a r g e s t groups of N egroes, s in c e the Negro employees who
were th u s r e p o r te d as g iv in g s a t i s f a c t i o n numbered 21,640 in
c o n t r a s t to 697 c o lo re d w orkers employed by th e concerns which
w e r e 'd i s s a t i s f i e d . The Commission concluded from i t s survey
t h a t ’D e sp ite o c c a s io n a l s ta te m e n ts t h a t the Negro i s slow or
s h i f t l e s s , the volume o f ev id en ce b e f o r e th e Commission shows
t h a t Negroes a r e s a t i s f a c t o r y employees and compare fa v o u ra b le y
w ith o th e r r a c i a l g r o u p s .’ A d i v e r s i t y of o p in io n s among em
p lo y e rs was found i n D e t r o i t . The su rv e y made by Haynes con
t a i n s a r e p o r t from th e g e n e ra l manager of a n a s s o c ia tio n
com prising in i t s membership the le a d in g firm s and em ployers
o f th e c i t y . T his r e p o r t s t a t e s th a t some o f the em ployers were
h ig h ly p le a s e d an d some were n o t, b u t Haynes concluded t h a t ,
on th e w hole, Negro la b o r was s u c c e s s f u l in D e tr o it. E ig h t
y e a rs l a t e r th e D e tr o it Bureau of R esearch found an even more
pronounced atm osphere of s a t i s f a c t i o n .
S im ila r c o n c lu sio n s were e x p re s se d by s e v e r a l in d iv id u a ls
who have made a c lo s e s tu d y o f th e N egro’s p r o g re s s in th e
i n d u s t r i a l w o rld . C. S. Johnson s t a t e s t h a t in a su rv ey c a r r ie d
on by the N a tio n a l Urban League among 600 p la n ts in e ig h t
n o r th e r n c i t i e s , ’f u l l y tw o -th ird s of th e se were u n q u a lf ie d ly ,
s a t i s f i e d w ith th e q u a l i t y of the work done by (N eg ro es).
Among th e o th e r s , some had found them s a t i s f a c t o r y only u nder
w h ite le a d e r s h ip ; some found d if f e r e n c e s between n o r th e rn and
so u th e rn N egroes; some found them s u it e d only f o r c e r t a i n k in d s
o f work; and some c o u ld n o t u se them s a t i s f a c t o r i l y a n y w h e re .’
Among th e most thorough and r e l i a b l e i n v e s t i g a t o r s of t h i s
s u b je c t, E p s te in and R e u ter a r e th e two who have v o ic e d th e ,
g r e a t e s t number of r e s e r v a tio n s in t h e i r o p in io n s of th e N egro’s
s u c c e s s . The form er c o n s id e re d t h a t up to th e tim e of h is
su rv ey o f c o n d itio n s in P i t t s b u r g , the Negro newcomers had not
a d ju s te d them selv es to i n d u s t r i a l demands in P itts b u r g w ith
com plete s a t i s f a c t i o n . He in tim a te d , how ever, t h a t they m ight
u lti m a t e ly be s u c c e s s f u l, as Negroes who had b een in th e N orth
any le n g th of tim e were as e f f i c i e n t as w hite p e o p le . R euter
b e lie v e s t h a t the c o lo re d la b o r e r has u s u a lly proved le s s
58
s a t i s f a c t o r y th a n th e w hite man in m a n u fa ctu rin g i n d u s t r i e s ,
b u t in th e n o n -m an u factu rin g e s ta b lis h m e n ts the o p in io n of h is
su e c e s s i s more favourable.-*-
The p e rso n n e l manager o f th e W estinghouse E l e c t r i c and
M anufacturing C o rp o ra tio n fin d s from h is e x p e rie n c e w ith Negro
w orkers t h a t th e y a r e b o th dependable an d e f f i c i e n t . 4 per
c e n t of th e companies em ployees i n 1920 a n d 1923 were N egroes.
T his amounted to 990 Negroes i n 1920 and 514 in 1 9 2 3 .2 O ther
in v e s tig a tio n s re v e a l th e fo llo w in g s
The D e tr o it Bureau of R esearch concluded a f t e r i t s in v e s
t i g a t i o n t h a t *tw o - th ir d s of the em ployers, h ir in g 82 p e r c e n t
of th e men, b e lie v e d t h a t t h e i r c o lo re d workmen were as e f f i
c i e n t a s w h ite w orkers on the same type of work o r were even
more a o J The Chicago Race Commission re c e iv e d r e p o r t s on the
e f f i c i e n c y of c o lo re d w orkers from a la r g e p ro p o rtio n o f the
em ployers in te rv ie w e d . Some of the em ployers were r e l u c t a n t
to make com parisons betw een th e co lo re d and w h ite la b o r, as
th e y f e l t th a t th e Negro had so r e c e n tly e n te r e d m a n u fa ctu rin g
in d u s t r i e s t h a t he could n o t be ex p e cte d to be a s e f f i c i e n t
and r e l i a b l e as th e more ex p erien ced w h ite w orker. Of those
r e p o r tin g , how ever, 71 c o n s id e re d th e Negro as e f f i c i e n t as
th e w h ite w orker, w h ile 22 had found him l e s s s o . I t was
n o te d th a t ’th e 71 e s ta b lis h m e n ts which r e p o r te d Negro la b o r
a3 e q u a lly e f f i c i e n t as w h ite la b o r in c lu d e d a l l of the la rg e
em ployers of Negro la b o r , w ith v ery few e x c e p t i o n s .' In r e
g a rd to th e co m parative r e l i a b i l i t y of w h ite and c o lo re d
w o rk e rs, the number of em ployers who r e p o r te d to th e Commission
t h a t the Negroes d id n o t r e q u ire more s u p e r v is io n than w h ite s
was n e a rly th re e tim es as la rg e as the number of th o s e who
f e l t th a t he was l e s s r e l i a b l e . However, a s c o n tra ry o p in io n s
were' e x p re s se d by i n d u s t r i a l concerns in which c o n d itio n s
seemed v e ry s im ila r , i t i s im p o ssib le to draw d e f i n i t e con
c lu s io n s from t h i s m a te ria l.®
I t is a p p a re n t th a t no a d e q u a te and s c i e n t i f i c e s tim a te
o f th e N egro’s e f f i c i e n c y , or h i s com parative c a p a c i t y w ith
w h ite la b o r , i s p o s s i b le . Any e s tim a te i s l i a b l e to be too
g e n e r a l. The q u a l ity of Negro la b o r is n o tc u n ifo rm , as
•^Louise V. Kennedy, The Negro P e a sa n t Turns C ityw ard,
p p . 115-7. r
2Edward S. M cC lelland, o p . c i t . , pp. 2 2 -3 .
3Louise V. Kennedy, op.cit., pp. 118-9.
39
N egroes a r e n o t a l l of one s in g le s to c k h aving a common h e r e d i t y .
F u rth e rm o re , em ployers e s tim a te of Negro e f f i c i e n c y is s u b je c t
to b i a s as w e ll as th e f a c t t h a t e x p e rie n c e s w ith Negro w o rk ers
v a ry from in d u s tr y to in d u s t r y and re g io n to r e g io n . Also
any co m parative e s tim a te o f Negro and w h ite e f f ic ie n c y is of
n e c e s s ity in a c c u ra te because Negro w orkers a re n o t s e le c te d on
th e same p r in c ip l e a s a r e w h ite w orkers. To g e t a s c i e n t i f i c
e s tim a te of com parative e f f i c i e n c y we would have to c a r r y out
an experim ent betw een w h ite and b la c k w orkers w ith th e same
t r a i n i n g , the same k in d o r WDrk, u n d e r th e same c o n d itio n s .
The o nly c o n c lu sio n t h a t I would v e n tu re to draw from th e above
s tu d ie s o f Negro e f f i c i e n c y and co m parative c a p a c i t i e s of w h ite
and c o lo re d w orkers i s t h a t th e Negro is c a p a b le . T his con
c lu s io n i s a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y confirm ed by th e ev er in c r e a s in g
numbers i n c o a l, ir o n and s t e e l , s to c k y a r d s , b u ild in g and
tr a n s p o r t a t i o n , lo n g s h o rin g , garm ent making, to b a cco , an d a u to
m obile m a n u fa ctu rin g i n d u s t r i e s .
P erhaps two of the g r e a t e s t co m p lain ts a g a in s t Negro la b o r
h as been t h a t o f ab se n te e ism and tu r n o v e r. A bsenteeism i s th e
m ost f r e q u e n t of co m p la in ts. Employers s a y - t h a t the Negro i s
u n ste a d y ; t h a t he o f te n tim es w i l l la y o ff a f t e r pay day and
r e t u r n a f t e r the wages a re s p e n t, c o n s ta n tly r e p e a tin g th e
p erfo rm an ce. The fo llo w in g survey in d ic a te s th e s i t u a t i o n and
s t a t e s c l e a r l y th e cau se:
In 1926, one of the l a r g e s t m etal tr a d e s concerns in
C hicago, n a t i o n a l l y known, made a s t a t i s t i c a l com parison fo r
th e f i r s t fo u r months o f th e y e a r , of d if f e r e n c e s in tu r n o v e r
and a b se n te e ism betw een i t s w h ite an d Negro em ployees..........
W ith re g a rd to absence in th re e u n i t s s tu d ie d , i t was found
40
t h a t th e f i r s t p la n t had an absence re c o rd f o r the Negroes of
4 .2 days a s a g a i n s t 4 .5 days f o r the w h ite s . In th e second,
a fo u n d ry , i t was 6.6 days f o r the Negroes a s a g a in s t 6 .4 f o r
w h ite s j in th e t h i r d p l a n t , a fo u n d ry , th e Negroes showd an
absence o f 8 .1 days a s a g a in s t 4 .1 f o r th e w h ite s . But i n
th e c o n c lu s io n o f t h i s r e p o r t , which was e n t i r e l y an i n t e r p l a n t
document, n o t a v a ila b le f o r g e n e ra l in fo rm a tio n , i t was s t a t e d
t h a t ; ’a d m itte d ly , Negroes have b een p u t on jo b s , a t l e a s t a t
the b e g in n in g , which o th e r men would n o t do, so th a t o b v io u sly ,
even though th e tu rn o v e r, a b sen te eism , e t c . , are h ig h e r fo r
N egroes an d M exicans, th ey ..would be h ig h e r s t i l l under th e
p re s e n t c o n d itio n s i f we t r i e d to f i l l th e p o s itio n s w ith w h ite
m e n .’1
Labor tu rn o v e r among Negro w orkers i s a fre q u e n t co m p la in t.
Employers f in d th a t th e r e is a s tr o n g te n d en cy among Negro
w orkers to move from job to jo b . Some p la n ts in which Negroes
form 25 per c e n t of th e w orking fo rc e a r e re s p o n s ib le f o r 75
p e r c e n t of th e tu rn o v e r. But i t must be remembered t h a t th e
Negro was suddenly sn a tc h e d , as i t w ere, fro m a p a t e r n a l i s t i c
a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c ie ty and u sh e re d w ith o u t t r a i n i n g in to an
im p e rso n al h ig h ly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d environm ent. The c r i t i c i s m s
of th e N egro’s u n s te a d in e s s and h ig h tu rn o v e r
d im in ish e d a s tim e w ent on and the Negro w orkers became a c
custom ed to th e d i s c i p l i n e of the n o r th e r n in d u s tr y . Testim ony
i s g e n e ra l among th e em ployers q u e stio n e d t h a t i t i s h a rd e r
in th e f i r s t in s ta n c e to g e t an e f f i c i e n t f o rc e o f Negroes th a n
o f w h ite w o rk ers. The p ro c e s s of a ssem b lin g such a fo rc e
commonly r e q u ir e s a h ig h tu rn o v e r. In P itts b u r g d u rin g th e
war i t f r e q u e n tly r e q u ir e d a tu rn o v e r of 300 per c e n t to keep
th e s t e e l m il ls manned w ith c o lo re d w o rk ers. But when th e
Negro group i s once assem bled i t i s a b o u t as ste a d y a 3 th e
w h ite group. Thus th e I n t e r n a t i o n a l H a rv e s te r Company, which
employed 2,093 Negroes i n the Chicago d i s t r i c t i n 1926, had
a tu rn o v e r o f 4 .6 p e r c e n t p e r month f o r th e Negroes in one
o f i t s p la n ts a s a g a in s t 4 .8 p er c e n t f o r th e w h ite s , and
5 .5 p e r c e n t in th e o th e r p la n t as a g a in s t 4 .6 p er c e n t f o r
th e w h ite 3 . 2
The problem of la b o r tu rn o v e r seems t o have been a t i t s
^Herman Feldman, o p .c i t . , p . 51.
2Spero and H a r r is , o p . c i t . , p . 164.
41
h e ig h th d u rin g th o se y e a rs in which th e Negro was f i r s t moving
in to n o r th e r n i n d u s t r i e s . D uring th e p ro cess o f ad ju stm e n t
t h e i r tu rn o v e r was, o f c o u rse , h ig h . This i s n o t to say t h a t
Negroes do not have now a h ig h e r tu r n o v e r th a n w h ite s , b e c a u se
r e c e n t surveys in d ic a te t h a t th ey do. I t i s t r u e , how ever, t h a t
i t was th e young and r e s t l e s s Negroes w h o firs t answ ered th e c a l l
of n o rth e rn in d u s tr y f o r w o rk ers. Many o f them l e f t the p o o l
room s, th e s t r e e t l o a f in g , and o th e r id le n e s s b ecause of th e
chance f o r a change, new e x p e rie n c e , and easy money. The more
r e l i a b l e and m ature w orkers d id not le av e the South.-*- So th e
f l o a t i n g from one job to a n o th e r and from one c i t y to th e n e x t
was bound to g iv e Negro w orkers a la rg e tu rn o v e r and a bad
r e p u t a t i o n . T his i s e s p e c i a lly tr u e s in c e Negro la b o r i s u s u a lly
r e f e r r e d to as a group r a t h e r th a n as in d iv i d u a ls . On th e
c o n tr a r y , w h ite w orkers a re judged as in d iv i d u a ls . f,An un
f o r tu n a te e x p e rie n c e w ith one does not p reclu d e th e employment
o f o th e rs o f the same r a c e . " Had i n d u s t r i a l em ployers e x e r
c is e d more c a re and d is c r im in a tio n in s e le c tin g Negro w orkers
th e w id esp re ad c o n n e c tio n of Negro la b o r w ith u n s te a d in e s s
would n o t have a r i s e n .
Spero and H a rris i n The B lack Worker have w orked o u t the
fo llo w in g ta b le showing the percen tag e- o f Negro employees and
th e tu r n o v e r due to c o lo re d w orkers in f i f t e e n ty p ic a l C leve
la n d p la n t s :
*C. G. Woodson, A C entury o f Negro M ig ra tio n , pp. 163-164.
42
TABLE IX
PER CENT OF NEGROES AND PER CENT OF TURNOVER DUE TO NEGROES
IN FIFTEEN TYPICAL PLANTS IN CLEVELAND, 1924
N ature of P la n t Per Cent
of Negroes
P er Cent of T o ta l
T urnover Due to
Negro Workers
M etal working 50 35
Chemical 15 15
R a ilro a d Labor 40 80
Foundry 50 20
Chemical 25 35
S te e l M ill
10 60
M achinery 10 75
Foundry 35 55
P a in ts 15 20
C a stin g s 25 30
Foundry 25 15
Foundry 30 20
M achinery 35 10
C a stin g s
Foundry 50 20
Foundry i 55 60
The r e s u l t s of s tu d ie s p e r ta in in g to Negro a b sen te eism and
tu rn o v e r have le d me to b e lie v e t h a t h ig h ab sen teeism and tu rn o v e r
i s due to d is c r im in a tio n in type of work, in w orking c o n d itio n s ,
and in low w ages. I f b la c k w o rk ers a re g iv e n th e h o t, d i r t y
and most d is a g re e a b le jo b s , t h e i r r e g u l a r i t y and tu rn o v e r must
be o f n e c c e s s ity h ig h . I f sp ra y in g ducco p a i n t on c a r b o d ies
”s h o rte n s t h e i r l i v e s an d c u ts them down”, i t i s h a r d ly to be
ex p e cte d t h a t t h e i r u n s te a d in e s s and tu rn o v e r should not be h ig h .
I t m ust a l s o be remembered t h a t d is c r im in a tio n s in la y o f f s
sw e ll th e Negro tu rn o v e r. Employers o f t e n use. Negro la b o r because
th e y need i t . These Negroes form ing th e sm all and le s s im p o rta n t
43
p a r t o f t h e i r la b o r fo rc e when b u sin e ss becomes d u l l and em
p lo y e rs m ust c u t down t h e i r la b o r f o r c e , i t i s u n lik e ly t h a t
th e y w i l l a n ta g o n iz e th e w h ite w orkers who form th e im p o rta n t
p a r t o f t h e i r fo rc e upon whom th e y w i l l have to depend d u rin g
p e rio d s o f p r o s p e r ity , by k eep in g Negroes and la y in g o f f w h ite
w orkers. O ften tim e s th e se ”la y o f f s ” a re due to th e N eg ro 's
l a t e e n tra n c e in to in d u s tr y and the u n s k i l l e d n a tu re of h is w ork,
r a t h e r th an to ra c e p r e ju d ic e .
A d i r e c t c o r r e l a t i o n can be found in low wages and h ig h t u r n
o v e r. O ften tim e s Negroes r e c e iv in g low wages see no o p p o r tu n ity
f o r advancem ent and seek o th e r employment in o rd e r th a t th e y m ight
b e t t e r t h e i r c o n d itio n . P ro f e s s o r C h a rle s W esley ta k e s th e p o s i
t i o n t h a t the l a r g e s t la b o r tu rn o v e r among Negroes i n D e tr o it is
found in th e p la n ts w ith th e s m a lle s t wage s c a l e . 1 Those f irm s
t h a t pay h ig h wages have a n e g l ig ib le turnover* For in s ta n c e ,
one su rv ey c a r r i e d on in D e tr o it showed th a t the a v e ra g e m onthly
tu rn o v e r o f Negro la b o r in the foundry w hich em ployed a g r e a t
number of Negroes was only 10 per c e n t, w h ile a sm all fo u n d ry
h ad a m onthly tu rn o v e r of 70 p e r c e n t. I t was found th a t in th e
la r g e fo u n d ry th e Negro w orker re c e iv e d e ig h ty c e n ts p e r h o u r,
which was the same wage f o r th e same work t h a t w hite w orkers
r e c e iv e d , while in the o th e r p la n t the Negroes re c e iv e d f i f t y
th r e e c e n ts an hour w h ile w h ite w orkers r e c e iv e d se v e n ty c e n ts
p e r h o u r.
Employers may th e r e f o r e be c o r r e c t in b e lie v in g t h a t Negro
w orkers a r e u n ste a d y and have a h ig h r a t e of tu r n o v e r . S tu d e n ts
1Charles H. Wesley, Negro Labor in the United States, p. 303.
44
o f the problem do not contend th a t he has proved r e g u la r ,
e f f i c i e n t and s a t i s f a c t o r y i n American i n d u s t r i a l l i f e . They
do, how ever, contend th a t th e p e rc e n ta g e of u n s a t i s f a c t o r y
Negro w orkers a re n o t due to r a c i a l t r a i t s , h u t to c o n d itio n s
o f work, in c e n tiv e s o f f e r e d , and t h e i r environm ent. They co n ten d ,
m oreover, t h a t th e p e rc e n ta g e of u n s a t i s f a c t o r y Negro w orkers
a r e g r e a t l y le s s e n e d when th e y a r e ’’c a r e f u l l y s e l e c t e d , a r e n o t
d is c r im in a te d a g a i n s t in wages and w orking c o n d itio n s , and a r e
g iv e n even a l i t t l e p e rs o n a l care and a t t e n t i o n d u rin g th e
p e rio d of t h e i r a d ju s tm e n t” , and when management u se s the p ro p e r
p e rso n n e l tech n iq u e i n s e l e c t i o n t h a t has a lre a d y proved e f f e c t i v e
in re d u c in g t\irn o v e r and m a lad ju stm e n t.
Negroes do not show fondness f o r s t r i k e s . In a h ig h la b o r
tu r n o v e r, th e r e f o r e , we m ight f in d h is r e a c t i o n a g a in s t the d i s
a g re e a b le c o n d itio n s of in d u s tr y . So i f th e h ig h tu rn o v e r of
Negro la b o r i s to be e lim in a te d , in d u s try must do i t s p a r t by
p ro v id in g p ro p e r w ages, w orking c o n d itio n s , a n d p e rso n n e l te c h
n iq u e .
In a pam phlet p u b lis h e d by the N a tio n a l Urban League e n t i t l e d
Negro W orkers, th ey enum erate the fo llo w in g p la n t e x p e rie n c e s!
1. So f a r as th e o rd in a ry i n d u s t r i a l jo b s, u n s k i l l e d , and
s k i l l e d , a re concerned th e re a r e many in s ta n c e s o f non-employment
o f N egroes, b u t no evidence th a t Negroes a r e in c a p a b le of p e r
form ing th e ta s k s , as in d ic a te d by th e f a c t th a t in o th e r e s
ta b lis h m e n ts in th e same c i t y Negroes a r e a c t u a l l y perform ing
them.
2. T here is u n d e rs ta n d a b le f e a r in many p la n ts , t h a t use o f
4 5
Negroes and w h ite s in th e same p la n ts w i l l b r in g u n fav o u rab le
r e s u l t s , b u t no evidence t h a t the f e a r is w e ll founded i n f a c t ,
inasm uch as th e re i s a la r g e number o f p la n ts th a t employ Negroes
w ith o u t conspicuous f r i c t i o n . No o u ts ta n d in g in s ta n c e o f r a c i a l
d is o r d e r r e s u l t i n g from th e u se o f Negro and w h ite la b o r in th e
same p la n ts comes to th e a t t e n t i o n of t h i s s tu d y .
3. The v a r i e d e x p e rie n c e s of th e p la n ts may re a so n a b ly be
tr a c e d to p e c u l i a r i t i e s of p la n t management and to th e ty p e s of
Negro w orkers s e c u re d .
4 . The q u a l i t y of Negro la b o r h as n o t been u n ifo rm , and
th e re i s evidence t h a t in many p la c e s where poor o p in io n i s
e n t e r ta in e d c o n c ern in g them, i t i s w e ll d e se rv e d ; b u t th e
o p in io n u n f o r tu n a te ly and e rro n e o u s ly e x te n d s from one i n e f f i
c i e n t group of Negro w orkers to in c lu d e th e e n t i r e Negro p o p u la -
5. There a r e l i n e s o f work w hich a r e not a t t r a c t i v e to
Negro w orkers in which many of them have g iv e n i n d i f f e r e n t s e r
v ic e .
6 . C ircum stances which sh o u ld be ta k e n in to account in
judgm ents of Negro "A m bition” " R e l i a b i l i t y ” "Speed" " C a re fu ln e s s " ,
e t c . , i n p a r t i c u l a r p la n ts a r e th e r e l a t i v e w ages, o p p o r tu n itie s
f o r prom otion on th e b a s i s o f m e r it, d is t a n c e from th e r e s t r i c t e d
Negro r e s id e n c e a r e a s , h a n d lin g o f w orking crew s, ty p e s and
c h a r a c te r of work a s s ig n e d to Negroes in the p a r t i c u l a r p l a n t s .
7 . The tr e n d of in fo rm a tio n i n d ic a t e s t h a t where wages a r e
good and some p ro s p e c t of b e t t e r i n g c o n d itio n s is p r e s e n t,
Negro la b o r i s re g a rd e d a s more s a t i s f a c t o r y th an in p la n ts in
w hich Negro w orking crews a re s e p a r a te d from o th e r w orkers on
46
g rad es o f work which o th e rs a re u n w illin g to do.
8 . The o b je c tio n o f w h ite w orkers to Negro w orkers i s u n d er
s ta n d a b le as a b a s i s f o r e x c lu d in g Negro w orkers b u t th e re i s
ev id en ce t h a t t h i s o b je c tio n is not a perm anent or deeply
s e r io u s co n tin g en c y , and f u r t h e r ev id e n c e t h a t the o b je c tio n
h as fad ed a f t e r a s h o r t p e rio d o f c o n ta c t.
9. The f e a r of th e c o m p e titio n o f Negro w orkers on the p a r t
o f w hite w orkers i s in known in s ta n c e s based upon the f e a r th a t
N egroes w i l l be p a id le s s .w a g e s , th u s , e i t h e r lo w erin g t h e i r
l i v i n g sta n d a rd s or p u sh in g them o u t of jo b s . When t h i s evidence
i s seen in a s i t u a t i o n an e s s e n t i a l p a r t of th e t r u t h i s o m itte d
in the sta te m e n t of em ployers, u n q u a lif ie d , t h a t w hite w orkers
o b je c t to th e b r in g in g in o f ’’Negro w o r k e r s .”
10. On the s u rfa c e of f a c t s , Negro w orkers seem to have a
s p e c ia l u s e f u ln e s s i n i r o n and s t e e l p ro d u c tio n , in c h e m ic a ls,
and g e n e r a lly , where s tr e n g th m ust be combined w ith a g i l i t y
and d e f tn e s s . D e sp ite th e s tr e n g th of o p in io n on ra c e th e y show
an u n e x p e c te d ly la rg e number of cran e o p e r a to r s , s a n d - b la s te r s ,
cupola te n d e rs and r i p saw o p e r a to r s , a s p h a lt w o rk ers, and
d r i v e r s o f heavy m achinery.
11. There i s p ro b ab ly no more a c t u a l t r u t h in the b e l i e f
t h a t th e y a re b e t t e r ad ap ted th an most r a c e s to work in th e
p re se n c e o f h e a t th a n t h a t th e y c a n n o t do s k i l l e d w ork, b u t
h av in g been p e rm itte d ’’h e a t ” jo b s on t h i s a ssu m p tio n , a normal
success ha3 p ro v id e d su p p o rt f o r the assu m p tio n .
12. The chances a r e t h a t th e c o u rse o f lo c a l p o lic y and
p r a c t i c e in in d u s tr y h a s been shaped more by economic f o r c e s
47
th a n r a c i a l o n es. Rapid grow th o f i n d u s t r i e s r e c e n t l y , h as
encouraged and drawn g r e a t q u a n t i t i e s o f cheap la b o r . The most
se v e re c o m p e titio n i s a t p r e s e n t in the low er g ra d e s of w ork,
where Negroes a re p r i n c i p a l l y fo u n d , and betw een N egroes,
European im m ig ran ts, M exicans a n d a c l a s s o f n a tiv e w h ite s w ith
o u t s k i l l .
13. I t i s an i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t t h a t th e same o p in io n h e ld
now about th e i n a d v i s a b i l i t y and inadequacy of Negro la b o r,
were h e ld by most* of the e a s te r n in d u s t r i e s and th o se of th e
N orth b e fo re th ey a c t u a l l y became p re s s e d f o r men. Then they
employed Negroes and i f t h e i r comments a re to be ta k e n s e r io u s ly ,
have found them re a so n a b ly s a tis f a c to r y .- ^
W e may conclude from the sm all amount of i n v e s t i g a t i o n con
c e rn in g Negro i n d u s t r i a l e f f i c i e n c y , o n ly , th a t w ith p ro p er
s u p e r v i s i o n ,s e l e c t i o n , wages, h o u rs of la b o r , and w orking con
d i t i o n s , th e Negro w i l l prove e f f i c i e n t and c a p a b le .
"^National Urban League, Negro W orkers, p . 13-14
48
CHAPTER V
NEGRO W ORKERS AND ORGANIZED LABOR
P r io r to 1915 moat of th e N o rth ern Negroes were engaged in
p e rs o n a l s e r v ic e work, and composed such a n e g l i g i b l e number in
th e in d u s t r i e s or s k i l l e d o c c u p atio n s th a t th e y were e n t i r e l y
ig n o re d by the u n io n s . A fte r the war w ith th o u san d s o f them
e n te r in g i n d u s t r i a l f i e l d s a new s i t u a t i o n a r o s e . So, in the
l a s t f i f t e e n y e a r s , the un io n s have e x p re s s e d i n t e r e s t in t h i s
g r e a t r e s e r v o i r of u n o rg an iz ed b la c k w o rk e rs. Speeches and
p u b lis h e d a r t i c l e s o f a c c e p ta n c e have been made by union r e p r e
s e n t a t i v e s f r e q u e n tly . T his t h e o r e t i c a l a c c e p ta n c e , however,
does not r e p r e s e n t th e t r u e p o s it io n of the Negro in the la b o r
movement. For in s ta n c e , t h e o r e t i c a l l y the American F e d e ra tio n
of Labor h o ld s th e fo llo w in g p o s it io n re g a rd in g Negro w o rk ers,
as quoted from Samuel Gompers, P r e s id e n t o f the American F ed era
t i o n of L abor, in 1910:
W e th e American F e d e r a tio n of L abor, welcome Negro w orking
men to the ranks of o rg a n iz e d la b o r . W e should l i k e to see more
o f them jo in u s . The I n t e r e s t s o f workingmen, w h ite and b la c k ,
a re common. T ogether we m ust f i g h t u n f a i r w ages, u n f a i r h o u rs ,
and bad c o n d itio n s of la b o r . At tim es i t is d i f f i c u l t f o r th e
n a t io n a l o r g a n iz a tio n to c o n tr o l th e a c tio n s of l o c a l u n io n s
in d i f f i c u l t i e s a r i s i n g w ith in the tra d e s i n any p a r t i c u l a r com
m u n ity , inasmuch as th e N a tio n a l body i s made p o s s ib le by th e
d e le g a te s a p p o in te d by th e l o c a l s ; b u t we can and w i l l u se our
In flu e n c e to b reak down p r e ju d ic e , on account of r a c e , c o lo r
o r p re v io u s c o n d itio n of s e r v itu d e , and hope th a t you w i l l u se
y o u r in flu e n c e to show Negro workingmen the ad v an tag es of
c o l l e c t i v e b a rg a in in g and th e v a lu e o f a f f i l i a t i o n w ith the A.
F. of L. But few people who a r e not th o ro u g h ly a c q u a in te d w ith
th e r a p i d grow th of the F e d e ra tio n of Labor know of the la rg e
numbers of c o lo re d p eo p le who a r e a lr e a d y members o f our o rg a n i
z a tio n . The u n p le a s a n t in c id e n ts in c o n n e c tio n w ith e f f o r t s
of c o lo re d men to g e t r e c o g n itio n in tr a d e s c o n t r o ll e d by th e
American F e d e ra tio n of Labor have been a i r e d a n d th e good e f f e c t s
o f wholesome and h e a lth y r e l a t i o n s h i p have n o t b een g iv en
49
p u b l i c i t y j and f o r th a t re a s o n , a g e n e r a l a t t i t u d e of s u s p ic io n
h a s been d ev elo p ed tow ards u n io n la b o r on th e p a r t of c o lo re d
w orking men; b u t 1 hope th a t out of t h i s conferen ce w i l l s p r in g
a more c o r d ia l f e e l in g o f c o n fid e n c e in each o th e r on the p a r t
o f men who must work f o r a liv i n g * !
W hile t h i s is the o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n of th e American
F e d e r a tio n o f L abor, tw enty two i n t e r n a t i o n a l and n a tio n a l
la b o r o r g a n iz a tio n s , e ig h t o f w hich a r e member o f th e American
F e d e ra tio n o f L abor, exclude Negro w orkers by c o n s t i t u t i o n a l
agreem ent. E lev en of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l unions w ith e x c lu s io n
c la u s e s in t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n s dom inate a f i e l d in which a r e
employed some 43,858 N egroes.
These u n io n s a r e :
Carmen of A m erica, B rotherhood of Railw ay
C le rk s , F r e ig h t h a n d l e r s , E xpress and S ta ti o n Em ployees,
B rotherhood o f R ailw ay an d Steam ship
C o n d u cto rs, B rotherhood of D ining Car
C onductors of Am erica, Order of Railw ay
C onductors, Order of S le e p in g Car
E n g in e e rs , Grand I n t e r n a t i o n a l B rotherhood of Locomotive
Expressm en, Order o f Railw ay
E xpress w o rk ers, American F e d e ra tio n of
Firem en and Enginemen, B rotherhood of Locomotive
M ail A s s o c ia tio n , Railw ay
M a ste rs, Mates and P i l o t s , N a tio n a l O rg a n iz a tio n
Neptune A s s o c ia tio n
R a ilro a d W orkers, American F e d e r a tio n of
S t a t i o n Employees and C le rk s, B rotherhood o f R a ilro a d
^P ro ceed in g s of C onvention of American F e d e ra tio n of
Labor, 1910, p . 11^
50
Sw itchm en's Union o f N orth America
T e le g ra p h e rs , O rder o f R a ilro a d
T ra in D is p a tc h e rs A s s o c ia tio n , American
Trainm en, B rotherhood of R a ilro a d
Wire W eavers' P r o te c tiv e A s s o c ia tio n , American
Y ardm asters o f A m erica, R a ilro a d
B lacksm iths and H e lp e rs ' Union^-
E x clu sio n s a r e n o t lim ite d to th is group alo n e f o r th e re
a r e th o se u n io n s w hich, w ith o u t p u tti n g t h e i r p o l i c i e s in to
t h e i r c o n s t i t u t i o n , succeed th ro u g h a c t u a l p r a c t i c e s in ex
c lu d in g N egroes, or i n l i m itin g them to a sm all p ro p o rtio n
of the m em bership. The c h i e f o rg a n iz a tio n s f o llo w in g such
a p o lic y a r e th e E l e c t r i c a l w orkers w ith no Negroes a f f i l i a t e d
a lth o u g h th e re a r e a p p ro x im a te ly 1,600 Negro e l e c t r i c i a n s .
The a t t i t u d e of t h i s o r g a n iz a tio n i s r e f l e c t e d as e a r l y as
1903 in E l e c t r i c a l W orkers J o u r n a l. The e d i t o r w ro te: ”W e
do not want th e Negro in th e I n t e r n a t i o n a l B rotherhood of
E l e c t r i c a l W orkers, b u t we th in k th a t th ey sh o u ld be o rg a n iz e d
i n l o c a l s of t h e i r own, a f f i l i a t e d to th e American F e d e ra tio n
«2
o f Labor as th e o r g a n iz a tio n s knows no c re e d o r c o l o r . ” . Then
th e r e a re the sh e e t m e ta l w orkers w ith 25,000 members and no
N egroes. The plum bers have i t g e n e ra lly u n d e rsto o d t h a t no
Negroes a r e a d m itte d . In P h ila d e lp h ia , the lic e n s in g b o ard
w i l l n o t even g ra n t l ic e n s e s to Negro plum bers. T his i s a
common p r a c t i c e in the S outh. In Chicago Negro plumbers
have t r i e d f o r s ix y e a rs to g e t in the u n io n w ith o u t any s u c c e s s .
^-Permits a u x ila r y lo c a l s o f Negro H elp ers b u t r e f u s e s
to promote them to B la c k sm ith s.
2l’ he E l e c t r i c a l Works - A p ril, 1903, p . 102.
51
There a r e some 6,000 Negro p l a s t e r e r s y e t less? than 100 Negroes
a r e members o f th e u n io n because t h e i r membership i s d i s
co u rag ed . The F l i n t G lass -workers have no laws a g a in s t Ne
g ro e s , b u t th ey o b je c t to them th ro u g h o u t the g la ss blow ing
in d u s tr y b e c a u se th e p ip e s on which g la s s is blown pass from
one m an's mouth to a n o th e r and no one would u se i t a f t e r a
N egro.
There a r e some u n io n s which b e lie v e t h a t Negroes sh o u ld
be a d m itte d f r e e l y b u t to s e p a r a te u n io n s .^ The I n t e r n a t i o n a l
Union of Bakery and C o n fe c tio n e ry Workers i s a good exam ple.
They b e lie v e t h a t b a k e rs sh o u ld o rg a n iz e r e g a r d le s s of r a c e
o r c re e d , b u t b e c a u se S o u th e rn e rs o b je c t to m eeting w ith
N egroes, th e Bakers Union has s e t up s e p a r a te l o c a l s . The
Tobacco T/orkers I n t e r n a t i o n a l Union h as a m em bershipof 3,000
of cwhom 100 a re N egroes, ^he Negroes a r e o rg an iz ed in to
s e p a r a te lo c a l s because th e i n t e r n a t i o n a l o f f ic e b e l i e v e s them
to be more a c c e p ta b le as members when in s e p a r a te l o c a l s . The
Journeymen B a rb e rs , th e Laundry W orkers, th e U n ited T e x tile
W orkers, and M usicians a r e o th e r u n io n s which adm it Negroes
f r e e l y b u t o n ly to s e p a r a te u n io n s .
There i s a group o f u n io n s , such a s ,T h e Longshoremen, The
Hod C a r r i e r s , and Tunnel Workers t h a t adm it Negroes to mixed
or s e p a r a te U n io n s.^ I t i s e s tim a te d t h a t th e r e a r e 12,600
Negro members of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Longshorem en's A s s o c ia tio n .
^■Ira De A. R eid, Negro Membership i n American Trade
U nions, p . 65.
^Chicago Commission on Race R e la tio n s , Negro in C hicago,
p . 414.
52
By 1928 th r e e o f the f i f t e e n V ic e -P re s id e n ts of t h i s o r g a n iz a tio n
were N egroes. In some in s ta n c e s Negro Longshoremen have t h e i r
s e p a r a te l o c a l -union b u t meet i n e x e c u tiv e s e s s io n w ith the
w h ite s and fo llo w a f a i r p o lic y of d i s t r i b u t i n g th e work*
Some u n io n s have o nly mixed u n io n s . The U nited Mine Workers
and th e Garment Workers Unions a re exam ples. The U n ited Mine
W orkers u n ion in 1920 was one of th e o u ts ta n d in g u n io n s w ith
Negro m em bership, h av in g 25,000 Negro m iners in th e o r g a n iz a tio n .
In 1927, however, th e membership had dropped to 5 ,0 0 0 . T his
u n io n d isc o u ra g e s d is c r im in a tio n among members a n d - lo c a ls
by th e t h r e a t of a f i n e . The U n ited Mine Workers of America
have done much to promote a good w i l l among l a b o r e r s . The
Garment Workers u n io n h as a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p ro v is io n t h a t p ro
h i b i t s d is c r im in a tio n s on account o f creed., c o l o r , o r n a t i o n a l i t y .
There a r e a b o u t 6,000 Negroes in t h i s u n io n .
Such c o n tr a d ic to r y tre a tm e n t of the Negro by o rg a n iz e d
la b o r le a d s one to i n q u ir e , what r e a l l y i s th e a t t i t u d e o f
o rg a n iz e d la b o r tow ard Negro workers? As to th e American
F e d e r a tio n of Labor, th e Chicago Commission on Race R e la tio n s
found th e fo llo w in g f a c t s :
(1) T his o r g a n iz a tio n from th e b e g in n in g has d e c la r e d a
p o lic y of no d is c r im in a tio n on th e grounds of r a c e . (2) Al
though t h i s Is the d e c la re d p o lic y of th e f e d e r a t i o n , i t la c k s
th e power to compel I t s c o n s titu e n t autonomous u n io n s to follow
t h i s p o lic y j so, each i n t e r n a t i o n a l or n a t io n a l i s f r e e to a c t
a s i t chooses in th e m atter.^-
•^■Chicago Commission on Race R e la tio n s , Negro In C hicago,
p . 406.
53
The A m erican F e d e ra tio n of Labor seems to be i n t e r e s t e d
p r im a r ily i n th e s k i l l e d group of w o rk e rs. As a r e s u l t i t i s
ig n o rin g th o se i n d u s t r i e s where g r e a t numbers o f u n s k il le d
Negroes a r e w orking. I f th e f e d e r a t i o n w ants to make th e
s o l i d a r i t y of la b o r a l i v i n g th in g I t must pay l e s s a t t e n t i o n
to th e f e d e r a t io n o f autonomous groups o f s k i l l e d c ra ftsm e n
and d ev o te i t s e n e rg ie s to the o r g a n iz a tio n of the u n s k il le d
who c o n s t i t u t e th e m a jo rity of em ployees.
In d eed , the in c re a s e of Negro members have been in th o se
o rg a n iz a tio n s of le s s s k i l l e d la b o r, such a s the longshorem en
or hod c a r r i e r s . Negroes form so g r e a t a p r o p o rtio n of w orkers
in th e s e i n d u s t r i e s u n t i l th e u n io n s must in c lu d e them o r lo s e
c o n tr o l of th e t r a d e . Unions of th e more s k i l l e d and d e s ir e d
o c c u p a tio n s e i t h e r ex clu d e him e n t i r e l y or v e ry r e l u c t a n t l y
adm it them.
In th e o c c u p a tio n s c o n ta in in g a f a i r l y la rg e number of
N egroes, b u t where un io n s have ex clu d ed them from membership,
in d ep en d en t Negro unionism h as a r is e n a s a p r o t e s t a g a in s t
th e a t t i t u d e o f o rg a n iz e d la b o r tow ard Negro w o rk e rs. ^These
in d ep en d en t u n io n s a r e in te n d e d to s e rv e th e double purpose
o f p r o te c tin g th e b la c k w orker in h is d e a lin g s w ith h i s em
p lo y e r and of h e lp in g to c o u n te r a c t th e d is c r im in a to r y p o l i c i e s
o f the w h ite g r o u p s .”!
F re q u e n tly , Negro independent u n io n s a re j u s t lo c a l o r
g a n iz a tio n s as th e plum bers and e l e c t r i c i a n s in Chicago,
I l l i n o i s , th e s h e e t m e tal w orkers in C h a rle s to n , South C a ro lin a ,
-*-S. D. Spero and A. L. Harris, op.cit., p. 116*
54
th e a s p h a l t w orkers in M ilwaukee, W isconsin. On th e o th e r
hand, some of th e se in d ep en d en t un io n s have b een o rg a n iz e d
n a t i o n a l l y and have been of g r e a t v a lu e to the w o rk e rs . The
in d e p en d en t Negro u n io n s a re shown in th e fo llo w in g ta b le :
TABLE X1
‘INDEPENDENT NEGRO UNIONS
Number
of Membership
L o ca ls
Ship W orkers1 B e n e f ic ia l A s s o c ia tio n 100
S heet M etal Workers (C h a re ls to n , S. C .,
Savannah, Ga.) 75
A sp h alt Workers (Milwaukee) Not g iv e n
N a tio n a l A llia n c e of P o s ta l Employees T T 3,300
A s s o c ia tio n of C olored Ry. Trainmen 60 3,000
B ro th erh o o d of D ining Car Employees
9 2,800
A ssoc, o f T ra in P o r te r s , Brakemen,
and Switchmen
15
1,700
W a ite rs B e n e f ic ia l A s s o c ia tio n ( P h ila d e lp h ia ) 275
B rotherhood of D ining and S le e p in g Car
Employees 260
E l e c t r i c i a n s Union (C hicago) 200
Plum bers Union (Chicago) 200
P l a s t e r e r s Union (Chicago) 200
W a ite r s ’ Exchange No. 856 (B altim o re) 175
J u n io r Yfood, Wire and M etal l a t h e r s
(Chicago) 150
RedlGap andsRailwaycEmployee&eAssoe. A ss.
(P h ila d e lp h ia ) 150
R ailw ay Mens’ B enevolent P r o te c tiv e A ss.
(Chicago) Not g iv en
T ra in P o rte rs and Brakemen ( S t. L ouis) Not g iv en
I n t e r n a t i o n a l Order of C olored Locomotive
Firem en
■ p
o
f a s
given
In d ep en d en t Hod C a r r i e r s ’ Union
(Birmingham, A la .)
... — ..
■ Not g iv en
T o ta l Membership 12,585
The a t t i t u d e o f w h ite o r g a n iz a tio n s tow ards th e s e inde
pendent Negro u n io n s d i f f e r s in d i f f e r e n t t r a d e s . Some a re
-^•National Urban League, Negro Membership in American
Labor U nions, p . 125.
55
c o o p e ra tiv e , some o penly a n t a g o n i s t i c , and some tr e a c h e r o u s .
The problem of o r g a n iz a tio n is a l i t t l e more unique to th e
Negro th an to w hite w orkers as th e fo llo w in g paragraph in d i c a t e s :
U n io n is ts and Negro w orkers see q u ite d i f f e r e n t l y th e
problem of u n io n iz a tio n . To the f i r s t i t means improvement;
to th e o th e r ’g e t t i n g som ething in th e f i r s t p l a c e . ’ The
Stock Y ards w orkers s t r i k e fo r an in c re a s e o f 50 cen ts a day
i n wages and 8 h o u rs in s te a d o f 12; th e Negroes to whom th e
e n tra n c e r a t e of pay in th e s to c k y a rd s was tw ice th e sum th e y
were g e t t i n g a t home, a re a c tu a l ly b e t t e r i n g t h e i r c o n d itio n s
i n la r g e r m easures th a n th e o th e r s . Men o f any r a c e o r s t a t i o n
may b e e x p e c te d to fo llo w th e d i r e c t i o n in which t h e i r b e s t in
t e r e s t s l i e . As l i v i n g sta n d a rd s among w orkers approach each
o th e r th e same demands a r e to be e x p e c te d , flhere th e tra d e
u n io n s have b een open to Negroes th e y have e n te r e d f r e e l y
w ith the w h ite w o rk e rs. In Chicago the p ro p o rtio n o f Negro
men in o rg a n iz a tio n s is more than tw ic e t h e i r p ro p o rtio n in
th e t o t a l p o p u la tio n . r f h i s , of co u rse , is p a r t l y because th e r e
i s r e l a t i v e l y a la r g e r p ro p o rtio n o f Negroes engaged in in d u s t r y .
B ut m ost im p o rta n t i s th e f a c t t h a t th e g r e a t m asses o f Negro
w orkers a re employed in f i e l d s which a r e n o t o rg a n iz e d . A
d i f f e r e n t i a l e l i g i b i l i t y i s in th ese f i g u r e s : For a l l c la s s e s
th o se in a g r i c u l t u r e and dom estic s e r v i c e , u n o rg an ized l i n e s ,
c o n s t i t u t e 5 4 .5 p e r c e n t o f th e working p o p u la tio n ; f o r th e
N egroes, 6 7 .3 . In o th e r words, j u s t a b o u t tw ice a s many of
the ivorking Negroes r e l a t i v e l y a r e a c t u a l l y I n e l i g i b l e fo r
unions a s o th e r c l a s s e s . A gain, th e g r e a t e s t d egree of o r
g a n iz a tio n i s to be found in th e N o rth la n d f o u r - f i f t h s of the
Negroes l i v e in th e S outh. The s k i l l e d tr a d e s a r e most
th o ro u g h ly o rg a n iz e d b u t th r e e - f o u r t h s o f th e Negroes a r e un
s k i l l e d . These f a c t o r s must be k e p t in mind in c o n s id e rin g
t h e i r o r g a n i z a b i l i t y .1
Only in a few in s ta n c e s have th e s e c o lo re d o rg a n iz a tio n s
been a b le to s a fe g u a rd the i n t e r e s t s of i t s members. In a l l
im p o rta n t c o n tr o v e r s ie s th e y a r e e n t i r e l y dependent on the
su p p o rt o f th e o rg a n iz e d w h ite w o rk e rs. Even t h e i r s ta n d a rd s
a r e s e t by th e w h ite u n io n s. In th o se o cc u p atio n s where
Negroes make up a lm o st e n t i r e l y the p e rso n n e l t h e i r in d e p en d en t
u n io n s have been e f f e c t i v e . The N eg ro 's b i t t e r e x p e rie n c e w ith
^-Charles S. Johnson, op.citpp. 113-114.
56
Ind ep en d en t u n io n s may, how ever, su p p ly him w ith v a lu a b le
t r a i n i n g and a t th e same tim e e d u c ate o rg a n iz e d w hite la b o r
up to th e p o in t vhere th e y w ill a c c e p t him . Labor le a d e r s
a t p r e s e n t r e a l i z e t h a t th e p o lic y of ex c lu d in g Negroes from
th e u n io n s w hether d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y i s s h o r t s ig h te d
and o b s tr u c tin g th e end t h a t th e y seek. What i s d e s i r a b l e
and needed Is th e a d o p tio n o f th is a t t i t u d e in th e a c tu a l
p r a c t ic e s o f lo c a l u n io n s d e a lin g d i r e c t l y w ith N egroes. There
h a s n o t been any d eterm in ed e f f o r t made by o rg a n iz e d la b o r
to I n v ite Negro la b o r to jo in i t s r a n k s . F a c ts seem to i n d i
c a te t h a t Negro la b o r e r s would r e a d i ly jo in in th e ra n k s of
o rg a n iz e d la b o r i f s y s te m a tic e f f o r t s a r e made to o rg an iz e
them, and i f th e y a r e f a i r l y d e a lt! w ith by th e u n io n s . They
a r e only resp o n d in g in a b o u t the same way as any o th e r la b o r
would t h a t has b een f o r so long a tim e n e g le c te d by th e la b o r
movement•
Negroes were u se d so f r e q u e n tly by em ployers to b reak
s t r i k e s u n t i l w h ite o rg a n iz e d la b o r viewed the Negro as a
’’scab r a c e ” and an enemy to the la b o r movement. W e m ust f i r s t
examine v e ry c l o s e ly the f a c t s p e r ta in in g to th e Negro in th e
r o le o f s t r i k e b re a k e r. Then by w eighing th e argum ents of
Negro le a d e r s who look upon s t r i k e b re a k in g a s a le g i t i m a t e
and e f f e c t i v e means of Negro advancement and th o s e who ta k e
th e o p p o s ite view we may succeed in d is c o v e rin g th e tru e
p o s i t i o n t h a t th e Negro sh o u ld ta k e i n such a d e l i c a t e and
a g g ra v a tin g problem . L et us f i r s t examine th e f a c t s .
Negroes were used as s t r i k e b re a k e rs in th e sto c k y a rd s
57
s t r i k e of 1904, in the s t e e l s t r i k e of 1919, an d in th e r a i l
ro ad s t r i k e of 1922.^ In th e 1919 s t e e l s t r i k e some 30 to 40
th o u san d Negroes were p ick ed up and sh ip p e d to th e m il ls a s
s t r i k e b r e a k e r s . Most of them came from th e South and were
e n t i r e l y ig n o r a n t o f th e f a c t t h a t th e y w ere b e in g U3ed as
s t r i k e b r e a k e r s . They had been o f f e r e d p o s i t i o n s in th e North
and a c c e p te d them in good f a i t h , t o t a l l y unaware o f th e con
d i t i o n s in to w hich th e y w ere coming. To th o s e Negroes who
were aware of c o n d itio n s , the inducement of h ig h e r wages and
b e t t e r c o n d itio n s th a n th e y were accustom ed to were more i n
f l u e n t i a l argum ents than th e im m o ra lity of o b s tr u c tin g the
r i s e o f th e la b o rin g c l a s s . S econdly, many of th e Negroes
were aware of th e tre a tm e n t accorded them by th e la b o r u n io n s .
They f e l t t h a t th e u n io n s have f o r many y e a rs d e l i b e r a t e l y
and p e r s i s t e n t l y re fu s e d to adm it Negro workmen, ao t h a t they
f e l t no o b lig a tio n to defend th e demands of u n io n la b o r.
T h ird ly , many of the g r e a t e s t advances made by Negroes in
in d u s tr y - many of the f i r s t o p p o r tu n itie s a re due to s t r i k e
b re a k in g . F u rth e r f a c t s a re th a t Negroes a f t e r b e in g used
as s t r i k e b re a k e rs in th e sto c k y a rd s t r i k e of 1904 have been
employed th e re e v e r s in c e . Mr. Spero adds an o th e r i n t e r e s t i n g
f a c t when he p o in te d o u t t h a t th e Negro alw ays s ta n d s out in
a 'c ro w d b ecause of h is c o lo r . So the p rese n ce o f a dozen
b la c k men in a fo rc e o f s t r i k e b r e a k e rs a p p e ars to th e s t r i k e r s
^-Chicago Commission on Race R e la tio n s , Negro i n C hicago,
p . 430.
58
l i k e a h u n d red . In the te a m s te rs s t r i k e of 1905 i n Chicago o u t
of 5,800 s t r i k e b r e a k e r s , o n ly 800 were Negroes w hile 5000
were s h i t e :
Y et th e Negro was s in g le d out f o r s p e c i a l v io le n c e a n d a b u s e .
The p ap e rs p r in te d e x a g g e ra te d a c c o u n ts of im ported Negroes
ta k in g the p la c e s of w hite men, and arous ed the p u b lic to a
fe v e r p itc h o f r a c i a l f e e l i n g . As a m a tte r of f a c t , the
w h ite s t r i k e b re a k e rs b ro u g h t in to Chicago from o u ts id e d u rin g
t h i s d is p u te outnum bered th e Negro by more th an sev en to o n e .l
In o th e r words the in tr o d u c tio n of a few b la ck s t r i k e b re a k e rs
s t i r a up enough ra c e h a tr e d among th e s t r i k e r s a s i f th e y
a lo n e were c a rr y in g on th e s t r i k e . In s p it e of th e f a c t t h a t
Negroes have b een b o th s t r i k e r s and s t r i k e b r e a k e rs , o rg a n iz e d
la b o r lo o k s upon the ra c e as an i n d iv i d u a l, and as a sc ab .
Negroes a r e more th a n workers,- th e y a re b la c k w o rk e rs. Race
a s w e ll as c la s s is in v o lv e d .
C olored w orkers may be u se d to f u r t h e r the ends o f b oth
a n ti- u n io n em ployers and th e u n io n s . The Negro le a d e r s of
th e a n ti- u n io n group argue c o n v in c in g ly t h a t s t r i k e b re a k in g
i s a method o f g a in in g e n tra n c e in to in d u s tr y and p ro v in g h i s
com petence as an i n d u s t r i a l w o rk e r. They p o in t o u t t h a t i t
i s a way of e d u c a tin g w h ite la b o r up to th e f a c t t h a t t h i s
g r e a t r e s e r v o i r o f b la c k w orkers can n o t be c o n tin u a lly ig n o re d .
Many of them u rg e t h a t the em ployers a re w illi n g to g iv e the
Negroes a chance in in d u s try b u t i t i s th e a t t i t u d e o f th e
w h ite w orkers who re f u s e to work w ith them th a t o b s tr u c t
t h e i r e n tra n c e . They im p lo re the Negro worker to a l i g n him
s e l f w ith the c a p ta in s o f in d u s t r y . P ro f e s s o r K e lly M ille r
3-S. D. S pero, and A. I». H a r r i s , P» 132.
59
of Howard U n iv e r s ity i s t y p i c a l of th ese a n t i- u n i o n Negro
l e a d e r s . He d e c la r e s :
There i s every i n d ic a t io n th a t i t i s th e i n te n tio n of
th e g r e a t in d u s t r i e s to f o s t e r and fa v o u r the Negro workman
to the f u l l e s t e x te n t o f h i s m e rit an d e f f i c i e n c y . For the
Hegro w antonly to f l o u t t h e i r generous advances by jo in in g
th e r e s t l e s s ran k s which t h r e a te n i n d u s t r i a l r u in w ould be
fa tu o u s s u ic id e .
At p r e s e n t the c a p i t a l i s t c la s s p o sse ss th e c u l tu r e and
co n scie n ce which h o ld even th e m a lig n ity of r a c e p a s s io n i n
r e s t r a i n t . There i s n o th in g in th e w h ite w orking c la s s to
which th e Negro can a p p e a l. They a r e the ones who ly n ch and
b u rn and to r t u r e him. He m ust look to th e u p p er elem en ts f o r
law and o rd e r.
But the la b o r e r s outnumber the c a p i t a l i s t s t e n t o one
and u n d er dem ocracy th e y must, in the long run g a in th e e s
s e n t i a l aim s f o r which th ey s t r i v e . . . .How w i l l i t f a r e w ith
th e Negro in t h a t day, i f he now a lig n s h im s e lf w ith c a p ita l
and r e f u s e s to h e lp win th e common b a t t l e ?
S u f f i c i e n t u n to th e day i s the i n d u s t r i a l wisdom th e re o f!
The Negro would r a t h e r th in k of th e i l l s he has th a n f l y to
th o se he knows n o t o f. He has a quick i n s t i n c t f o r ex p ed ien cy .
Now he must e x e rc is e th e courage o f d e c is io n . W hatever good
o r e v i l th e f u t u r e may h o ld in s to r e f o r him, to d a y 's wisdom
h e e d le s s o f l o g i c a l c o n s is te n c y demands th a t he sta n d
sh o u ld e r to sh o u ld e r w ith th e c a p ta in s of i n d u s t r y . l
Those Negro le a d e r s t h a t urge th e b la c k w orkers to cease
to become whips in the hands of em ployers f o r w h ite la b o r ,
d e c la r e t h a t th e g a in s the Negro h as made in American in d u s
t r y from s t r i k e b re a k in g h as been m eagre. When the s t r i k e
i s over th e Negroes a r e l e t out a s th e o ld w orkers r e tu r n .
P erhaps th e p o s it io n o f t h i s group o f le a d e r s i s b e s t ex
p re s s e d in the fo llo w in g open l e t t e r a d d re s s e d ”to th e American
F e d e r a tio n of Labor and o th e r groups of o rg a n iz e d la b o r by
th e N a tio n a l A s s o c ia tio n f o r th e advancement of C olored P eople:
^-Kelly M ille r , ”The Negro a s a Workingman”, American
M ercury, November 1925, p . 315.
60
F o r many y e a rs th e American Negro h as b e e n demanding
a d m itta n c e to th e ra n k s of u n io n la b o r .
For many y e a rs your o r g a n iz a tio n s have made p u b lic p ro
f e s s i o n of your i n t e r e s t in Negro la b o r , of your d e s i r e to have
i t u n io n iz e d , and of your h a tr e d of th e b la ck ’’s c a b .”
N o tw ith sta n d in g t h i s a p p a re n t s u r f a c e ag reem en t, Negro
la b o r in th e main i s o u ts id e th e ran k s o f o rg a n iz e d la b o r , and
th e r e a s o n i s , f i r s t , th a t w hite u n io n la b o r does not want
b la c k la b o r , and se c o n d ly , b la c k la b o r has ceased to beg
a d m issio n to u n io n ran k s b ec au se o f i t s in c re a s in g v alu e and
e f f i c i e n c y o u ts id e the u n io n s .
W e fa c e a c r i s i s in i n t e r - r a c i a l la b o r c o n d itio n s ; th e con
tin u e d and d eterm in ed ra c e p r e ju d ic e o f w h ite la b o r, to g e th e r
w ith th e l i m i t a t i o n s of im m ig ratio n , i s g iv in g b la ck la b o r
trem endous ad v a n tag e . The Negro is e n te r in g th e ran k s of
s e m i- s k ille d and s k i l l e d la b o r and he i s e n te r in g m ainly and
n e c e s s a r i l y a s a " sc a b ” . He broke th e g r e a t s t e e l s t r i k e .
He w i l l soon be in a p o s it io n to b re a k any s t r i k e when he can
g a in economic advantage f o r h im s e lf .
On th e o th e r hand, i n t e l l i g e n t Negroes know f u l l w e ll
t h a t a blow a t o rg an iz ed la b o r , i s a blow a t a l l la b o r , th a t
b la c k la b o r to d ay p r o f i t s by th e b lo o d an d sw eat o f la b o r
le a d e r s in the p a s t who have fo u g h t o p p re s s io n and monopoly
by o r g a n iz a tio n . I f th e r e i s b u i l t up in America a g r e a t
b la c k b lo c of n o n -u n io n la b o r e r s who have a r i g h t to h a te th e
u n io n s , a l l l a b o r e r s , b la c k and w h ite , e v e n tu a lly must s u f f e r .
61
I s i t not time th e n t h a t b la c k and w h ite la b o r g e t t o
g e th e r? I s i t n o t tim e f o r w h ite u n io n s to sto p b l u f f i n g and
f o r b la c k la b o r e r s to s to p c u t tin g o ff t h e i r noses to s p it e
t h e i r f a c e s ?
A c lo s e ex a m in a tio n of th e f a c t s u n d o u b te d ly le a d s to th e
c o n c lu s io n t h a t the Negro has more to lo se th a n to g a in by
s t r i k e b re a k in g . The i n t e r e s t s of b la c k w o rk ers are. th e same
a s th o se o f w h ite w o rk ers; th e y have many o b je c tiv e s in common.
I t i s f a r b e t t e r f o r th e Negro to make a slo w e r advance in
i n d u s t r i a l p u rsu it® th a n t o i n t e n s i f y r a c i a l an im o sity by
s t r i k e b re a k in g . The c o n c re te g a in s from s t r i k e b re a k in g
a r e b u t s l i g h t , and a r e by f a r o u tb a la n c e d by th e lo s s e s due
to in c re a s e d s o c i a l d is ta n c e betw een w h ite an d b la c k w o rk e rs.
The Negro h as s e c u re d a s u b s t a n t i a l f o o tin g in most of
th e le a d in g i n d u s t r i e s . T his f a c t coupled w ith in c re a s in g
l i m i t a t i o n of im m ig ratio n re n d e rs i t u n n e c e ss a ry f o r him to
scab any lo n g e r to g e t i n d u s t r i a l jo b s . He must a l i g n h im se lf
w ith la b o r . White and b la c k w orkers must come f u l l y to r e
cog n ize t h e i r community o f i n t e r e s t s and r e f u s e lo n g e r to
allo w th em selv es to be p i t t e d a g a in s t each o th e r by an em ployer
who w ants to ta k e advantage o f b o th .
I t i s o f te n charged b y w h ite w orkers t h a t Negro w orkers
a r e u n in te r e s te d i n , and r e f u s e to jo in la b o r o r g a n iz a tio n s .
I t i s t r u e t h a t many Negroes re g a rd la b o r un io n s w ith s u s p ic io n ,
b u t t h i s i s due p a r t l y to b i t t e r e x p e rie n c e in th e p a s t w ith
^Charles H. Wesley, op.cit., p. 276.
62
such o r g a n iz a tio n s and p a r t l y to t h e i r ign o ran ce o f th e b e n e f i t s
which m ight be d e riv e d from c o o p e ra tio n . The N egro’s b i t t e r
e x p e rie n c e s a t in d iv id u a l b a rg a in in g w i l l le a d him to unionism
and c l a s s c o n s c io u sn e ss. In o rd e r to p re v e n t p ro g re s s iv e de-
t e r e o r a t i o n i n th e s ta n d a rd s of employment and to improve h i s
economic s t a t u s , th e Negro w i l l form more an d more in dependent
u n io n s i f w h ite u n io n s rem ain c lo s e d to him. E v e n tu a lly s tro n g
Negro l e a d e r s , c l a s s c o n sc io u s, may e d u c ate o rg an ized w h ite
la b o r to th e need o f c o n c e rt of a c t i o n . The Negro more th a n
any o th e r g ro u p , b ecau se o f h is w eakness a s a b a r g a in e r , needs
o r g a n iz a tio n .
63
CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSION
To every race of people the problem of earning a l i v i n g i s
a d i f f i c u l t one. I f white workers f i n d th e s tru g g le hard, how
much more d i f f i c u l t must the a d d itio n a l handicap of color make
i t . The v i t a l experience of a m il lio n blacks in in d u stry i s
n o t a p u rely Negro problem. I t is a problem of n a tio n a l im
p o rtan c e ; of deep concern to employers, a s w ell as to the Negro
h im s e lf.
P ro fe ss o r Charles Johnson has ta k en the p re s e n t d i s t r i b u
ti o n of a l l the workers in terms of work u n i t s in each of the
main i n d u s t r i a l d i v i s i o n s , and compared them w ith the a c t u a l
d i s t r i b u t i o n of Negroes. He was, th e re fo r e , ablC- to determ ine
g r a p h ic a lly the Negro’s r e l a t i o n to in d u s try . He concluded
th a t were Negroes ’’norm ally" d is t r ib u t e d , th e y would have
tw ice t h e i r p re se n t number of w orkers in the mining and manu
f a c t u r in g i n d u s t r i e s . The problem fa c in g Negro la b o r th e n is
how s h a l l he m a in ta in h is p resen t g a i n s , and measure so f u l l y
up to i n d u s t r i a l sta n d ard s a s to become "norm ally" d is tr ib u te d ?
The s o l u t i o n to t h i s problem rev o lv es around th r e e a c t i v i t i e s ;
namely: the e sta b lish m e n t of a new p la n t p o lic y by i n d u s t r i a l
concerns, i n d u s t r i a l education f o r th e Negro, and la b o r co
o p e ra tio n and o rg a n iz a tio n .
I f Negro workers a r e to be ad eq u ately re p r e s e n te d in i n
d u s try , they must become adapted to t h e i r i n d u s t r i a l environment
and t h e i r i n d u s t r i a l environment to them. In ad ap tin g th e
i n d u s t r i a l environment to them i t is e s s e n ti a l t h a t a new p la n t
64
p o lic y be e s ta b lis h e d designed t o secure th e b e s t adjustm ent
of i t s co lo red w orkers. In d u stry , in the p a s t, has h ire d
Negro workers w ith o u t c a re fu l s e le c tio n . N a tu ra lly , a:; g re a t
many s h i f t l e s s , u n s ta b le , and g e n e r a lly w o rth less workers
found t h e i r way in to in d u s try . U n fo rtu n a te ly , the o p in io n con
cern in g th e s e i n e f f i c i e n t workers was extended to in clu d e th e
e n t i r e Negro p o p u la tio n .
The f i r s t s te p in e s ta b lis h in g a new p la n t p o lic y toward
Negroes, in keeping w ith modern personnel development, is to
s e l e c t Negro w orkers c a r e f u l l y and give them proper t r a i n i n g .
C a re less h ir in g has meant enormous waste to in d u s try , and a
d e v a s ta tin g r e p u ta tio n to the Negro. Care should be e x e rc is e d
to determ ine w hether th e a p p lic a n ts a r e f i t t e d fo r th e a v a i l
ab le p o s itio n s ; r e l i a b i l i t y , c a re fu ln e s s , p h y sical and moral
q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , s k i l l , and am bition, a re among the f a c t s to
be a s c e r ta in e d . A s c i e n t i f i c and humanly sym pathetic pro
cedure in the s e l e c t i o n of Negro workers would do much to
e lim in a te the c o s tly tu rn o v e r and f r i c t i o n of modern in d u stry
as w e ll as e lim in a te such v a r ie d opinions among employers as
to the N egro's i n d u s t r i a l c a p a c ity .
Such a process of s e l e c t i o n presupposes t h a t companies
adopt the p o lic y of t r e a t i n g men w ith re g ard to t h e i r w orth,
r a t h e r th a n w ith re g a rd to the in c id e n ta l fa c to rs of ra c e .
I t c a l l s f o r i n d u s t r i a l concerns fre e in g them selves from
o f f i c i a l p r e ju d ic e . Negro workers should be made to measure
up to the p r e v a ilin g sta n d a rd s, b u t not d is c rim in a te d a g a in s t
when th e y a r e found capable. Here a change of a t t i t u d e In
many i n d u s t r ie s w ill be necessary . This change in a t t i t u d e
65
may "be brought about by c iv ic o r g a n iz a tio n s , of both ra c e s ,
e n te rin g upon in te n s iv e campaigns to in c re ase th e number of
concerns t h a t place themselves on re c o rd a s o f fe rin g a f a i r
o p p o rtu n ity , on w orth, to any a p p lic a n t who meets w ith the
req u irem e n ts. The proper economic and s o c ia l p re ssu re brought
to b e a r upon concerns w ith unfavourable p o l i c i e s , by th ese
c iv ic o r g a n iz a tio n s , can prove very e f f e c t i v e . The Urban
League, a Negro i n d u s t r i a l o rg a n iz a tio n , is a t p re s e n t doing
a noble work along such l i n e s . I t s r e g u la r i n d u s t r i a l s e rv ic e
is along the follow ing l i n e s .
1. G athering data on employment co n d itio n s from the country
a t la rg e to advise Negroes where and under what co n d itio n s work
is a v a i l a b l e .
2. R eleasing to the Public a u th e n tic a te d f a c t s and f ig u r e s
on the employment problems of Negroes.
3. Securing jobs fo r colored workers; emphasizing th e
n e c e s s ity f o r b e t t e r ty p e s of work th a n those commonly open
to them, in order th a t the growing number of tr a in e d young
people may f in d employment commensurate with t h e i r c a p a c ity .
4. In te rv ie w in g le a d e rs of business and labor union
o f f i c i a l s in order to secure b e t t e r o c c u p atio n al a d v a n ta g e s.
5. C ooperating w ith w elfa re o rg a n iz a tio n s and p u b lic
o f f i c i a l s to provide fo r the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Negro w orkers
in programs agreed upon f o r a l l workers.
6. Advising Negro workers to improve the q u a lity of
se rv ic e ren d ered by them.
7. A s s is tin g in the movement to promote a c c e p te d v o c a tio n a l
66
guidance standards where th ey can be made a v a ila b le to Negro
youths
I t w i l l be seen th a t t h i s program i s v ery com prehensive.
There i s a supreme need of more c iv ic o rg a n iz a tio n s , both
b la ck and w h ite , ta c k lin g the problem from w ith o u t, alth o u g h
no t n e c e s s a r ily so com prehensively.
Much can be done to change th e a t t i t u d e of concerns r e
garding d is c rim in a tio n in s e l e c t i o n of employees from w ith in
in d u s try . Personnel a d m in is tra to rs should in clu d e in t h e i r
e d u c a tio n a l programs the ed u c a tio n of th e o f f i c i a l s to r e
co n sid er t h e i r e s ta b lis h e d p r a c t ic e s , and improvement of t h e i r
a t t i t u d e toward a l l la b o r. The personnel a d m in is tra to r does
not him self have power to i n s t a l l changes, b u t he can stim u la te
improvements. Moreover, a few broad and th o u g h tfu lly minded
i n d u s t r i a l le ad ers may, through t h e i r tra d e a s s o c ia tio n s and
a r t i c l e s in i n d u s t r i a l m agazines, s tim u la te th in k in g w ith
re g a rd to the treatm en t of d i f f e r e n t r a c e s . The v a l i d i t y
of the d is c rim in a tio n s would a t l e a s t be s e t f o r t h and open
f o r exam ination, in s u b s t i t u t i o n of g e n e r a liz a ti o n s , assump
tio n s , and t r a d i t i o n s . I t may be p o in te d out th a t e n lig h te n ed
le a d e rs h ip is being assumed. This i s tr u e , bu t management
i s becoming en lig h te n ed alo n g the l i n e s of la b o r r e l a t i o n s ,
so the Negro may hope th a t they w ill a ls o in c lu d e h i s s i t u a t i o n
in t h e i r i n t e l l i g e n t and e n lig h te n ed th in k in g . Economists
and s o c io lo g is ts who a r e a c q u ain te d w ith the a r t o f r i g h t
^N ational Urban League, Unemployment Among N egroes, p. 8.
67
l i v i n g , and u n d erstan d the g e n e ra l m o tivating i n t e r e s t s of
human l i f e may in flu e n c e the values of e n lig h te n e d i n d u s t r i a l
le a d e r s .
A fte r c a r e f u l and un b iased s e l e c t i o n , i t i s a b s o lu te ly
e s s e n t i a l t h a t the Negro worker be tr a in e d by management in
i n d u s t r i a l ways. He must be provided w ith a p p re n tic e s h ip ,
ever remembering th a t he comes from an a g r i c u l t u r a l r a t h e r
than i n d u s t r i a l background. He must be ta u g h t the new ways
the p a r t i c u l a r concern has developed f o r handling a to o l,
b u ild in g a machine, perform ing an i n d u s t r i a l p ro c e s s , or ro u tin g
work through the p l a n t . I t i s im portant in tr a in i n g th e Negro
t h a t he u n d erstan d c l e a r l y the c h a ra c te r and d u tie s of the job.
Many employers claim t h a t the Negro is slo w -w itte d . Other
employers f in d him responsive enough when su p p lie d w ith the
proper i n s t r u c t i o n s . The Negro worker anxious to give th e
appearance of u n d erstan d in g what i s demanded of him o fte n asks
no q u e s tio n s . L a te r r e s u l t s o f te n in d ic a te th a t he understood
l i t t l e of what was d e s ire d of him. This d e s ire to p le ase by
not ask in g too many q u e stio n s may be accounted fo r by the f a c t
th a t a job to the Negro is v i t a l and im portant, as every con
cern w ill not give him a t r i a l .
An im portant iss u e to be in c o rp o ra te d in the e sta b lish m e n t
of a new p la n t p o lic y is the e lim in a tio n of se g re g a tio n between
w hite and b la ck w orkers. P u ttin g Negroes in s p e c ia l s e c tio n s
by themselves is extrem ely expensive to in d u s try . Many i n
d u s tr ie s w ill not h i r e Negroes because i t is too expensive to
subdivide t h e i r f a c t o r y and they f e e l th a t se g re g a tio n is
e s s e n t i a l .
68
The problem as to w hether or not Negroes and w h ites should
be se g re g ate d has been f re q u e n tly d isc u sse d . To the Negro
s e g re g a tio n in in d u s try i s a m a tte r in v o lv in g h e a lth , i n f e r i o r
working c o n d itio n s, p rid e or ra c e consciousness, economic d i s
c rim in a tio n or lower wage s c a l e s , and a b a r to in d iv id u a l ex
pansion.
S eg reg atio n as a permanent p o lic y in in d u s try is o b je c tio n
a b le . I t i s u s u a lly promulgated on the theory of i n f e r i o r i t y .
White workers b u ild up a s u p e r io r ity complex t h a t produced
f r i c t i o n a t the s li g h te s t provocation. Mixing the b la ck and
white workers would give the w hite workers a chance to u n d er
stand h i s black fello w worker b e t t e r and th e re b y s t r i p h im self
o f p r e ju d ic e s . C ontact always stim u la te s u n d e rsta n d in g .
Negro workers do not o b je c t to s e g re g a tio n s o le ly on the
grounds o f the d e s ire fo r s o c ia l e q u a lit y , as th e term i s
commonly in t e r p r e t e d . To th e se b lack w orkers, i t i s a more
p r a c t i c a l problem; one of i n f e r i o r working c o n d itio n s and lower
wages t h a t a re fo rced upon them when se g re g a te d .
The advantages to employers of not se p a ra tin g t h e i r workers
a re : f i r s t , i t e lim in a te s the added expense of su b d iv id in g
the f a c t o r y . Secondly, a h ig h e r degree of e f f ic ie n c y i s r e
ceiv ed from Negro workers when not se g re g a te d . This i s tru e
because when they are not se g re g a te d th e y u s u a lly re c e iv e th e
same pay, and work under the same c o n d itio n s as w hite w orkers.
Higher wages and b e t t e r working co n d itio n s s tim u la te e f f ic ie n c y .
Many employers t e s t i f y to t h i s f a c t . T h ird ly , i t ren d ers
Negro workers le s s s u s c e p tib le to ra d ic a lis m , and in the l a s t
69
a n a ly s is the s e c u r ity of th e whole i n d u s t r i a l system r e s t s upon
th e contentm ent of the w orkers. The r e a c tio n of c o lo re d workers
to th e u n ju s t co n d itio n s of th e p re s e n t economic system ex
p re sse s i t s e l f , not in s t r i k e s , b u t in r a d i c a l philosophy. The
Negro worker is fundam entally co n se rv a tiv e , the e lim in a tio n of
s e g re g a tio n in in d u s try w i l l do much to keep him so.
F in a ll y , the estab lish m en t of a new p la n t p o lic y must ta k e
ca re of i n s t r u c t i n g foremen how to handle Negro w orkers, and
of th e proper r a c i a l a t t i t u d e they a r e to fo llo w in accordance
w ith th e company’s p o lic y . This is Im portant because i t is
u s u a lly the ’ ’straw b o ss", s e c tio n c h i e f s , foremen, and gang
le a d e r s , t h a t e x e rc is e d i r e c t a u t h o r it y and c o n tro l over the
workers. Many of them p r a c t ic e race e x c lu s io n w ith no v a l id
b a s is . For th i3 reason in one p la n t th e r e may be many d i f f e r e n t
a t t i t u d e s toward Negroes. In one departm ent Negroes may be
excluded e n t i r e l y , in o th e rs he may do h ig h grade work, and
s t i l l in another departm ent he may only c le a n up a f t e r the
o th e r s . A firm ly in s t r u c t e d foreman may le a d to a d i f f e r e n t
opinion of colored w o rk e rs.
Foremen occupy the low est rung in i n d u s t r i a l le a d e rsh ip
and a re o fte n in e x p erien ced in e x e rc is in g a u t h o r it y . They are
sometimes in c lin e d to be dom ineering, i r r i t a b l e and a b u s iv e .
Undoubtedly th e re a re foremen who a re f a i r , p ro g re ssiv e and
simply n a t u r a l le a d e rs b u t not in the average. Many foremen
b e lie v e th a t the Negro must be d riv en and abused in order to
g e t th e most out of him. Such foremen must be in s t r u c t e d on
Negro temperament and tau g h t how to handle him. I t has been
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found th a t foremen a r e so o fte n the source of f r i c t i o n and
la b o r tu rn o v e r, u n t i l ed u c atin g and i n s t r u c tin g him has been
w idely adopted.
The f i e l d of u n s k i l l e d la b o r is g r a d u a lly narrow ing. Our
i n d u s t r i a l system i s c o n s ta n tly demanding more e f f ic ie n c y from
la b o r on account of th e speeding up of p ro d u ctio n and the
h ig h ly s p e c ia liz e d d iv i s i o n of la b o r. There i s , th e r e f o r e ,
supreme need among Negroes f o r i n d u s t r i a l e d u c atio n . By i n
d u s t r i a l education is meant the v a r i e t i e s of ed u c a tio n and
t r a i n i n g of a te c h n ic a l n a tu re , t h a t attem pt to f i t the i n d i
v id u a l f o r a l i f e of u s e fu l s e rv ic e in th e i n d u s t r i e s and
tr a d e s . For th e average Negro, knowledge must be ex p ressed in
terms of r e l a t i o n to l i f e in in d u s try , b u sin e ss and commerce,
as w e ll as to the so c ia l and p o l i t i c a l o rg a n iz a tio n . The
advoeacy of in c re a s in g i n d u s t r i a l ed u c a tio n is b ased upon two
w e ll-d e fin e d c o n v ic tio n s; namely, (1) th a t th e p re s e n t system
of p u b lic education i s inadequate to meet the needs of th e
average Negro who must e n t e r in d u s try a t an e a r l y age, and
(2) th a t the p re se n t m inute s p e c ia liz a tio n of tr a in i n g in
in d u s try i s n o t s u f f i c i e n t l y comprehensive to g iv e to i n d i v i
d u al colored workers a w ell-rounded p re p a ra tio n f o r any c a l l i n g
in th e f a c to r y , m e rc a n tile e sta b lish m e n t, or la rg e in d u s try .
Negro workers cannot become s k i l l e d by means of a p p r e n tic e
ship because w hite la b o r unions w ill not a p p re n tic e them.
In many in d u s t r ie s employers p r e s c rib e s p e c i f i e d p erio d s of
a p p re n tic e s h ip because of th e in tr a c a c ie s o f th e work. More
over, because of advancing technique many in d u s t r ie s re q u ire
t h a t th e e n tra n t have i n s t r u c t i o n of a kind which cannot be
71
furnished, in the p la n t, sin c e the knowledge re q u ire d can only
be g ain ed by fo rm al i n s t r u c t i o n . So Negro youth must tu rn in
g r e a t numbers to i n d u s t r i a l and te c h n ic a l sc h o o ls.
The p o in t to be made is t h a t i f th e s t a t u s of th e Negro
i n American in d u s try i s to be improved, the Negro must reshape
h is own a t t i t u d e s a t the same time the w hite world reshapes
i t s a t t i t u d e toward him. He cannot a f f o r d to s i t id ly by
bemoaning his f a t e w hile o th e r workers a r e b rin g in g i n d u s t r i a l
s k i l l in to the occu p atio n s, and l i f t i n g them out of h is reach.
He must p repare him self fo r s k i l l e d work. Negro youths must
e n te r the i n d u s t r i a l and te c h n ic a l s c h o o ls . Then as tr a in e d
men and women they must, in tu r n , go back and leaven the lump.
In o th er words th e re is a supreme need of many Tuskegees and
Hamptons s c a tte r e d throughout th e co u n try to supply t h i s b asic
need to the ra c e . Schools th a t w i l l r e l i e v e th e p r e s s u re ,
and enable the masses to make a p lace in th e i n d u s t r i a l system,
as w ell as earn h ig h e r wages, b e t t e r w orking co n d itio n s and
more r e g u la r employment. Undoubtedly, one of th e f a c t o r s t h a t
has helped the Negro to m a in ta in h is economic p o s itio n as w ell
as he has is the small group of t r a in e d workmen tu rn e d out by
such schools as Hampton and Tuskegee.
The need f o r i n d u s t r i a l e f f ic ie n c y is a l s o ap p aren t from
our exam ination of the Negro’s i n d u s t r i a l e f f ic ie n c y . The
lack of in d u s t r i a l t r a i n i n g is a re sp o n sib le f a c t o r in h is
in e f f ic i e n c y , as w e ll as in h is ex cessiv e tu rn o v e r of lab o r
which c o s ts the r a c e and th e n a tio n enormous sums a n n u a lly .
The Negro must make h im self good a t some k in d of work. He
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must not only keep pace w ith b u t measure up to and above the
p r e v a ilin g la b o r s ta n d a rd s . There is no b e t t e r way f o r the
Negro to make ra p id p ro g re ss in g a in in g th e needed s k i l l and
experience th a n through i n d u s t r i a l tr a in i n g . As f a s t a s in
d u s t r i a l tr a in i n g is assu red th e Negro, lu st so f a s t w ill h is
p o s it io n as an i n d u s t r i a l f a c t o r be assu red . One w r ite r makes
an i n t e r e s t i n g o b se rv a tio n when he p o in ts out th a t ’’the g r e a t
achievement of Booker T. Washington in in c re a sin g the Negro’s
i n d u s t r i a l e f f ic ie n c y has been contemporaneous w ith the s h i f t i n g
of Negro le a d e rs h ip from the p reach er to the educator and b u s i
ness m an.1 1 I t i s q u ite tr u e t h a t the development of i n d u s t r i a l
e f f ic ie n c y n e c c e s s ita te s th e development of th o se q u a l i t i e s
e s s e n t i a l f o r p ro g ress s\ich a s c la s s consciousness, o rg a n iz a tio n ,
le a d e r s h ip , h o n est d e a lin g s, f a i r p la y , and em ulation. Whether
or not Negro la b o re rs in the f u t u r e w ill liv e b arren , h o p eless
liv e s , under th e c a p i t a l i s t i c system., or whether th e y w ill enjoy
a h ig h e r sta n d ard of liv in g w ith economic s e c u r ity w i l l depend,
to a la rg e d egree, upon whether or no t they w ill a v a il them
se lv es of i n d u s t r i a l t r a i n i n g .
The schemes of unemployment in su ran c e w i l l some day be
recognized as econom ically sound, and w i l l be w idely adopted
by a l l the s t a t e s . When th is is done, employers a re going
to be more c a r e f u l of what kind of lab o r they s e l e c t in o rd er
to av o id th e p e n a lty . This means, th e n , th a t i f th e Negro
worker expects to su rv iv e he must be p rep ared . He must b u ild
h i s path to in d u s try on the firm ground of competence. Through
i n d u s t r i a l tr a in in g he can remove th e stigm a of u n r e l i a b i l i t y j
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then every s o c i a l in su ran ce w ill mean h ig h e r sta n d a rd s of
l i v i n g f o r him. Competence is b u i l t upon r e g u la r and e f f i c i e n t
perform ance. Such is th e goal of i n d u s t r i a l ed u c atio n .
The adage th a t in ’’union th e re is s t r e n g t h ” a p p lie s to
the co lo red worker as w ell as to any o th e r c la s s o r group.
Negro la b o r has n o t ta k e n f u l l advantage of t h e s tr e n g th a f
forded by u n io n . Sometimes the n e g le c t was of h is own w i l l .
Most of th e tim e he was w illin g , but o rg an ized la b o r u n w illin g
to accep t him. Unionism i s in d isp en sa b le to th e p r o te c tio n
o f th e w o rk e rs1 i n t e r e s t s a g a in s t the s e l f i s h and u n s o c ia l
a t t i t u d e s of unscrupulous employers. The problem of c o lle c tiv e
b arg a in in g is more a c u te f o r the Negro th an o th e r lab o r because
of the co lo r psychosis t h a t dominates American l i f e . In other
words, th e re is l i k e l y to be w ith in any group of workers an
oversupply of la b o r. This excess i s u s u a lly g r e a t e s t among
those who a r e the w eakest b a rg a in e rs namely, the u n s k ille d
b la ck w orkers.
H is to ry teaches us t h a t labor o rg a n iz a tio n s cannot be
suppressed, and i f su p p ressio n were p o s s ib le , i t would not
be s o c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e . Labor o rg a n iz a tio n s a r e the products
of i n d u s t r i a l co n d itio n s and a re , t h e r e f o r e , in e v ita b le and
n e c essary . The same f o rc e s t h a t are o p eratin g to make la b o r
o rg a n iz a tio n n ecessary w ill e v e n tu ally make th e in c lu s io n of
Negro workers n e c e ssary . Colored workers must not s i t id ly
by and w ait h o p e fu lly f o r th a t day to come. They must s e t
to work to h a ste n i t .
There is a double problem in re sp e c t to o rg a n iz a tio n
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c o n fro n tin g co lo red workers of in d u s try . They must not only
organize in o rd er to remove t h e i r weaknesses as b a r g a in e r s .
They must co n fro n t the la r g e r problem of educating w h ite la b o r
o rg a n iz a tio n s to a c c e p t them. I say l a r g e r problem, f i r s t ,
because e lim in a tio n of t h e i r weaknesses a s b a rg a in e rs depends
upon the co o p era tio n th a t th e y can g e t from white labor o r
g a n iz a tio n s . Secondly, the most se rio u s b a r r i e r co n fro n tin g th e
Negro is th e r e f u s a l of w hite workers to work in mixed groups
w ith him. Many employers have been w illi n g to employ a s k i l l e d
Negro workman, b u t were unable to do so because t h e i r w hite
workers th re a te n e d to q u i t . Since th e re was not a supply of
Negro workers a v a ila b le and p ro p e rly tr a in e d to take t h e i r
p la ces, the Negro was shut out. I f w hite o rg an iz atio n s could
be persuaded to a cce p t the Negro w ith in t h e i r f o ld s , t h i s
p e rn ic io u s system of working only unmixed groups would cease
to e x i s t . T h ird ly , i t i s of primary im portance to convince
w hite la b o re rs t h a t they a r e dependent upon the c o o p e ra tio n of
Negro la b o r i f th e y a re to r e a l i z e th e s o l i d a r i t y of a l l la b o r .
An a n a ly s is of th e tra d e unions shows th a t t h e i r id e a l i s
”to combine in th e one o rg a n iz a tio n a l l th e men employed o r
capable of being employed, a t a g iv en tr a d e ; t o demand and
secure f o r each and a l l of them a d e f i n i t e minimum stan d ard
of wages, h o u rs, and c o n d itio n s of .work." This id e a l can
never be a t t a i n e d as long a s white la b o r leaves a g r e a t re s e rv e
of black la b o r on the market u n n o tic ed and' unsupported.
The need f o r o rg a n iz a tio n on the p a r t of Negro la b o re rs
i s f u r t h e r ev id en t in the f a c t t h a t as an unorganized group
7 5
they do not possess the power to e n fo rc e t h e i r demands when
th ey are not re a d ily conceded. For t h i s re a s o n they must f i l l
th e f i l t h y , dusty, and u n s a n ita r y tobacco f a c t o r i e s ; they must
a ccep t a lower wage s c a le than t h e i r white fe llo w workman.
Moreover, th e Negro*s d i f f i c u l t y in e n te rin g the s k i l l e d trad e s
i s due, in p a r t , to the f a c t th a t th e s k i l l e d tra d e s a re
h ig h ly u n io n iz e d . The in d iv id u a l workman alo n e is in no p o s i
tio n to secure any advancement in wages u n le ss t h e r e i s a
s c a r c i t y of la b o r, or to se c u re any p r o te c tio n from a r b i t r a r y
d is m is s a l, unless the employer happens to be e x c e p tio n a lly
humane. With c a p i t a l and white labor both organized in to g re a t
b o d ie s and in c o n tro l of th e sources of p ro d u ctio n , the c o lo re d
worker becomes an easy prey to e x p l o i t a t i o n .
O rg an izatio n of the Negro workers in in d u s try w ill be a
forw ard ste p tending to remove t h e i r weakness a s a b a r g a in e r .
I t w i l l s u b s t i t u t e ’’com bination f o r i s o l a t i o n , and c o l le c tiv e
b arg a in in g fo r in d iv id u a l b a r g a i n in g .” I t w i l l enable su
p e r io r tr a in e d te c h n ic ia n s to supply s p e c ia l knowledge of
m arket c o n d itio n s and experience to them, and w i l l e f f e c t a
b e t t e r d i s t r i b u t i o n o f w orkers. Moreover, mass a c t i o n on th e
p a r t of c o lo re d workers w ill b u ild a c la ss consciousness th a t
is im perative fo r th e growth of new s o c ia l arrangem ents.
I t is ev id en t th a t th e s e co n d itio n s can never be made a
l i v i n g r e a l i t y except w ith th e c o o p e ra tio n of w hite lab o r
o r g a n iz a tio n s . The i n t e r e s t of th e Negro la b o re r i s common
to those of th e white la b o r e r. My co n ten tio n is t h a t th e
Negro must look f u r t h e r th an independent unionism . He cannot
76
su rv iv e a s an organized u n i t unless he has th e co o p eratio n
of w hite lab o r o rg a n iz a tio n s , even a s w hite la b o r cannot hope
f o r th e s o l i d a r i t y of la b o r w ith o u t t h e Negro.
I f th e Negro i s to educate w h ite la b o r o rg a n iz a tio n s to
a cce p t him, he must fo llo w a w e ll d e fin e d but slow p ro cess,
depending upon a id from d e p re s s io n s , and the growing r a t i o n a l i
z a tio n of men. He must be c a re fu l not to i n te n s if y ra c e h a tre d
by s t r i k e b re ak in g . His le a d e rs must show t h a t the Negro, lik e
w hite w orkers, i s s tr u g g lin g in the m idst of s t r i f e to m ain tain
h im s e lf. In t h i s way he may a id in what b i t t e r n e s s and com
p e t i t i o n w ill e v e n tu a lly r e s u l t in j namely, a new s ta tu s of
c l a s s e s .
In tim es of s t r i k e s fo r h ig h e r wages, employers have been
able to tu r n to th e g re a t r e s e r v o i r of n eg le c te d Negro la b o r,
and have been a b le to use them s u c c e s s fu lly as a whip f o r
white la b o r e r s . The blame fo r thus stren g th en in g the arm of
the c a p i t a l i s t can only be placed a t the door of w hite la b o r
o rg a n iz a tio n s t h a t stu b b o rn ly r e fu s e to t r e a t w ith t h i s group
of t h e i r fe llo w w o rk ers. So, the v e ry fundamental idea behind
la b o r o rg a n iz a tio n , th a t is , the c o n tro l of th e supply of
lab o r in a g iv e n tra d e so as to secure f o r each and a l l of
them a d e f i n i t e minimum sta n d ard of wages, h o u rs, and c o n d itio n s
of work re q u ire the acceptance of Negro w orkers in to the ranks
of organized la b o r.
Negro workers and w h ite workers a r e d i f f e r e n t in many
r e s p e c ts and i t i s unwise to ignore t h i s . I b e lie v e co lo red
workers ought to ta k e p rid e in t h e i r own achievem ents. It?
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w i l l make f o r mutual r e s p e c t. However, th e r e are problems
t h a t a re not the problems of Negroes, not of w h ite s , nor of
th e community b u t o f th e w orld. The i n t e r e s t s of th e i n d u s t r i a l
workers in any p a r t of th e w orld is t i e d up w ith th e i n t e r e s t s
o f i n d u s t r i a l workers in o th e r p a rts of th e w orld. This i n t e r
n a tio n a l i n t e r e s t , however, must begin w ith b r o th e r ly i n t e r e s t
between la b o re rs in our community. U n til t h i s f r a t e r n a l i n t e r e s t
i s reco g n ized between w h ite and c o lo re d la b o re rs liv i n g sid e
by s id e , i t can h ard ly be expected t h a t an in t e r n a t i o n a l com
munity of i n t e r e s t s w i l l be reco g n ized .
The community must become aware of t h i s common i n t e r e s t
of a l l la b o r e r s , because as unions become broad enough to i n
clude more n e a rly a l l workmen of a given tra d e th e re w i l l be
much le s s v io le n c e and fewer s t r i k e s w ith th e ir corresponding
e v i l s . More and more i t is being reco g n ized t h a t a l l workers
of in d u s try , r e g a rd le s s of race or c o lo r, have many o b je c tiv e s
in common; th a t each worker i s s t r iv in g fo r in a lie n a b le r ig h ts
of l i f e , l i b e r t y , p u r s u it of happiness, and complete s e l f ex
p re s s io n . White workers and b la c k workers must soon be made
to r e a l i z e t h a t th ese am bitions can b e s t be r e a l i z e d by o r
g a n iz a tio n of a l l la b o r and c o n c ert of a c tio n . Union le a d e rs
must be awakened to the f a c t th a t they can b e s t conserve the
i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r own p a r t i c u l a r group by t h e .in c l u s io n of
a l l o th e r groups. A ll in d u s try must be made to r e a l i z e th a t
when the wages of le g ro workers are too low to support them
and t h e i r fa m ilie s in h e a lth and e f f ic ie n c y t h a t the whole
n a tio n s u f f e r s . For unions to re fu s e to allow Negro la b o re rs
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to u n ite w ith them in order t o d ea l on terms of e q u a lity w ith
the employers i s to f o r g e t the la r g e r public i n t e r e s t . I t is
poor philosophy, poor economy, and poor c i t i z e n s h i p . I n d u s t r i a l
unions w ill some day stand f o r th e union of a l l labor because
s e l f p r e s e rv a tio n can only be in su red t h a t way; and, because
i t i s the d i c t a t e s o f the laws o f sound economy; and, because
to do otherw ise would be undem ocratic, un-American, and u n e th ic a l.
What then i s the f u tu re outlook of the Negro in American
in d u stry ? The fu tu re success of the Negro in American in d u stry
cannot be e s ta b lis h e d beyond q u estio n . I t , . i s only p o ssib le to
s e t up c e r t a i n f a c t s and draw an a p r i o r i co nclusion.
The passage of the im m igration a c ts o f 1921 and 1924 cu r
t a i l e d the flow of f o re ig n la b o re rs a v a i l a b l e . This r e s t r i c t i o n
o p e ra te s most in th e n o rth and south b o rd ers which stre n g th e n s
the p o s itio n of the Negro as a source of supply fo r u n s k ille d
la b o r. The fu tu re looks e s p e c ia lly b r ig h t f o r the Negro in
th e ir o n and s t e e l i n d u s t r i e s where he forms 90 p er cent of the
working f o rc e . In the foundry, packing, and mining i n d u s t r ie s
th e Negro has ob tain ed a good h o ld . Like the o ld im m igrants,
the Negro gets a fo o th o ld i n c e r t a in in d u s t r i e s and keeps
g a in in g u n t i l he dominates the in d u s try . Of course, the q u e stio n
a r i s e s whether or not the colored workers w ill be ab le to main
t a i n the p o s itio n In th e s e in d u s tr ie s 'th a t they have se cu red .
The t e s t l i e s in h i s a b i l i t y to keep h is job in the face of
co m p etitio n and race s o l i d a r i t y during the periods of d e p res
s io n , such a s we have w itnessed s in c e 1929, when white men are
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seeking work. In the in d u s t r ie s ju s t named my s p e c u la tio n
i s th a t he w i l l have enough r e s is ta n c e to r e t a i n h is g a in s .
F ig u res are not a v a ila b le to give w eight to my o p in io n , but
even i f th e y were a co n clu sio n would be premature as the de
p re s s io n may b rin g many changes b e fo re i t passes away.
The new in d u s t r ie s such a s the automobile and o i l r e f i n i n g
i n d u s t r i e s a re o ffe rin g b r ig h t o p p o rtu n ite s f o r the Negro. These
in d u s t r ie s a r e new and not dominated by the t r a d i t i o n o f race
e x c lu sio n .
We must aw ait the 1930 census f i g u r e s f o r complete in
fo rm atio n concerning the e f f e c t s o f th e d e p re ssio n on the
N egroes’ i n d u s t r i a l s t a t u s . During such a p e rio d when in d u s
t r i e s are c u r t a i l i n g t h e i r la b o r supply, ra c e p r e ju d ic e and
antagonisms have f e r t i l e ground. Many i n d u s t r i a l p la n ts who
took him in times of lab o r sh o rta g e , but who p r e f e r r e d w hite
men, are rele g a.tin g him to the army of the unemployed. Un
doubtedly, the Negro is s u ffe rin g g r e a tly in those i n d u s t r i e s
in which he has not gained a s u b s t a n t i a l and firm fo o th o ld .
There are o th e r reasons b e s id e s color d is c rim in a tio n th a t
make Negroes h a rd er h i t by d e p re ssio n s than w h ite s. The f a c t
t h a t th ey p re se n t a g r e a t mass of m arginal workers namely,
u n s k il le d w orkers, handicaps them; fu rth e rm o re , th ey are h a n d i
capped by lack of experience and t r a i n i n g . Moreover, sim ply
on grounds of s e n i o r i t y of employment they are more fre q u e n tly
fo rc e d out than w hite workers who have been in in d u s try lo n g e r.
T h erefo re , whether the p re se n t i n d u s t r i a l d e p re ssio n w ill
reduce the Negro to an i n d u s t r i a l s t a t u s lower than he has
80
occupied 3ince the Tforld War cannot be d e t e m i n e d on the b a s is
of m a te r ia l now a v a i l a b l e .
W e can say, however, th a t the g r e a t e s t fo rc e opposing
th e f u tu r e w elfare of the Negro in in d u s try i s the o p p o sitio n
of h is fe llo w w hite w orkers. The r e f u s a l of white workers
to work w ith him is d e s t r u c t i v e . I t Is t h i s p e rn ic io u s s i t u a
t i o n th a t keeps the Negro out of the In d u s try t h a t is r i g h t
a t h is door in the south, the t e x t i l e in d u s tr y . ”l t o f f e r s the
curious anomaly of the workers d isa g re e in g among themselves
to the immense advantage of th e em p lo y er.”!
The Negro i s j u s t throwing o ff h is swaddling c lo th e s of
i n d u s t r i a l babyhood. Each y e a r he becomes b e t t e r adapted to
in d u s try , more e f f i c i e n t , and th e r e f o r e , more l i k e l y to hold
h i s job. The r e s t r i c t i o n of im m igration p lu s h i s knowledge
of the American language gives him an advantage over the im
m ig ran t. I t is l i k e l y t h a t in d u stry w i l l co n tin u e to need h is
s e r v ic e s . He has tak en h is f i r s t step ac ro s s the th re sh o ld of
American in d u s try . He w ill g e t beyond the th re s h o ld i f he can
overcome the d e p re s sio n , lab o r union h o s t i l i t i e s , and i n e f
f ic ie n c y . His ste p s must be 3low and c a r e f u l , bu t ever 3 te a d ily
ahead. Perhaps our e d u c a tio n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s w i l l develop some
economists and i n d u s t r i a l s o c io lo g is ts who, out of love fo r
humanity, t r u t h and j u s t i c e , w i l l come to the a id of Negro
w orkers, by showing a l l workers ways and means of becoming
more u s e fu l to them selves, and of l iv i n g the h a p p ie r and w o rth ie r
l i f e .
•^Charles S. Johnson, op.cit., p. 393.
81
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r

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Creator Eason, Newell Dwight (author)

Core Title The Negro in American industry

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Economics

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American studies,Black studies,economics, labor,OAI-PMH Harvest

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Advisor Leonard, Joy L. (committee chair), Marston, Oliver James (committee member), Vincent, Phillip E. (committee member)

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