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Exploring the academic success of black male former student-athletes and their experiences with academic support upon re-entry to college
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Running head: EXPERIENCES OF BLACK MALE FORMER STUDENT-ATHLETES 1
Exploring the Academic Success of Black Male Former Student-Athletes and Their Experiences
with Academic Support Upon Re-entry to College
By
Cory M. Buckner
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHREN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirement for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
December 2017
Copyright 2017 Cory Buckner
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 2
Dedication
I dedicate my dissertation to William and Jessica Buckner and Barbara Ashe. Without
you all I would not have been blessed with extraordinary parents who have supported,
encouraged, advocated, and believed in me before I fully understood my potential. This would
not be possible without you.
Completing this journey was not done in isolation. This is for everyone who paved that
way, sacrificed for me, believed in me, inspired me, and touched my life in a special way.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 3
Acknowledgments
Throughout my doctoral journey I have been blessed with the support, guidance, and love
of many, but none can compare to what my family provided. My parents are my best friends, my
world, and role models who have always been my biggest supporters. At each step of the
doctoral journey they were in my corner encouraging and reminding me that I was prepared for
the rigors that came with becoming Dr. Buckner. My brother (Jason) and sister (Alex) were
equally as supportive providing a sounding board when I needed it and always giving me the
boost I needed when I felt like giving up. My other sister (Lauren) and my nephews (Isaiah &
Mathew) also reminded me how proud they were of me which served as great motivation to keep
going. It was important for me to be a positive example for my nephews, but to them I am just
Dr. Uncle Co-Co. I would also like to thank Dr. J. Kamala Buckner and Lorin K. Buckner for
their unwavering support and confidence in me. Drs. Melvin and Marcy Johnson, my second
parents, inspired me and planted the seed. They both consistently pushed and reminded me that I
was not done with my educational pursuits. Thank you for not letting me settle and setting the
bar high. You consistently reminded me that no one rises to a low expectation. My cousins
Roschaun, Monet, and Deandra always kept me motivated, encouraged, and made me laugh
when I needed it most. My closest friends are like the air I breathe. David, Jason, Jylana,
Ladonna, JP, Martine, Susie Q, Howard, Marisa, and Heather. Thank you for being such an
integral part of my journey. To Dr. Catherine Real, thank you for being such a great friend,
confidant, supporter, and an equity warrior. Our paths were meant to cross and I am forever
grateful for our bond. A special thank you to Dr. Alex Garfio. We started the journey together,
constantly pushed one another to be great, and held each other accountable. I will always have
fond memories of the writing group of two that we created. We accomplished this together. You
are like a brother to me and I am forever grateful for our bond.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 4
Mr. Marvin Mitchell, Dr. Johnnie Smith, Dr. Magdi El Shahawy, and Dr. Denise Kwok, I
am thankful for the opportunity you all have given me to be an integral part of your academic
support programs across the country. More importantly, I am thankful for your mentorship,
guidance, and encouragement to pursue this goal of mine so that I could become a better servant
leader and advocate for the student-athletes/future leaders we serve on a daily basis.
I would like to express gratitude to my research chair, Dr. Patricia Tobey. From the
moment I began the dissertation process she consistently guided, challenged, and supported me.
Your belief in me was felt the entire way. When she first told me I should think about publishing
my research I thought she was just being kind, but I soon realized you believed in me and the
vision I had for my research. Dr. Tobey truly lit a flame inside of me and cultivated a passion for
research.
Dr. Briana Hinga and Dr. Martin Jauregui, thank you for graciously serving on my
dissertation committee. You both added insight, expertise, perspective and encouragement.
The USC Rossier School of Education professors, particularly Dr. Michael Escalante, Dr.
Sylvia Rousseau, and Dr. Nooshin Valizadeh. Thank you for sharing your expertise with me in
the areas of equity, access, education, and leadership.
To my SAAS work family, I thank you for your support, understanding, and constant
encouragement.
Lastly, Dr. Shaun Harper, my mentor, fraternity brother, closest friend, biggest supporter,
and role model. Words cannot describe how thankful I am for your guidance and mentorship
dating back to our time at Indiana University. When we first met Dr. Harper saw something in
me that I did not yet see. He pushed me to explore my own identity, ask questions, dig beneath
the surface, be a critical consumer of information, and challenge the status quo. Dr. Harper also
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 5
provided me with an opportunity to vicariously learn by watching you excel as a PhD student at
Indiana University and throughout your illustrious career. This has proven to be invaluable to
me as a scholar practitioner. I remember when I completed my masters and I thanked you for all
of your help. You simply told me “Don’t thank me, just help someone else”. That stuck with me
ever since and I want to let you know that one of the biggest reasons I decided to pursue the
doctorate was so that I could do just that, help and inspire many more people. Thank you from
the bottom of my heart.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 6
Dedication ................................................................................................................................................................ 2
Acknowledgments ................................................................................................................................................ 3
Abstract ..................................................................................................................................................................... 9
CHAPTER 1: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY .................................................................................................. 11
Black Males and Access to Higher Education ........................................................................................................ 12
Background of the Problem .......................................................................................................................................... 13
Revenue-generating sports. ..................................................................................................................................... 14
African American males and revenue-generating sports. ........................................................................... 14
Graduation rates. .......................................................................................................................................................... 15
Rationale for low college graduation rates among black male student- athletes. ............................ 16
Statement of the Problem .............................................................................................................................................. 17
Purpose of the Study ....................................................................................................................................................... 17
Significance of the Study ................................................................................................................................................ 18
Definition of Terms .......................................................................................................................................................... 19
Organization of the Study .............................................................................................................................................. 21
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................................................... 22
Barriers to Graduation.................................................................................................................................................... 23
Cognitive variables impacting persistence in higher education. .............................................................. 23
Non-cognitive variables impacting persistence in higher education. .................................................... 26
Athletic identity and the persistence of black male student-athletes. ................................................... 26
Identity foreclosure in black male student-athletes. .................................................................................... 28
Deficit cognitive framework, social engagement, and faculty interactions. ........................................ 29
Stereotype threat. ........................................................................................................................................................ 31
Academic motivation. ................................................................................................................................................. 32
High Achieving Black Male Student-Athletes ........................................................................................................ 34
Accountability Structures & Governance ................................................................................................................ 36
Academic reform of intercollegiate athletics. .................................................................................................. 37
The Knight Commission’s impact on NCAA academic reform. .................................................................. 38
Low Graduation Rates and Passing of Student Right-To-Know Act ............................................................ 39
Accountability Measures ............................................................................................................................................... 40
Academic Progress Rate (APR). ............................................................................................................................. 40
Federal Graduation Rate and Graduation Success Rate (FGR and GSR). .............................................. 41
Historical Lens on Academic Services for Student-Athletes ........................................................................... 42
Current academic support services. ..................................................................................................................... 43
The enactment of proposition 48 and its impact on academic support. ............................................... 44
Supporting At-Risk Student-Athletes ....................................................................................................................... 46
At-Risk Student- Athletes and Learning Disabilities .......................................................................................... 47
Supporting Student-Athletes through the NCAA Degree Completion Program ..................................... 48
Non-Traditional College Students .............................................................................................................................. 49
Reasons for Stopping-Out ............................................................................................................................................. 49
Economic impact of degree attainment. ............................................................................................................. 50
Support Services for Black Nontraditional and Re-entry Students ............................................................. 51
Black Male Former Student-Athletes as Re-entry Students ............................................................................ 52
Parallels Between Black Male Re-entry Students and Black Male Former Student-Athlete as
Returning Nontraditional Students ........................................................................................................................... 53
Self-Authorship. ............................................................................................................................................................ 54
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 7
Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................................................. 54
Transition Theory ............................................................................................................................................................. 55
Approaching Transition. ........................................................................................................................................... 55
Taking stock of coping resources. ......................................................................................................................... 56
Taking Charge. ............................................................................................................................................................... 56
Summary .............................................................................................................................................................................. 57
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLGY........................................................................................................................... 60
Design Summary & Research Questions ................................................................................................................. 60
Research Questions .......................................................................................................................................................... 60
Why Qualitative Methods? ............................................................................................................................................ 61
Sample and Population ................................................................................................................................................... 62
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................................................................ 63
Data Collection ................................................................................................................................................................... 64
Data Analysis ...................................................................................................................................................................... 64
Summary .............................................................................................................................................................................. 65
CHAPTER 4: THE FINDINGS .......................................................................................................................... 66
Participant Background Information ....................................................................................................................... 67
Participant information ............................................................................................................................................. 68
Research Question One: What perceptions and experiences did Black male former student-
athletes have with academic support upon re-entry? ....................................................................................... 71
Personal accountability leads to enhanced experience with academic support. .............................. 72
Accessibility of support and family like dynamic lead to enhanced engagement. ............................ 73
Faculty engagement and its impact on academic confidence. ................................................................... 75
Research Question 2: What support services were most beneficial upon re-entry to the
university? ........................................................................................................................................................................... 77
Learning specialists and personalized support. .............................................................................................. 77
Connecting with professors and utilizing office hours. ................................................................................ 78
Research Question 3: How did utilization of support services change as a nontraditional re-entry
student compared to utilization prior to stopping out? ................................................................................... 80
Survival mode and no voice.......................................................................................................................................... 81
NFL aspirations and its impact on academic identity. .................................................................................. 82
Demands of athletics impacted ability to focus on support. ...................................................................... 83
Too much academic support and its negative impact. ................................................................................. 84
Need for a voice. ........................................................................................................................................................... 86
Motivation and commitment/accountability to self and family. .............................................................. 87
As identity shifted, the paradigm shifted. .......................................................................................................... 89
Summary and Discussion of Findings ...................................................................................................................... 92
Chapter 5: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................ 97
Table 2. Summary of Findings ..................................................................................................................................... 98
Discussion of Findings .................................................................................................................................................... 99
Research Question one: What perceptions and experiences did Black male former student-
athletes have with academic support upon re-entry? ....................................................................................... 99
Research question two: What support services were most beneficial upon re-entry to the
university? 101
Research question three: How did utilization of support services change as a nontraditional re-
entry student compared to utilization prior to stopping out? 103
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 8
Implications ..................................................................................................................................................................... 105
Theory Implications. ................................................................................................................................................ 105
Practical Implications. ............................................................................................................................................. 106
Limitations........................................................................................................................................................................ 107
Recommendations for Future Research ............................................................................................................... 108
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................................................ 109
References .......................................................................................................................................................... 111
Appendix A ......................................................................................................................................................... 127
Appendix B ......................................................................................................................................................... 129
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 9
Abstract
This study explores the perceptions and experiences that Black male former football
students-athletes had with academic support services as nontraditional students re-entering the
university using Nancy Schlossberg’s (1981) Transition Theory. There is a dearth of literature
exploring the experiences of Black male former student-athletes returning to the university after
stopping-out. However, literature examining the low graduation rates achieved by student-
athletes is voluminous and has garnered the attention of scholars for many years. These studies
often highlight the particularly striking low graduation rates among the African American
student athletes who participate the sports of football and basketball. When examining the racial
disparities, the literature illustrates that African American males are overrepresented as
participants in these two sports, but underrepresented on college campuses at-large, specifically
as graduating students. Numerous studies examine the cognitive and non-cognitive variables
impacting the persistence of African-American males participating in these revenue-generating
sports. However, little is known about Black male student-athletes who do not achieve degree
attainment, but return to the university to complete their degree. The inductive method of
qualitative data analysis was used to analyze the results. The overarching research question and
sub- questions addressed in this study were 1) What perceptions and experiences did Black male
former student-athletes have with academic support upon re-entry? 2) What support services
were most beneficial upon re-entry to the university? 3) How did utilization of support services
change as a nontraditional re-entry student compared to utilization prior to stopping out? The
twelve themes that emerged from this analysis were 1) Personal accountability leads to enhanced
experience with academic support 2) Accessibility of support and family like dynamic lead to
enhanced engagement 3) Faculty engagement and its impact on academic confidence 4) Learning
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 10
specialists and personalized support 5) Connecting with professors and utilizing office hours 6)
Survival mode and no voice 7) NFL aspirations and its impact on academic identity 8) Demands
of athletics and its impact on academic support 9) Too much academic support and its negative
impact 10) Need for a voice 11) Motivation and commitment/accountability to self and family
12) As identity shifts, paradigm shifts of Black male former student-athletes.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 11
CHAPTER 1: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
In order to properly examine and understand the experiences of Black male former
student-athletes as non-traditional, re-entry students, it is critical to place context on access and
enrollment trends in higher education, as well as intercollegiate athletics, from a historical lens.
Within the context of American higher education, much of the literature on college access,
retention, and degree completion has centered on the “traditional student” and their experiences.
Traditional students are defined as students ranging from the ages of 18-24 who earn a high
school diploma, enroll full time immediately after completing high school, depend on parents for
financial support, and do not work during the academic year (NCES, 2012). Today, a significant
portion of the college student body is comprised of non-traditional students. The percentage of
nontraditional college students is expected to continue to increase through 2018 (Ross-Gordon,
2011). In fact, enrollment trends for non-traditional students show that by the year 2020, 50% of
college going students will be nontraditional (NCES, 2016). Nontraditional students are
typically college students 24 years or older, from a heterogeneous population of adults who have
family and work responsibilities in addition to other life circumstances that may interfere with
the successful completion of educational objectives. Additionally, nontraditional student
characteristics include, but are not limited to, race and gender, residence (e.g., off campus), level
of employment (full-time/part-time) (NCES, 2016). According to Cox (2009) the traditional
student is no longer the typical student enrolling and graduating from colleges and universities.
Hyatt (2003) notes that one specific sub-group of nontraditional students on college campuses is
Black male student-athletes. The literature on this nontraditional population of students, centers
on their access to higher education, revenue-generated through their participation in
intercollegiate athletics, their low graduation rates, and their overrepresentation as participants in
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 12
the sports of football and basketball. Relatively absent in the literature are the academic
experiences of this nontraditional student population, often referred to as former student-athletes,
who stop-out, but return to complete their degree as re-entry students. In an effort to understand
the academic experiences of Black male former student-athletes as re-entry students, it is critical
to explore the initial experiences of Black male student-athletes before stop-out and re-entry.
Black Males and Access to Higher Education
Intercollegiate athletics has been a part of higher education since 1852 when Harvard and
Yale competed in its inaugural regatta race. The integration of sport-related programming into
the college experience was initially the result of university professors believing that participation
in athletics would add value to existing students’ academic experience-- beyond the receipt of a
degree, and produce well-rounded students (Lewis, 1970). Today, Reynolds, Fisher, and Cavil
(2012) suggest that the relative importance of athletics to higher education can be viewed from
both an academic perspective and an access perspective. Specifically, intercollegiate athletics has
made the pursuit of a college education a much easier fete for individuals for whom the idea was
previously harder to attain. Specifically, they posit that for many, success in sports is often the
mechanism through which individuals are able to attend NCAA (National Collegiate Athletic
Association) Division I colleges and universities (Reynolds, Fisher & Cavil, 2012). The NCAA
is defined as the governing body for all academic institutions participating in intercollegiate
athletics. (NCAA, 2015). Moreover, Carodine, Almond, and Gratto (2001) assert that
intercollegiate athletics has become an important source of revenue for universities in the form of
lucrative coaching salaries, state-of-the-art athletic facilities, television contracts, tickets sales,
and more. Although the revenue generated by college athletics provides entertainment for fans,
employment opportunities, and notoriety for colleges, scholars have noted concerns around the
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 13
educational outcomes (i.e., graduate rates) of students participating in revenue-generating sports
(Harper, 2016).
Shulman and Bowen (2011) assert that historically, the mission statements of colleges
and universities typically include two key themes: knowledge for its own sake and for preparing
flexible minds; and education for leadership or success in life. From an accountability
perspective, the missions aim to promote the holistic development of students, prepare them for
successful transition into society, and increase their opportunities for economic and social
mobility upon receipt of their degree (Taha, 2012).
Background of the Problem
As mentioned, intercollegiate athletics has become an important source of revenue for
colleges and universities as well as access to higher education for Black males. Moreover, access
to higher education has historically been viewed as a major link to social class status and wealth
attainment (Person & Lenoir, 1997). For Black males, the perception of wealth attainment is
centered on the notion that professional sport is the driving force towards economic and social
mobility. This is a result of not only the media’s portrayal of Black males in sports, but also the
lack of representation of Black non-student athletes on college campuses. Edwards (2000) states
that as a result of the marginalized academic representation on campuses, Black males often have
a convoluted perception that their life chances in sport are lucrative, minimizing their aspirations
for alternative career options and degree attainment. Conversely, Martin (2009) reported that of
all the NCAA student-athletes who declare for the National Football League and the National
Basketball Association fewer than 2% are drafted. When examining, the literature on the
educational outcomes of student-athletes, it is evident that of those producing the lowest
educational outcomes, the revenue-generating sports of football and basketball are most heavily
impacted ( Harper, 2016). With this understanding, it is important to examine the sports defined
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 14
as revenue generating, the individuals comprised in these sports, as well as the impact of the low
educational outcomes reflected in the graduation rates.
Revenue-generating sports. Revenue-generating sports/teams are those that are most
likely to yield profit and notoriety (Beamon, 2008). The sports that have generated the most
revenue throughout American history have been college football and men’s basketball (Van
Rheenen, 2013). They have become such a major commercial enterprise that the two sports
together generate more than 6 billion dollars in annually—which is more than the NBA (National
Basketball Association) generates per year. The revenue of these collegiate sports is often times
enough to financially support Olympic sports and/or simultaneously support non-revenue
generating sports and other athletic department costs. Thelin (2017) indicated that the 40 post-
season football subdivision (FBS) teams distributed $505.9 million to the participating
conferences and schools. These schools also spent $100.2 million to participate in bowl games.
Furthermore, these two sports garner the most media attention, attract the most fans, and yield
the most revenue from merchandise sales (e.g., jerseys and other apparel). The world of
intercollegiate athletics presents a multitude of implications for students-athletes. As a result, of
the many NCAA-sponsored sports, football and men’s basketball have been of particular interest
in scholarly research (Harper, Williams & Blackman, 2013).
African American males and revenue-generating sports. Harper et al. (2013) notes
that while Black men are underrepresented in the undergraduate population of predominantly
white colleges and universities, there is an overrepresentation of them on revenue-generating
Division I sports teams such as football and men’s basketball. During the 2014-2015 academic
school year, Black men represented 2.5% of the full-time, degree-seeking, undergraduate student
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 15
population, but made up 56.3% of football teams and 60.8% of men’s basketball team rosters (`,
2016).
Graduation rates. The NCAA as well institutional standards are set in place for
accountability measures. Accountability in education refers to the practice of holding
educational systems responsible for the quality of their products—students’ knowledge, skills,
and behaviors (Stecher, Kirby, Barney, Pearson, and Chow, 2004). The graduation rates of
student athletes are the primary assessment tool used in evaluating NCAA-member schools’
success. When Harper (2016) disaggregated data from the 2014-2015 academic school year on
Black male graduation rates, it was revealed that on average, over half (53.6%) of Black male
student-athletes graduated within 6 years in the five major NCAA Division I sport conferences,
relative to two-thirds (68.5%) of all student-athletes and three-quarters (75.4%) of all
undergraduate non student-athletes. Harper (2016) also states that a number of power 5
universities are graduating Black male student-athletes at rates far below 50%. These “Power 5
“intercollegiate athletic conference’s consist of the Atlantic Coast Conference (ACC), Big Ten,
Big 12, Pac 12, and the Southeastern Conference (SEC). For the purpose of this study, the
“Power 5” conferences are referred to as those generate the most revenue and garner the most
media attention (Harper, 2016). To further support evidence of inequitable educational outcomes,
Harper (2013) purports that 96% of the 5 major NCAA conferences graduated Black male
student-athletes at rates lower than student-athletes overall. In another study assessing the
educational outcomes of bowl- bound college football teams, Lapchick, Donovan and Pierson
(2013) found that 65 % of White male student-athletes graduated, whereas, 41% of Black male
student-athletes graduated-- illuminating the 24 % gap in educational outcomes. Lapchick et al.
(2013) argues that the discrepancy in graduate rates stems from the amount of preparation
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 16
students have prior to entering college. With the purpose of this study being to explore the
experiences former student-athletes have with academic support as re-entry students, it is
imperative to gain insight on the noncognitive variables that impact the persistence of Black
male student-athletes participating in revenue generating sports.
Rationale for low college graduation rates among black male student- athletes. In
addition to the underprepardeness of Black male student-athletes prior to college entry, an
assumption often made to explain the low graduation rates among many Black male student-
athletes is that they drop out of college to pursue professional athletic careers in the NBA or
NFL. On the contrary, a recent study conducted by the NCAA, found that 1.2 % of men’s
basketball collegiate student-athletes and 1.6% of football collegiate student-athletes play their
respective sports on the professional level (NCAA, 2015). While the likelihood of playing a
sport professionally is low, many Black male student-athletes view this dream as not only being
achievable, but also a way out of poverty for themselves and their families (Hodge, Harrison,
Burden Jr., & Dixon, 2008). Harrison and Lawrence (2003) assert that the reality is that
intercollegiate athletics will end most student athletes’ competitive sport careers. The
overrepresentation of Black males in revenue generating sports (i.e. football and basketball), the
low graduation rates, and the miniscule percentage of student-athletes that will be drafted by
NBA or NFL teams brings into question the academic alternatives for Black male student-
athletes who do not graduate. One limitation in the graduation rates is the exclusion of those who
return to complete their degree after stopping-out.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 17
Statement of the Problem
Comeaux, (2012) asserts that too often, academic centers and sources of support for
student-athletes rely on anecdotal information as it relates to academic strategies and support,
rather than utilize evidence (i.e., data) to make decisions regarding the specific academic needs
and futures of athletics. Insight as to how former student-athletes experience academic support
when transitioning back into higher education, will provide rich narratives; and identify
opportunities to enhance and/or expand current support services, and relevant institutional
practices and policies that are available for this unique population of student-athletes. Results of
this study may influence how future practices regarding academic support for non-traditional,
former Black male student athletes who have re-entered into college as well as traditional
student-athletes who did not drop/stop out of college.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to explore Black male former student-athletes’ experiences with
academic support services as nontraditional, re-entry students at a large, private, urban university
in Southern California. The study addresses the following primary research question and sub-
questions to among a sample of Black male former student-athletes’ at a large, private, urban
university with a large athletics program:
1. What perceptions and experiences did Black male former student-athletes have/with
academic support upon re-entry?
a) What support services were provided and most beneficial upon re-entry to the university?
b) How did utilization of support services change as re-entry students compared to utilization
prior to stopping out?
It is hypothesized that as Black male former student-athletes transition back into college as
nontraditional students, they require modified support services opposed to the support provided
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 18
when they were traditional aged, NCAA, eligible student-athletes. Transition Theory will be used
to provide a lens from which to conceptualize the barriers to re-entry, support services utilized by
re-entry Black male former student-athletes, as well as strategies employed during their transition
that led to degree attainment. As mentioned Nancy Schlossberg’s (1981) Transition Theory was
used in an effort to aid in conceptualizing strategies and challenges that occur during a life
transition such as returning to the university after stopping-out. As it pertains to this study,
Schlossberg provides a framework to better understand the lived experiences of adults in the
transition process, how they cope with transition, and effectively navigate a life transition such as
the re-entry process to the university after stopping out.
Significance of the Study
A wide body of literature over the past 4 decades focuses on the academic inadequacies,
low graduation rates, and non-cognitive variables (e.g. academic motivation, athlete identity,
athletic exploitation) that attempt to shed light on the low graduation rates of Black male student-
athletes. Data on nontraditional students point towards a spike in enrollment by the year 2020
(Ross-Gordon, 2011). With this understanding, it is vital to understand the experiences of a
population that is relatively absent in the literature. This study attempts to explore the
perceptions and experiences of Black male former student athletes returning to the university in a
degree-granting program and their needs from academic support services. Findings will add to
the much-needed narrative of education upon re-entry, strategies that help or hinder success (i.e.,
graduation), as well as recommendations for future student-athletes who re-enter into the
university for a degree-granting program. Findings will provide scholars, practitioners, and
academic administrators with an in-depth understanding of the needs for this non-traditional
population of students; and will build upon a body of literature that is relatively non-existent
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 19
regarding Black male former student-athletes who re-enter the university in a degree-granting
program.
Definition of Terms
Division I- The NCAA encompasses three divisions, from which the Division I has the largest
student bodies, largest athletics budgets, as well as offers the most generous number of athletic
scholarships. In addition, of the three divisions, professional sports teams most often draft
prospects from Division I institutions (NCAA Website, 2016).
NCAA Degree Completion Programs- Programs offered by NCAA membership institutions to
assist student-athletes who have exhausted their eligibility. Recipients of the award receive
support in the form of tuition and fees and a book allowance. Depending on the membership
institution, stipulations may vary as it relates to the support provided outside of the
aforementioned (NCAA Website, 2016).
Graduation Success Rate (GSR) - GSR is referred to as the accountability measure that the
NCAA is required to produce that assesses the progress of student-athletes receiving federal
funding in the form of financial aid. Additionally, the GSR does not penalize membership
institutions whose student-athletes transfer in good academic standing (NCAA Website, 2016).
Student-Athletes- For the purpose of this study, student-athletes are referred to as undergraduate
students participating in Division I intercollegiate athletics.
Revenue- Generating Sports- Revenue-generating sports refer are the sports that yield the most
profit and notoriety within an institutions athletic department. Historically, the two sports that
generate the most revenue for universities through athletic competition are football and men’s
basketball (Beamon, 2008).
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 20
Non-cognitive variables- non-cognitive variables are defined as variables related to adjustment,
motivation, student perception, and self-esteem and other factors not involving traditional
cognitive measures (ACT, SAT, GPA) Sedlaceck (2004).
National Collegiate Athletic Association- Established in 1906, the NCAA is the governing body
dedicated to student well-being, academic success, and personal development of student-athletes.
Nontraditional Students- For the purpose of this study, nontraditional students are referred to as
college students over the age of 24, as well as a heterogeneous population of adults who have
family and work responsibilities in addition to other life circumstances that may interfere with
the successful completion of educational objectives. Other variables used to identify
nontraditional students include, but are not limited to race and gender, residence (i.e., off
campus), level of employment (full time/part-time), and being enrolled in non-degree
occupational programs (NCES, 2016).
Stop-Out- students who, after dropping out, return to reenroll in an institution, as well as students
who at one point had a plan of study, did not complete it, but returned to the university setting to
complete the plan of study. These students are also referred to as re-entry students (Voigt &
Hundrieser, 2008).
Equity Cognitive Framework- Bensimon (2005) refers to an equity cognitive framework as one
that critically examines the educational outcomes of Black, Hispanic, and Native American
students. A critical lens is placed on inequalities in the context of a history of exclusion,
discrimination, and educational apartheid.
Deficit Cognitive Framework- This refers to attributing differences in educational outcomes for
Black, Hispanic, and Native American students, such a lower rates of retention or degree
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 21
completion, to cultural stereotypes, inadequate socialization, or lack of motivation or initiative
on the part of the student (Bensimon, 2005).
Organization of the Study
This study is comprised of five chapters. Chapter one provides an overview of the study,
background of the problem, purpose of the study, research questions, as well as the significance
of this study. Chapter two surveys the extant literature on barriers to college graduation among
Black males student-athletes, and non-cognitive variables impacting persistence that lead to drop
out/stopping-out and the low graduation rates. Additionally, a historical lens is placed upon the
NCAA and academic support services in an effort to conceptualize attempts made towards
academic reform and the amelioration of the low graduation rates produced by those
participating in revenue generating sports. Chapter two also details the characteristics of
nontraditional college students, reasons student’s stop-out of college, academic support services
for nontraditional students as re-entry students, as well as Black male former student-athletes as
nontraditional re-entry students in an effort to draw parallels between the two. To conclude
chapter two, an overview of Transition Theory is provided to help address the research questions
in this study. Chapter three describes the study methodology; whereas the findings are reported
in chapter four along with a detailed discussion. Lastly, study conclusion, implications, and
recommendations for future research and practice will be discussed in Chapter 5.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 22
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
There is a wealth of literature examining the low graduation rates of student-athletes
participating in the revenue generating sports. Football and men’s basketball in particular, have
garnered the attention of scholars for several years. Absent in the literature is the experiences of
these student-athletes who did not graduate, but return to the university as re-entry students. In
order to understand the importance of exploring the experiences of former student-athletes in
pursuit of degree completion, it is imperative to examine the cognitive (i.e., SAT, ACT scores)
and non-cognitive variables (i.e., motivation, student perception, and self-esteem) that impact the
persistence of current student-athletes reflected in the low graduation rates. Many assumptions
are often made concerning the low graduation rates. One assumption often made to explain the
low graduation rates is that black males leave college prematurely to pursue their professional
sport aspirations. Interestingly, Martin (2009) found that The National Football League (NFL)
and the National Basketball Association (NBA) draft fewer than 2% of student-athletes each
year.
The low graduation rates often have a dramatic impact on the social mobility and career
maturation of black male student-athlete. One question that scholars pose in reference to the low
graduation rates is, "who is accountable for the inequitable educational outcomes of black male
student-athletes?" (Fried, 2007) In an effort to conceptualize accountability structures and
governance, an examination of the NCAA, university commitments to institutional integrity, and
student-athlete academic support services will be presented. A large body of literature focuses on
the lived experiences and academic support provided for current student-athletes with an
emphasis on strategies to ameliorate the low graduation rates. Little is known about the
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 23
experiences that Black male former football student-athletes returning to college experience
academic support services, as the identity shifts from student-athlete to that of a nontraditional
student/re-entry student. This study aims to explore experiences that former black football
players returning to college campuses as nontraditional students have with academic support
services in the university setting. This study will focus on answering following overarching
research question and sub questions: 1) what perceptions and experiences did Black male former
student-athletes have with academic support upon re-entry? 2) What support services were most
beneficial upon re-entry to the university? 3) How did utilization of support services change as a
nontraditional re-entry student compared to utilization prior to stopping out?
Barriers to Graduation
According to Bensimon (2005), an equity cognitive framework is one that intentionally
focuses on the educational results, or outcomes, of Black, Hispanic, and Native American
students. Graduation rates have traditionally been the primary measure to assess educational
outcomes of all students; and the measure by which they are held accountable by stakeholders
(Eckard, 2010). Focusing solely on the graduation rates of marginalized students can become
problematic from an equity cognitive framework because graduation rates don’t tell the whole
story (Bensimon, 2005). An equity cognitive framework focuses on outcomes of minorities and
question patterns of educational outcomes, historical exclusion, and discrimination. Thus, the
critical examination of cognitive and non-cognitive variables that continue to hinder the
persistence and success of Black male student-athletes in higher education is warranted.
Cognitive variables impacting persistence in higher education. The purpose of this
study is to explore the perceptions and experiences that Black male former student-athletes had
with academic support upon re-entry. In order to understand these experiences, its integral to
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 24
understand the variables that impact persistence leading to the low graduation rates and often
times, stop out of Black male student-athletes. A wide body of literature suggests that cognitive
variables impact not only access to higher education, but persistence (Shulman & Bowen, 2011;
Hyatt, 2003; Gaston-Gayles, 2004; Carodine, Murphey, Orbach, Rulka, Frehlich, & Barba, 1999;
Fizel & Smabey, 2004; Parham, 1993). Generally, cognitive measures impacting college
persistence include standardized tests (SAT) and GPA (Hyatt, 2003). Hagedorn (2005) notes that
the National Center for Educational Statistics defines persistence as a student measure such as
attrition, graduation, stop-out, and drop out. In like manner, a pattern that has become all too
common for student-athletes in major football programs is getting admitted with SAT scores that
are 200 points lower than their non-athletic peers (Eizten, 2016). Thus, Donnor (2005) suggests
that a contributing factor to the academic underachievement of Black male student-athletes is the
recruitment and enrollment of student-athletes who may not meet the minimum academic
requirements for admissions. Further, Shulman and Bowen (2011) indicate that athletes who play
football, basketball, and hockey tend to have substantially lower incoming SAT scores and high
school grades compared to their peers in college. The impact of admitting underprepared Black
male student-athletes to selective universities alludes to the non-cognitive variables that impact
not only their campus experience, but also persistence.
Harris, Hines, Kelly, Williams, and Bagley (2014) conducted a qualitative study that
examined cognitive factors that promoted success Black male student-athletes in high school.
Researchers employed a thematic analysis (N=2), from which implications of their research
suggest strategies that may support the cognitive development of Black male student-athletes in
successfully pursuing a college degree. For example, the study found that student-athletes noted
the importance of all stakeholders sending the same message in regards to their high expectations
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 25
for Black males in the classroom (Harris et al, 2014). This is particularly important for Black male
student-athletes who historically have been encouraged to pursue athletic endeavors over their
academic responsibilities. For example, Shakib and Veliz’s (2013) quantitative study, research
findings from (N= 2185 third through twelfth grade students) illustrated that Black male youth
reported greater total encouragement for participation in sports relative to White, Hispanic and
Asians. Even more telling was the admission of youth being encouraged to participate in sports
by family members. However, relative to other races, the majority of support came from non-
relatives (Shakib &Veliz, 2013). Evidence has shown that, though Black male student-athletes
often do not meet the academic standards of selective universities, they are still admitted into
highly selective universities (Donnor, 2005).
Equally important to examine is the impact that the overemphasis of sport participation
has on the identity formation of Black male student-athlete. It is typically before Black males enter
college that the formation of their athletic identity takes shape and impacts academic engagement.
This is important to examine because though traditionally cognitive variables (ACT, SAT & GPA)
have been connected to persistence for white college students, the relationships is not the same for
non-white students (Sedlaceck, & Adams-Gaston, 1992). Van Rheenen (2012) notes that the
admission process of underprepared Black male athletes can be viewed as the beginning of an
exploitive process, which impacts academic engagement on the university level. Sellers (2000)
argues that universities seem to only show interest in underprepared students when they possess
athletic skills. With the understanding that cognitive variables are only one way to view
persistence, it’s imperative to examine the non-cognitive variables that impact the persistence of
Black male student-athletes in higher education.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 26
Non-cognitive variables impacting persistence in higher education. Non-cognitive
variables are those variables related to student adjustment, motivation, perception, self-esteem
and other factors not involving traditional cognitive measures (Sedlaceck, 2004). Sedlacek
(2004) developed the Non-Cognitive Assessment Model, which aids in explaining student
persistence and academic performance. Interestingly, Sedlaceck found that this model was most
relevant when assessing nontraditional students. Sedlaceck and Adams-Gaston (1992) further
suggested that student-athletes could be categorized as nontraditional students due to the unique
subculture and their experiences on college campuses. Moreover, in a study by Sedlaceck and
Adams-Gaston (1992), the Non-cognitive Variable Questionnaire (NCQ) was administered to all
incoming freshman student-athletes (N=105) at a large eastern university. Student NCQ and SAT
scores were used to measure first semester grades using step-wise multiple regressions. Findings
illustrated a direct correlation between non-cognitive variables and first semester grades opposed
to SAT scores specifically with Black male student-athletes. The eight non-cognitive variables
found to impact the success of nontraditional students in higher education were: identity, realistic
self-appraisal, understanding racism, long-range goals, support person, leadership, community,
and nontraditional knowledge. The following section will explore the non-cognitive variables
impacting the persistence of Black male student-athletes.
Athletic identity and the persistence of black male student-athletes. In an effort to
understand the experiences of former student-athletes who return to the university to complete
their degree after stopping out, it is vital to understand how the identities of student-athletes are
shaped during college. The athletic identity formation of student-athletes is well documented
(Adler& Adler, 1985; Beamon, 2012; Steinfeldt, Reed, & Steinfeldt, 2010; Howard-Hamilton &
Sina, 2001). Murphy, Petipas, and Brewer (1996) define athletic identity as the combination of
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 27
cognitive, affective, behavioral, and social aspects relating to the role of an athlete. Adler and
Adler’s (1985) seminal work qualitatively explored the relationship between athletic
participation and academic performance in big time sports. Their participant observation study at
a medium size private university (n=18 men’s basketball student-athletes) -- spanning over four
years, illustrated that while student-athletes may enter college with optimistic ideals, goals, and
attitudes about academics, their athletic, social, and classroom experiences led them to detach
from their initial positive views of academic expectations in higher education. Subsequently they
developed a new identity centered on athletic achievements. This study illuminated consistencies
in the development of a foreclosed identity centered on the success connected to athletic ability
(Beamon, 2012).
When specifically examining the role that athletics plays in the experiences of Black
males, Beamon (2012) found in her ethnographic study (n=20 African American former Division
I athletes), that the athletic role is the primary reason that many Black male student-athletes are
able to attend college. As a result of this primary focus, all too often Black male student-athletes
overemphasize the role of athletics and nurture the athletic identity while the academic identity is
weakened. This athletic identity is further emphasized when examining the amount of time that
Black student-athletes spend focusing on their sport. Donnor (2005) asserts that the win at all
costs ethos exhibited in revenue- generating sports creates a culture where coaches place an
enormous amount of pressure on student-athletes to devote a majority of their time to their sport
instead of academics. He further posits that during football season a student-athlete’s weekly
schedule, in addition to their full-time student status, includes mandatory activities for sport such
as practice, weight training, team meetings, position meetings, film, treatment for injuries, team
dinner, as well as traveling time for away competitions. According to Harris (2000), when
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 28
calculating the amount of time spent on athletics each week, the time amounts to 28 hours, which
does not account for time study and time spent in class.
Identity foreclosure in black male student-athletes. A growing body of literature has
examined the overemphasis on athletics over academics for Black males, which subsequently has
exposed them to the highest rates of identity foreclosure (Harrison, Sailes, Roitch, & Blimper,
2011; Scales 1991). Building on Erickson’s Identity Development Theory, James Marcia created
the first prototype of empirical evidence on the identity development of young adults. He
proposed four identity ego statuses that provide an explanation for how young adults experience
and respond to crisis (Evans, Forney, Guido, Patton, & Renn, 2009). Specifically, his identity
foreclosure status provides insight into the identity development of Black male student-athletes.
In this identity-foreclosed status, the young adult accepts the values given by parents or
influential figures without questioning it and adopts them as their own. The acceptance of other
views and creation of identity foreclosure can be observed among Black male student-athletes
through encouragement to play sports over academics in high school and is further perpetuated
on college campuses when their ideals of academic engagement are altered by the reality of the
college experience (Adler &Adler, 1985; Shakib &Veliz, 2013). This can pose challenges later in
life when other views come into play causing them to reexamine their identity that was formed
not by them, but by others in the surrounding environment/network. Identity foreclosure may
impact not only students’ identity development, but also academic motivation and career
maturation. The athletic identity becomes more pronounced when looking into the experiences
Black males encounter on college campuses from peers, administration, and faculty. These lived
experiences require further examination in an effort to conceptualize how a deficit cognitive
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 29
framework can impact the social engagement, faculty interactions, and identity formation with of
Black male student-athlete
Deficit cognitive framework, social engagement, and faculty interactions. In order to
gain a more in-depth understanding of the non-cognitive variables impacting the persistence of
Black male student-athletes in higher education, it is integral to acknowledge the deficit
cognitive framework that many institutional agents (e.g., coaches, professors, peers) display
towards Black male student-athletes. This framework provides insight on its negative impact on
the experiences, persistence, and attrition rates of Black male student-athletes. Bensimon (2005)
describes a cognitive framework, as the way that individuals understand a situation. Furthermore,
Bensimon (2005) describes the deficit cognitive framework as a perspective that attributes the
educational outcomes of marginalized groups to cultural stereotypes, inadequate socialization,
and lack of motivation or initiative. This perspective places “blame” on the student and fails to
acknowledge the systems and structures that contribute to poor performance. Moreover,
researchers have noted that collegiate Black male student-athletes experience some of the most
detrimental stereotypes and labels by members of the campus community (Edwards, 1984;
Johnson, Hallinan, & Westerfield, 1999; Sailes, 1993; Sellers, 2000). For example, Sailes (1993)
found that Division I White male college student- athletes believed that Black male student-
athletes were not academically prepared to attend college, were not as intelligent, and did not
receive grades as high as White student-athletes. Researchers concluded that these stereotypes
were consistent with pseudo-scientific theories (e.g., Herrnstein and Murray, 1994) and literature
on the “dumb jock image” that posits that Black male student-athletes have limited intellectual
abilities, lack motivation, and do not perform well academically (Benson, 2000; Edwards, 1984;
Harrison & Lawrence, 2003; Lapchick, 1996; Simons, et al., 2007). In a qualitative study
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 30
conducted by Benson (2000) using in-depth interviews (N=8 African American college football
student-athletes), results correspond with the deficit cognitive framework in that the Black
student-athlete participants were influenced by a series of interrelated practices and a culture of
low expectation and attitudes by stakeholders. Additionally, the participants in Benson’s study
expressed their experiences with a culture of perceived limited expectations during recruitment,
orientation, and throughout the freshman year. Participants in the study also noted that, from
recruitment, orientation, and their freshman year, and continuing throughout their collegiate
career, they received implicit and explicit messages from stakeholders that school was not
important, that they were not considered intellectually capable students, not expected do well in
school, and that they were not cared about as student learners (Benson, 2000). Essentially, for
the students in the study, there was a culture of deficit cognitive thinking in regard to Black
student athletes—which was subsequently internalized by Black student athletes.
In a qualitative study, Martin, Harrison, Stone, and Lawrence (2010) explored the
academic experiences and confidence about academic achievement of Black male student-
athletes (N=27). Similar to Benson (2000), findings exhibited that Black male college student-
athletes in revenue-generating sports believed that professors and other students apply the “dumb
jock” stereotype more to them than to White college student-athletes. Additionally, study results
from Comeaux (2010) suggest that faculty attitudes, perceptions, and stereotypes about student-
athletes in revenue-generating sports are more negative than their non-students-athlete peers.
Specifically, professors were suspicious if student-athletes earned an “A” grade in another
professor’s class. Interestingly, faculty members in the study acknowledged inequalities for
Black male student-athletes, but still had lower expectations for them than their White student-
athlete peers (Comeaux, 2010). For example, one professor stated, “Good for him! What a
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 31
wonderful role model. I hope he speaks to young African American students about his
achievement. Was he assisted by an Affirmative Action program?’’ (Comeaux, 2010 p.403).
Based on this quote, this faculty member did not acknowledge the individual’s ability and, in
turn, believed that the individual could only be successful with external assistance and not their
own intellectual ability. The aforementioned statement insinuated that academic ability is not
entirely earned and supports the deficit framework--- which implies that due to the lack of
adequate socialization, this individual needed affirmative action to aid his success (Comeaux,
2010). Demonstration of comments and beliefs that align with the deficit cognitive framework
may lead Black male student-athletes to feel immense pressure to prove their sense of belonging,
ultimately illuminating how this non-cognitive variables impacts their persistence in higher
education.
Stereotype threat. The stereotypes peers, faculty, and administrators have of Black male
student-athletes have been documented to impact academic performance. Stereotype threat was
introduced by Steele and Aronson in 1995 which they refer to as being at risk of confirming, as
self-characteristic, or a negative stereotype about one’s group (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Through
various experiments, Steele and Aronson (1995) confirm stereotype threats impact on the academic
performance of Black males in college. When examining the standardized tests of Black college
freshman and sophomores, Black students performed more poorly than White students when race
was emphasized. Similarly, Schmader, Johns, and Forbes (2008) build on this concept of
stereotype threat and its impact on academic performance. They note that stereotype threat is
caused by an imbalance that occurs when cues in a social context activate three links: 1) the
salience of the stereotype that one’s social group typically underperforms in a domain; 2) the
salience of one’s positive membership in the target group; and 3) the salience of one’s personal
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 32
goals to perform well in the domain. This trifecta can cause disequilibrium for Black male student-
athletes who are not only dealing with stereotypes associated with being an athlete, but also the
stereotypes of being a Black student-athlete.
The issue of persistence becomes more problematic when Black male student-athletes do
not see institutional agents who look like them that can relate to the type of stereotypes, stigmas,
and exclusion they feel on college campuses. Beamon (2014) argues that African Americans have
not benefited from the same administrative opportunities in athletics as their White counterparts.
As a result, there have been limited role models for Black male student-athletes in the university-
setting who can relate to their unique perspective and understanding of the experiences of being a
marginalized, racial/ethnic minority population. In addition to the feelings of academic
inadequacy, enhanced athletic identity, stereotype threats, and campus experiences, another
perceived barrier for Black male student-athletes extant in the literature is the notion that
professional sports is the most realistic option for career and social mobility, which may in turn
impact academic motivation and success (Martin, 2010).
Academic motivation. Tinto (1993) notes that a primary barrier to persistence in higher
education is the absence of commitment, and that goal commitment is a strong predictor of
persistence. Goal commitment is defined as the strength of the individual student ’s goal of
attending college and completing a degree (Tinto, 1993). Contextualizing Black male student-
athletes academic motivation, Reynolds, Fisher, and Cavil (2012) declare that athletics can be an
important factor in one ’s access to education. More specifically, one ’s success in sports is often
the conduits through which they are able to attend some of the nation ’s top colleges and
universities. In an effort to conceptualize the academic motivation of Black male student-athletes,
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 33
a quantitative study (N= 42) conducted by The Center for the Study for Athletics, findings
illustrated that education was not African-American student-athletes’ main reason for attending
college. Additional findings illustrated that, 44% of African American and 20% of non-African-
American football players at predominately white institutions indicated that they unquestionably
expected to become professional athletes (Hyatt, 2003). Parmer (1994) defines this mindset as the
“athletic dream,” (p.333) where a multidimensional set of behaviors and fantasies propelled the
desire to pursue this idea of superstardom through participation in sport.
In a case study examining Black male athletes and academic engagement, findings
revealed that the more athletic prowess that the individual exhibited, the more sport was
overemphasized-- thus placing academic aspirations as an afterthought. An additional insight
from this study indicated that often the overemphasis of sport leads to disengagement in
academics, which severely impacts the development of fundamental skills, such as reading,
comprehension, and math. Skills in these areas are needed to not only succeed in high school, but
at the collegiate level as well (Dawkins, Braddock, & Celaya, 2008). Gatmen (2011) argues that
an overemphasis of athletics may lead to increased time commitment toward athletic pursuits,
and decreased time toward important aspects of life such as, academics and family, behind
athletic pursuits.
In another study on high-achieving Black male student-athletes, Martin, Harrison, and
Bukstein (2010) found that coaches directed their emphasis towards focusing on athletic
accomplishments over academic engagement, in addition to discouraging accomplishments in
activities outside of athletics. The overemphasis on Black male student-athletes athletic ability
coupled with their desire to play their sport professionally impacts academic motivation and
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 34
persistence in college. Although the literature examining the lived experiences of Black male
student-athletes is centered on the low graduation rates, non-cognitive variables impacting
persistence, and the impact of a deficit cognitive lens, only few scholars have examined the
academic success of Black male student-athletes (Martin & Harris, 2006; Comeaux & Harrion,
2007; Bimper Jr, Harrison Jr., & Clark, 2012)
High Achieving Black Male Student-Athletes
The deficits and challenging academic experiences of Black male student-athletes is well
established in the literature. Equally important to ameliorating the experiences of those
experiencing low educational outcomes is examining the experiences of those who have
overcome and achieved academic success despite the odds. To this point, Comeaux (2007)
asserts that integral to the support of those experiencing inequitable educational outcomes is to
learn from successful athlete exemplars.
Martin and Harris (2007) conducted a phenomenological qualitative, n= 27 academically
driven African-American males attending four different Division I universities. The purpose of
the study was to examine the productive conceptions of masculinities in academically driven
African American males. Findings from their study provide insight on these academically driven
student-athletes perspectives. One key finding from participants’ included the idea of
masculinity as a call for accountability, making unpopular decisions, and setting examples for
others to follow. Gilbert and Gilbert (1998) found in their qualitative study centered on boys in
education that the correlation between academic achievement and masculinity, and suggest that
being a good student does not equate to being a man for Black students. However, the
participants in this study reported that a high value was placed on their academic success over
their athletic aspirations. Similarly, participants noted the positive impact that parents and
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 35
African American male role models (e.g., high school coaches, older brothers, and adult males)
had on their lives and academic achievement (Martin & Harris, 2007).
Adding to this examination of successful Black male student-athletes, Bimper, Harrison,
and Clark (2012) investigated the self-perceptions, behaviors, and experiences of seven Black
male student-athletes in managing their dual identities as college students. This study relied on
counter-narratives to provide insights on the positive experiences and support systems that
helped Black male student-athletes succeed in college. Critical Race Theory was the lens from
which Bimper, Harrison, and Clark (2012) used in to explore the complexities of navigating the
college landscapes as a Black male student-athlete. Emerging themes from this qualitative study
were complex identities, community, and liberation. The theme complex identities revealed that
all participants acknowledged their unique role as an athlete as well as being a student. Although
stereotypes were prevalent among participants, they believed that it was their responsibility to
provide counter-narratives to the one-dimensional perception of being identified as solely an
athlete. In terms of the theme community, participants acknowledged the need to build a support
system to assist them in navigating the collegiate terrain. Interestingly, they also admitted the
importance of access to mentors of which they were introduced to in their freshman year. Other
mentors discussed by participants were, non-athletes peers, administrators, faculty, and people
on campus outside of their student-athlete academic center. Lastly, the emerging theme of
liberation shed light on participants desire to break down stereotypes of underachievement by
excelling in the academic realm (Bimper Jr, Harrison Jr., and Clark, 2012)
Studies examining high achieving Black male student-athletes have been absent in the
existing literature until recently. As mentioned, in order to improve the low educational
outcomes, culture of deficit and improve the holistic development of Black male student-athletes,
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 36
it’s imperative to investigate the experiences of Black males who are achieving success in
college to provide and alternative lens for scholars, practitioners, and those working closely with
student-athletes. It is of equal importance to examine the history of collegiate athletics and
institutions commitment to collegiate athletics, accountability structures, and the current support
programs for student-athletes in an effort to conceptualize what efforts have been made in order
to gain insights on where efforts need to be directed moving forward.
Accountability Structures & Governance
Intercollegiate athletics have been a part of the college experience since 1852, when
Harvard and Yale competed against one another in their first annual regatta race. Initially, the
entry of collegiate sports into campuses across the U.S. was the result of professors’ realization
that a complete college experience required more than earning a degree (Lewis, 1970). Shulman
and Bowen (2011) assert that historically, the missions of colleges and universities typically
included two key themes: 1) knowledge for its own sake and for preparing flexible minds; and 2)
education for leadership and success in life. It is equally important to note that, until 1905, the
regulation of collegiate athletics was relatively dismal, as enrolled students thought that
intercollegiate athletics was a way to experience college in an environment separate from faculty
and university control (Duderstadt, 2009). For example, a common practice was the
participation of non-enrolled individuals to compete on intercollegiate athletics teams (Atwell,
1988). Shulman and Bowen (2011) note that, at one point, a group of Princeton players
“enrolled” at Colombia long enough to help beat Yale. Football also brought increased risk of
injury among players, which forced college and university Presidents to take action. As
intercollegiate athletics became more competitive and took time away from academics, faculty
and administration at colleges and universities across the nation began to question the lack of
regulation and notoriety that intercollegiate athletics brought to the college milieu (Shulman &
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 37
Bowen, 2011). There was an overarching concern as to whether or not intercollegiate athletics
could co-exist on college campuses, and if its existence aligned with the respective missions of
participating colleges and universities (Smith, 2015). In 1905 then-President Teddy Roosevelt
called a meeting with college faculty, alumni, and coaches to discuss intercollegiate football
reform (Smith, 2011). While the initial meeting focused on the liabilities that football might cost
the university, a series of subsequent meetings took place with increased input from universities
across the nation to discuss the existence and future of intercollegiate athletics, institutional
accountability, and its regulation. Ultimately, a committee committed to the regulation of
intercollegiate athletics was created and eventually became the National Collegiate Athletics
Association, also referred to as the NCAA (Smith, 2011).
Academic reform of intercollegiate athletics. Literature surrounding athletic participation
and its impact on the college experience of student-athletes is well documented (LaForge &
Hodge, 2011). Scholars argue that athletic participation enhances the academic experience, while
others argue that it creates a divide between colleges’ missions, academic integrity, and student-
athlete’s lived campus experiences (Ferris, Finster, & Mcdonald, 2004). Lawrence, Henedricks
and Ott (2007) conducted a quantitative study using surveys that were distributed to 23
institutions. The smallest number of faculty contacted at an institution was 244 while the largest
was 1,246. The response rate ranged from 12-34%. Lawrence et.al (2007) found that nearly
one-third of faculty who responded to their survey believed that academic standards were
lowered to achieve success in collegiate football and basketball. One question that is often posed
by scholars is, who is accountable for the academic success and integrity of student-athletes?
For instance, Fried (2007) posed the question, “Why should the ability to hurl a football a little
bit further than the next guy play any role in allocating educational opportunities, let alone a
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 38
decisive one?” Issues regarding academic integrity, academic preparedness/under preparedness,
and equitable educational outcomes of student-athletes led the Federal government and NCAA to
create a reform in academic expectations (Knight, 1991).
The Knight Commission’s impact on NCAA academic reform. After decades of highly
visible scandals involving collegiate athletics, it was determined that change was imminent and
the NCAA needed outside help before intercollegiate athletics spiraled out of control. The
negative attention garnered by collegiate athletics led John S. and James L. Knight to form the
Knight Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics in 1989 (Knight Commission, 1991). Initially,
their main purpose was to recommend a reform agenda that emphasized academic values, and
placed the focus back on the welfare of student-athletes. In essence, the Knight Commission
established a presence where accountability was emphasized in an effort to ensure that the
educational missions of college and universities would no longer take a back seat to
intercollegiate athletics. Additionally, the Knight Commission understood the need for university
presidents’ to regain control of their respective university if meaningful change was to occur as it
relates to the academic experiences and equitable educational outcomes of student-athletes on
their campuses (Knight Commission, 1991).
One way The Knight Commission heavily impacted the academic reform of
intercollegiate athletics was the creation of their 1991 landmark report, Keeping the Faith with
the Student-Athlete: A New Model for Intercollegiate Athletics (Knight Commission, 1991). A
critical component of this report was the one-plus-three model where one is referred to as
presidential control. According to this model, presidential control would have direct oversight of
intercollegiate athletics in the following areas; academic integrity, fiscal integrity, and a
certification process. It was from this report that the NCAA took recommendations from the
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 39
Knight Commission to refocus its efforts on, not only the educational missions of universities,
but also the welfare of students participating in intercollegiate athletics (Knight, 1991). The
active work contributed by the Knight Commission eventually led to the formation of the NCAA
Presidents Commission in 1991 and the restructuring of the NCAA governance in 1997-- leading
to an increased role in presidential control.
Low Graduation Rates and Passing of Student Right-To-Know Act
One common measure of success often used to assess the educational outcomes of
students is graduation rates. A landmark act that substantially changed the landscape of
collegiate athletic accountability was the Student-Right-To Know Act, passed by congress in
1990 (Student-Right-To-Know-Act, 1990). The passing of the Student-Right-To Know-Act
required universities that received federal funding to disclose their Federal Graduation Rates
(FGR) (i.e., graduation rates). The FGR illuminated the low graduation rates among student-
athletes across the nation (United States Congress Senate Committee on Labor and Human
Resources, 1990). The Student-Right-To-Know –Act, Section 102 is comprised of the
following:
(1) Education is fundamental to the development of individual citizens and
the progress of the Nation as a whole;
(2) There is increasing concern among citizens, educators, and public
officials regarding the academic performance of students at institutions of
higher education;
(3) A recent study by the National Institute of Independent Colleges and
Universities found that just 43 percent of students attending 4-year public
colleges and universities and 54 percent of students entering private
institutions graduated within 6 years of enrolling;
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 40
(4) The academic performance of student athletes, especially student
athletes receiving football and basketball scholarships, has been a source
of great concern in recent years;
(5) More than 10,000 athletic scholarships are provided annually by
institutions of higher education;
(6) Prospective students and prospective student athletes should be aware
of the educational commitments of an institution of higher education; and
(7) Knowledge of graduation rates would help prospective students and
prospective student athletes make an informed judgment about the
educational benefits available at a given institution of higher education.
With a microscopic lens placed on the disproportionate graduation rates of student-
athletes the NCAA, The Knight Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics, and The Student Right-
To-Know act demonstrated enhanced efforts in the reform of academics and need for more
accountability measures for student-athletes (Knight, 1991).
Accountability Measures
As the accountability of the NCAA and universities increased, it was deemed necessary
by the NCAA to create further measures to ensure that the educational outcomes of student-
athletes continued to be a priority. In 2003, the NCAA created both the Academic Progress Rate
(APR) as well as the Gradation Success Rate (GSR) (LaForge & Hodge, 2011). Both the APR
and GSR were measures used to assess the progress of student-athletes who received financial
aid.
Academic Progress Rate (APR). The APR was created as a measure to annually
examine the real-time progress of student-athletes towards graduation. Each semester, an
evaluation of both student-athletes’ eligibility and retention is tracked. Eligibility is defined as
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 41
fulfillment of the NCAA progress-towards- degree requirements as well as the respective
university’s academic standards Student-athletes in a specific cohort have the potential to earn
two points each semester-- 1 point for eligibility, 1 point for retention which can also be referred
to as a student-athletes ability to remain at the enrolled university where athletic participation
occurs. The APR score for a specific cohort is measured by the total possible points earned,
multiplied by 1,000, where a perfect APR score would result in a score of 1,000. The NCAA
initially deemed that any APR score lower than 925 would be subject to penalties enforced by
the NCAA. This was just one way that the academic reform of the NCAA was manifesting itself
in the improvement of educational outcomes of student-athletes.
Federal Graduation Rate and Graduation Success Rate (FGR and GSR). In order to
examine the impact that the GSR has on accountability it is integral to first explore the intentions
behind the FGR. As previously noted, the FGR was a result of the 1990 Student-Right-To
Know-Act. According to Lafordge & Hodge (2011), FGR “completers” are students that
graduate within 150% of the typical graduation period (i.e., four academic school years), which
equates to six academic school years.
A key distinction of the GSR from the FGR is that the GSR takes into account student-
athletes transferring in and out of a given university; whereas the FGR only considers those who
enrolled at that institution and graduated within the allotted six-year window (LaForge & Hodge,
2011). Further, institutions are not penalized for student-athletes who depart the university
prematurely—however, this is contingent upon student-athletes leaving the university in good
academic standing. (LaForge & Hodge, 2011).
The APR, FGR, and GSR were all accountability measures designed to enforce and track
the educational outcomes of student-athletes. With the assistance of the Federal Government, the
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 42
Knight Commission, and NCAA academic reform, advancements were made to create a culture
of accountability geared towards the improvement of educational experiences of all student-
athletes. The increased accountability was a driving force in the implementation of structures
designed to actively support the missions of universities. One important accountability structure
strategically placed on campuses to support the educational missions of universities is academic
support services for student-athletes. The following section will examine academic support
services for student-athletes from a historical lens.
Historical Lens on Academic Services for Student-Athletes
With the realization that student-athletes college experiences were unparalleled to that of
traditional college students, the NCAA, universities, and academic scholars across the nation
realized that academic support services directed toward supporting student-athletes were
necessary (Carodine, Almond, & Gratto, 2001; Meyer, 2005; Watt & Moore, 2001). Although
academic support for student-athletes has been a part of college campuses for decades, it was not
until 1991, that the NCAA Division I membership adopted a proposal that would mandate
academic support and tutorial services for all Division I student-athletes (Meyer, 2005).
Interestingly, this mandate came shortly after the Student-Right-To-Know act and the
recommendations for academic reform from the Knight Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics.
Although the NCAA mandated that all Division 1 institutions provide academic support centers
exclusively for student-athletes, the practice of supporting student-athletes academically began
long before. Specifically, Mand and Fletcher (1986) note that during the 1960’s and 1970’s the
requirements mandated by the NCAA on academic eligibility made it critical for student-athletes
to receive intentional academic support. According to Shribeg and Brodzinki (1984), during the
1970’s advising and counseling for college student-athletes focused on three main areas: class
scheduling, time management, and academic tutoring. As academic support for student-athletes
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 43
became a focal point, so was the need to create an organization to support those institutional
agents working most closely with them. With this in mind, in 1975 Frank Downing and Clarence
Underwood from Michigan State University conceptualized the idea that an organization aimed
at enhancing the academic experiences of student-athletes should be formed. Their organization
was first named the National Athletic Counselor’s association, but was later renamed the
National Association of Athletic Advisors for Athletics (Mand and Fletcher, 1986 as cited in
Sloan, 2005).
Current academic support services. Under the 1991 NCAA mandate for student-athlete
academic support services each university participating in NCAA Division I athletics is required
to house an athletic academic support staff to support their student-athletes’ academic, personal,
and career development. The student-athlete academic support services include tutors, academic
progress monitoring, study hall, academic advising, mentoring, career planning, life skills
workshops, as well as academic specialists specifically trained to work with student-athletes
diagnosed with learning disabilities (M.El. Shahawy personal communication, October 5
th
, 2014;
Carodine, Almond, & Gratto, 2001). A number of variables impact the extent to which the
above-mentioned services are provided, including resources and personnel hired to support
student athletes (Cohn, 2004). What is consistent in the literature is that student affairs
professionals who work with student-athletes have a keen understanding of the busy lives of
student-athletes. With this in mind, student-athlete support centers are typically located in a
central area for convenience, as well as have operating hours of availability consistent with
student-athletes’ practice and academic schedules (M.El. Shahawy personal communication,
October 5
th
, 2014). Through NCAA Blylaw 16.3.1 mandating academic services for all student-
athletes, proponents would say that progress is being made in supporting the total student-
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 44
athletes, but one scholar added an additional perspective to supporting student-athletes and the
culture of academic support services for student-athletes. Utilizing quantitative measures,
Commeaux (2012) administered surveys to athletic academic advisors where findings illustrated
that fewer than 3% of the participants reported that their support programs included assessment
plans to measure the impact of learning outcomes for student-athletes. Comeaux (2015) further
notes that few studies have offered new ideas for changing the culture of academic support
centers for student-athletes.
In addition to understanding the academic support provided to student athletes, it is equally
important to understand how academic success is measured. At present, the NCAA, along with
the Federal government (i.e. NCES, IPEDS) utilized graduation rates to measure the success of
student-athletes bringing back into question the support provides to those student-athletes
graduating at the lowest rates in the sports of football and basketball. Due to the low graduation
rates of revenue-generating student-athletes, this population is deemed at-risk and requires
additional specialized support (Harper et al, 2013). Further, Broughton and Neyer (2011) assert
that in order to assure that advisors and counselors are capable of meeting the needs of student-
athletes, its imperative they are properly trained in the field of advising and counseling. This
assertion is further support by NCAA Bylaw 16.3.1 stating that:
Member institutions shall make general academic counseling and tutoring services available to
all student-athletes. Such counseling and tutoring services may be provided by the department of
athletics or the institution’s nonathletic student support services. In addition, an institution,
conference or the NCAA may finance other academic support, career counseling or personal
development services that support the success of student-athletes. (NCAA Manual: Bylaw
16.3.1, 2015, p. 214)
The enactment of proposition 48 and its impact on academic support. Equally
important to the evolution of academic support for student-athletes was the enactment of
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 45
Proposition 48 by the NCAA legislation in 1986 (Jesdason, 1989). Covell and Barr (2001) note
that Proposition 48 was instituted in response to the dismal graduation rates achieved by student-
athletes, primarily in the sport of football. In a study conducted by the NCAA of graduation
rates from 1975 to 1980, the findings illustrated that less than half (42.9%) of division 1 football
student-athletes graduated. Additionally, in the now-defunct Southwest Conference, only 16.7%
of the football student-athletes graduated during that time period (Covell & Barr, 2001). In an
effort to improve low graduation rates, Proposition 48 required incoming student-athletes to meet
a minimum GPA of 2.5 as well as earn 13 core curriculum classes from high school. It also
required minimum score of 700 on the SAT taken prior to 1995, and a minimum score of 820
score after 1995 (Heck & Takashi, 2006). Heck and Takashi (2006) examined the impact of
Proposition 48 using a time-series design and found that graduation rates for the first set of
freshman admitted after Proposition 48 was implemented had higher graduation rates (53.6%)
than those student-athletes admitted prior to Proposition 48. The study also revealed that as
NCAA initial eligibility standards went up, the freshman application pool became smaller, which
led sports programs to heavily recruit student-athletes from the junior college system.
Although Proposition 48 was an impactful step towards academic reform by the NCAA,
Bylaw 14.1.1.1 details the academic eligibility exception legislation and “special admission”
policy, which made exceptions for underprepared student-athletes who may not have met the
initial eligibility requirements (NCAA Manual: Bylaw 14.1.1.1, 2015, p. 149). Meyer (2005)
posits that when underprepared student-athletes are admitted to universities, the onus for student-
athletes making progress towards degree and maintaining academic eligibility falls on the
academic advisor. The inception of Proposition 48, the changing landscape in academically
underprepared students, and increased eligibility requirements for student-athletes made it
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 46
critical for universities to hire professionals trained to meet the unique needs of the student-
athlete population.
Supporting At-Risk Student-Athletes
In an effort to better understand the transition and experiences of former student-athletes
back into the university, it is vital to understand the support provided to student-athletes who are
deemed at-risk of dropping out upon initial enrollment. Parham (1993) notes that there are six
developmental challenges unique to the student athlete experience requiring intentional support.
These challenges included:
1. Balancing athletics and academic pursuits;
2. Adapting to a certain degree of isolation from social and more “mainstream” activities;
3. Managing success of athletic participation, or lack thereof;
4. Attending to their own physical health in an attempt to prevent injury as well as navigate
through the rehabilitation process;
5. Satisfying a multiplicity of relationships involving parents, coaches, friends, as well as the
community; and lastly,
6. Terminating an athletic career and finding other activities in which participation will bring
about a similar, and potentially more heightened level of satisfaction.
According to Beaudoin and Kumar (2012) the term at-risk is define in three different ways: 1)
students who encounter academic challenges; 2) students who do not engage socially in the
campus community; and 3) students who encounter financial challenges. In regard to student-
athletes, this refers to those on academic probation or those who are in jeopardy of not meeting
eligibility requirements set forth by the NCAA and/or university (Carodine, Almond, & Gratto,
2001). Additionally, Carodine et al. (2001) posit that Black students, in general, and Black
student-athletes, are specifically categorized as at risk because of the host of challenges they
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 47
bring with them. These challenges include both cognitive (intellectual) and non-cognitive
(motivational and environmental) factors (Hyatt, 2003). Light (2004) provides insights on the
potential environmental challenges-- stating that a large portion of Black students may
underperform academically in college due to their not receiving the same level of academic and
social support that they received in high school. Consequently, these are the students who
experience the most challenges integrating into campus life and experience feelings of isolation
and loneliness, which may have a direct impact on their academic performance.
At-Risk Student- Athletes and Learning Disabilities
Student-athletes who participate in revenue-generating sports are frequently recruited to
colleges and universities-- and often academically underprepared (Van Rheenen, 2013). In
addition to the lack of academic preparation it is not uncommon for this population of student-
athletes to enter higher education with documented and undocumented learning disabilities.
Similarly, the N4A Committee on Learning Disabilities (1998) found that nationwide, student-
athletes with learning disabilities comprised approximately 2.7 % of student-athletes, with the
number expected to increase. With the growing number of at-risk student-athletes with learning
disabilities on the rise it is essential to understand the academic support provided to these
students.
According to Carodine et.al (2001), in order to support at-risk student-athletes with
learning disabilities, academic support services within athletic departments are responsible for
coordinating and implementing support services for these students. They are responsible for
referring them to educational testing services based on high school and college academic records,
as well as observations from faculty, tutors, and academic counselors. In conjunction with
university disability services, an array of support is provided for student-athletes with learning
disabilities, such as the provision of visual aids and reading machines, audio books, note takers,
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 48
extended time on tests, oral and sign language interpreters, as well as counseling services
(Carodine, Almond, & Gratto, 2001).
Academic support for student-athletes has become a focal point as it relates to the
persistence and success of student-athletes, specifically those who are at-risk of not graduating
within the NCAA guidelines (i.e., 150% of the typical graduation period). Tinto (2004) asserts
that there are three key developmental areas essential to supporting at- risk students 1)
appropriate academic advising; 2) structural and content support (tutorial support and academic
workshops); and 3) the development of resilient students, who, despite challenging
circumstances, can succeed. Academic support services provided by athletics departments are at
no cost to all NCAA- eligible student-athletes as long as they are eligible to receive athletic-
related financial aid. The NCAA manual also states that all student-athletes are allowed five
years to graduate while receiving athletic-related financial aid which allows student-athletes to
receive these support services until their eligibility expires (NCAA Manual, 2015). The NCAA
program designed to help support student-athletes who do not graduate within the five years
allotted is the Degree Completion Program.
Supporting Student-Athletes through the NCAA Degree Completion Program
In 1989 the NCAA launched the NCAA Degree Completion Award Program. The
purpose of the program is to provide assistance to student-athletes who have exhausted their
eligibility for institutional financial aid to complete their degree in five years. To be considered
for the program, a student-athlete must have completed their eligibility at a Division I
membership institution and be within 30 semester hours of completing their degree requirements.
If selected to receive the award, students receive an amount equivalent to tuition and fees, as well
as a textbook allowance. In order to continue receiving the award, students must maintain a
minimum of a 2.0 GPA. (NCAA, n.d.c). As it pertains to the institutional integrity for student-
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 49
athletes, to meet the needs of all student-athletes who wish to return to the university in pursuit
of their degree attainment, individual NCAA membership institutions have created their own
degree completion programs. Funds allocated for an institution’s degree completion program are
drawn from the respective athletic department budget, and each institution’s requirement for
participation may vary (Dosh, 2014). Dosh (2014) notes that, while these degree completion
programs cannot guarantee that former student-athletes will graduate, they do provide multiple
opportunities for degree completion.
Non-Traditional College Students
In an effort to conceptualize the lived experiences of the non-traditional student
population recognized as Black male former student-athletes re-entering the university, it’s
critical to define who non-traditional students are and the reasons that students stop out from the
university setting before returning. The National Center for Educational Statistics (NCES) (2016)
defines a non-traditional student as a college student over the age of 24, as well as a
heterogeneous population of adults who have family and work responsibilities in addition to
other life circumstances that may interfere with the successful completion of educational
objectives. Other variables used to identify nontraditional students include, but are not limited to,
race and gender, residence (e.g., off campus), level of employment (full-time/part-time), and
being enrolled in non-degree occupational programs (NCES, 2016). Further stop-out students
are those who at one point, had a plan of study and dropped out of the university-- but reenrolled
at a later date to complete their plan of study (Glynn and Miller, 2003; Gentemann, Ahson, &
Phelps, 1998).
Reasons for Stopping-Out
Vincent Tinto’s (2005) seminal work on student retention is centered on the notion that
students who are engaged and involved on campus become students who are retained and
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 50
ultimately graduate. As the landscape of higher education continues to change at a rapid rate and
the student body becomes even more diverse, it has become critical for scholars and practitioners
to understand why students are not completing their college degrees. Examples of barriers to
non-traditional students’ persistence are enrollment patterns, high school graduation status,
whether the student has dependents other than a spouse, financial status (individual, family)
and/or eligible for financial aid, and socioeconomic background (Terriquez & Gurantz, 2014).
For example, Domina, Conley, and Farkas (2011) posit that family income shapes the resources
that parents are able to invest in a young adult’s degree attainment. Further, Terriquez and
Gurantz (2014), conducted in-depth interviews with individuals aged 18 to 26 years to examine
patterns for college stop outs. They found that financial factors in young adulthood were
statistically significant predictors of stopping-out. Other factors included an inability to afford
college, pursuing travel and other professional interests, feelings related to lack of academic
preparation, and lack of clarity in terms of what to study.
Economic impact of degree attainment. When examining the financial gains of a
college degree, data from the National Center for Educational Statistics (NCES, 2016) illustrated
that, for young adults ranging from age 25 to 34 who worked full-time, receipt of a college
degree was directly correlated with higher median income earnings. This pattern was consistent
for 2000, 2003, and from 2005 to 2013. The 2013 median earnings for young adults with a
bachelor’s degree earned an average of $48,500 annually; whereas those with only a high school
diploma earned $23,900. This data demonstrates that individuals who earned a bachelor’s
degree-- regardless of racial or ethnic identity, are likely to earn more than 62% percent more
than those who completed high school, but did not earn a college degree (NCES, 2016). The data
suggests that economic advantages are tied to degree attainment—and illuminates the reality that
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 51
although students enter universities with intentions to graduate, they do not always persist and/or
stop out (Mortenson, 2012). According to NCES (2002) half of nontraditional students leave
college prematurely compared to only 12% of traditional students, and nontraditional students
were more at risk of leaving college after the first year. Examining why students who stop out
becomes more critical when data illustrates that over the past 20 years more than 31 million
students leave college without receiving a degree (Shapiro, Dundar, Yuan, Harrell, Wild, &
Ziskin, 2014).
Support Services for Black Nontraditional and Re-entry Students
According to the National Urban League (NUL) (NUL, 2014), of the Black student
population on college campuses, 65% were nontraditional students. Nontraditional students are
also referred to as adult learners and most recently have been identified as re-entry students
(Michie, Glachan & Bray, 2001). Similar to any distinct population of students, support services
should be designed with that population in mind, as well as a thorough understanding of the
barriers and facilitators to earning a degree. There is limited information on how Black males are
supported and the barriers they experience in returning to the university as re-entry students
however, Rosser-Mims, Palmer, and Harroff (2014) conducted a qualitative study interviewing
15 Black males between 24 and 45 years of age who had stopped out and re-entered a university
to complete their degree. Through semi- structured, face-to-face interviews researchers found
that participants’ perceived barriers to re-entry included lack of role models, lack of awareness in
regards to available financial resources, and lack of knowledge towards creating a healthy work-
life balance (Rosser-Mims, Palmer, & Harroff, 2014). Sources of support critical to assisting
Black males’ re-entering the university setting included faith/spirituality, family support,
intrinsic motivation to improve themselves (economically, professionally), and having a personal
desire to serve as an inspirational figure for their family and children alike (Rosser-Mims,
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 52
Palmer, & Harroff, 2014). A limitation of the study was that it did not explore the university
funded support services provided to Black male re-entry students—or facilitators of degree
completion. Knowledge of these factors would be highly beneficial to student support services
staff.
Black Male Former Student-Athletes as Re-entry Students
Multiple studies centered on Black male student-athletes examined the lived experiences,
as well as the cognitive and non-cognitive barriers that impact persistence while in the university
setting (Bowen & Levin, 2011; Gaston-Gayles, 2004; Hyatt, 2003). There is little research that
examines the experiences that Black male former student-athletes have as re-entry students.
However, Weber’s (2007) qualitative research examines former Black male student-athlete’s
(N=5) reasons for stopping out, as well as the perceived differences in the salience of education
during their playing days and as nontraditional students. Additionally, Weber examined the
perceived barriers to returning and completing their degree. Findings from Weber’s (2007)
qualitative study revealed that having a “hoop dreams” mentality was part of students’ identities.
For Weber (2007) having a “hoop dreams” mentality is a phenomenon that increases many
young Black males’ aspirations for professional athletic careers and in turn discourages
education as a key to social mobility. Although academics was an initial reason for attending
college, participants admitted that their reasons for leaving the university were connected with
their desires to pursue professional athletic opportunities with the lure of having financial
stability. Interestingly, the reason that all five participants decided to re-enter the university was
the need for a formal degree to pursue their career interests. Other contributing factors to their
re-entry were the desire to be a good educational role model for their children and family, as well
as having the personal satisfaction of completing an “unfinished” project. Weber (2007) found
that salience of education played a role in the re-entry process of participants. Specifically, four
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 53
participants who once viewed sports as the means to which social mobility could be achieved no
longer maintained that thought. Professional sports were once viewed as the key to social
mobility for all participants, but the reality of a degree became more pronounced as they
expressed that employers consistently denied them employment because they did not earn a
college degree. Another important theme that emerged from the findings was the perceived
barriers to degree completion (Weber, 2007). Participants identified poor study and time
management skills, ability to balance school and family obligations, and frustration with the
administration in terms of not feeling supported. An additional insight that Weber’s study
revealed was that they had anxiety about returning to the university due to the fear of the
unknown and not knowing how they would personally react to re-entering the university.
Parallels Between Black Male Re-entry Students and Black Male Former Student-
Athlete as Returning Nontraditional Students
The aforementioned study illuminated the experiences of former Black male revenue
student-athletes as re-entry students. Interestingly, the experiences of Black males returning to
the university setting as well as Black male student-athletes as re-entry students, share parallels
worthy of noting. First, Mims, Palmer, & and Harroff, (2014) noted that one of the perceived
barriers towards degree completion for Black males re-entering the university was lack of clarity
in understanding the demands involved with work life -balance. This was also a perceived
barrier for Black male student-athletes returning to complete their degree. In terms of the
rationale both Black males and former Black student-athletes had for returning to college, both
groups identified the desire to improve their economic mobility, an intrinsic motivation to
complete “unfinished” business, as well as the importance of being an educational role model to
their family and children. Though the literature on Black males as returning students is limited,
it is evidenced that similarities exist in the experience as returning students and perceived
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 54
barriers to degree completion. Absent from the extent literature remains the experiences that
former student-athletes have with academic support as nontraditional, re-entry students.
Self-Authorship. In order to place context on the experiences Black male former
student-athletes had with academic support upon re-entry, Marcia Baxter-Magolda’s theory on
Self-Authorship is presented. According to Baxter-Magolda (2007) Self-authorship evolves
when the challenge to become self-authoring is present and is accompanied by sufficient support
to help an individual make the shift to internal meaning making. In addition, findings from
Baxter- Magolda’s longitudinal study illuminated three elements of building a self-authored
system. These three elements include 1) Trusting the internal voice 2) Building an internal
foundation 3) securing internal commitments. Trusting the internal voice refers to the
development of an internal voice which involves shifting the source of an individuals’ beliefs,
identity, and social relations from external to internal. Building an internal foundation refers to
the practice of intentionally guiding internal thoughts and accepting them as reality. This
requires individuals to be reflective and intentional in regards to how hey organize and rearrange
their identity to match their discovered internal voice. This element can be viewed as the creation
of an internal framework. Lastly, securing internal commitments refers to the ideology of
“crossing over” from understanding ones internal commitment to living them out. This element
allows individuals to implement this newfound framework into the everyday decision making
process and utilize it as an internal compass that impacts every area in one’s life (Baxter
Magolda, 2007).
Theoretical Framework
Creswell (2013), claims that a theory is a set of interrelated constructs (variables),
definitions, and propositions that present a systematic view of phenomena by specifying relations
among variables with the purpose of explaining natural phenomena. Moreover, Maxwell (2012)
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 55
asserts that a theoretical framework is the underlying structure, the scaffolding, or the frame of
your study. This underlying structure includes concepts or theories that inform a study. For the
purpose of this inductive, qualitative design, Transition theory, will be reviewed in depth in order
to contextualize the challenges, strategies motivating factors, and support required for Black
male former student-athletes transitioning back to the university in their pursuit of degree
attainment.
Transition Theory
Nancy Schlossberg provides a theoretical framework that has been applied to the transition
of adults and aids in the conceptualization of how adults cope and effectively navigate through
life transitions (Schlossberg, 1981). The three major components of this theoretical framework
include 1. Approaching transition: transition identification and transition process, 2. Taking stock
of coping process: the 4 S systems, 3. Taking charge: strengthening resources. In addition
Schlossberg, Anderson, and Goodman (2011) note that to understand the meaning that a
transition has for a particular individual, one needs to consider the type, context, and impact of
the transition. Context refers to one’s relationship to the transition as well as the setting in which
the transition takes place. Impact consists of the degree to which a transition alters one’s daily
life (Evans, Forney, Guido- DiBrito, 1998). Furthermore, three types of transitions that
Schlossberg et.al (2011) describe are anticipated transitions, ones that occur predictably,
unanticipated transitions, which are not predictable or scheduled, and nonevents, transitions that
are expected, but do not happen.
Approaching Transition. When conceptualizing approaching transition, Schlossberg
(1981) asserts that it is critical to identify what change is forthcoming and how this change will
impact the individuals’ life. This understanding proves to be particularly helpful when adults are
attempting to explain the perceived barriers or challenges of the transition (Schlossberg, 1981;
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 56
1984). Additionally, Schlossberg et al. (2011) cite the concept of transitions as a series of phases
and terms theirs “moving in”, “moving though”, and “moving out”.
Taking stock of coping resources. Schlossberg (1981) introduces the 4 S’s as a
conceptual framework from which to view the resource that adults have when coping with
transition. The 4 S’s in people consist of Situation, Self, Support, and Strategies. It is important
to note that regardless of where someone is in the transition or the specific transition, each
person navigates it differently contingent upon the mentioned resources and perceived barriers.
Additionally, Chickering and Schlossberg (2001) asserts that a person’s ability to successfully
transition or not, is largely influenced by assessing one’s assets and liabilities within the four S’s.
As it pertains to Situation, timing, control, duration, trigger, and experience are all factors that
impact coping mechanisms throughout the transition. Chickering and Schlossberg (2001) refer
to self as the mechanism of coping that entails the personal and demographic characteristics of a
person in addition to the psychological resources a person has at their disposal. In regards to
Support, they refer to it as transitional support that includes institutional agents, family, and
friends, who can be influential in impacting coping strategies experienced by the individual in
transition (Chickering & Schlossberg, 2001). Lastly, Strategies are visible in the three ways, as
individuals have the option to modify the situation, control the meaning of the problem, or aid in
managing of stress thereafter.
Taking Charge. The 4S’s provide a framework from which to view the various
components that impact the transition that an individual experiences. According to Chickering
and Schlossberg (2001) it is critical to understand that regardless of the transition, the individual
is in control of how the transition is managed. Taking charge can be seen as strengthening ones
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 57
resources in an effort to create new strategies to effectively navigate a transition (Chickering &
Schlossberg, 2001).
Summary
Research centered on the lived experiences of Black male student-athletes is well
documented in the extant literature. Empirical data illustrates through disaggregated graduation
rates of Division I student-athletes provided through the NCAA’s GSR, that Black male student-
athletes participating in revenue generating sports are experiencing inequitable educational
outcomes (Harper et. al, 2013) compared to the overall student-athlete population. In addition,
this data illuminates the necessity to examine the literature on cognitive and non-cognitive
variables impacting Black males in their pursuit towards degree attainment (Sedlaceck, &
Adams-Gaston, 1992; Sedlaceck, 2004). Sedlaceck, & Adams-Gaston (1992) shed light on the
reality that traditional cognitive measures, while applicable for measuring persistence in
traditional students, are not indicators of persistence in marginalized student populations.
Consequently, over the last two decades extant literature has examined the impact that non-
cognitive variables have on marginalized student populations.
Critical to understanding the barriers towards persistence of those achieving inequitable
educational outcomes is a historical snapshot of accountability structures whose missions are
intended to support the development of all students. In an effort to shed light on these
accountability and governance structures, an examination of the formation and history of the
NCAA was presented. Additionally, spear headed by the Student-Right- To- Know Act,
literature was presented on the monumental attempts by institutions, the NCAA, and The Knight
Commission to implement academic reform that would aid in ameliorating the inequitable
educational outcomes. Moreover, institution’s commitment to student-athletes was surveyed
with a critical lens placed on academic services for current student-athletes. Researchers
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 58
conclude that academic support services for student-athletes are an integral part to developing
student-athletes from a holistic perspective. Though a voluminous amount of literature examines
the support services provided to current student-athletes, little empirical data supports the
effectiveness of the support structures (Comeaux, 2015).
Reflected in the low graduation rates of Black male student-athletes is the understanding
that these student-athletes are stopping out for one reason or another. Therefore, an examination
of reasons for stopping out as well as non-traditional re-entry students were examined in an
effort to draw parallels from non-traditional students and Black male student-athletes who stop
out. Absent in current research is literature on Black male student-athletes who return to the
university to complete their degree after stopping-out.
In an effort to provide a lens from which to conceptualize the challenges and support
strategies in this study on Black male, non-traditional re-entry students, Transition theory was
utilized. Extent literature brings to light the challenges that non-traditional students face when
deciding to return to the university to complete their degree after stopping out. Transition theory
provides a framework for conceptualizing how nontraditional students cope with and navigate
through the process of re-entry to the university setting.
As evidenced through this review of the literature, a wide body of research examines the
lived experiences of current Black male student-athletes and the challenges they experience in
the pursuit towards degree attainment. In recent years, a few scholars have initiated studies
focusing on the academic success of Black male student-athletes in effort to provide exemplars
for current practitioners, faculty, and administrators to conceptualize an alternative experience of
Black male student-athletes. Additionally, literature examining the academic support provided to
current student-athletes is expansive. However, there is a dearth of literature that examines the
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 59
academic support provided to returning student-athletes who fit the category of non-traditional
students. This study attempts to fill a gap in the literature with the examination of the
experiences Black former student-athletes have with academic support as re-entry students.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 60
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLGY
In this section an overview of the research design utilized to conduct this study will be
presented as well as the rationale behind the methodological design choice. First, a review of the
purpose of the study will be addressed. Next, the sample and population will be presented
followed by instrumentation and protocols. Lastly, data collection, and data analysis will be
presented.
Design Summary & Research Questions
The purpose of this inductive, qualitative study is to explore Black male former student-
athletes’ experiences with academic support services as nontraditional, re-entry students at a
large, private, urban university through in-depth, face-to-face semi structured interviews.
Merriam (2014) states that using semi-structured interviews allows the researcher to respond to
the situation at hand, to the emerging worldview of the respondent, and to new ideas on the topic.
Research Questions
This study posed the follow research question and sub-questions:
1. What perceptions and experiences did Black male former student-athletes have/with
academic support upon re-entry?
a) What support services were provided and most beneficial upon re-entry to the university?
b) How did utilization of support services change as re-entry students compared to utilization
prior to stopping out?
The practice of admitting student-athletes who do not meet university admission
requirements are often times viewed as the beginning of the barriers that impact persistence of
Black male student-athletes. The federal graduation rates and graduation success rates (GSR)
only tell one story pertaining to the educational outcomes of Black male student-athletes. The
NCAA graduation rates used to measure the success of student-athletes utilizes a six- year
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 61
window and does not account for those who stop out and return to the university after prolonged
amounts of time (LaForge & Hodge, 2011). Therefore, omitting the experiences of student-
athletes who return to the university as nontraditional students to complete their degree leaves a
void in a growing population. With this in mind, it’s imperative to examine the experiences
Black male former student-athletes have as nontraditional re-entry students in an effort to gain
insight and ultimately utilize these narratives to improve academic support services provided to
current and former student-athletes reentering the university in pursuit of degree attainment.
Why Qualitative Methods?
Of the various types of research methods, the one most appropriate for the current study
is that of qualitative design, due to the need to examine the meaning behind quantitative data
reflected in the low graduation rates of Black male student-athletes participating in revenue-
generating sports. The voluminous extant literature examining the low graduation rates illustrates
what is happening, how groups differ, and if there is a causal effect (Creswell, 2003)?
Additionally, a growing body of research examines the lived experiences of current Black male
student-athletes, but traditionally from a deficit framework (Bensimon, 2005). Fries-Britt (1997)
notes that the images created of Black men in our society often confine them to environments
shaped by drugs, crime, athletics, and academic failure. He further claims that, in education the
research has contributed to this negative portrait by the disproportionate amount of literature that
emphasizes remediation and disadvantage. It is with this understanding that, in order to
understand the experiences Black male former student-athletes returning to the university as
nontraditional, re-entry students have with academic support services, their counter narratives
must be explored using face -to-face, semi-structured interviews. Solórzano and Yosso (2002)
define counter narratives as a method of telling the stories of people who are often overlooked in
the literature, and as a means by which to examine, critique, and counter master narratives
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 62
composed about people of color. In like manner, Patton (2015) asserts, “The main purpose of an
interview is to obtain a special kind of information. The researcher wants to find out what is in
and on someone else's mind”. With this understanding, it was critical to conduct interviews in a
natural setting to get the perspectives of Black male former student-athletes and their experiences
with academic support services provided as nontraditional, re-entry students. Furthermore, in an
effort to gain insight on the support provided, it was critical to select a sample that would most
adequately reflect the data desired to be collected for this study.
Sample and Population
Merriam (2014) states that, in qualitative studies, the most commonly used sampling is
that of purposeful. Purposeful sampling is defined as a strategy where particular settings,
persons, or activities are selected deliberately to provide information that is particularly relevant
to your questions and goals, and that can’t be obtained as well from other choices (Maxwell,
2013). For the purpose of this study, a small sample size was used (N=6), keeping in mind
Patton‘s (2002) suggestion of a small sample size in qualitative studies. The unit of analysis
consists of Black male former Division 1 student-athletes at a university located in California.
Former student-athletes were selected based on a previous pilot study conducted on current
student-athletes and 1 former student-athletes perception on the academic support provided at a
large, private university. Findings from the study illuminated the rich narrative of this former
student-athlete and his ability to be reflective on his entire college experience versus one or two
years of experience from the current student-athletes who participated in the study. Another key
insight from the pilot study included the lack of depth in the responses from the current student-
athletes and the elaborate responses from the former student-athlete. It was concluded that as the
primary investigator, my positionality may have been a contributing factor to the limited
responses from current Division I student-athletes I worked with on a daily basis and reported to
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 63
their coaches, opposed to the former student-athlete with whom I had no daily interaction with.
Positionality refers to the investigator’s reflection on one’s own placement within the many
contexts, layers, power structures, identities, and subject viewpoint (England, 1994).
The interview questions used were created from the research questions, theoretical
framework, and the literature review. To ensure validity, interview questions were field tested by
higher education practitioners with an expertise in qualitative design (Creswell, 2013).
Interviews were used because they afford the researcher the opportunity to enter into the other
person’s perspective (Patton, 2015). This is a critical element when attempting to understand the
lived experiences of Black male former student-athletes as re-entry students and their views on
the support provided to them in the pursuit of degree attainment.
Instrumentation
As mentioned, the interview questions were field tested by higher education practitioners
who were not only experts in qualitative design, but familiar with the unique population of Black
male former student-athletes returning to the university (Creswell, 2013). Additionally, a pilot
study was conducted and used as a foundation to modify interview questions. Merriam (2014)
states that pilot interviews are crucial for trying out your questions. He further notes that pilot
studies not only give the researcher needed practice in interviewing, but affords the researcher
the opportunity of learning which questions are perplexing and need rewording, which questions
yield useless data, and which questions, suggested by interviewees, you should have thought to
include in the beginning (Merriam, 2014). Moreover, when constructing the semi-structured
interview protocol, research questions and theoretical frameworks guided this process. For
example, transition theory was used as a compass to guide questions to illuminate and
contextualize the experiences with past academic support as a current student-athlete versus the
support provided as re-entry students (Schlossberg, 1981).
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 64
Data Collection
Approval from the Institutional Review Board was sought and received prior to data
collection. Qualitative data was collected from Black male former student-athletes who returned
to their institution after stopping out to complete their degree. As mentioned, to ensure the
reliability, effectiveness, and validity of this data collection method, a pilot study was conducted
in the fall of 2015. Data collected was obtained exclusively through semi-structured interviews.
Interview questions were derived from an interview protocol and administered to all participants
in an effort to assist in guiding the researcher as well as maintaining continuity across all
interviews. Additionally, the use of audio recording was administered with the consent of each
participant to be followed by transcriptions, coding, and analysis. Merriam (2014) notes that of
the three basic ways to record interview data, the most common way is to audio record the
interview. This method provides assurance that everything said is preserved for analysis. After
the initial interview with each participant, follow up interviews were scheduled to ensure that
saturation was achieved. Merriam (2014) cites that saturation occurs when continued data
collection produces no new information or insights into the phenomenon you are studying.
Data Analysis
For the purpose of this study, the Constant Comparative Method as well as Transition
Theory, specifically, the 4 S’s guided this qualitative analysis centered on exploring the
perception and experiences that Black male former student-athletes had with academic support as
re-entry students. (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The initial step included Open Coding (Strauss,
1987). This process included examining the data collected and creating codes from a first glance
perspective. This was done in an effort to keep the data as authentic as possible and reflect the
true meaning of what was articulated in the responses of participants. In examining the data and
creating open codes, it was essential to define the codes in a codebook. Open coding was
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 65
necessary until no new codes were found and saturation in this coding phase was reached.
Next, the Axial coding process was conducted in an effort to create larger themes from
the initial open codes (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). It was important to begin searching for
relationships within the data collected and coded through the lens of Transition Theory. Finally,
Selective Coding was used to translate Axial Codes into larger themes in an effort to narrow the
focus and make meaning of the narratives given by the participants (Glaser & Strauss, 1987).
Upon completion of the coding process, it was integral to member check to ensure internal
validity. Merriam (2014) defines member checks as the need to solicit feedback on the
researchers emerging findings from the participants interviewed. Furthermore, member checks
are the most important way of ruling out the possibility of misinterpreting the meaning of what
participants say as well as identifying the researchers’ biases of what was observed (Maxwell,
2012). To support this claim, it was imperative for me to be cognizant of my positionality within
the athletic department in order to confront any biases, assumptions, or beliefs I had due to my
experiential knowledge of collegiate athletics and academic support.
Summary
This chapter discussed the qualitative methodological design that was used for this study.
The sample and population were described at length along with the instrumentation and data
collection method. Finally, data analysis was provided in an effort to insure the internal validity
of the study conducted.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 66
CHAPTER 4: THE FINDINGS
Chapter four details the findings collected for this study as it pertains to the overarching
research questions and sub questions. Additionally, participant’s information is highlighted in
table 1. The purpose of this qualitative study was to address one overarching research question
and two sub-questions 1) What perceptions and experiences did Black male former student-
athletes have with academic support upon re-entry? 2) What support services were most
beneficial upon re-entry to the university? 3) How did utilization of support services change as a
nontraditional re-entry student compared to utilization prior to stopping out? The twelve themes
that emerged from this analysis were 1) Personal accountability leads to enhanced experience
with academic support 2) Accessibility of support and family like dynamic lead to enhanced
engagement 3) Faculty engagement and its impact on academic confidence 4) Learning
specialists and personalized support 5) Connecting with professors and utilizing office hours 6)
Survival mode and no voice 7) NFL aspirations and its impact on academic identity 8) Demands
of athletics and its impact on academic support 9) Too much academic support and its negative
impact 10) Need for a voice 11) Motivation and commitment/accountability to self and family,
and lastly 12) As identity shifts, paradigm shifts of Black male former student-athletes.
The purposes of this study is to understand the perceptions of Black male former student-
athletes and their experiences with academic support throughout the pursuit of degree completion
upon re-entry after stopping- out from the university. Comeaux, (2012) asserts that too often,
academic centers and sources of support for student-athletes rely on anecdotal information as it
relates to academic strategies and support, rather than utilize evidence (i.e., data) to make
decisions regarding the specific academic needs and futures of athletics. This study explores the
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 67
academic experiences and support needs of Black male former student-athletes in an effort to
illuminate the support provided and edify future support for former student-athletes who return
to the university after stopping in pursuit of degree completion. In addition, graduation rates are
the outcome measure that determines if universities are adequately preparing student-athletes for
life beyond their sport, but what is not factored into these graduation rates are those who come
back to college after stopping-out to ultimately complete there degree.
The rich narratives captured in this qualitative study were gathered through in depth,
semi-structured interviews. This chapter provides participant background information, emerging
themes found through the coding process in regards to the research questions, and finally a
summary of the experiences of Black male former student-athletes as they transition back to the
university and perceptions of the support provided.
Participant Background Information
The following table and brief narrative provides a summary of each participant’s age
upon initial enrollment into the university, age upon re-entry, and reasons for leaving the
university, as well as the length of each interview. To protect the identity of all participants,
pseudonyms were used. All participants, with the exception of one, left the university to pursue
their athletic aspirations of playing in the National Football League (NFL). Upon initial
enrollment, each former student-athlete was considered traditional student age, and upon re-
entry, based on age, each former student-athlete would be considered a non-traditional student.
The demographic information provides context to the answers of each research questions
connected to the theoretical framework that provides a lens from which to view the emerging
themes.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 68
Table 1. Participant Information
Participants Relevant
Characteristic 1
(age upon initial
enrollment to the
university)
Relevant
Characteristic 2
(e.g., age upon
re-entry to the
university)
Reason for
departure
Length of
Interview
Gary Brown 22 27 Left school early
to play in the
National
Football League
(NFL)
45 minutes
Darrick Anderson 17 25 Exhausted his
NCAA
eligibility and
was dismissed
from the
university
50 minutes
William Blount 18 33 Left school
early to play in
the National
Football League
(NFL)
47 minutes
Price Boyd 18 27 Left school
early to play in
the National
Football League
(NFL)
50 minutes
Denard Patterson 18 28 Left school
early to play in
the National
Football League
(NFL)
48 minutes
Dexter Wilson 18 30 Left school
early to play in
the National
Football League
(NFL)
45 minutes
Participant information. Gary Brown, age 27, left the university at 22 years old to
pursue his aspirations of playing in the NFL. Gary decided that leaving the university
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 69
prematurely would allow him to solely focus on training for the NFL draft. In addition, Gary
spent time at a junior college before earning a full athletic scholarship to play football on the
collegiate level. Gary believed that his junior college prepared him for his athletic success, but
when it came to academic preparation, he felt that he was not prepared and viewed seeking
academic assistance as a sign of weakness. In addition, Gary noted that his motivation for
returning to complete his degree was heavily influenced by his family and his promise to his dad
before he passed away that he would earn his degree.
Darrick Anderson, age 25, left the university involuntarily after being dismissed from
school and exhausting his NCAA eligibility. In order to re-enter the university, Darrick was
required to write a petition to the university as well as meet with the athletic director at his
university to explain why he should be allowed to finish his degree after being dismissed.
Darrick was a highly recruited student-athlete who played four years of collegiate football for his
university and admitted that his identity was centered on his athletic ability. Darrick self-
disclosed that he exemplified characteristics of mediocrity and laziness upon initial enrollment
and that he was more concerned with the glamor associated with being a “big-time” collegiate
football player versus performing at his best level in the classroom. In contrast, Darrick stated
that when he was dismissed from the university it gave him the opportunity to reflect on the
direction that his life was headed in and how he could adjust habits and behaviors in a way that
his future self and loved ones would be proud of him. Darrick noted that his motivation for
returning to complete his degree was his desire to explore his full potential outside of football
and prepare himself for a career that was more stable than his football dreams.
William Blount, age 33, left the university prematurely to pursue his aspirations of
playing in the NFL. William enjoyed an eight-year career playing football professionally before
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 70
an injury caused him to retire. As an NCAA collegiate student-athlete, William admitted to doing
the bare minimum in his course work being that his motivation was to play in the NFL and earn a
lucrative salary. Once William completed his professional athletic career he went through an
identity crisis that forced him to step away and reflect on who he was as a man and how he
wanted others to view him outside of his football ability. After taking time off to do some soul
searching, William reached out to one of his former coaches to catch up and to his surprise, his
coach suggested he return to finish his degree. Admittedly hesitant about this idea, William
decided that if he did not return at that point, that he would regret it later in life. William
disclosed that his motivation for returning to the university to complete his degree was the birth
of his child in which he wanted to be a positive example for as well as his desire not to be a
statistic and viewed as the “dumb Black jock” that had little to offer outside of his ability to play
the game of football.
Price Boyd, age 27, departed the university prematurely to pursue his childhood dreams
of playing in the NFL where he enjoyed a four-year career playing for multiple teams. Price was
a highly recruited football player out of high school and though he understood the importance of
education, he admitted to contradictory messages regarding where his priorities were to be
placed while in college. He also stated that while he wanted to focus on his academics upon
initial enrollment, he admitted that with all the demands connected with being an NCAA
collegiate football student-athlete, a common feeling shared by his athletic peers, was mental and
physical exertion, which heavily impacted the ability to focus on academic related work. Price
stated that his motivation for returning to complete his degree was his desire to utilize the college
experience as a platform to explore his abilities outside of football in an effort to better prepare
himself for manhood and successful transition into the workforce.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 71
Dennard Patterson, age 28, left the university early to pursue his aspirations of playing in
the NFL where he enjoyed an eight-year career. Similar to the other participants in this study,
Denard was a highly recruited All-American football player coming out of high school. Denard
entered the university with the mindset that he would earn his degree, but noted that his football
obligations (e.g. film, weights, meetings practice) took precedence. In addition, Denard noted
that because of all the demands that came with football and the mandated academic support, he
felt that his voice did not matter and as a result, did just enough to keep the coaches and
academic support staff off of his back. Dennard’s motivation for re-entering to earn his degree
was centered on the debunking the myth of the “ dumb Black jock” as well as the commitment
he made to his family that he would earn his degree after his playing career was done.
Dexter Wilson, age 30, like his peers in this study departed the university, to pursue his
childhood dream of playing in the NFL in which he played for seven years. Coming out of high
school, Dexter was one of the top football recruits in the country and admitted that he entered the
university under prepared for the rigors and expectations of balancing his academic
responsibilities with the sport that he was recruited to the university to play. Dexter indicated
that getting acclimated to his football responsibilities was made more of a priority than the total
transition from high school to college, which impacted how he approached his academic
responsibilities upon initial enrollment. Lastly, Dexter’s motivation for returning to complete his
degree was the promise he made to his mom when he signed to play collegiate football at his
university and was determined to make good on that promise.
Research Question One: What perceptions and experiences did Black male former
student-athletes have with academic support upon re-entry?
From the interviews, three themes emerged as it relates to the perceptions and
experiences Black male former student-athletes had with academic support upon re-entry. The
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 72
following themes revealed were: 1) Personal accountability leads to enhanced experience with
academic support 2) Accessibility of support and family like dynamic lead to enhanced
engagement, and 3) Faculty engagement and its impact on academic confidence. The interplay of
these three themes provides rich narratives of the perceptions and experiences Black male former
student-athletes encountered with academic support as re-entry students.
Personal accountability leads to enhanced experience with academic support.
Consistent across all participants was the understanding that participants had to commit to their
own success and look in the mirror in order to hold themselves accountable when re-entering the
university. Participants had different motivating factors that led them to return, but personal
accountability was a common theme that all participants agreed on. Personal accountability was
a strategy used to take responsibility for not only their academic success, but preparation for a
life outside of football. From the participant’s perspectives, taking ownership of their academic
success meant being open to the process of learning how to be a student again. William Blount
revealed that he was initially extremely nervous to re-enter the university after stopping-out, but
when he made the decision to open himself up to the process he noticed that the support staff
helped build his confidence. Moreover, he stated “When something goes wrong in football I look
to the sideline to coach, but now as a 33 year old man, when something goes wrong, you look to
the sideline and no one is there so you have to look in the mirror. I realized that I am the coach
and the academic staff was my cheerleaders to support me, which helped build my confidence”.
In terms of personal accountability, Denard Patterson indicated that it was up to him to decide
how he wanted his life to pan out and this decision allowed him to be open to the support
provided. He further notes that this support made him feel like he was not alone and positively
impacted his confidence.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 73
Nancy Schlossberg’s Transition theory (1981) contributed to this analysis in that all
participants used personal accountability and openness to utilize the support as a strategy
towards success upon re-entry. This strategy afforded them the opportunity to take advantage of
the resources that were provided and gain the academic confidence needed to succeed.
Chickering and Schlossberg (1995) note that strategies in any type of transition, aid individuals
in managing stress, modifying the situation and controlling the meaning of the problem. This
understanding provides insight to the importance personal accountability played as a strategy for
the participants in order to manage the stress that came with the uncertainty and nervousness of
re-entering the university after stopping-out.
Accessibility of support and family like dynamic lead to enhanced engagement. A
theme that became evident throughout the interviews was the impact that the accessibility of
support staff had on student engagement as well as how a family like atmosphere enhanced
student’s confidence. Interestingly, former student-athletes discussed the uncertainty of how
support staff would perceive them as a re-entry student with no NCAA eligibility left. They
discussed at length the type of support that was provided when they were playing football for the
university, but thought that was solely because they were student-athletes who were making
money for the university. To their surprise, the support was the same upon re-entry, which
enhanced their desire to become more engaged with the support staff and utilize the resources
provided. When interviewing Gary Brown he expressed the following,
“Knowing the support was the same really motivated me to do this because I had people
that believed in me because you get a lot of support when you're an athlete and you're
playing well, you can't really tell the difference, you don’t know if these people are
genuinely happy for you because they want you to succeed or they're happy for you
because you're out there performing. It was something that may be both, but for me to not
be in a position of being an athlete anymore and see the support that I still had was all the
same, that really meant something to me because at some point you start feeling like an
outsider if you're not playing football”.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 74
Gary further notes that it was all “love “when he returned and that people wouldn’t understand
how much that meant to feel supported and that people believed in him outside of his athletic
identity.
All participants also mentioned how the support staff provided the presence of “academic
coaches”. Their ability to look at support staff as coaches could be viewed as a strategy that
provided a framework for how to view a different type of support, absent of the coaches’ support
they were accustomed to as student-athletes. Dexter Wilson stated that the support staff was
similar to having 15 coaches who cared only about building him as a person. He along with all
other participants expressed that the lack of judgment from the support staff allowed them to feel
comfortable with the re-entry process. Darrick Anderson enforced this notion of how lack of
judgment enhanced his engagement.
“The support never judged me or changed their attitude towards me upon re-entry. They
were still accepting and open to me, which really helped me engage in the academic
process. It was really eye opening and kind of allowed me to look in the mirror and say,
my support system is here, and they are pushing me towards my ultimate goal and
genuinely want me to be successful in life.”
Reflected in the above quote, the family-like structure allowed all participants to feel
comfortable seeking out the support, but in addition, the accessibility of staff thoroughly
impacted the engagement of participants. Darrick explained that knowing that the support staff
was there and accessible made all the difference. In addition, Price Boyd indicated that the
accessibility of support staff was huge for him because that showed how much they cared which
led him to embrace the academic support.
“The support staff provided someone you count account on in the form of support when
you know something is not coming to you clear and having them accessible and not just
being in the room by yourself, having that support next door or a couple of offices down
to ask a simple question goes a long way and it definitely helps”.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 75
Moreover, an interesting sub-theme that emerged out of the access to support staff was the
commitment to their academic success and not an APR point or a graduation rate. Interestingly,
all participants felt that though the support staff was accessible when they were student-athletes
before they stopped-out, they perceived their motives were tied to the APR and GSR scores that
the NCAA uses to measure academic success. Ultimately, the family like support and
accessibility of support proved to be invaluable to the engagement and utilization of support by
all participants.
Faculty engagement and its impact on academic confidence. As it pertains to the
participant’s experiences with faculty, all participants’ stated that upon re-entry they began to
view their professors in a new light. The phrase that consistently came up was “professors as an
ally vs. professors as an enemy”. Each participant explained that upon initial enrollment as an
NCAA eligible student-athlete, they experienced academics in survival mode leading to minimal
academic preparation only doing enough to remain in good graces with their coaches, which
would ultimately allow them to compete in games each weekend. This minimal effort included
lack of studying and preparation for classes, which led participants to sit in the back of the
classroom. Dexter Wilson mentioned that when he was a student-athlete he was scared to sit in
the front because he knew the professor would call on him and in the event that this occurred, he
would not be prepared to answer any questions. Dexter also stated that he did not know his
professors on a personal level so he imagined they did not care about him as a person.
Moreover, all participants mentioned that a strategy used to navigate the transition process re-
entering the university was utilizing professor’s office hours. Consistent across all participants’
narratives was the notion that professors supported their desire to complete their degree and
made time outside of traditional office hours to meet with them and provide assistance. This
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 76
faculty support led participants to engage more in class, raise hands, participate, and sit towards
the front of the class. Another result from faculty support was the confidence that participant’s
gained in their identity as an active participant in the academic process.
These finding reiterated Transition theory and the interplay that self, strategies, and
support, had on the overall perceptions and experiences that Black male former student-athletes
had with support upon re-entry. First, self refers to the ego development and psychological
resources one uses to cope and manage a major life transition. As mentioned, all participants
noted that an integral factor to utilizing support services was the ability to be vulnerable and
open to the process of being a student again after stopping out. This was also connected to the
personal accountability mentioned by participants that allowed them to take responsibility for
their academic success and seek out avenues that would allow them to achieve their ultimate goal
of degree completion. Allowing one to be vulnerable to the process of learning to be a student
again and personal accountability led participants’ to effectively create strategies to succeed in
the transition back into the university setting. The participants in this study all noted that once
the ego was set aside and they committed to graduating college, their strategy for success was
utilizing the academic support provided as well as developing meaningful relationships with
faculty members. Lastly, support as defined by Chickering and Schlossberg (2001) is the who
and what is around to help one through the transition. Made evident by the narratives shared, the
academic support provided along with the support staff and their accessibility, as well as faculty
members all played a critical role in supporting former student-athletes not only transition back
to the university, but ultimately degree completion.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 77
Research Question 2: What support services were most beneficial upon re-entry to
the university?
All Black male former student-athlete participants in this study noted that they were
much more willing to explore and utilize the academic resources available upon re-entry.
Additionally, they indicated that the following resources were available to them; tutors, academic
advisors, learning specialists, writing center, professors, and office hours. Of the resources that
were mentioned, the two forms of support that were most utilized and beneficial to Black male
former student-athletes were the learning specialists and professors office hours.
Learning specialists and personalized support. As aforementioned, all participants
expressed that the support of learning specialists was most valuable due to the fact that the support
provided from learning specialists was personalized and structured to meet their individual needs.
In regards to the personalized support, Darrick stated “So with the personal support that I received
and the academic support, I felt I had a platform, I had a foundation to where I was so supported
and had nothing but positivity to share with my family and with that positivity that I was giving to
my family, I was in a great place. I was in great standing with my family, I was in a great standing
with my siblings and I was able to be heard, I was able speak of my success and it definitely created
a better connection with me and my family”. Darrick further spoke on the voice that he was able
to find through this platform of support as well as the accountability, guidance, and one-on one
support that was designed to meet his needs as a re-entry student. Gary confirmed his preference
for the support of learning specialists over other forms of support because they did not judge him
and took the time to understand his academic needs based on what he disclosed with them. William
expressed how the learning specialists understanding of what he was trying to accomplish and their
lack of judgment increased his desire to utilize the services as well as aided in providing him with
more confidence in his academic ability.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 78
Consistent across narratives of participants on their preference for utilizing learning
specialists, as a means of support, was the impact being heard and having a voice had on utilization
and academic confidence. All participants spoke in depth on their initial experience with support
as a young student-athlete and how they perceived their voice as one that was not developed nor
valued and how that impacted their ability to see themselves as an active participant in their
academic journey. Transition theory once again was reiterated in the student-athletes strategy to
utilize this specific support service in an effort to assist them in managing/coping with the realities
of being a re-entry student.
Connecting with professors and utilizing office hours. The other support service that
participants expressed was most beneficial as a re-entry student was connecting with their
professors and utilizing their office hours as an additional avenue to build meaningful relationships
and gain an ally. The ability to view professors from the lens of an ally would be categorized as
another strategy used to effectively manage the transition process. Dexter indicated that once he
changed his perspective of the student-professor relationship, it altered the power dynamic and
made him feel that professors were people who genuinely cared about him and wanted to help him
in his academic endeavors. His following quote reflects this understanding.
“When I was a student-athlete I would go to class, you know I’m trying not to stand out so I
would sit in the back so I could sleep or be on the phone thinking the professor wouldn’t
notice me, but when I came back the second time, I changed my perspective and opened
myself up to getting to know my professors. This allowed me to gain a familiarity with my
professor, you know, there’s a certain rapport that you build and it’s like well, it makes you
accountable to the person that you had a conversation with. When you make yourself
accountable, your like; okay I’m here, while I’m here for this time, I’m going to do be
involved, awake and all those kind of things. Really, my confidence came from the professor
relationship, but also the accountability factor and preparing myself for class. I think that
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 79
stepped up my confidence because what was being talked about in the front of the room, I
had a good idea about what was going on”.
Gary echoed these sentiments and added that this realization was extremely comforting,
empowering, and heavily impacted his engagement with the academic process. Additionally, Gary
expressed that utilizing office hours proved to be invaluable to his experience as a re-entry student
because he was able to have real conversations with professors and connect with them, as people
who he believed wanted to see him succeed. He further states:
“Honestly when I first attended the university, the majority of university staff, coaching
staff and academic support would always tell us to build personal relationships with
professors by going to office hours because that personal relationship goes a long way. At
first I wouldn't attend office hours because I didn't feel like I had the time to go and I felt
it wasn’t going to impact my ultimate goal of making it to the NFL. Honestly, when
things did not work out with the NFL and I came back to school I had to communicate
with all my professors. The support I got from them gave me a sense of comfort and it
felt more personal with their involvement in my situation as a re-entry student. I could
share certain things with them and the responses I received made me realize why they
(support staff) said to get more personal and get to know my professors. I realized they
were good people who wanted to help me succeed in life.”
All participants expressed an initial anxiety to reach out to professors because of their initial
experience with professors as student-athletes in which they viewed professors as an enemy and a
roadblock to their overall success. They further disclosed the perception of being objectified as
student-athletes playing for the university and how they believed that professors believed they
were only at the university to play football. Consequently, this perception altered the way that
participants interacted with professors upon initial enrollment, but once participants re-entered the
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 80
university they all mentioned the need and desire to be open to the entire academic process, which
included building relationships with their professors. It was also mentioned that once a relationship
was built with professors in their office hours, participants realized that professors would re-
arrange their schedules to meet outside of office hours if the set office hours did not work with
their schedules. Lastly, it was noted that the strategy of utilizing office hours increased motivation,
academic confidence, and engagement not only in class, but also in the academic process.
The two integral components of support that proved to be most beneficial to the academic
experiences of Black male former student-athlete were the utilization of learning specialists and
the personal support provided as well as the strategy of connecting with professors and utilizing
office hours. Consistent with the 4S’s of Transition theory, was the strategies that Black male
former student-athletes utilized to successfully manage the transition as well as the utilization of
the support system that was provided. Utilization of support would not have been possible if
participants did not open themselves up to learning how to be an active participant in their
academic success.
Research Question 3: How did utilization of support services change as a
nontraditional re-entry student compared to utilization prior to stopping out?
When exploring how the utilization of support services changed as re-entry students
compared to utilization prior to stopping out, seven themes emerged. The four themes for
utilization prior to stopping out were 1) survival mode and no voice 2) NFL aspirations and its
impact on academic identity 3) Demands of athletics impacted ability to focus on support 4) Too
much academic support and its negative impact. Three themes that emerged in relation to how
utilization of support changed as a re-entry student were 1) Need for a voice 2) Motivation and
commitment/accountability to self and family 3) As the identity shifted, the paradigm shifted. The
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 81
themes from the narratives gathered through interviews are organized in two sections starting with
the utilization of support prior to stopping out followed by how utilization changed upon re-entry.
Survival mode and no voice. Consistent across all participants in this study, was the
perception of academics as a means of survival upon initial enrollment and how this
unequivocally impacted utilization of support services. Additionally, all participants admitted
that they were passive participants in the educational process upon initial enrollment and felt as
if they did not have a voice in their future outside of their athletic ability. For the purpose of this
study, survival mode is defined as, doing the bare minimum as it relates to academic preparation
in order to focus on football obligations. William Boyd’s narrative illuminates the survival mode
mentality he adopted as a student-athlete “ My identity was connected to going to the NFL so I
did what I had to do to get them off my back so I could be on the field come Saturday. My only
focus was knowing my blocking assignments, running the ball, and knowing the plays.
Academics was an afterthought, but I knew that if I did not go to class I would get in trouble by
the coaches and that would mess with my playing time”. Darrick admitted that because of
football he just didn’t get the bigger picture stating, “I mean I just didn’t understand the bigger
picture, I didn’t understand everything it (college) came with, and I was too into instant
gratification. I was a big time college football player, with NFL hopes, had girls, and was more
focused on that perception rather than being focused on how I was perceived in the academic
setting”.
The other participants admitted to only showing up to support because it was made
mandatory and they knew that if they did not attend tutoring and other aspects of academic
support, their coaches would view them negatively. Additionally, the mandatory aspect of the
support impacted the utilization of support because participants felt as if they did not have a say
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 82
in the support they needed, thus making them a passive participant in their academic journey and
left feeling as if their voice didn’t matter. This was a key insight that heavily impacted the
utilization of support upon re-entry. Denard expressed his perception that the support staff saw
him as a position on the football team and not a person, which impacted his utilization as well as
how he viewed himself as a student. He mentioned that the perceptions imposed upon him by
support staff impacted his lack of understanding for his own voice in the academic process.
These narratives reiterated Transition Theory as it illuminates the impact that support has
on student’s transitioning/ moving in to college. In these interviews, participants expressed that
they experienced academic support passively because it was not something that they had a say so
in. They also felt that with the focal point of their existence on campus being centered on their
athletic ability that their strategy would be to just “get by” and survive in academics so that they
could be viewed in a positive light by their coach.
NFL aspirations and its impact on academic identity. All participants in this study
expressed the reality that their central focus for coming to college was to prepare to play
professional football in the NFL. Each participant was highly recruited out of high school and
noted that their athletic ability and not their academic ability was why the university was paying
for their experience on campus. This athletic identity not only shaped the way they viewed
themselves, but the utility value placed on academics. Athletic identity is defined as the degree to
which an individual identifies with the athlete role (Brewer, Van Raatle, and Linder, 1993).
Dexter p stated that the first time around he was so focused on the possibility of professional
football and his athletic career that his academics was not even a realistic thought. William
confirmed this notion stating, “My plan A was to go to the league and all my efforts went
towards preparing for that. If I didn’t make it to the league, I figured I would figure it out later”.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 83
Moreover, Price disclosed that he felt that logically speaking, focusing on academics would
probably help him in the long run, but that he did not see the value in it because of his focus on
his aspirations of playing in the NFL. Lastly, Dexter illuminated the perceived reality that upon
initial enrollment as a student-athlete, he was solely there to play football and as a result, all he
wanted to do was watch film and prepare for whoever there opponent was that upcoming
weekend.
Transition theory provided a framework to better understand the impact that the situation
had on black male student-athletes transition process into the university as well as their initial
utilization with support services. The mindsets and perspectives that participants’ had upon
initial enrollment heavily impacted how they engaged in the academic process and utilized
academic support. Through these narratives, it was made evident that identity was shaped around
the athletic role coming into the university, which dramatically impacted their commitment to
academic success and the utilization of the support services provided.
Demands of athletics impacted ability to focus on support. Another important
emerging theme from interviews was the impact that the demands of athletic participation had on
participant’s ability to focus on being a student and embrace the academic process. All
participants interviewed expressed that they were consistently tired from the demands that came
with being a scholarship football player at a big time university where the expectations were to
win national championships year in and year out. Price noted that he was always mentally and
physically exhausted (e.g. dehydrated, hungry, pain) which took a toll on his motivation to focus
on his academic responsibilities. William stated that he was always too exhausted to exert energy
on his academics. He further states, “ all day we either practicing, lifting weights, and watching
film so by the end of the day when it comes time to go to tutoring, all you want to do is go to
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 84
sleep”. Similar statements were shared by Denard who noted that he had no time to be a student
based on his athletic schedule and that he was too tired at the end of the day to want to focus on
school. He also mentioned that he was irritable at the end of each day and that while he was sure
the academic staff meant well, it was just not something he had any interest doing after a long
day of weights, watching film, class, practice, and trying to find time to eat in between. The last
statement made by Darrick rang true with all other participants when he expressed the notion that
it was extremely hard balancing two full time jobs (e.g. academics and football) when he was
trying to figure out who he was and find a voice in a system where he believed already provided
a voice for him.
These narratives provided insight on the impact that athletic participation had on the
utilization of support services for Black male former student-athletes upon initial enrollment.
The interviews illustrated that based on the amount time spent preparing for athletic obligations,
individuals were exhausted and conflicted about where priorities lied based on the time spent on
sports and the time spent on academics. Utilization of support services for these participants
were minimal based on the understanding that their athletic identity shaped their motivation to
engage in the academic process, and the time commitment that athletic participation brought, left
participants mentally and physically exhausted. Transition theory aided in understanding how the
situation that current Black male student-athletes were experiencing impacted the utilization of
support. All participants admitted that the demands of sport were overwhelming thus negatively
impacted their transition and experience outside of athletics.
Too much academic support and its negative impact. The last theme that emerged
from interviews in regards to the utilization support upon initial enrollment was the perceived
negative impact that too much academic support had on the academic identity and confidence of
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 85
Black male former student-athletes. Darrick indicated that he believed that the abundance of
support mandated for him was a reflection of his inability to succeed in the classroom, thus
impacting his confidence in himself. Additionally, he stated that support staff never asked him
his thoughts about the support being provided which made him feel as if he didn’t have a voice
in regards to his academic development. He stated “things are so handed to you, they are handed
to you to a point where you really don’t have a voice”. Dexter shared similar sentiments stating
that with all the support that was provided, it made him not want to utilize it because it made him
feel as if he didn’t have a voice. He stated “ Man, it’s like I knew that I had a tutor for every
class and that they wanted me to be eligible so I figured if I didn’t do any work outside of
classes, my tutor or learning specialist would help me get it done. This support made me feel
like I had a security blanket and kinda gave me a false sense of reality. I mean, I know they
probably meant well, but I felt like they kept giving me fish on a regular rather than teaching me
how to fish”. All participants mentioned the idea that athletic eligibility might have been a factor
for all the support. Price mentioned that he felt so much support was being forced on him to
make sure he remained eligible. He went on to further state that this made him feel as if he had
no voice and impacted how he saw himself as a student.
It is important to note that these perceptions reflected how participants initially
experienced and perceived academic support as full scholarship NCAA student-athletes in a
revenue generating sport. The benefit of comparing how participants experienced and utilized
academic support as an 18-23 year old initial enrollee and a 25-33 year old nontraditional student
re-entry student is the ability to reflect on the experiences from a different lens due to the growth
that ultimately comes from age and experience.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 86
Transition Theory provided a lens from which to view the initial academic experiences of
Black Male former student-athletes. In addition, it was evident that situation heavily influenced
how Black male former-student-athletes saw themselves in the academic process and how that
impacted their utilization of academic support. The emerging themes provided a foundation
towards understanding the initial moving-in/transition process of all participants and the
strategies used to cope with this process. In this next, section a presentation of the emerging
themes will be discussed in regards to how utilization of academic support changed as Black
male former student-athletes re-entered the university after stopping-out.
Need for a voice. As Black male former student-athletes transitioned back into the
university, the narratives shared through interviews indicated that a strategy for all participants as
re-entry students was the development of their own voice. This voice was something that each
participant expressed was absent during their initial experience as NCAA eligible student-
athletes. It became evident that as each participant decided to hold themselves accountable
towards their own success, a critical ingredient was advocating for themselves and developing an
internal compass through the utilization of their own voice. Denard illustrated this notion stating
“I felt like with my experience as a re-entry student I had to develop my own voice to let my
voice be heard and when I came back to finish my degree, you know I just continued to practice
hard to let my voice be heard”. Denard clearly articulated that developing his own voice was a
strategy that he used to open himself up to the support that was available upon his return. He
also indicated the importance of making sure the support staff understood that he was in control
of his future which helped support staff adjust the support to meet his academic needs rather than
what they thought he needed. William indicated that a part of developing his own voice was the
realization that asking for help did not make him appear weak. Admittedly, he perceived asking
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 87
for support while playing football for the university as something that would make him appear
less than adequate. He claimed, “When you are playing big time college football and winning,
you feel like you are invincible… Man, you feel like you are on top of the world and that meant
strength to me. What did I look like asking someone for help or admitting that I couldn’t do
something? Where I come from you just don’t do that”. Consistent across all participants was
this idea that once they developed their own voice they became confident in their ability to be
successful in the classroom, which meant for them, engaging in the academic process and
utilizing the support services that the university provided. This strategy was one that was
discovered based on their initial experience and their perceptions of not having a voice.
Transition theory once again provides a framework to view the importance of the
strategies necessary to cope and manage the transition process returning to the university of
Black male former student-athletes. As mentioned, the strategy that emerged through the
interviews was the need for a voice, which led to all participants taking ownership of their
academic experience, something that was not a part of their perspective when they were student-
athletes. This voice heavily impacted all participants and their desire to seek help and utilize the
support services upon re-entry.
Motivation and commitment/accountability to self and family. Another important
theme that emerged when discussing how utilization of support changed for participants upon re-
entry was the personal accountability and commitment Black male former student-athletes had to
their families which promoted a strong sense of internal motivation to achieve their ultimate goal
of graduating from the university. All participants expressed this intense desire to not only finish
what they started, but also be a role model to family member and loved one. William mentioned
that he wanted to make his mother and daughter proud which internally motivated him to engage
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 88
in the support services that were available to him. Denard spoke of the importance of being a
role model to other family members as well as his future spouse and children. He stated “How
am I going to tell my kids to go to college and make something of themselves when I didn’t
complete the task myself?” There was no way I could look my family in the face and preach to
them about something I didn’t do”. The fear of not finishing my degree and having to look my
family in the face drove me to take advantage of all that was available to me. There was no way I
wasn’t going to graduate.” Three (Darrick, Denard, and Price) participants even mentioned the
commitment they had to the university, which motivated them to take full advantage of the
resources. In addition to this, common phrases heard through the interviews were “I was
determined not to be a statistic” and “I didn’t want to be viewed as Black dumb jock that could
only play football”. These two phrases were insightful as it relates to the development of
intrinsic motivation, identity development and personal accountability. This intrinsic motivation
was also connected to the idea that in order for them to be successful in anything in life, they had
to understand the importance of holding themselves accountable and finishing what they started.
Ultimately, the commitment to self, their family, not wanting perpetuate the stereotype, and
being a role model, led all participants to actively engage in the academic process and seek out
the support needed to reach their goal of graduating.
Transition theory once again, provides a lens from which to view the importance of self
and how placing context on the situation impacted their willingness to utilize and access support
that can assist one in the transition process. In the case of the participants in this study, their
internal commitment to not only self, but their respective families, coupled with the desire to be a
role model and de-bunk the myth of the black dumb jock motivated all individuals to engage and
utilize the support services provided
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 89
As identity shifted, the paradigm shifted. The last theme was one with extreme insight
to the engagement, utilization of support services, as well as each participant’s ability to see the
bigger picture. As mentioned earlier, all participants admitted to subscribing to their athletic
identity as initial NCAA eligible student-athletes. This athletic identity dramatically impacted
their ability to view themselves as an active participant in the academic process and fully take
advantage of the support services provided. Interestingly, all participants were vocal about the
reality that once football was no longer a realistic option they had to decide how they wanted to
be viewed and from which lens they would view the world. William stated, “no matter how
much money you make in this league (NFL) or depending on multiple factors, you can get
dropped, I’ve seen some athletes get dropped and it’s bad. You’re still going to have to do
something for the rest of your life and if you don’t have any money then you have to have
something. Your degree definitely helps you get a job and all kind of stuff so I decided that it
would be a smart life decision not just from an academic perspective, but also for networking”.
Others supported this narrative in the study that expressed understanding the bigger picture
motivated them to become an active participant in their academic journey. Denard indicated that
he saw the bigger picture and that was his motivation to engage. He went on to further discuss
what he coined as the “trade- off”. In his words, the trade-off was that he gave his athletic ability
to the university and in return he would take his education in which he now believed would help
prepare him for the game of life. This trade-off was something he indicated he did not
understand when he was an eighteen year old student-athlete. He further noted that so much
went into shaping his athletic identity that he was not mature enough to understand the value of
an education when at that time, all signs pointed in the direction of preparing himself to enjoy a
lucrative career playing in the National Football League. Price mentioned that without the NFL
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 90
he could now focus on another equally important goal of earning his degree that had been set
aside due to his strong desire to be successful in his sport.
An interesting sub-theme that emerged from this identity shift was the notion that Black
male former student-athletes now had the time to focus on who they really wanted to be and
what they wanted to do with their life. Price stated
“The first time around you are focused on professional football and your athletic career,
but when I came back it was more of a realistic view since I didn’t have my sport anymore and I
wasn’t identified as the NFL player. It’s like a different perspective because you know, the
things that you want to pursue as an eighteen year old and your motivation is connected to that
which was the NFL for me. Without the pressures and time commitments devoted to sport, I
began to focus on getting my degree and other opportunities I could take advantage of that could
help me achieve the things I wanted to accomplish for the rest of my life”.
William expressed how he used the game of football as a foundation to shape his newfound
academic identity. He notes:
“I had to use football as analogy to transfer what I learned through the game to my
academics since football was all that I knew as an eighteen year old kid. You know what
I mean, in football I always tried to put myself in the best possible position to make
plays. Deion Sanders said ‘If you play good, then they pay good (referring to the hopes of
earning a lucrative NFL contract) I was trying to get paid and making plays was all I
knew. When I came back for a second time to get my degree, I translated that mentality
to putting myself in the best position to make plays once I graduated college”.
For William, this meant opening himself up to the support that the university had to offer
which he was able to connect to how he would prepare for games to how he needed to prepare
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 91
for class and for tests. Other participants echoed these sentiments noting that they were able to
transfer all the energy that they once put into making it to the NFL to now focusing on
developing a new identity that would aid in shaping them as men. To confirm this, Darrick was
adamant about the impact that this identity shift played on his newfound perspective. He stated,
“As my identity shifted, so did my perspective on my academic and career goals. I saw the
bigger picture and once I was able to see myself as a student I was willing to seek out avenues of
support that would help prepare for the world after I graduated from the university. Lastly, all
participants shared the same insights regarding the value they placed on academics as an 18-23
year old youth opposed to the value they placed on it when they re-entered the university.
Denard noted that once his identity shifted he could focus on what he now perceived as a focal
point, which was his academics. He indicated that once this shift occurred he was all in as it
related to taking advantage of all the support that would assist him in earning his degree. It was
evident through these narratives that all participants had to redefine themselves and take on a
new identity in order to understand the benefits of utilizing support services. Additionally,
exploring a new identity did not mean they had to totally do away with the past identity. The
ability to use analogous thinking proved to be helpful as participants were able to take essential
elements used to prepare for football and transfer those elements to preparing for their academic
endeavors.
Transition theory contributed to this analysis in that it reiterated the interplay of all 4 S’s
in relation to the Black male former student-athletes and the impact that shifting of identity had
on the utilization of support as a re-entry student opposed to when they were student-athletes at
the university. As it relates to self, individuals admitted that their values changed upon re-entry,
which dramatically impacted the desire to be an active participant in their academics and utilize
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 92
support services. For situation, being that all participants chose to re-enter the university, the
transition was one that was anticipated which allowed them to willing take on this new identity
and take advantage of resources. Strategies can be viewed as the willingness to take on a new
identity, tap into the intrinsic motivation stemmed from the desire to be a role model to family
members and loved ones, as well as the use of analogous thinking used to transfer successful
football strategies into academic strategies for success. Finally, support impacted this academic
journey because participants’ did not just receive academic support, but they leaned on the
support provided my family and loved ones which helped motivate them to access the resources
need to earn their degree.
Summary and Discussion of Findings
This chapter presented and overview of the data collected from interviews pertaining to
the experiences and perceptions that Black male former student-athletes had as re-entry students
with support services. Responses were divided up by the research questions 1) what perceptions
and experiences did Black male former student-athletes have with academic support upon re-
entry? 2) What support services were most beneficial upon re-entry to the university? 3) How did
utilization of support services change as a nontraditional re-entry student compared to utilization
prior to stopping out? Interestingly, the responses and themes illustrated that all three questions
were equally important to understanding how Black male former student-athletes experienced
and perceived support upon re-entry. Black male former student-athletes in this study provided
rich narratives that illuminated their strategies for success, perceptions, and experiences with
academic support as re-entry students.
A total of twelve themes emerged from the data collected. As mentioned, these themes
were broken up by research questions. In research question number one, what perceptions and
experiences did Black male former student-athletes have with academic support upon re-entry,
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 93
three themes emerged 1) Personal accountability leads to enhanced experience with academic
support 2) Accessibility of support and family like dynamic lead to enhanced engagement 3)
Faculty engagement and its impact on academic confidence. Black male former student-athletes
reported that it was critical for them to take responsibility for their education and realized once
this happened that the support staff viewed them from a lens of pure support, care, and concern
for their well-being as a person and not just an athlete. Additionally, participants agreed that a
form of support that they utilized to persist was engaging with professors, which contributed
positively to their academic self-efficacy. As it pertains to the second research question, what
support services were most beneficial upon re-entry to the university? Two themes emerged 1)
Learning specialists and personalized support 2) Connecting with professors and utilizing office
hours. Participants in this study concluded that the most beneficial support provided upon re-
entry was the utilization of learning specialists and connecting with professors in office hours.
Key sub-themes centered on the ideas of the utilization of learning specialists were personalized
support, non-judgmental, and helping them find a voice by listening to them. In regards to the
second theme, connecting with professors and utilizing office hours, participants agreed that a
strategy that was helpful was viewing professors as an ally opposed to an enemy. Participants
disclosed that upon initial enrollment, the identity was centered on football and that this survival
mode led them to preparing minimally for academic obligations, which heavily impacted how
they perceived their professors. Since they admitted to doing little to prepare for classes they
knew that in order to not get called on to answer questions in class they did not know, they
should sit in the back and avoid interactions with professors. However, upon re-entry they
admitted to another strategy that helped them succeed in their academic journey. Since identity
shifted from that of an athletic identity to that of a student, participants began to seek out
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 94
strategies that would aid them in achieving their ultimate goal of graduating. All participants
expressed that utilizing office hours allowed them to build personal relationships with their
professors who were very friendly and equally committed to their success. This was comforting
for participants and aided in the development of their academic confidence.
In regards to research question number three, how did utilization of support services
change as a nontraditional re-entry student compared to utilization prior to stopping out? Seven
themes emerged. These themes were divided up by their initial experience as student-athletes as
well as their utilization of support services as re-entry students. In terms of Black male former
student-athletes initial utilization of support services, the themes that emerged were 1) Survival
mode and no voice 2) NFL aspirations and its impact on academic identity 3) Demands of
athletic participation and its impact on utilization of support 4) Too much academic support and
the negative impact on utilization. All participants were vocal about their inability to find a
voice in their initial academic journey do to the mandated support provided. Individuals believed
that since they were not give an opportunity to give input on their own academic support that
their voice didn’t matter and thus impacted how they utilized the support. In addition, the
athletic identity that all participants expressed heavily impacted their utilization of support.
These participants genuinely saw their purpose in the university setting one that was preparing
them to pursue lucrative careers in sport thus impacting their desire to embrace all the support
that was provided. In addition, participants agreed that with all the demands that athletic
participation came with, they were physically and mentally tired at the end of the day, which
dramatically impacted their desire to fully engage in the academic process. Lastly, participants
perceived the amount of support provided as a reflection of their inability to perform in the
classroom and a sign that their eligibility was all they were concerned with. Individuals who
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 95
were already insecure about their academic ability were not able to view the support from a
positive lens because of all the compounding factors that came with the athletic identity.
In regards to utilization of support upon re-entry, three themes emerged 1) Need for a
voice 2) Motivation and commitment/accountability to self and family 3) As identity shifted, the
paradigm shifted. The need for a voice dramatically impacted the utilization of support services
because as re-entry students, participants not realized that they were sitting in the driver seats of
their own future, something they did not feel as NCAA eligible student-athletes. In addition, all
participants disclosed the impact that their families had on them seeking out academic support.
Participants also discussed the importance of finishing what they started and if they wanted to be
role models, they had to take their own advice. This strategy allowed all participants to open
themselves up to receiving academic support and no longer viewing asking for help as a
weakness. Finally, all participants were adamant about the impact that identity had on their
ability to seek out academic support upon re-entry. Through these rich narratives it was evident
that as participants’ identity shifted from that of an athletic identity to a student, there paradigm
shifted as well. Once the NFL was no longer an option and they didn’t feel the pressure of being
identified as solely a football player, participants now could redefine themselves, which included
actively engaging and seeking out support. Interestingly, participants admitted that though the
identity shifted from an athletic identity, they were still able to use analogous thinking to connect
key elements of football preparation to academic preparation. This strategy proved to be helpful
for participants as they were able to tap into areas where they achieved great success and apply
those principles to a new and somewhat foreign playing field. These twelve themes provided a
story on the road to academic success of Black male former student-athletes as they re-entered
the university to ultimately achieve their goal of degree completion.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 96
This final chapter, chapter five, summarizes the significant findings, theoretical
implications as well as implications for current and future practice. In addition, the limitations
will be reviewed as well as recommendations for future study followed by a recap of the entire
study.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 97
Chapter 5: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Illustrated in the review of the literature, a wide body of literature focuses on college
access and the student experience in pursuit of degree attainment. Historically, the experiences of
traditional age students have been a point of interest within scholarly research, but as the
landscape of higher education shifts and universities become more diverse, the experiences of
nontraditional students have become equally important to explore and understand (Ross-Gordon,
2011). Additionally, one nontraditional student population, Black male student-athletes have
garnered much attention in the extant literature, specifically those participating in the revenue-
generating sports of football and basketball. Much attention has centered on the low graduation
rates of this student population. In like manner, it is important to note that this nontraditional
student population has the highest rate of athletic identity and identity foreclosure as a result of
the dreams of lucrative professional athletic contracts which often times dramatically impact
academic identity and persistence (Adler & Adler, 1985, Beamon, 2012; Donnor, 2005). As a
result, the non-cognitive variable impacting the persistence of Black male student-athletes in
revenue-generating sports has been investigated at length (Hyatt, 2003; Light, 2004; Sedlaceck,
& Adams-Gaston, 1992; Sedlaceck, 2004). However, studies that examine the experiences of
Black male former student-athletes as re-entry students are scarce. The purpose of this study was
to explore Black male former student-athletes’ experiences with academic support services as
nontraditional, re-entry students. The research questions addressed were 1) What perceptions
and experiences did Black male former student-athletes have with academic support upon re-
entry? 2) What support services were most beneficial upon re-entry to the university? 3) How did
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 98
utilization of support services change as a nontraditional re-entry student compared to utilization
prior to stopping out?
To understand the perceptions and experiences Black male former student-athletes had
with support services as re-entry students, the inductive method of qualitative data analysis was
used to analyze the results. Data was gathered by interviewing 6 Black male former student-
athletes that stopped-out and re-entered the university to ultimately earn their degree at a large,
private, urban university in Southern California. Black male former student-athletes were chosen
for this study because they were most likely to provide rich narratives due to their ability to be
reflective of their initial experiences with support services as NCAA student-athletes and how
that impacted their perceptions and experiences with support as re-entry adult students. Table 2
provides a summary of the findings utilizing the 4 S’s as a lens from which to view the
perceptions and experiences of Black male former student-athletes re-entering the university.
Table 2. Summary of Findings
Schlossberg’s 4 S’s Initial Experience Re-entry Experience
Self- commitment and values,
self-efficacy, identity, sense of
meaning, motivation
Athletic Identity
Stereotype threat
Lack of voice
Low academic motivation
Low academic self-efficacy
Goal Commitment -- NFL
aspirations
Identity shift-- newfound
voice
Personal Accountability
Internal/ enhanced
motivation
Goal Commitment--
Degree completion &
Commitment to family
Situation- What triggered it, was
it a good time in your life, have
you had previous experiences
with a similar transition. Was it
expected or unexpected? Was it a
positive or negative transition?
Access to higher education
based on athletic ability
Highly recruited student-
athletes
Overwhelmed
Time commitment/mental
and physical impact of
athletic demands
Academically underprepared
No voice
Low utility value
Anticipated/ choice to re-
enter- Positive
Goal Commitment changed
Time constraints no longer
present ( e.g. mental and
physical exhaustion)
Uncertain of what to expect
as an adult learner
(vulnerable yet open)
Re-learn academic
expectations and college
system
High utility value
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 99
Support- family unit, friendship,
network, institutional (Do you
feel the support system for this
transition is a low or a high
resource?
Academic advisors, tutors,
learning specialists, writing
support, professors
Negative impact of mandated
support
Self-perception impacted by
perceived views support staff
had of their ability
Same support
Family like atmosphere of
support
Accessibility of support
enhanced engagement
High utility value
Heavily utilized the learning
specialists and professors
office hours
Family support
Strategy -3 Types
1. Those that modify the
situation
2. Those that control the
meaning of the problem
3. Those that aid in managing
stress
Survival mode
Minimal effort
Performance oriented
Compliant
Development of internal voice
Allowing themselves to be open to
the academic process
Utilization of support
Utilization of professors office hours
Viewing professors as allies/
building rapport
Analogous thinking
Mastery oriented
Discussion of Findings
Research Question one: What perceptions and experiences did Black male
former student-athletes have with academic support upon re-entry?
In this qualitative study, participants reported that a key component to successfully
transitioning back to the university and utilizing the support provided was the personal
commitment to their future success. Participants also disclosed the impact that support had not
only on academic engagement but ultimately reaching their academic goal of degree completion.
As noted in Transition theory, the three main components are 1) Approaching transition:
transition identification and transition process 2) Taking stock of coping process: the 4 S system
3) Taking charge: strengthening resources. Through interviews, it was made evident that each
participant understood that transitioning back to the university would not be a transition to
navigate in isolation. In order for participants to understand the importance of strengthening
their resources they noted the importance of understanding the importance of their personal
commitment to academic success. Once participants committed to themselves and their goal,
they found that the support staff was equally invested in their success, which heavily impacted
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 100
their utilization of support services available. In addition, another key finding illustrated the
impact that family like support had on engagement and utilization of support for all participants.
These findings are consistent with previous studies conducted on Black male academic success
and the influence that support has on persistence (Bimper, Harrison, and Clark, 2012; Martin &
Harris, 2007). Additionally, findings connected to the impact personal accountability had on the
experiences of Black male former student-athletes are consistent with studies investigating
academic motivation and its impact on persistence (Tinto, 1993; Martin, 2010; Comeaux, 2007).
Another important finding highlighted the impact faculty members had on the academic
confidence and engagement of Black male former student-athletes. Participants noted the
important strategy of viewing professors from the lens of an ally rather than an enemy. Upon
initial enrollment, due to their pronounced athletic identity participants were adamant that their
sole focus was surviving in the academic arena, thus academic preparation was minimal. As a
result of this survival mentality, participants felt that professors viewed them from a deficit lens,
which heavily impacted engagement in class and out of class with professors (Benson, 2000). In
contrast, upon re-entry, participants altered their perspective of professors and in return were
able to utilize them as a resource and ally. Participants also admitted to increased academic
confidence, preparation, and engagement when reflecting on the impact that faculty members
had on their academic journey as re-entry students. These findings were consistent with the
literature on the impact that faculty interactions have on performance and engagement of Black
male student-athletes (Comeaux, 2010).
The rich narratives provided in this study on the perceptions and experiences of Black
male former student-athletes adds to a limited body of literature that explores the experiences of
Black male re-entry students and illuminates the need for support services to be conducive to the
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 101
needs of the specific population. In addition, their experiences and perceptions shared provide
insight for the importance of Schlossberg’s’ 4 S’s that aid in the transition process of adult
learners.
Research question two: What support services were most beneficial upon re-entry
to the university?
Building on Schlossberg’s 4S’s, it became evident through interviews that the university
provided various means of support available to current student-athletes as well as returning
former student-athletes. One major concern expressed by all participants was the uncertainty of
the support that was going to be provided upon re-entry and if it would mirror the support
provided while NCAA eligible student-athletes. What participants realized as re-entry students
was the need for the same level of caring as when they were initial student-athletes, but a
different type of support. The support that became evident, as the most beneficial was the one-
on-one individualized support provided by university hired learning specialists and the office
hours provided my faculty members. The support of learning specialists was preferred over other
available resources based on the lack of judgment displayed by learning specialists and the
understanding of individualized support designed to meet the needs of different types of students.
This finding supports Comeaux’s (2012) assertion that “that too often, academic centers and
sources of support for student-athletes rely on anecdotal information as it relates to academic
strategies and support, rather than utilize evidence (i.e., data) to make decisions regarding the
specific academic needs and futures of athletics. Narratives provided regarding what services
were most beneficial for re-entry students provides a much-needed glimpse into future support
for adult learners.
Another key finding regarding support that was most beneficial to re-entry Black male
former student-athletes, was the utilization of professor’s office hours as a strategy for success.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 102
As mentioned, once participants adjusted their perceptions of professors and opened themselves
up to receiving support, participants began to actively seek out support from professors in the
form of office hours. Interestingly, participants began to view professors as people with lives
outside of academics, which helped build a bridge as it relates to professors understanding their
goal of earning a degree after pursuing their dreams of professional sports. All participants
expressed the impact that utilizing office hours and building a rapport with professors had on
their academic confidence, preparation for class, as well as engagement in class. These findings
were consistent with previous studies on student engagement, specifically Pascarella and
Terenzinis’ study that found that college success was directly connected to the degree to which
students engaged in activities such as preparing for class and interacting with professors in and
out of class (Pascarella &Terenzini, 2005).
Findings regarding the most beneficial support services of Black male former-student-
athletes aid in the understanding of the importance of support for re-entry students and its impact
on persistence. Additionally, findings were consistent with Transition Theory and the need for
support as a means to successfully transition back into the university and persist towards degree
attainment. Chickering and Scholssberg (2001) note that taking charge can be seen as
strengthening ones resources in an effort to create new strategies to effectively navigate a
transition. This was made evident through the findings in this study as participants strengthened
resources by utilizing professor office hours and made the decision to utilize the learning
specialists as their preferred method of support as re-entry students transitioning back into the
university.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 103
Research question three: How did utilization of support services change as a
nontraditional re-entry student compared to utilization prior to stopping out?
Findings’ specifically concerning how utilization changed for Black male former student-
athletes provides key insights regarding the impact that transitioning into the university as well as
transitioning back to the university had on the utilization of support services. Findings’ on the
utilization of support as initial NCAA student-athletes, illustrated that Black male former student-
athletes utilization of support services were heavily influenced by their athletic identity. All
participants explicitly stated that their main purpose for attending the university was to prepare for
a career in the NFL. Palmer (1994) describes this ideology as the “athletic dream” where a
multidimensional set of behaviors and fantasies propelled the desire to pursue this idea of
superstardom through participation in sport. This ideology that all participants prescribed to
impacted academic motivation, self-perception, goal commitment, and ultimately utilization of
support services provided by the university. In addition to “athletic dreams”, the findings were
consistent with the extant literature surrounding athletic identity which leads to high rates of
identity foreclosure for Black male student-athletes Adler& Adler, 1985; Beamon, 2012;
Steinfeldt, Reed, & Steinfeldt, 2010; Howard-Hamilton & Sina, 2001).
All participants expressed a “survival mentality” during initial enrollment as student-
athletes that led to minimal academic effort, feelings of no academic voice, and low academic
engagement in class as well as with academic support services. A key insight on academic support
provided to participants as NCAA student-athletes centered on the reality that too much support
was counterproductive. Participants perceived the mandatory and extensive support as a reflection
of staff members’ perceptions of their inability to perform in the classroom and central concern
with remaining eligible to compete, thus leading to feelings of minimal input in their academic
support plan, and a crutch to their academic identity development. As a result, all participants
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 104
spoke at length on the perception of not having a voice and its impact on seeking out and utilizing
academic support. This study found that the utilization and experiences with academic support
were heavily influenced by identity and goal commitment/orientation and as the identity shifted,
the paradigm shifted as well. Transition Theory aids in providing a lens from which to view how
self, situation, strategies, and support significantly impacted the moving in and moving through
process of Black male former student-athletes upon initial enrollment.
As Black male former student-athletes re-entered the university after stopping out, it was
found that each participant prescribed to a newfound identity, which significantly impacted their
views on the transition process, coping mechanisms, strategies, goal commitment, and
strengthening resources. Transition theory provides a foundation to support how the utilization of
support changed upon re-entry. For all participants, transitioning back to the university to attain
their degree was viewed as an anticipated transition, which allowed them an opportunity to
strategically plan their approach to strengthening their resources. Key findings suggested that once
athletic participation was no longer a realistic option, the goal commitment shifted from that of
lucrative NFL contracts to that of attaining a degree, finishing what they started, and preparing for
life after football. Additional findings shed light on the time constraints that hindered the academic
identity development as student-athletes and the notion that once these time constraints were lifted;
participants could solely focus on their academic goals. Participants expressed the physical and
mental exertion as NCAA eligible student-athletes that impacted their desire to utilize support and
how as re-entry students, they could solely focus on getting their degree and utilizing support
services without the interruptions of workouts, film, weights, and travel due to competition.
Additionally, consistent with findings from Weber (2007) and Rosser-Mims, Palmer, and Harroff
(2014) study, all participants spoke to the impact that commitment to family, self, and wanting to
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 105
be a role model to youth had on their utilization of support and engagement in the academic
process. These findings illuminated the need for a support system not only within the university,
but also the impact that familial support had on engaging in the academic process and utilizing
support services. Lastly, based on the lack of voice as initial student-athletes, a key finding was
the need for a voice as a strategy to successful transition back into the university. This voice
provided a platform for former student-athletes to articulate the support they needed and gain
confidence in that voice. These findings provided much needed narratives on the experiences and
academic success of Black male former student-athletes as re-entry students. Table 3 provides a
conceptual lens to view the interplay between Schlossberg’s 4 S’s and the impact that identity has
on the perceptions, experiences, and utilization of support for Black male former student-athletes.
Figure 1: Transitional Model of Re-entry Student-Athletes
Implications
Theory Implications. The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions and
experiences that Black male former student-athletes had with academic support as re-entry
students. It was critical to examine the participants’ responses through a lens that adequately
assisted in understanding the findings. For this reason, Transition theory was used to help provide
insight on the intricacies of the transition process and the support needed for adult learners.
•Strategy •Support
•Situation •Self
Identity
Goal
Commitment
Cogntitve
Framework
Engagement
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 106
Specifically the 4 S’s, (self, situation, strategy, and support) provided an in depth understanding
of the interplay of all S’s in the transition process that ultimately led to degree completion of all
participants. Ultimately, all participants consciously chose to return to the university, which
impacted the strategies they utilized to cope and navigate the transition process. In addition, the
conscious choice of returning to earn their degree revealed the evolution of a new identity, goal
commitment, and the strategy of utilizing academic support as a form of strengthening their
resources in the transition process. Lastly, Transition Theory informed and guided the interview
questions.
Practical Implications. The purpose of this study was to gain an in depth understanding of
the perceptions and experiences Black male former student-athletes had with academic support
upon re-entry to the university after stopping out. Implications for practice include:
Key questions for athletic departments, universities, and coaches to consider based on the
findings are:
1. How does the culture of athletics dictate and impact the way Black male student-athletes are
asked to think about themselves as learners and as human beings?
2. How do structural factors centered on supporting Black male student-athletes help or hinder
their holistic development?
3. How do practitioners effectively encourage Black male student-athletes to engage in the
metacognitive process to value themselves outside of being athletes?
4. What are the values most critical to the holistic development of Black male student-athletes
that promote engagement and persistence? Does the structural support promote these values
through intentional practice?
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 107
5. How does interest convergence principle noted in Critical Race Theory, connected to athletic
participation and access to higher education impact the identity development of Black male
current and former student-athletes.
While this study did not use Critical Race Theory (CRT) as an analytic lens, several
themes of CRT continued to appear. A future study should further investigate the structural
factors laid out in CRT to further understand the larger context of each Black male former
student athlete’s story. Generally speaking, this study adds to a limited body of research on the
re-entry students experience at-large. Ross-Gordon (2011) notes that trends indicate that non-
traditional students are coming to college campuses at a rapid pace, which makes it critical for
support staff to understand the needs of this population in an effort to train support staff, and
design support units that are conducive to the needs of these students.
Limitations
There are several limitations to this study. One limitation was that due to time constraints,
participants were only interviewed once, which might have been indicative of participants’ mood
at that time. Additionally, though research effects were checked, biases might have been present
impacting the responses from participants’ due to the positionality of the interviewer. The
interviewer was an employee in the Athletic Department and though all participants’ were former
student-athletes, participants were at one point affiliated with the athletic department and might
have censored their responses in an effort to protect current and future relationships with university
staff and administrators. Another limitation was the sample size (N=6). The small sample size
makes generalizability difficult to achieve. Being that there was a gap in the literature as it relates
to Black male former student-athletes perceptions and utilization of academic support upon re-
entry, this study served as a starting point for current and future researchers to further investigate.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 108
Recommendations for Future Research
A paucity of literature examines the support provided and experiences that former student-
athletes had upon re-entry, thus this study provided a platform for future studies.
Recommendations for future research includes:
1. Duplicate this study at various universities in other conferences to examine common themes
and discrepant information. Depending on the university and conference, resource allocation
may impact the amount of support provided to current and former student-athletes.
2. Include other sports, races, and gender in a study of this caliber. Black male former football
student-athletes were selected based on the low graduation rates achieved by this population
and the documented revenue generated from that sport. Equally important are the experiences
of all re-entry students regardless of race, gender, or sport. As it pertains to other sports, there
is a rise in men’s basketball and baseball student-athletes who leave the university early to
pursue professional sport so understanding their experiences after re-entry would be helpful as
each team has its own culture and findings would add insight to specific populations.
3. Consider exploring the barriers to degree completion that former student-athletes have who
stopped-out and have not yet returned to complete their degree. Since graduation rates do not
include former student-athletes, little is known about those who never come back to the
university. An examination centered on understanding why these individuals stopped out and
have chosen not to return will provide key insights for current practice as well as outreach
strategies in an attempt to recruit former-student athletes to return to complete their degree.
4. An examination of the role coaches play in encouraging former student-athletes to return to
earn their degree. Coaches are the individuals that recruit student-athletes to the university and
have the most influence on them, so understanding the role coaches’ play in encouraging
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 109
former student-athletes to return would broaden the scope of support to ultimately aid in getting
more former student-athletes to return to complete their degree.
5. Consider exploring the perceptions and knowledge that support staff have in supporting current
and re-entry Black male student athletes. This study illuminated the realities of the impact that
perception has on engagement and utilization of support. Understanding how support staff
perceive this student population and their knowledge of this population is critical in an effort
to edify future support services. For example, sport administrators have oversight over coaches
and hold coaches accountable, thus it is critical for them to understand the importance of their
role while student-athletes are at the university as well as when they return. Often times sport
administrators are looked upon as key institutional agents who can assist student-athletes in
gaining social and economic mobility after sport so a keen understanding in their role in the
lives of current and former student-athletes is critical to the improvement of current and future
practice.
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore Black male former student-athletes’ experiences
with academic support services as nontraditional, re-entry students. The research questions were:
1. What perceptions and experiences did Black male former student-athletes have with academic
support upon re-entry?
2. What support services were most beneficial upon re-entry to the university?
3. How did utilization of support services change as a nontraditional re-entry student compared
to utilization prior to stopping out?
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 110
By learning about the experiences and perceptions that Black male former student-athletes
had with academic support, academic support practitioners can benefit from understanding what
works as it relates to supporting re-entry students. These narratives also offer insight to what didn’t
work, as they were current student-athletes, which provides an opportunity for future support to
be edified based on the evidence (Comeaux, 2010). This study addressed a gap in the literature
regarding the lived experiences of former student-athletes as re-entry students as well as a focus
on the academic success of Black male student-athletes. This study contributes to a limited body
of literature centered on Black male exemplars that provide a counter narrative to the deficit lens
often placed on marginalized populations. Data collected in this study included rich perspectives
from former Black male student-athletes and provides a platform for future research on support
services for current and former student-athletes. Overall, this study illustrates the interplay
between strategies to successfully navigate the transition back into the university used by former
student-athletes, the impact of support services and key personnel, as well as the shift in identity
of former student-athletes and its impact on achieving the ultimate goal of degree completion.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 111
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Appendix A
IRB Approval Form
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
INFORMATION SHEET FOR RESEARCH
Dear Participants,
My name is Cory Buckner and you are invited to participate in a research study conducted under
the supervision of Dr. Patricia Tobey at the University of Southern California because you are a
Black male Division I former collegiate student-athlete who left the university prematurely and
returned to graduate through the Degree Completion Program. Research studies include only
people who voluntarily choose to take part. This document explains information about this study.
You should ask questions about anything that is unclear to you.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this qualitative study is to explore Black male former student-athletes’ experiences
with academic support services as nontraditional, re-entry students at a large, private, urban
university through in-depth, face-to-face semi structured interviews. This study attempts to explore
the experiences of Black male former student athletes returning to the university in a degree-
granting program and their needs from academic support services.
PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
I would like to invite you to participate in this study. If you agree, you will be taking part in a
semi-structured interview focusing on your experiences with academic support when you returned
to the university setting after stopping out.
The semi-structured face-to-face interviews will take place on site as well as off site and possibly
via skype depending on your preference and availability. The interview is expected to last no more
than 45 minutes to complete and may be audiotaped with your permission. Your interview may
also be followed by a follow up interview to provide you with an opportunity to share new insights
or reflections from the initial interview.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 128
CONFIDENTIALITY
Participation in this study is voluntary, and your identity as a participant will remain confidential
at all times during and after this study. Any identifiers collected for purposes of setting up the
interviews will not be linked to your responses, and will be destroyed once the interviews are
complete. Your responses will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and maintained separately.
You also have right to review the audio recordings and transcript to ensure validity. The audiotapes
will be destroyed once they have been transcribed.
The de-identified data will be stored on a password-protected computer. At the completion of the
study, the data may be used for future research studies. If you do not want your data used in future
studies, you should not participate.
The members of the research team, the funding agency [delete if not applicable] and the University
of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The
HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.
The results of this research may be made public, shared with participating sites and quoted in
professional journals and meetings, but results from this study will only be reported as a group
such that no individual respondents can be identified. No identifiable information will be included.
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Cory Buckner
Day time phone number: 817-202- 5609
Email: cbuckner@usc.edu
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 129
Appendix B
Interview Protocol Form
Survey Section Used:
_____ A: Context of Transition
_____ B: Initial Experience with Academic Support as a student-athlete
_____ C: Experience with Academic Support as a Re-entry Student
_____ D: Experience with Transition
_____ E: Experience with Support and Encouragement
Introductory Protocol
Good Morning and welcome. Thank you for taking the time to talk with me about your
academic journey and experience with academic support as a nontraditional re-entry student
perceptions of academics as it relates to academic support services provided through the
university. . My name is Cory Buckner and I am working on a study that explores the academic
experiences of Black male former student-athletes as re-entry students.
My primary interests are to gain insights about how individuals such as yourself experienced
support services, how you utilized these services when you were a current student-athletes vs. as
a returning student, and your reflection on the transition process back into the university setting
as a nontraditional student. I am very interested in this topic, but at this point I am most
interested in learning from you and listening to your experiences.
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 130
There are no wrong answers to y questions. Please feel free to share your point of view openly.
Keep in mind that I’m just as interested in negative comments as positive comments.
Before getting started, I wanted to see if I have your permission to audio record your responses
to the interview question. Most importantly, confidentiality is critical, as your name will not be
disclosed.
Well, let’s begin.
A. Context /Impact of Transition
Where did you grow up?
How old were you when you initially enrolled in college
How old were you upon re-entry?
What were your perceptions of how returning to college would impact your life (daily
routine, relationships, work)?
What were the main motivating factors in returning to earn your degree?
B. Initial Experience with Academic Support as a student-athlete
1. Please talk about your initial experience transitioning into the university ( probe)
2. What were your perceptions of the academic support staff?
3. In your own words, how do you believe the academic support staff upon initial entry
perceived you?
4. How did this impact (or not) your academic confidence while in college? (self-efficacy)
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 131
5. On a scale of 1-10 how much were you required to you utilize the support services
provided
6. Following up on the previous question, on a scale of 1-10, how much did this impact your
desire to seek out additional support on your own?
7. Describe how you utilized the academic support as a current student-athlete
C. Experience with Academic Support as a Re-entry Student
1. Talk about the support services that you were aware of as a returning student
2. Were there any support services that you were not aware of (support)
3. Can you discuss how you utilized the support services as a returning student opposed
to as a student-athlete
4. In your opinion, did you believe the support staff were accessible to you as a
returning student-athlete
5. (Probe) How did this impact utilization of support services?
D. Experience with Transition
1. Please talk about your reasons for departing the university before completing your degree
2. Transitioning back to the university can be viewed as a major life decision. Talk about
the decision making process that went into reentering the university
3. (probe) How did this impact utilization of support services
4. Describe the level of motivation you had to complete your degree the second time
around.
E. Experience with Support and Encouragement
1. What support did you believe you needed as a returning student (academic, personal,
family)
BLACK MALE FORMER-STUDENT-ATHLETES AND SUPPORT EXPERIENCES 132
2. What were your perceptions of the support staff and their commitment towards your
goal of degree completion? answered
3. Describe how you felt support staff perceived your academic ability as a retuning
student?
4. (Probe) How did this impact (or not) utilization of support services
5. Can you talk about how support from faculty, academic support administrators
impacted your confidence in your academic ability
6. In terms of faculty perception, how did you believe they perceived you as a returning
student?
7. What was your perception of the support provided as a re-entry student vs. initial
enrollment?
Abstract (if available)
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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Buckner, Cory Michael
(author)
Core Title
Exploring the academic success of black male former student-athletes and their experiences with academic support upon re-entry to college
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education (Leadership)
Publication Date
09/26/2017
Defense Date
09/26/2017
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
black male collegiate student-athletes,former student-athletes,nontraditional students,OAI-PMH Harvest,re-entry students,support services
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Tobey, Patricia (
committee chair
), Hinga, Briana (
committee member
), Jauregui, Martin (
committee member
)
Creator Email
buckner.cory@gmail.com,cbuckner@usc.edu
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-436938
Unique identifier
UC11264003
Identifier
etd-BucknerCor-5783.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-436938 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-BucknerCor-5783.pdf
Dmrecord
436938
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Buckner, Cory Michael
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Tags
black male collegiate student-athletes
former student-athletes
nontraditional students
re-entry students
support services