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Emirati parents of gifted students: a study of role construction and involvement

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Emirati parents of gifted students: a study of role construction and involvement

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Content Running head: INVOLVEMENT OF EMIRATI PARENTS OF GIFTED

1

EMIRATI PARENTS OF GIFTED STUDENTS:
A STUDY OF ROLE CONSTRUCTION AND INVOLVEMENT

By

Eric Lancaster Fecht

______________________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2017

Copyright 2017 Eric Lancaster Fecht
INVOLVEMENT OF EMIRATI PARENTS OF GIFTED

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Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I would like to thank my family, most notably my parents,
grandparents, and sister for their continued encouragement and support. My grandfather Mike
Lancaster wanted nothing more than for his grandchildren to obtain an education and bring
meaning to our work and the work of those around us. While he may not have read this in its
entirety, he would have been proud to know that it was seen through to its completion. Written
and researched over the course of several years from multiple countries and states, the topics
addressed in this dissertation have opened my eyes a field of research and a career that I am only
beginning to appreciate.
This study would not have been possible without the community that supported me
during the 4 years I spent living in Abu Dhabi and during the subsequent research trips that
followed. To the colleagues, students, and parents I had the privilege of working with, I simply
say shukran jazeelan اركش لايزج (thank you so much). I hope that in some small way the work
presented here is an accurate reflection of the community that I was graciously invited to become
a part of. I can only hope that someday in the future I might be able to return the kindness that
was so graciously bestowed upon me.
Finally, a debt of gratitude is owed to my advisor and chair, Dr. Julie Slayton, and my
committee members Dr. Tamra Stambaugh and Dr. Emmy Min. If Dr. Stambaugh hadn’t
encouraged me to enter the world of gifted education, the pursuit of this degree and the contents
of this dissertation would never have come about. A final note of appreciation to Dora,
Marianne, and Sandy, my Sunday cohort, for their words of encouragement throughout this
program.

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Table of Contents
List of Tables 5
List of Figures 6
List of Appendices 7
Abstract 8
Chapter One: Introduction 9
Organizational Context and Mission 11
Organizational Goal 14
Related Literature 15
Importance of Evaluation 16
Organizational Mission and Goal 17
Stakeholder for the Study and Performance Goal 18
Purpose of the Project and Research Questions 19
Methodological Framework 19
Definition of Terms 20
Organization of the Project 20
Chapter Two: Literature Review 22
Advocacy, Role Construction, Involvement and Cultural Considerations 23
Gifted Children in the Arab World 24
Parent Involvement 25
Parents and Identification 26
Parents as Advocates 27
Schools and Parent Involvement and Advocacy 28
Role Construction and Culture 30
Variance in Role Construction 31
Role Construction Among Arab Parents 32
The Clark and Estes (2008) Gap Analysis Framework 33
Stakeholder Knowledge and Skills Influences 34
Stakeholder Motivation Influences 41
Stakeholder Organizational Influences 45
Conceptual Framework 49
Chapter Three: Methodology 55
Research Questions 55
Participating Stakeholders 55
Interview Sampling Criteria and Rationale 56
Interview Recruitment Strategy and Rationale 58
Data Collection 59
Interviews 60
Data Analysis 64
Credibility and Trustworthiness 67
Ethics 71
Limitations and Delimitations 72
Conclusion 73
Chapter Four: Results and Findings 75
Participating Stakeholders 75
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Cultural Messaging and Internalized Norms 79
Finding 1: Impact on Role Construction and Involvement 81
Finding 2: Perceived Variation and Influence 90
Involvement and Parent Perceptions of School Policy and Practice 112
Finding 1: Policy Alignment with Cultural Norms 114
Finding 2: Influence of Western Exposure and English Proficiency 122
Chapter Five: Discussion, Implications, and Recommendations 134
Summary of Findings 135
Implications and Recommendations for Policy 137
Implications and Recommendations for Practice 142
Implications and Recommendations for Research 144
Conclusion 145
References 148
Appendix A: Interview Protocol 170
Appendix B: Information and Recruitment Letter 174
Appendix C: Information Screener 176

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List of Tables
Table 1: Stakeholders and Stakeholder Performance Goals 18
Table 2: Participant Demographics 77

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List of Figures
Figure A: Initial Conceptual Framework 51
Figure B: Revised Conceptual Framework 53
Figure C: Stakeholder Involvement in Policy 140

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List of Appendices
Appendix A: Interview Protocol 170
Appendix B: Information Sheet 174
Appendix C: Information Screener 176

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Abstract
In 2010, the Abu Dhabi Education Council (ADEC) introduced the New School Model to
public schools across the emirate of Abu Dhabi, building out bilingual, school leadership, gifted,
and STEM programs (ADEC, 2010). This study examined two research questions that sought to
understand parent involvement from the perspectives of Emirati parents of children who had
been identified and placed in a self-contained program for gifted students. The initial research
question looked at Emirati parents of gifted children and their perceptions of the way that their
knowledge and motivation played out in the way that they constructed their involvement in their
child’s education. Findings revealed that, in general, cultural messages and norms influenced the
ways in which parents constructed their roles with regards to involvement. Fathers involved
themselves through financial support and mothers took on the responsibility with education well-
being by supporting students both at home and at school. Variation in involvement was
influenced by English proficiency, religious teachings, exposure to education outside of the
United Arab Emirates (UAE), and level of education. The second research question explored
involvement from the organizational policy level and in which Emirati parents of gifted
children’s knowledge skills, and motivation, and regard for school policy, practice, and cultural
norms interacted to shape their willingness to involve themselves in their child’s education.
Findings revealed that school policy reflected and reinforced cultural norms and expectations
surrounding involvement of mothers and fathers.

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
According to the National Association of Gifted Children (NAGC), children identified as
gifted and talented in the United States represent between 6 and 10% of the K-12 student
population, equating approximately 4 million students (NAGC, 2015). Internationally, gifted
students represent anywhere from around 2% of the population, as is the case in China and
Taiwan (Phillipson et al., 2009) to between 4 and 6% of the population in the United Kingdom
(UK Archives, 2008) and Saudi Arabia (Alharby, 2012). While procedures for the identification
of gifted children and program opportunities, such as inclusion or pull-out, vary across schools,
districts, and broader departments of education, many organizations within the United States
struggle with meaningful evaluations and assessments of the overall effectiveness of their
identification practices and program models (Callahan, 1986; Doina, 1997). When various
stakeholders, including school staff, community members, and parents do not properly
understand and evaluate gifted and talented programs, the effectiveness of program goals goes
unmeasured (Avery & VanTassel-Baska, 2001; Robinson, Cotabish, Wood, & O’Tule, 2014) and
students who should have been granted access are denied or overlooked. While this information
is understood in the United States, the ideas regarding stakeholder involvement and the impact
on student access to identification and programming can be extrapolated to global gifted settings.
Oftentimes, it is students who are classified as minority, socioeconomically
disadvantaged, or a combination of both who are under-identified. For example, African
American males represent 16% of students in the United States, yet only occupy 8.4% of seats in
gifted and talented programs (Ford & Grantham, 2003). When unevaluated, identification
practices, existing programs and placement procedures can perpetuate achievement gaps and
racial stereotyping that exists among students in terms of race and poverty, leading to greater
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disparities in academic achievement or socioeconomic status in the future (Steenbergen-Hu &
Olszewski-Kubilius, 2016). In the case of a recent evaluative study completed in a large urban
school district in the United States it was discovered that students who were more economically
advantaged to begin with had a higher rate of admittance into gifted programs, and subsequently
fared better on standardized and cognitive assessments (Davis, Engberg, Epple, Sieg, & Zimmer,
2010). Within the study, students who were assessed and admitted into gifted program, when
compared to their non-identified peers, came from predominantly wealthier and more educated
neighborhoods, homes where at least one or more parent had obtained at least a bachelor’s
degree, and, favoring White and Asian students, did not reflect the racial demographics of the
districts (Davis, Engberg, Epple, Sieg, & Zimmer, 2010). When viewed as an investment in
individual human capital, as suggested by Gallagher (2002), disparities in gifted identification
and placement, especially along the lines of race and socioeconomic status, can have potentially
far reaching implications in terms of future academic and economic opportunities.
While a number of features within gifted and talented programs could be evaluated, one
of the most salient, when addressing the issue of identification, is the role that parents play
throughout the entire gifted program, from identification and assessment to instruction and
enrichment opportunities. Parents, and the roles they assume in gifted identification, can play an
important part in the greater evaluation of gifted programs (Robinson et al., 2014), especially
when one considers the growth of parent nomination for assessment, identification and
placement (Chan, 2000; Jolly & Matthews, 2012; Louis & Lewis, 1992). In order for
organizations that offer gifted programming to create a more equitable identification process it is
important to understand the ways in which parents construct their definition of involvement and
also identify the existing barriers that might dissuade certain groups of parents from advocating
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on behalf of their student. If barriers to parent involvement are addressed, either through
knowledge, motivational, or organizational evaluations, a reduction in specific barriers could
lead to a more equitable placement of students in gifted and talented programs.
Organizational Context and Mission
Established as a country in 1971, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) was established as a
federation of seven emirates located in the Arabian Gulf. As part of a larger focus on building an
economy that was knowledge based instead of petroleum, policies and coordinated plans were
established in the early 2000s to develop a more modern approach to public education, which
resulted in the creation of a new education authority in 2005. By 2009 a new education model
had been developed, with goals of improving curriculum and standards, increasing the number of
certified Emirati teachers and technology driven classrooms, and strengthening the level of
English proficiency among students (New School Model, 2010). The New School Model, which
was focused on a critical thinking model developed in New South Wales, was the basis for the
majority of the education-based policy changes. Western policy and curriculum writers, school
administrators, English, math and science teachers, were brought in to support the education
shifts.
Operating under the New School Model in Abu Dhabi, Mohammed bin Salaam (MBS), a
pseudonym, subscribed to an overarching district-wide mission with the goal “To produce world-
class learners who embody a strong sense of culture and heritage and are prepared to meet global
challenges” (MBS Irtiqa’a Report, 2014, p. 3 ). All schools, regardless of grade level, worked
towards implementing the New School Model, which had initially focused on bilingual
instruction and student-centered investigatory learning that was outcomes based. The core values
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of the education authority, which are also representative of the core values of MBS, were
teamwork, integrity, transparency, respect, accountability and compassion.
Located in the heart of Abu Dhabi, MBS emerged in 2011 as a public elementary school
primed to serve students in grades 1 through 5. Due to a partnership with an American
university, MBS existed as a model school in the district, piloting a number of instructional
models and culturally relevant curriculum. The faculty of MBS was diverse in terms of both
nationality and level of education. Of the 61 full time staff, one held a doctorate, 12 held
master’s degrees, and 41 held bachelor’s degrees, with the remaining seven having completed
the equivalent of an associate’s degree. The nationalities of the degree holding teaching staff is
as follows: 31 UAE Nationalists, 14 Americans, two Irish, one Tunisian, one Lebanese, one
Yemeni, one South African, four Jordanian, two Syrian, one Australian, one New Zealander and
five Egyptian. The administrative team was comprised of four Americans, two Canadians, two
South Africans, two Emiratis, and three individuals from the United Kingdom. The certified staff
was predominantly female, with two male instructional staff members (Irtiqa’a Report, 2014).
Students living in the Al Bateen neighborhood, one of the more affluent region of the
island, comprised the bulk of the student body, which consisted of 462 male students and 369
female students. During their 35 periods of instruction each week students were required to take
the following schedule of classes: eight Arabic, six English, five math, four science, four Islamic
Studies, two civics, and six extracurricular periods, which included art, music and sport. The
length of school day, as determined by the Ministry of Education, ran from 7:30 to 1:30. The
length of school year for students was 171 days, with staff days totaling 191 due to additional
professional development and planning.
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From 2011-2016, MBS had the opportunity to partner with United University
(pseudonym) on a number of professional development initiatives and pilot projects. Located in
the southeastern part of the United States, United University has a long-standing history of
developing research tested curriculum and programs. In 2013, as part of a larger district
initiative, United University developed and implemented a pilot project aimed at meeting the
needs of high-achieving students at MBS. Identification in what would become known as the
High Achiever’s program, included an analysis of standardized test scores, teacher
recommendations across a number of metrics, and a non-verbal cognitive assessment. Placement
in the program was dependent on parent approval, with program specifics varying by grade to
include cluster grouping, pull-out, and inclusive gifted classrooms.
In an effort to understand the specific context of the organization and this study, it is
important to note how formal definitions and characteristics associated with gifted students differ
among Western and Middle Eastern communities. Having evolved over time, definitions of what
it means for a student to be gifted reveal variances across cultures and communities (Solow,
2001). Despite the fact that education is cited repeatedly throughout the Quran as an essential
component of life (Risha, 2015), gifted education did not draw much attention in the Arab world
until the 1990s (Subhi-Yamin, 2009). Gifted and talented programs throughout the Middle East
have relied on definitions of giftedness that have been replicated from Western education
models, focusing on performance over ability or behavioral characteristics and creativity over
task commitment (Aljughaiman & Grigorenko, 2013; Subhi-Yamin, 2009). For example, the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) has relied on the NAGC definition in their Oasis Enrichment
Model, one of the few identification and instruction models that has risen to prominence within
the country (Aljughaiman & Grigorenko, 2013). Current scholars such as Aljughaiman, a
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member of the Saudi parliament and director of the Center for Giftedness at King Faisal
University, and his American colleague Grigorenko (2013) have sounded a call for the creation
of a definition of giftedness that is more Arab-centric, integrating the values of Arab
communities and their Islamic faith. Definitions of giftedness in the Middle East have continued
to take shape as implementation of gifted programs spread across the gulf, embracing a distinct
cultural identity along the way. With the growth of gifted programming across the globe,
scholars have called for cross-cultural research that explores all facets of gifted education
(VanTassel-Baska, 2013). With that in mind, this dissertation sought to contribute to the field of
gifted research through the exploration of Emirati parent perspectives, with specific regards to
involvement, within the High Achievers program at MBS.
Organizational Goal
The goal of the High Achiever’s pilot program at MBS was to accurately and equitably
identify high achieving students and provide meaningful instruction through advanced content,
processes, and instructional strategies. School administrators and United University partners
developed a number of key performance indicators (KPIs) that guided the overarching
organizational goal of the High Achievers program. Established indicators were developed to
align with the overarching goals of the district’s 2020 Vision, which stated that the needs of all
students must be met through differentiated instruction (New School Model, 2010). While the
KPIs touch on a number of program-specific goals, from implementing a curriculum stemming
from an integrated curriculum model to developing student-specific accelerated learning plans,
the organizational goal of understanding of barriers and facilitators to parent involvement,
through a specific knowledge, motivation and organizational framework (Clark & Estes, 2008),
was addressed in this study.
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Related Literature
A growing body of research exists surrounding the topic of gifted and talented education,
practice and policy, with a recent survey of 1,234 empirical studies on giftedness organized into
four broad categories of creativity, achievement and underachievement, identification and talent
research (Dai, Swanson, & Cheng, 2011). Currently, the research and literature on gifted
education is robust, with a significant portion of the research focused on the roles of parents of
gifted children (Colangelo & Kelly, 1983; Huff, Houskamp, Watkins, Stanton, & Tavegia, 2005;
Jolly, Matthews & Nestor, 2012; Keirouz, 1990; Morawska & Sanders, 2009; Sheldon, 2002;
Strom, Johnson, Strom, & Strom, 1992), and identification and the process behind it (Brown et
al., 2005; Lidz & Macrine, 2001; Pfeiffer, 2012; Wellisch & Brown, 2012). With regards to
inequitable identification in gifted education, there also exists a growing body of work that
addresses underrepresentation of minorities and female students (Baldwin, 2002, 2005; Bianco,
Harris, Garrison-Wade, & Leech, 2011; Ford, 2010; Ford, 2014; Ford & Grantham, 2003; Ford,
Grantham & Whiting, 2008). While the body of research devoted to economic implications is
more limited than other sub-categories within gifted, a number of relatively recent studies (Card
& Giuliano, 2014, 2015; Colling & Gan, 2013; Davis, Engberg, Epple, Sieg, & Zimmer, 2010)
suggest that this is a growing area of importance in gifted education research.
The majority of supporting research utilized in this proposal focused on the knowledge,
motivation and organizational factors that influenced a parent’s level of involvement, and the
impact that it has on a mother or father’s ability and willingness to participate in their child’s
education. Numerous studies have suggested that parents play an important role in advocating for
their child’s initiation into the gifted identification process (Besnoy et al., 2015; Cobb, 2012;
Duquette, Orders, Fullarton, & Robertson-Grewal, 2011; Grantham, Frasier, Roberts, & Bridges,
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2005; Stephens, 1999). Parents who nominate their child for gifted assessment are, at a rate of
61% (Louis & Lewis, 1992), relatively successfully as advocates in the identification process
(Alitinta & Sukru, 2015; Lee & Olszewski-Kubilius, 2006; McBee, 2006; Solow, 2001). Within
their meta-analysis, Jolly and Matthews (2012) review of 53 relevant sources revealed that
paternal influence and their perceptions of giftedness were two of the most commonly
categorized themes across peer reviewed articles included in gifted journals. A more in-depth
review of the literature related to the role of parents as advocates, the elements that influence
parent involvement and the impact of parents on inequity in gifted identification will be more
thoroughly addressed in chapter 2.
Importance of the Evaluation
Evaluation of gifted programs and stakeholder involvement brings to light areas where
knowledge and skills, motivation, and organizational policies may be acting as barriers, rather
than facilitators, of involvement and communication. In gifted education evaluations might
typically cover topics such as identification, assessment and curriculum (VanTassel-Baska,
2006). One way to gauge program success is by evaluating the practices and policies that make
equitable identification and service possible. One of the elements of equitable identification
resides in the parents’ ability to assume the role of advocate, relative to organizational, cultural,
and knowledge-based constraints. It was important to evaluate the impressions and experiences
of the parental stakeholder group in the High Achievers Program as their perceptions on
involvement shed light on current cultural norms or existing barriers that were present within the
existing model. Organizational policies and practices that inhibit or promote access or
information were also explored. As the organization sought to understand the perspectives of
parents from a variety of backgrounds, in terms of age, level of education and gender, patterns
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emerged that pointed to one or more findings that shed light on parent involvement in relation to
gifted children and their education. By ensuring equitable opportunities for parental involvement,
every parent of a student at MBS would have the opportunity to involve themselves in the gifted
identification and placement process, thereby creating a gifted program where students were
provided with equitable access in terms of identification and service. Evaluating the
organization’s performance with regards to the perspectives of parents and their degree of
involvement will enable administrators and district level policy developers to gather formative
data that can be used to craft recommendations for practice and policy.
Organizational Mission
The mission of the High Achievers Program is to accurately and equitably identify High
Achieving students while providing meaningful instruction through advanced content, processes
and instructional strategies.
Organizational Performance Goal
By December 2016, 100% of equitably identified students will be placed in inclusive,
high achieving classrooms where instruction is differentiated through advanced process, content
and instruction.

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Table 1.
Stakeholders and Stakeholders’ Performance Goals
Program
Director/University
Consultant

By July 2016 the
Program Director and
University Consultant
will complete an
evaluation of the High
Achievers Program to
determine progress
towards all
established KPIs and
determine next steps
where applicable.

Administrators

By October 2016
administrators will
develop and
implement an
interdisciplinary
scope and sequence
for 100% of the
grades participating
in the High Achievers
program (2
nd
-5
th

grade).
Teachers

By November 2016
teachers will have
developed
Accelerated Learning
Plans (ALPs) for
100% of students
identified and placed
in High Achievers
classrooms and
incorporated
supplemental
thinking skills to
meet ADEC learning
outcomes for
accelerated learners.
Parents

By December 2016,
program
administrators will
evaluate perspectives
and experiences of
parents in order to
better understand the
influences and
barriers to
involvement and
advocacy.

Stakeholder for the Study and Stakeholder Performance Goal
Joint efforts of all stakeholders, including program coordinators, administrators, teachers,
and parents, associated with the High Achievers Program played a role in working towards the
desired goal of equitable identification and differentiated instruction. In order to ensure equitable
identification, an evaluation of parents and the influence that culture, self-efficacy and
communication had on the way that they approached involvement and advocacy was addressed.
Therefore, the stakeholders of focus for this study were the parents of children who were
identified and served through the High Achievers program. The stakeholder goal, supported
directly by administrators and teachers, was to better understand the perspectives and
experiences of parents and the ways in which their roles were constructed based on the cultural,
organizational and self-efficacious influences and barriers.

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Purpose of the Project and Questions
The purpose of this project was to better understand the perspective of Emirati parents of
gifted students in relation to the ways in which they constructed their role with regards to
involvement in their children’s education. Understanding how parents determine their level of
involvement, through cultural, organizational and individual means, facilitated a reevaluation of
the existing policies and practices that were in place with regards to parent involvement. The
barriers and facilitative nature of self-efficacy, communication and cultural expectations and
norms were directly explored in relation to an overarching analysis that explored the knowledge
and skill, motivation, and organizational elements related to parental involvement. While a
complete evaluation project would focus on all stakeholders, for practical purposes the
stakeholders focused on in this analysis were parents of students identified as High Achievers.
As such, the questions that guided this study were the following:
1. How do Emirati parents of gifted children’s perceptions of the way that their knowledge
and motivation play out in the way that they construct their involvement in their child’s
education?
2. How do Emirati parents of gifted children’s knowledge skills, and motivation, and regard
for school policy, practice, and cultural norms interact to shape their willingness
to involve themselves in their child’s education?
Methodological Framework
Data was gathered through a series of qualitative interviews that sought to understand the
perspectives and experiences of parents involved with the High Achievers program at MBS. An
analysis was conducted to evaluate the experiences of parents and their perceptions related to
their involvement roles in education. Specifically, the analysis explored the cultural,
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organizational, and motivational influences and barriers that influenced the way in which a
parent determined his/her level of involvement.
Definition of Terms
Gifted and Talented: Those who demonstrate outstanding levels of aptitude (defined as an
exceptional ability to reason and learn) or competence (documented performance or achievement
in top 10% or rarer) in one or more domains. Domains include any structured area of activity
with its own system (e.g., mathematics, music, language) and/or set of sensorimotor skills (e.g.,
painting, dance, sports).
High Achievers: Students qualifying for a pilot program at a public school in Abu Dhabi.
Identified using data collected through cognitive, non-verbal assessments and assessment data
that included reading levels and standardized test scores, students were placed in self-contained,
clustered grouped, or pull out service delivery programming.
Nomination: The act of putting forth a student’s name for gifted and talented assessment.
Role Construction: “A sense of personal or shared responsibilities for the child’s educational
outcomes and concurrent beliefs about whether one should be engaged in supporting the child’s
learning and school success” (Hoover-Dempsey et al., 2005, p. 107).
Organization of the Project
Five chapters are used to organize this dissertation. This chapter provided the reader with
the key concepts and definitions commonly found in a discussion about gifted and talented
programs and the role that parents, as stakeholders, play in identification and advocacy. The
organization’s mission, goals and stakeholders, as well as the initial concepts related to an
evaluative analysis of parental involvement, through an exploration of knowledge and skills,
motivation, and organizational, were also provided. Chapter Two provides a review of current
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literature surrounding the scope of study. Topics of gifted education in the Arab world, general
gifted identification research, parent involvement in gifted education, parents as advocates and
influences and limitations to role construction are addressed. Special consideration is given to the
current state of gifted education in the Middle East, as the development of new programs is
specific to the stakeholders addressed in this study. Chapter Three details the assumed causes for
this study as well as the methodology for determining participants, data collection and analysis.
Chapter four introduces the study participants, 15 Emirati parents of gifted students, and outlines
the themes and findings captured during the analysis phase. Finally, chapter five briefly
discusses the findings in relation to broader scholarship on parent involvement in gifted
education and suggests recommendations for policy, practice, and future research.

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Gifted education has been a widely-explored topic in the field of education research for
some time, allowing for a rich review of literature when exploring parental role construction and
involvement, advocacy, and the impact on identification. This literature review and subsequent
research sought to inform those with the organization who play a role in evaluating and
developing policies surrounding parent involvement and identification practices that are
equitable, allowing for all parents to comfortably advocate on their child’s behalf. In is important
to recognize from the onset of this literature review that the overwhelming majority of references
research is situated in a Western context. Research has established that the racial and
socioeconomic status of students who are assessed and identified as gifted do not reflect the
student population, or general population as a whole (Baldwin, 2002, 2005; Bianco, Harris,
Garrison-Wade, & Leech, 2011; Borland, 2004; Ford, 2014; Gottfried, Gottfried, Bathurst, &
Guerin, 1994; Huff, Houskamp, Watkins, Stanton, & Tavigia, 2004; Stambaugh & Ford, 2015).
The role of parents as advocates, viewed as both a probable cause and potential solution to
inequitable identification, is a growing area of research, specifically in terms of parent
involvement and advocacy roles and the cultural expectations that drive them (Colangelo &
Kelly, 1983; Hornby & Witte, 2010; Keirouz, 1990; Petersen, 1999; Sankar-DeLeeuw, 2002;
Scott, Perou, Urbano, Hogan, & Gold, 1992). The scope of this particular literature review is
limited to issues associated with gifted identification and the cultural, personal and
organizational factors that influence a parent’s decision to involve themselves in their child’s
education.
Chapter 2 focuses on literature that pertains to gifted identification and parenting roles,
including a review of research that touches on culture in relation to parental role construction
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within the gifted identification process. The role of parents in the identification process, as well
as beliefs, which include assumptions and attitudes towards gifted programs, the impact of
advocacy and the ways in which schools approach parent involvement in identification are then
addressed. Role construction, the influencers and cultural differences are then introduced briefly
in the third section. Finally, as a means to provide geographical and cultural context for the
stakeholder group that was researched, Emirati parents of gifted students, role construction and
Arab parenting will be explored. The chapter ends with an analysis of parental advocacy roles
and gifted identification through the lens of learning and motivation literature utilizing Clark and
Estes’ (2008) gap analysis dimensions of knowledge, motivation, and organization.
Advocacy, Role Construction, Involvement, and Cultural Considerations
The current lack of scholarship on gifted education and parental role construction among
Gulf Cooperative Council (CGG) countries is both a constraint and a limitation when reviewing
the literature. In their study on parenting in the Arab world, Dwairy et al. (2006) found no
mention of gifted and talented programs, placement or identification in the 2,893 responses
gathered in their Parent Authority Questionnaire. Furthermore, in a review of ERIC, J-STORR,
and other online databases that included literature that existed in both English and Arabic,
Dwairy and colleagues found no studies that focused on parents and advocacy within the gifted
identification process in Arab countries (Dwairy et al., 2006). The reason for the lack of research
around gifted education and parental advocacy may have something to do with the fact that
formal gifted programs only first emerged in the Middle East in the 1990s, with the first formal
programming taking place in Jordan (Subhi-Yamin, 2009). It is important to note that since
Dwairy et al. (2006) and Subhi-Yamin (2009) published their work new research might have
been published that sheds light on this area. However, due the relative newness of gifted
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24
education in the Arab world, there exist fewer empirical studies relating to giftedness and
parental role construction (Subhi-Yamin, 2009) than in Western countries where formal gifted
and talented education has been around since the early 20
th
century (VanTassel-Baska, 2010).
Due to the fact that there is limited literature relating to gifted identification, parent involvement
and role construction in the Arab world, the following literature review relies primarily on
Western literature as a means to establish an understanding of the concepts that drive this study.
The following section of the literature review includes a brief overview of characteristics of
gifted children and their parents, parent involvement and the impact on academic and social
behaviors, parent involvement and identification and advocacy, role construction, and variances
in role construction and involvement by different cultural groups.
Gifted Children in the Arab World
Within their analysis of existing scholarship, Subotnik, Olszewski-Kubilius, and Worrell
(2011) have suggested that ability, creativity, motivation, personality, encouraging parents,
interest, opportunity, passion and chance as variables associated with achievement in gifted
students. Although a great deal of research has explored gifted characteristics, the vast majority
of it has occurred in a Western context. While gifted students in Arab countries have not been
studied as thoroughly as their Western counterparts, research suggests that they share a number
of characteristics. A comparative study of 144 adolescent males in the United Arab Emirates
revealed that intellectually gifted students oriented themselves towards effort, task, goal
achievement, and competition more so than their non-gifted peers (Albaili, 2003). Traditionally,
individuals seen as gifted and wise are synonymous, with individuals classified as either bearing
the qualities of "intelligence, knowledge, vision, and decisiveness" (Aljughaiman & Berki, 2013,
p. 135) with the source being Allah. While the characteristics of gifted children in both Western
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25
and Arab contexts are similar with regard to most characteristics, they differ with regards to the
roles and expectations parents have in gifted identification and support. Research relevant to
Western parents of gifted children has revealed that parents play an increasingly important role
in identification (Lee & Oszewski-Kubilius, 2006; Makel, 2009; Sankar-DeLeeuw, 2002;
Stephens, 1999), and that they tend to be more concerned with social and behavioral
development, academic enrichment and progress, and guidelines for parenting gifted children
(Huff et al., 2005). Al-Ghamdi (2007) in an exploration of barriers to gifted programming in
Saudi Arabia, cited parental indifference, a lack of knowledge about gifted identification and
services, and inability to adequately facilitate or assist in the development of gifted as some of
the more predominate barriers. While little relevant research exists surrounding Arab parents of
gifted children, a more in-depth look at Arab parents and role construction is discussed in
relation to Western parental role construction at the end of this portion of the literature review.
Parental Involvement
Parent involvement has a positive impact on both the social (Sheldon & Epstein, 2002)
and academic well-being of children (Jeynes, 2003, 2007). Discovered through a meta-analysis
of empirical quantitative studies, a firm correlation exists between parent involvement and
academic achievement (Fan & Chen, 2001). Within a meta-analysis of 21 studies on parent
involvement and related academic gains for students, it was determined that parent involvement
had a greater impact on children who were minorities (Jeynes, 2003). Furthermore, a longitudinal
study of 187 low-income students revealed that mothers’ level of education, involvement, and
academic expectations had a direct effect on their child’s academic achievement by third grade
(Englund, Luckner, Whaley, & Egeland, 2002). In more gifted-specific context, parent
involvement has been shown to increase when a student is perceived to be or has been identified
INVOLVEMENT OF EMIRATI PARENTS OF GIFTED

26
as gifted and talented (Griffith, 1998). Parent involvement, and the increasingly important role
that they play in gifted identification, is discussed in greater detail in both the identification and
advocacy sections below.
Parents and Identification
Studies have revealed that parents play an important role in the gifted identification
process and are often able to accurately identify giftedness within their own children (Lee &
Oszewski-Kubilius, 2006; Makel, 2009; Sankar-DeLeeuw, 2002; Stephens, 1999). Using a
comparative model that looked at standardized test schools and parent nomination, Lee and
Olszewski-Kubilius (2006) found that parents were increasingly accurate in their
acknowledgement of students who potentially qualified for gifted identification. Using a random
sample of 91 members of the Association for Bright Children in Canada, Sankar-Deleeuw (2002)
found that parents recognized their child’s potential before educators formally tested for
giftedness, often with an accuracy greater than that of their child’s teachers.
More often than not, nomination for gifted assessment and placement rests on the
shoulders of teachers and parents (Altina & Sukru, 2015; Solow, 2001; Stephens, 1999).
Oftentimes, recommendations for testing comes from teachers, regardless of their background or
training in gifted characteristics and identification (Altina & Sukru, 2015), which leads to parent-
teacher distrust and under identification of potentially gifted students (Hodge & Kemp, 2006). In
their 2006 study Hodge and Kemp (2006) found that parents saw teacher perceptions as flawed
due to teacher misconceptions related to perfectionism, boredom and non-conforming behaviors.
Because of this, a reliance on parent nomination for gifted identification favors students whose
parents are more actively involved than those who are not (Makel, 2009). Usually brought about
through their own observations, parents who assumed their child was gifted tended to take a
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27
more active stance in their child’s education by providing more opportunities for enrichment and
were more involved in the nomination and identification process (Makel, 2009; Solow, 2001;
Stephens, 2009). At times a parent’s understanding of the legal rights of his/her child prompted
him/her to become involved in the identification process (Stephens, 2009) with levels of
involvement and attitude changing for almost all parents as nomination, testing, and labeling
occurred (Makel, 2009).
Parents as Advocates
Parents play an increasingly important role as advocates in gifted identification as
knowledge of the identification process and placement options becomes more accessible
(Duquette, Orders, Fullarton, & Robertson-Grewal, 2011; Grantham, Frasier, Roberts, &
Bridges, 2005; Hertzog & Bennett, 2004). Parents are often motivated by a number of
expectancy-driven concerns, motivated in part by the desire to ensure their child’s future well-
being (Besnoy et al., 2015) or the fact that they believe schools are not meeting the needs of their
child (Hertzog & Bennett, 2004). During a parent’s initial foray into gifted assessment and
identification, his/her motivation to become involved can be hindered by a lack of information or
self-efficacy issues, with information often serving as a barrier to motivation. Grantham et al.
(2005) found that parents with stronger self-efficacy in their ability to communicate and solve
problems were more likely to involve themselves in their child’s education and assume the role
of advocate.
Once a parent has recognized the value in having a child identified as gifted, he/she often
seeks out information from other parents, the internet, or through school communication
channels (Duquette et al., 2011). Informal networks, recreational community activities, and
libraries have also served as access points for parents seeking to become more informed
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28
advocates (Hertzog & Bennett, 2004). Though most are able to seek out new information,
advocates often experience anxiety and uncertainty about the identification and placement
process (Keirouz, 1990; Roda, 2017). Many parents who act as successful advocates in the
assessment and identification process can be characterized as highly interested and persistent
(Duquette et al., 201; Grantham et al., 2005) in their pursuit of new knowledge in the field of
gifted identification and education. Once identified, parents enrolled their child out of concern
for their child’s future ambitions, believing that placement would address academic issues and
provide a sense of belonging (Vidergor, Azar, & Gordon, 2015).
Schools and Parent Involvement and Advocacy
Schools approach parent involvement and advocacy-based partnerships during the gifted
identification phase in multiple ways, with a number of commonalities and concerns expressed
by parents of gifted children. Research has suggested that schools and parents are often not on
the same page when it comes to identification procedures or placement, mostly due to a lack of
information, access, and opportunities (Olszewski-Kubilius, 1998). With identification,
especially among parents who are more outspoken, there is often a desire for earlier
identification, even though most schools do not assess students for gifted and talented until first
grade (Olszewski-Kubilius, 1998). Interviews with parents in New Zealand revealed that the lack
of written policy and limited parent involvement led to minimal involvement in gifted
programming despite a desire to be more hands-on (Hornby & Witte, 2010). In a survey of 122
parents it was found that not only was there higher involvement of parents in gifted programing
when schools informed and empowered on a more consistent basis, but that having a child who
was identified and placed in a gifted classroom had a higher correlation with the level of parent
involvement (Griffith, 1998). Furthermore, in a study of the Talented Triple-P program, which
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29
addressed gifted children and their parents, Morawska and Sanders (2009) found that parents did
not generally feel that schools were able to cater to the needs of their gifted children or offer
opportunities for parents to engage in gifted pull out or inclusion programs. The study also
revealed that the majority of parents expressed a concern over communication from the school or
the lack thereof when it came to identification and placement (Morawska & Sanders, 2009).
Radaszewski-Byrne (2001) has suggested that in order for gifted programs to be successful, these
breakdowns in communication and access need to be repaired in order to provide parents with
the opportunity to gather information, serve as advocates, and provide input on the program
options available to their child.
In certain instances, school and community barriers exist that impede a parent’s ability to
act as an advocate in traditional school systems, thereby forcing parents to seek alternative ways
to meet the needs of their gifted children. While studies on this topic are limited, Jolly,
Matthews, and Nester (2013) presented a mixed methods approach that included both surveys
and interviews of parents who voluntarily chose to homeschool their gifted children. A total of
13 interviews were conducted with the desire to explore the challenges, roles and reasons behind
parents’ desire to homeschool their children. One of the more emergent themes was the fact that
most parents found homeschooling to be a last resort after numerous attempts at working with
their local schools and their existing gifted and talented programs. Homeschooling provided
these parents with a sense of empowerment that allowed them to hand pick their children’s gifted
curriculum, something they felt that the public school programs were not be able to offer (Jolly,
Matthews, & Nester, 2013). The lack of information provided by the schools, combined with
poor communication, prompted parents to break away from traditional education settings and
become their child’s sole means of access for gifted curriculum.
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30
Role Construction and Culture
Culture and community expectations play an important part in parental role construction,
which often determines parent’s degree of involvement or advocacy for gifted identification and
service. Role construction, defined by Hoover-Dempsey et al. (2005), “is shaped by the
expectations of individuals and groups about parents’ responsibilities relevant to the child’s
schooling” (p. 107) and is influenced by family-school relations, social class, and culture. A
parent’s involvement or intention to serve as an advocate in any school related matter is often
motivated by self-efficacy and the role that they have defined for themselves as a parent
(Anderson & Minke, 2007; Hoover-Dempsey et al., 2005). Anderson and Minke (2007), using
Hoover-Dempsey’s framework for role construction, surveyed 351 parents across three urban
schools and discovered that it was not resources that determined their level of involvement, but
community expectations and invitations from teachers and the school. In a study of parents at the
elementary level, Sheldon’s (2002) analysis revealed that social networks and social acting also
played a significant role in how parents involved themselves in their child’s education. The same
survey, collected only from mothers, found that a parent was more likely to be highly involved if
she believed that all parents should play an active role in her child’s education, both at home and
at school (Sheldon, 2002).
In a monograph centered around gifted identification, Borland (2004) indicated that
gifted programs, which tend to reproduce existing racial and economic hierarchies, are based on
notion of excellence. Understandably, excellence as a concept is something that is shaped by
social and cultural considerations and has an impact on both role constructions for parents and
gifted identification, programming and curriculum (Borland, 2004; Hoover-Dempsey et al.,
2005). In a series of interviews with the parents of culturally linguistic and diverse learners
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31
(CLD) who were gifted, Cobb (2012) found that cultural expectations or limitations often
hindered parents’ level of involvement and their access to information regarding gifted
identification and services that were available in schools. For these parents, information was
almost always passed through word of mouth with members within their community or through
individual research.
Variance in Cultural Role Construction
Role construction, with regards to the role it plays in parental involvement in the
education of adolescents, varies across ethnicities and cultures. A number of similarities exist, in
terms of the factors that influence role construction (Anderson & Minke, 2007; Hoover-Dempsey
et al., 2005), between the attributes parents associate with giftedness (Scott, Perou, Urbano,
Hogan, & Gold, 1992) and an expressed lack of adequate information around the identification
process and gifted placement (Huff, Houskamp, Watkins, Stanton, & Tavegia, 2005). In a post-
positivistic study, Peterson (1999) studied and interviewed African American, Latino, American
Indian and Asian American families to understand cultural values associated with giftedness.
Findings revealed that the value placed on education varied community by community, with
concern for gifted education differing across cultures. Peterson (1999) discovered that parents of
minority, non-mainstream students relied on informal networking to gather information about the
identification and placement process, but were not as likely to request gifted evaluations and
assessments when compared to their Caucasian counterparts. For these parents, involvement was
determined based on preexisting social norms. Peterson (1999) along with Scott et al. (1992)
pointed out that cultural values had an impact on who should be recognized as gifted and the
implications associated with identification.
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32
Parents, regardless of race, are concerned about being unprepared and uneducated about
the gifted identification process and placement (Peterson, 1999). In interviews with 12 families
of African American children identified as gifted and talented, parents experienced a lack of
information and support as they entered the world of gifted education (Huff et al., 2005). Parents
further expressed a concern with cultural and social factors, including lack of education
attainment and lower self-efficacy in school related matters, which resulted in a depressed sense
of empowerment in role construction and involvement with regards to gifted identification (Huff
et al. 2005; Scott et al., 1992).
Role Construction Among Arab Parents
Though the research on Arab parental role construction is somewhat limited and much of
what does exist is not accessible in English, a number of similarities and differences with other
ethnicities has emerged. In the first major study testing the Hoover-Dempsey model of role
construction in the Middle East, Lavenda (2011) compared Jewish and Arab parents in Israel. Of
the 3,276 Arab parents who completed the self-reported questionnaires it was discovered that
time, skills, self-efficacy and cultural roles were significant factors in determining a parent’s
involvement in his/her child’s education. Contrary to findings in the United States using a similar
survey where teacher invitations were a motivating factor (Anderson & Minke, 2007), Arab
parents reported that they were more likely to be involved when invited by the child rather than
the teacher (Lavenda, 2011). Arab parents also self-reported higher beliefs in their ability to
contribute to their child’s success at school compared the Jewish parents who participated in the
study.
When addressing parenting and role construction in the Arab world there are a number of
differences when compared with parents in the West. Overall, parents hold higher expectations
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33
for their firstborn child than their younger siblings, lean toward more authoritative parenting
styles and believe that their children should embody the cultural norms and aspirations of their
mother and father (Dwairy et al., 2006). Among families in the Arab world parenting, as a social
and context specific idea, and educational endeavors tend to center around the values of Islam
(Aljughaiman & Grigorenko, 2013). In their study of parenting style and self-esteem of parents
in the United Arab Emirates, Alsheikh, Parameswaran, and Ethoweris, (2010) found that parents
tended to want their children to conform to academic expectations and not stand out, with many
viewing Islam as a collectivist society with specific religious ideologies informing educational
expectations. The same study also revealed that most parents’ concept of an ideal child was not
grounded in academics, but rather self-discipline, respect for elders and polite manners (Alsheikh
et al., 2010). Next the literature related to parents’ knowledge and skills, motivation, and the
organizational elements that interact to foster or impede parent identification and advocacy for
their gifted children is presented.
The Clark and Estes (2008) Gap Analytic Conceptual Framework
General theory. While the analysis used for this study is further discussed in the
methods description of chapter 3, it is important to consider the conceptual framework used to
further understand and develop the research questions addressed in this study. Clark and Estes
(2008) have proposed a framework where problems of performance are diagnosed by looking at
people’s knowledge and skills, motivational aspects that help them achieve specific goals, and
various organizational barriers that impede performance. Specific types of knowledge gaps can
potentially stem from issues related to information, job aids, or specific training and education
experiences provided to specific stakeholder groups. In terms of motivation, Clark and Estes
(2008) have suggested that active choice, persistence, and mental effort are factors that are
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34
present in all working environments and are potential barriers to performance. Finally,
organizational obstacles to performance, including work process, resources, value chains and
streams, and workplace culture, are elements that must also be considered when diagnosing a
problem of performance within an organization (Clark & Estes, 2008). Each of these elements
of Clark and Estes’ (2008) gap analysis, in terms of knowledge, motivation, and organization,
will be explored in relation to parents and their role construction as it related to involvement in
their child’s gifted education experience, notably that of identification.
Stakeholder Knowledge, Motivation and Organization Influences
Knowledge and Skills
The following review of literature focuses on knowledge related influences pertinent to
parents and their understanding of the process by which gifted children are identified and the
significant role that parents can play in terms of advocacy. Types of knowledge, including
factual and conceptual, otherwise referenced as declarative knowledge, procedural and
metacognitive knowledge (Krathwohl, 2002) are defined and specific literature that pertains to
the knowledge influences associated with parental knowledge constructs and influences will be
examined in more detail. Finally, motivational and organizational influences will be addressed to
round out the review in its entirety.
The acquisition of knowledge is paramount in the learning process and can include
terminology, facts, procedures, beliefs, and a number of other knowledge subsets (Krathwohl,
2002; Mayer, 2011) that are learned through changes in the learner’s environment. Within
Bloom’s Original Taxonomy, knowledge served as the cornerstone or prerequisite by which
other, more complex dimensions of the cognitive process were built upon (Krathwohl, 2002). In
order for meaningful learning to take place, a learner’s experience must lead to a change in what
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35
the learner knows or understands (Mayer, 2011), with the desired outcome of knowledge transfer
being the end goal. As organizations seek to help stakeholders acquire and build knowledge
within existing schema, it becomes increasingly important to understand how learners acquire
new knowledge and the ways in which teachers can most effectively convey new information
(Aguinis & Kraiger, 2009).
Knowledge Types. The knowledge dimension of Bloom’s Original Taxonomy included
four categories: factual, conceptual, procedural, and metacognitive (Krathwohl, 2002). Due to
the fact that factual and conceptual knowledge can both include elements of classification,
terminology, generalizations and details, these two knowledge categories will combine to form
the declarative knowledge category for the purposes of this review. Though inextricably linked
within the knowledge framework (Krathwohl, 2002), each knowledge category relies on a
distinct cognitive process through which knowledge acquisition occurs.
Declarative knowledge and procedural knowledge both result in changes or alterations to
the leaner’s environment (Mayer, 2011). Declarative knowledge centers on both factual
knowledge, which focuses on terminology and details, and conceptual knowledge, which focuses
on classifications, generalizations, theories and models. Procedural knowledge on the other hand
focuses on the measure or practice by which a task is done (Krathwohl, 2002). Both the “what”
associated with declarative knowledge and the “how” associated with procedural knowledge can
be increased through mental rehearsing and modeling (Aguinis & Kraiger, 2009). Both
declarative and procedural knowledge are processed and categorized through schemata, which
categorize the information and organize the knowledge according to how it may be used in the
future (Kirschner, Kirschner, & Paas, 2006).

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Unlike its declarative and procedural counterparts, metacognitive knowledge focuses on
the individual’s knowledge of self and cognitive processing (Baker, 2006; Krathwohl, 2002;
Mayer, 2011). Associated with greater cognitive performance (Baker, 2006), metacognition can
be developed knowingly as learners consider specific strategies they are using as they acquire
new knowledge. Motivation, addressed more in-depth in the second section of this review, plays
an important role in the metacognitive process, which centers on the idea that learners must be
motivated to apply metacognition practices as they are participating in the learning process
(Mayer, 2011). Metacognitive knowledge is critical not only in learner’s self-awareness, but also
in building the learner’s capacity to successfully use specific learning strategies to acquire new
knowledge.
Parent Knowledge Influences. In this section of the literature review the declarative,
procedural and metacognitive knowledge influences will be discussed in terms of parents and
their knowledge concerning the process of gifted identification and the progression one would
need to work through in order for a child to be considered gifted. With the identified stakeholder
goal of exploring the perceived influences and barriers to parent involvement, all three types of
knowledge influences are necessary in order to understand stakeholder knowledge influences. In
terms of declarative knowledge, this review addressed the importance of parent input in
identifying gifted characteristics, while the identification process is addressed in the procedural
knowledge section. Finally, metacognitive knowledge and an understanding of parental self-
perceptions and biases are examined under the metacognitive strategies of awareness and
reflection.
Declarative knowledge influences. Current research in the field of gifted education
points to the importance of parents and their overall awareness of gifted characteristics in
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37
children (Altinta & Sukru, 2015; Chan, 2000; Hertzog & Bennett, 2004; Jolly & Matthews,
2012; Louis & Lewis, 1992) and the important role that early identification of certain
characteristics can play in the identification process (Lee & Olszewski-Kubilus, 2006; Solow,
2001). Due to the fact that teachers often hold both known and unknown biases when
recommending students for gifted identification or because they lack the awareness or capacity
to identify students, it has become increasingly important for parents to understand the features
commonly associated with gifted children (Altinta & Sukru, 2015). While parental understanding
and clarification of perceived characteristics may change over time (Solow, 2001), parents are
relatively accurate in their abilities to identify certain aspects of giftedness within their own
children.
Formal definitions of giftedness often have little to no bearing on a parent’s knowledge of
gifted characteristics (Altinta & Sukru, 2015; Hertzog & Bennett, 2004; Solow, 2001). Though
widespread and generally well-received definitions of giftedness focus on ability across a
number of domains, including intellect, academics, creativity and leadership, most parents are
not able to articulate formally stated definitions (Chan, 2000). In the absence of declarative
knowledge relating to gifted definitions, parents often use their own child’s behavior and
characteristics to build their own declarative knowledge structures about features associated with
giftedness (Chan, 2000; Hertzog & Bennett, 2004; Jolly & Matthews, 2012; Louis & Lewis,
1992). During the preliminary parent driven assessment round, usually through observations in
and around the home, parents associate vocabulary, mental activity and attentiveness,
inquisitiveness, creativity and rapid execution of tasks with giftedness (Altinta & Sukru, 2015;
Chan, 2000).

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Parental knowledge surrounding the characteristics associated with giftedness can change
over time (Jolly & Matthews, 2012). In their 2012 content analysis of 53 relevant peer reviewed
articles, journals and books on the parenting of gifted children, Jolly and Matthews (2012)
revealed that parents often use their own child’s characteristics to inform their definition of
giftedness. However, upon learning new information provided by schools, districts, independent
research and community resources, their definition changed to align with broader definitions
associated with giftedness (Hertzog & Bennett, 2004; Jolly & Matthews, 2012). While the
individual parent perceptions and self-determined characteristics of giftedness are useful in
preliminary identification, a lack of knowledge surrounding the significance of certain
characteristics over others and the process of what the next steps are in terms of identification
can be frustrating for parents (Besnoy et al., 2015). This lack of knowledge can be seen by
parents, when involving themselves in the identification process by advocating for their child on
a value-driven platform, as a motivating influence that will be addressed in the second half of
this review.
Procedural knowledge influences. Understanding the procedural knowledge, or in this
case the methods and steps necessary to identify a child as gifted and talented, is a necessary
knowledge component for parents who wished to have their child labeled and placed in gifted
and talented programs. Often, nomination for gifted testing and assessment is based on
identifying characteristics observed by teachers and parents (Altinta & Sukru, 2015). However,
due to the fact that many teachers may not be trained in the gifted identification process
themselves, it becomes necessary for parents to build their own capacity in understanding the
identifying characteristics of giftedness as well as the step-by-step procedures associated with the
acknowledgement, assessment, and placement of a child within a gifted and talented program
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39
(Altinta & Sukru, 2015; Colangelo & Dettman, 1983). When parents are aware of the procedures
associated with identification and the testing options that can be used to identify their child as
gifted, they are often as effective at nominating their child for standardized gifted assessments
(Lee & Olszewski-Kubilius, 2006). Unfortunately, not all parents are aware of the procedural
knowledge associated with the identification process and placement, and as a result failed to
assume the role of advocate and achieve their desired objective of having their child labeled as
gifted within a school system (Colangelo & Dettman, 1983).
Though studies have suggested slight variations in the procedures or step-by-step process
associated with gifted identification, developing an understanding of a school’s or district’s
procedural policies plays an essential role in the identification process. Following a parent’s
recognition of gifted characteristics, Colangelo and Dettman (1983) suggested a three-part
procedure that parents should follow in order to help them through the initial stages of
identification, which include meeting with the teacher to ask questions, scheduling an assessment
with the school counselor or psychologist, and seeking community resources and legal policies
that can help build their case for identification. Duquette et al. (2011) articulated an identification
process that covered four dimensions: awareness, seeking information, presenting the case at the
school level and monitoring progress towards the desired labeling of gifted and talented. Finally,
in a procedural based model proposed by the National Association for Gifted Children (NAGC),
parents’ understanding of the gifted process is outlined in three discrete phases. Phase one
focuses on observations for gifted characteristics within the home, phase two and three focus on
the development and implementation of an advocacy plan, and phase four concludes the process
by asking parents to follow up with the school or a private company’s evaluation and assessment
(Grantham et al., 2005). While the procedural knowledge influences suggested in the scholarship
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40
are by no means exhaustive or detailed, it is clear that an understanding of the gifted
identification process is an integral part in parents’ overall knowledge influences and constructs
as they seek to become more effective advocates for their children. However, this advocacy is
only possible if parents construct a role that favors involvement and advocacy.
Metacognitive knowledge influences. An additional knowledge influence, and one that
focuses on an individual’s awareness of his/her cogitation, metacognitive knowledge is important
because it allows learners to reflect upon and adjust the way in which his/her approach his/her
individual cognitive processes (Krathwohl, 2002). As an assumed knowledge influence,
metacognitive knowledge plays a key role in parents’ abilities to reflect on their own self-
perceptions, biases and misconceptions associated with both gifted characteristics and the
identification process. Louis and Lewis (1992) have suggested that parents’ beliefs about
learning and giftedness can have an impact on parenting practices and the ways in which parents
perform their initial observation and assessment of gifted characteristics. Furthermore, as parents
reflected on their journey through the gifted identification process, many found that their
knowledge base and understandings change as new information is learned (Louis & Lewis, 1992;
Solow, 2001).
One of the most important aspects of the metacognitive knowledge associated with
parents and their role in gifted identification was the need to reflect on their role and the
advocacy process itself (Jolly & Matthews, 2012; Solow, 2001). An in-depth case study by
Solow (2001) of four parents of gifted students asked parents to reflect on their belief systems
and their journey through the gifted identification process. The interviews revealed that at the
end of the identification process, none of the parents had reflected on their concepts and
definitions of giftedness or the ways in which they approached the process as a whole (Solow,
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41
2011), which revealed a lack of metacognitive awareness and knowledge on the part of parents
participating in the study. Though a relatively small sample, the study revealed the need for
parents to build their own metacognitive capacity in terms of reflection and acknowledgement of
biases during their initial venture into gifted identification.
Motivation
While equally important as the earlier topic of knowledge influences, this portion of the
literature review focuses on motivation-related influences and the role that they play in parents’
achievement of the desired goal of serving as advocates in the identification process.
Motivation, regardless of the assumed influence or lack thereof, plays an important role in
helping stakeholders achieve a desired goal (Grossman & Salas, 2011; Mayer, 2011). Though
there are a number of factors that must be taken into consideration when examining motivation,
it can be defined as “the process that accounts for an individual’s intensity, direction and
persistence of effort toward attaining a goal” (Grossman & Salas, 2011, p. 109). While goal-
orientation does play a significant role in motivational influences, a number of other elements
come into play when considering the factors involved in motivation. The concepts of interest
(Shraw & Lehman, 2009) and beliefs, including self-efficacy and expectancy value (Eccles,
2006; Pajares, 2006), also play in important role in understanding the concept of motivation and
its relation to learning. The motivational influences of self-efficacy and utility value will be
addressed in greater detail in the following section.
Self-Efficacy. With the intended parental goal of understanding the influences and
barriers related to involvement and the process behind identification, self-efficacy serves as an
important motivational influence for a number of reasons. Self-efficacious beliefs stem from a
learner’s belief in his/her capacity to complete or achieve a specified objective (Bandura, 2000;
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42
Mayer, 2011; Pajares, 2006) at a certain point in time. Built upon over time through mastery and
vicarious experiences, social persuasion and physiological reactions, self-efficacy can serve as
the antecedent of self-regulatory practice and a potential measure of an individual’s future
performance (Pajares, 2006). Though based on a group’s unified or aggregate beliefs about their
competencies in solving a problem or completing a task, collective efficacy (Stjkovic, Lee, &
Nyberg, 2009) can also be linked to higher levels of performance and productivity. While self-
efficacy plays an important role in an individual’s belief and therefore motivation to complete a
desired objective, it is important to consider the impact modeling, social comparisons and
feedback have in building or lowering efficacious beliefs (Mayer, 2011; Pajares, 2006; Stjkovic,
Lee, & Nyberg, 2009).
Parental Self-Efficacy. As parents consider their role in the educational well-being of
their gifted child, it is important to understand parental self-efficacy as a motivational construct,
especially in light of the role that it plays in parental role construction (Hoover-Dempsey et al.,
2005). As noted by Louis and Lewis (1992) and Lee and Olszewski-Kubuluis (2006), parents are
relatively accurate when it comes to identifying gifted features within their children. As parents
begin to suspect their child has the potential to be gifted they seek out information through
community resources, other parents, the Internet and schools themselves (Duquette et al., 2011;
Solow, 2001). Through these various outlets, both declarative and procedural knowledge are
built over time, which leads to an increase in parental self-efficacy when it comes to identifying
characteristics and understanding the process behind identification. As self-efficacy builds
through information seeking and knowledge building (Grantham et al., 2005), parents may
become increasingly motivated to take on the role of advocate for their child in the gifted
identification process.
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43

Current scholarship has looked at the parental role of advocacy (see Besnoy et al., 2015;
Cobb, 2012; Colangelo & Dettman, 1983; Duquette et al., 2011; Grantham et al., 2005), which
can be used as a measure of self-efficacy in terms of parents’ beliefs in their ability to adequately
advocate for their child and accurately navigate the gifted identification process. Duquette et al.
(2011) have suggested that goal setting, targets, knowledge, message and delivery all play an
important part in parents’ success in serving as advocated for their children. Parents who are
strong advocates for their children and their identification as gifted embody a number of
characteristics that align with high levels of self-efficacy. Grantham et al. (2005) have suggested
that parents who have a stronger sense of self-efficacy about their own abilities to solve
problems and communicate are more likely to be successful as advocates for their gifted
children. Parents who reported a stronger interest in obtaining more information or knowledge
about gifted identification, both in terms of characteristics and the process itself, were notably
more successful in advocating on behalf of their child (Besnoy et al., 2015; Cobb, 2012;
Stephens, 1999; Weber & Stanley, 2012).
Utility Value and Expectancy Value. As is the case with self-efficacy, utility value can
have a significant impact on the motivation of parents throughout the gifted identification
process. Associated with the broader concept of expectancy value, utility is taken into
consideration when individuals consider whether or not the task is aligned with psychological
needs or individual goals (Eccles, 2006). Adaptive attributions and control beliefs, which
include utility, cost and value, can be used to motivate learners by providing meaningful
rationales (Pintrich, 2003) and perceived usefulness. Often associated with the motivational
construct of active choice, value serves as a motivational influence in that it allows individuals to
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44
actively work towards a stated goal (Clark & Estes, 2008). When goals, both short and long term,
ideal images, and social scripts are aligned with the information being taught or the activity
under review, a higher utility value is often measured (Eccles, 2006; Pintrich, 2003). Grossman
and Salas (2011) have suggested that when the perceived usefulness of an activity or training is
identified and communicated, learners will see a greater value in the content or activity. In a
similar vein with self-efficacy, utility value can be influenced through feedback, with the level of
perceived utility varying from one learner to another (Anderman & Anderman, 2006).
Parental Utility Value. It is important for parents to see the value in involvement at
school and at home, the value in gifted identification, and understand why serving as an advocate
is beneficial to their child and the process as a whole. Within their research on parent advocacy
experiences, Besnoy et al. (2015) discovered an underlying theme associated with the value that
parents placed on identification and advocacy efforts. Most parents saw gifted identification to
be a precursor for future opportunities associated with their child’s happiness and overall
success. This value-based association motivated parents to act as advocates on their child’s
behalf. Cobb’s 2012 analysis of culturally and linguistically diverse parents also captured the
idea that parents who value their child’s identification and placement in a gifted program will
persist and inquire about the identification process regardless of roadblocks and perceived
knowledge or organization related obstacles (Cobb, 2012).
Parents who saw the perceived value in advocating for their children, with the intended
goal of gifted placement, were motivated to seek out knowledge to better understand their role in
the process (Duquette et al., 2011; Cobb, 2012; Weber & Stanley, 2012). When parents valued
the identification of their own child as gifted and recognized a knowledge gap, many
successfully sought and obtained information from websites, school districts, parent support
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45
groups, articles and books (Duquette et al., 2011). Value associated with their child’s future
happiness also motivated parents to fill their own knowledge deficiencies in order to better serve
as advocates on their child’s behalf (Besnoy et al., 2015). As a motivational influence, value can
play a significant role in a parent’s willingness to involve him or herself in his/her child’s
education, his/her ability to take on an advocacy related role, and this/her drive in working
through the identification process on behalf of his/her student.
Organization
The final section of this literature review focuses on organizational influences and the
impact they have on parents’ involvement and their understanding of the gifted identification
process and the impact that specific elements, specifically culture, have on parental role
construction. Culture plays an important role in organizations (Clark & Estes, 2009), and is
something that develops over time within individuals, groups, and certain environments (Erez &
Gatti, 2002). Defined by Schein (2004) as the result of complex group learning that often defines
how an organization describes itself, culture encompasses shared values, habits of thinking,
behavioral regularities and interactions, and symbols. Culture, notably the element of climate,
which often dictates culture, is malleable and can be changed through the modification of
policies, procedures, and practices that impact values and beliefs of individuals within the
organization (Erez & Gatti, 2004; Schneider, Brief, & Guzzo, 1996). While it is important to
remain guarded against assumptions and generalizations regarding the culture of an organization
(Schein, 2004), understanding established cultural norms and the settings in which they occur in
is only possible when one explores the values, norms and artifacts that have helped established a
specific culture over time.
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46
Cultural Models. Cultural models are established schema and norms shared by
members of a community and play an important role in organizations (Gallimore & Goldenberg,
2001). More often than not, these models are so deeply entrenched among the individuals who
are part of the specific cultural group they are often unrecognized, rooted in values and beliefs
that are an underlying component of an organization (Schein, 2004). When new groups form
either through natural or forced phenomenon, culture develops as individuals and group
members progress through the stages of group formation, building, work and eventually maturity
(Schein, 2004). Developed by group members or a leader, climate becomes something that is
contingent on the norms and routines established early on.
Communication. When there are language barriers and cultural differences between
parents and gifted assessors and teachers, perspectives differ which can lead to barriers related to
involvement, identification, and placement (Besnoy et al., 2015; Cobb, 2012). Language, which
serves as an important element of cultural models, becomes a significant barrier for parents who
seek to become more involved or serve as advocates on behalf of their children when it comes to
gifted assessment and identification (Cobb, 2012). When there are breakdowns in
communication between parents and teachers, an important organizational element in its own
right, misunderstandings over effort and achievement, placement, and expectations for students,
teachers and parents often leads to organizational breakdowns (Cobb, 2012; Colangelo &
Dettman, 1983; Duquette et al., 2011; Sheldon, 2002). Lidz and Macrine (1998) have suggested
that when parental beliefs and expectations of giftedness differ with that of the school or
overarching community, an anticipated cultural discord occurs.
Parents who are often the most dissatisfied with gifted assessments and programming
point to the lack of communication on the part of schools and organizations charged with
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47
assessing and gifted programming (Riggs, 1984; VanTassel-Baska, 2006). Parent involvement, if
it is to be considered successful in gifted programming, which includes assessment, placement
and support, should be built on trust and transparency (Radaszewski-Byrne, 2001). In a
qualitative study on parent views surrounding identification and placement, parents of gifted
students expressed interest and concern over the lack of information regarding policy and
procedures related to resources, education alternatives, and identification guidelines (Sankar-
DeLeeuw, 2002).
Trust. When individuals or stakeholders within an organization come to value one
another’s goals and, given time, accept the fact that each side must be willing to remain both
vulnerable and altruistic, trust can be established (Krosgaard et al., 2002). When parents are
informed and empowered, involvement in their child’s education increases (Griffith, 1998), and
participation in school activities, especially within the gifted and talented population increases.
However, when organizational silence occurs or feedback is non-existent, trust decreases
(Morrison & Milliken, 2000). Multiple studies suggest that parents of gifted students, or those
interested in identification, are slow to trust gifted programs and schools, with mismanagement
and the inability to meet their children’s needs cited as primary reasons (Brown et al., 2005;
Hodge & Kemp, 2006; Huff et al., 2005; Morawska & Sanders, 2009; Olszewski-Kubilius, 1998;
Silverman & Kearney, 1989; VanTassel-Baska, 2006).
Cultural Setting. An outcropping of cultural models, cultural settings are those
established instances when two or more individuals come together (Gallimore & Goldenberg,
2001). Culture, therefore, exists in those instances when individuals come together to work on a
task that is valued. Individual values and beliefs, developed through any number of cultural
connections within an organization or community, become realized in cultural settings where
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48
their actions and beliefs are expressed through interactions with others (Gallimore &
Goldenberg, 2001).
Cultural settings have proved important in terms of information sharing and
communicating elements of cultural models among parents of gifted students or those seeking
involvement. In a qualitative case study of culturally diverse gifted parents, Cobb (2012)
revealed that obstacles facing culturally and linguistically different (CLD) parents of gifted
students centered around a lack of formal and informal parental networks. As previous studies
(Besnoy et al., 2015; Weber & Stanley, 2012) have suggested, these parent networks served as
important points of access with regards to information for parents. Limited access to these parent
networks, or informal cultural settings where information is exchanged, led to a lack of
knowledge surrounding the identification process and placement opportunities (Kwieouz, 1990;
Makel, 2009; Virdegor & Azor-Gordon, 2015).
Due to the context of this study and the cultural background of its participants, it is
important to consider the current research on cultural models and settings and the influence of
culture on the organizational level in Arab gifted and talented and general education. According
to Dwairy (2004), Arab families are more likely to demonstrate higher levels of intimacy, with
the family, parenting, and society characterized as collective and authoritative. In their 2010
study, Alsheikh et al. found that parents’ concept of the children and the role of school is closely
tied to values associated with their cultural ties associations with Islam. Schooling in the Arab
world (Aljughaiman & Grigorenko, 2013; Subhi-Yamin, 2009), is rooted in Islamic tradition and
values, and is contextualized within the society whose norms and values it promotes. There is
only one model for gifted and talented education in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s (KSA) public
schools, commonly referred to in the literature as the Oasis Enrichment Model (OEM). As of
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49
2013, materials related to OEM make no formal reference to the role of parents in gifted
identification or education (Aljughaiman & Grigorenko, 2013).
Culture and Role Construction. Defined by Hoover-Dempsey et al. (2005) as “parents’
beliefs about what they are supposed to do in relation to their children’s education and the
patterns of parental behavior that follow those beliefs” (p. 107), role construction is shaped by
social groups and personal beliefs, both of which are commonly established by cultural
communities and norms. While role construction serves as a motivator for parents with regards
to involvement in their child’s education, levels of involvement vary across cultural groups
(Hoover-Dempsey et al., 2005). Invitations from the school, teacher and student are important
motivators for parent involvement, and are weighted differently based on culture and context,
especially when socio-economic, knowledge, time and energy factors are explored (Anderson &
Minke, 2007; Hoover-Dempsey et al., 2009). Using the Hoover-Dempsey model as a starting
point, Lavenda (2011) explored parent involvement and role construction among Arab parents in
Israel. Approximately 3,276 parents from 11 schools participated in the survey. Parents reported
that they had the ability to contribute to their child’s academic experience, were more highly
motivated to become engaged when invitations came from students, and reported perceived
higher levels of involvement compared to non-Arab parents (Lavenda, 2011).
Conceptual Framework: The Interaction of Stakeholder’s Knowledge,
Motivation, and the Organizational Context
Throughout this chapter a number of knowledge, motivation and organizational elements
that influence parental role construction and involvement in gifted identification have been
addressed. In terms of knowledge influences, the literature revealed an importance in parental
understanding of the identification process and sources of information pertaining to identification
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50
and placement (Altina & Sukru, 2015; Duquette et al., 2011; Hertzog & Bennet, 2004; Jolly &
Matthews, 2012; Louis & Lewis, 1992; Solow, 2001). Motivationally, the literature revealed that
parents who possessed higher levels of self-efficacy and parents who placed a higher value their
child’s identification and placement in a gifted program were more likely to take on an advocacy
role (Besnoy, et al., 2015; Cobb, 2012; Colangelo & Dettman, 1983; Duquette et al., 2011;
Grantham et al., 2005; Stephens, 1999; Weber & Stanley, 2012). Organizationally, the
importance of communication (Lidz & Macrine, 1998; Riggs, 1984; Sankar-DeLeeuw, 2002;
VanTassel-Baska, 2006), cultural influences (Aljughaiman & Grigorenko, 2013; Hoover-
Dempsey et al., 2005; Lavenda, 2011Subhi-Yamin, 2009) and trust (Brown et al., 2005; Hodge
& Kemp, 2006; Huff et al., 2005; Morawska & Sanders, 2009; Olszewski-Kubilius, 1998;
Silverman & Kearney, 1989; VanTassel-Baska, 2006) were established through the literature as
important elements within the cultural model associated with gifted involvement and advocacy.
Finally, the importance of role construction was introduced as a framework for understanding
parental involvement in a broader sense (Hoover-Dempsey et al., 2005; Lavenda, 2011). The
relationships that exist among specific knowledge, motivation and organizational influences,
including culture, self-efficacy, and organization-specific policies, explored in relation to role
construction and parental involvement, can be graphically explained using a conceptual
framework.
Developed as a visual aid that can be used to guide the methodology of a study,
conceptual frameworks outline the guiding concepts, influences and relationships that persist
between existing elements (Maxwell, 2013). Constructed from relevant literature and established
theory (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009), the conceptual framework is further informed by preexisting
experiences or encounters in the field and through "thought experiments" (Maxwell, 2013, p.
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51
68). Nestled within the stated purpose and relevant problem that a study seeks to understand,
conceptual frameworks help generate methodological considerations, such as specific questions
and analysis techniques, that will be used as the study progresses (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009).
Conceptual frameworks, including the initial framework developed during the research proposal
phase (See Figure A), are iterative in their development and subject to revision and adjustment
based on research and data analysis.
Figure A. Initial Conceptual Framework.
This figure above displays an initial conceptual framework that was developed during the
literature review process. This conceptual framework included elements that potentially
influenced parental role construction, involvement, and advocacy for parents of students
identified as gifted and talented in Abu Dhabi, U.A.E. Hoover-Dempsey et al. (2005) determined
that self-efficacy, communication and invitations from students and schools, as well as the
knowledge and skills necessary to become actively involved served as influencers that
determined a parent’s level of involvement in his/her child’s education. Lavenda (2010) applied
the Hoover-Dempsey model for parental role construction to Arab parents in Israel, which
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52
further emphasized the influence that culture, religion and community had on parental
involvement. Within this initial conceptual framework, influencers of role construction for
parents of gifted students in the United Arab Emirates included cultural expectations,
communicated messages, and self-efficacy.
Following data collection and analysis the conceptual framework was reconstructed to
incorporate both existing research and the findings and themes specific to this study. Included in
this revised conceptual framework (see Figure B) are themes and findings organized by
knowledge and motivation as well as organization. It should be noted that within the results and
findings expressed in chapter four, the influences and barriers to parent involvement are at times
not so neatly confined to their individual silos. Recognized within this conceptual framework is
the impact that cultural messaging has on organizational policies and practices and parents’ self-
efficacious beliefs and their influence on role construction and involvement. Expectations and
cultural norms surrounding the roles of mothers and fathers within education are reinforced by
cultural messages received from peers and older male family members. Parental self-efficacy, the
motivating factor for role construction and involvement, was seen to be most influenced by
parents’ level of English proficiency, education, exposure to Western ideas and individuals, and
religion. Organizational policies and practices that influenced parent involvement were focused
on reinforced cultural expectations, such as the Mother’s Council, communication systems that
favored mothers, translation services, and the New School Model which made it easier for
parents to involve themselves if they had a greater degree of exposure to western ideology and
individuals. The ideas presented in the revised conceptual framework are discussed to a greater
depth in chapter 4.
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53

Figure B. Revised Conceptual Framework.
Literature included in the review supports the conceptual framework. Parents who were
more highly informed and motivated were more likely to seek out information and were
therefore better positioned to serve as advocates and achieve identification and placement
services for their child (Altinta & Sukru, 2015; Colangelo & Dettman, 1983; Duquette et al.,
2011; Lee & Olszewski-Kubilius, 2006). As suggested by Mayer (2011), knowledge, and the
access or availability of it, played an important part in an individual or organizations ability to
learn. The seeking of knowledge, be it from other parents, community resources, and the school
itself (Duquette et al., 2011; Solow, 2001) was influenced by various motivational factors which
included self-efficacy and language proficiency, and organizational influences and barriers that
included conflicts in programmatic policies and communication which favored the involvement
of mothers.
It can be argued that a parent’s motivation and his/her degree of involvement could be
influenced by program information provided by the school, student or teacher, which is then
filtered through cultural expectations for involvement (Hoover-Dempsey et al., 2005; Lavenda,
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54
2011). The source of messages received by parents, coupled with cultural norms (Hoover-
Dempsey et al., 2005; Lavenda, 2011) and peer influence (Anderson & Minke, 2011) can also
impact the way in which a parent determines their involvement. This conceptual framework,
supported by both existing research and findings presented in this dissertation, proposed that
those parents who are encouraged culturally to participate in their child’s education, saw the
value in gifted services, and were provided with regular information from the school were
therefore more likely to involve themselves in their child’s education and serve as advocates for
all things gifted. Messages are also a considerable element within the conceptual framework as
both the source and cultural positioning have the potential to act as an influence. In the case of
Emirati parents, mothers were encouraged to involve themselves to a greater degree than fathers.
Within gifted identification and instruction, the role of parents as advocates is something that
cannot be overlooked, as children are more likely to be identified and served in gifted
programing when parents assume the role of advocates. Parents who are stronger advocates for
identification and placement in gifted programming have greater self-efficacy, seek out
knowledge and information related to the process and placement, establish communication with
stakeholders within the school and community, and believe that advocacy is in its own right
culturally appropriate. It should be recognized that this conceptual framework was developed
using literature and research that was grounded in a more Western context, due to the fact that
research on parental role construction and involvement in the Arab world was limited both in
terms of scope and translation to English.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODS
The purpose of this study was to understand the influence that self-efficacy,
communication, and culture had on the ways in which Emirati parents of gifted students
constructed their role with regards to involvement in their child’s education. A better
understanding of these influences would provide the organization with a starting point in terms
of evaluating existing policies that guided the parent involvement process as it related to gifted
identification and service. Participating stakeholders and the sampling criteria, will be addressed,
followed by the recruitment strategy that was used. The methods for data collection and analysis
will be explained in detail and approaches used to establish credibility and trustworthiness
throughout the data gathering and analysis process are included. Finally, ethical considerations
that were embedded throughout the methodological process are outlined and limitations and
delimitations are presented.
Research Questions
1. How do Emirati parents of gifted children’s perceptions of the way that their
knowledge and motivation play out in the way that they construct their involvement
in their child’s education?
2. How do Emirati parents of gifted children’s knowledge skills, and motivation, and
regard for school policy, practice, and cultural norms interact to shape their
willingness to involve themselves in their child’s education?
Participating Stakeholders
The stakeholder population of focus was Emirati parents of children who had been
identified, through various standards and cognitive based assessments, as high achieving and
placed in the inclusion classrooms that supported gifted instruction through advanced content,
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56
process, and concept development. It was important for participants to be Emirati Nationals, and
not parents who might have held a citizenship that was different than their child, as this study
sought to understand the perceptions of involvement and role construction within a specific
community. The intentional heterogeneous grouping of individuals allowed for data collection
that investigated role construction across a sample that shared similar characteristics (Maxwell,
2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2009). Parents with a child who was currently or formerly enrolled in
the High Achievers program were invited to participate, allowing for a variety of perspectives to
be shared, which achieved the desired maximum variation in terms of age, academic background,
gender and profession.
When considering potential stakeholders who would participate in this study the concept
of maximum variation must be considered. Used to represent the “widest possible range of the
characteristics of interest for the study” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009, p. 98), maximum variation
seeks to select a variety of participants who vary across specific demographics. Diversity in
perspectives is achieved as the potential for “patterns that are common across the diversity”
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2009, p. 257) begin to emerge. These patterns play an important role when
determining themes during the analysis process (Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014). Maximum
variation can also be used to examine differences between individuals of subgroups within a
sample, which can dispel certain presumed trends or expectations (Maxwell, 2013).
Interview Sampling Criteria and Rationale
Criterion 1. Individuals who participated in interviews were current or past parents of
students who had been identified, through site-specific assessments and identification
procedures, as high achieving gifted and talented students. The specific organizational goal
addressed in this evaluative study was to better understand the perspectives and experiences of
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57
parents and the influences and barriers to involvement and advocacy. Parents served as the
specific stakeholder group addressed in this study because they were the only individuals who
are able to provide information that speaks to this specific goal.
Criterion 2. The gifted and talented High Achievers pilot project, which was the first of
its kind in the emirate of Abu Dhabi, originated at MBS school. It is because of this, and the fact
that they are the only population with information relevant to this study, that interviewees for this
study were selected from the parent population at MBS. Parents who participated in the
interviews were all Emirati Nationals who resided in the emirate of Abu Dhabi and were
members of the MBS school network. Two parents were naturalized citizens, individuals who
were born outside of the existing UAE territory and granted UAE citizenship at an early age.
Each of these individuals was born near the present-day UAE boarder with Oman and both
recognized their nationality as Emirati. The focus on Emirati parents, instead of Arab parents or
gifted parents in general, was due to the fact that parental role construction research, limited
mostly to the United States and Israel, had not previously explored Emirati parent involvement.
Criterion 3. Research participants came from different backgrounds and contexts in
terms of age, gender, education background and role within the community. Individuals who
voluntarily participate in this study were male and female, came from a range of educational
backgrounds that included limited education to graduate degrees, and held positions in the
community that ranged from unemployed to part-time and full-time working professionals in any
number of occupations within the public and private sphere. A more specific breakdown and
analysis of participant demographics is included in the opening sections of chapter 4.
Socioeconomic status was not included as a demographic when seeking maximum variation as
access to that information would have been seen as intrusive and culturally insensitive,
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58
potentially diminishing rapport between the researcher and participant. That being said, the
school’s location in the Al Bateen neighborhood of Abu Dhabi, and previous observations over
the course of a number of years by the author, suggest that families’ socioeconomic status was
relatively comfortable.
1

Interview Recruitment Strategy and Rationale.
A nonprobability, purposeful sampling strategy was applied to the recruitment of Emirati
parents who met criteria for participate in interviews. Nonprobability purposeful sampling is
based on the assumption that those within the sample are select individuals who are information-
rich and provide data that is only deliverable from individuals within that subset of the greater
population (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009). Those parents who meet the criteria were purposefully
selected because, as is the nature with purposeful sampling, they provided insight into the
research question at hand (Maxwell, 2013). By capturing the heterogeneity within a population,
a diverse set of voices, experiences and perspectives could be collectively gathered and analyzed
to give distinct subsets within a population representation within the study (Maxwell, 2013).
Subsets explored within findings and themes in chapter four suggest variation among subsets
defined by gender, educational attainment, English proficiency, and exposure to Western
individuals and ideas.
The participants invited to participate in the study were purposefully selected following
Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval in the Fall of 2015. Fifteen Emirati parents of
students identified as gifted and talented were invited to participate in structured interviews that
took place during January of 2016. Due to the fact that gifted programs were rare and relatively
new in the U.A.E. at the time this study was conducted, MBS school was used as the site from

1
Families often dropped students off at the school in high-end, luxury cars.
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59
which parents were sampled from. Both English speaking and Arabic speaking teachers
associated with gifted classes at MBS were asked to send home the information sheet. Emirati
parents associated with the High Achievers program were asked to complete a brief information
sheet that asked for demographic information including age, gender, occupation, and level of
education received, responding if they were interested in participating in the study. This
informational sheet was provided in both English and Arabic as parents had previously reported
that they were often more comfortable reading documents in both languages (see Appendix B).
Purposeful sampling occurred based on the variance in demographic responses received from the
71 parents who returned the demographic information sheet. Those parents who were
purposefully selected were then contacted by gifted teachers who scheduled an interview time
that worked at their convenience.
Data Collection and Instrumentation
Most often associated with inductive research, qualitative research seeks to understand
certain phenomena that occur within social settings (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2009;
Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014). Following the development of a research question and the
development of a conceptual framework, methods must be chosen to determine how the study
will be conducted, taking sampling and data collection into account (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam &
Tisdell, 2009). Qualitative data can be collected through surveys with open-ended items,
interviews, observation and artifact analysis. It often occurs with multiple data collection
methods used simultaneously to achieve greater accuracy through triangulation (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2009; Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014). Careful thought is given to methods as one
seeks to use the most appropriate research tool(s) in order to provide the most assured means to
answering a research question, with time frames, population and culture taken into consideration
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60
(Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2009). For the purposes of this study, all four data
collection methods were considered appropriate given the experience and perspective seeking
nature of the research question. However, due to sample size, logistics and time constraints,
qualitative interviews served as the sole methodological choice when considering constraints
associated with time and the practicality of access to the parent stakeholder group.
Interviews
Data collection took place over the course of a week and consisted of structured
interviews with 15 Emirati parents of students who had participated in a gifted. These one-time
interviews were conducted in a private setting within the school, with the majority taking place
in an office associated with the High Achievers program. In order to accommodate the schedules
of two parents, interviews were also held at off-site locations. Yousef‘s interview was held in his
judicial office and Nasser’s was held in a reception room at the court of the Crown Prince as
neither schedule allowed for additional time to travel to and from the school. The length of
interview ranged from 28 minutes to 62 minutes, with an average length of 45 minutes. In order
to establish rapport and as a sign of respect, Arabic tea, coffee and dates were provided at the
onset of the interview. Provisions for childcare were arranged in order to ensure ease of access
for participants with younger non-school age children, though none requested or required said
service. The use of a translator to be on hand throughout interviews to provide participants with
questions provided in their native language, Arabic, was also offered as an accommodation. The
provision of a translator was to help translate or clarify concepts, questions or specific words in
order to establish mutual understanding and increase validity. The interview protocol was
provided in advance to the translator prior to the commencement of data collection in order to
open a dialogue between the researcher and translator. No participant requested the use of a
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translator during the interview as the majority of participates had a strong command of the
English language. However, more than half of participants accessed translation devices on their
mobile phones to help them express certain concepts or words. The desired language
independence by parents is explored in conjunction with themes associated with language
proficiency in chapter 4.
One individual requested that his interview not be recorded due to his position within the
government. While a translator was made available to parents, each individual elected to have
the interview conducted only in English. Noted earlier, the parent population of MBM were
relatively proficient in English, having had previous exposure and education centered around
language development. This point will be revisited later in chapter 4 as parental self-efficacy and
language proficiency are examined in relation to role construction and involvement. All
participants willingly provided contact information and were provided with transcripts of
interviews and provided with the opportunity to reflect on their comments and provide additional
details. While all but one responded to the emailed transcripts, no participants provided
additional details or requested specific comments to be removed from their transcript.
The 15 individuals interviewed for this study were selected from a larger pool of more
than 71 eligible parents who fit the sample population criteria and volunteered. Those parents
who were interviewed were selected based on the desired demographics in relation to maximum
variation and availability during the selected interview timeframe. The average age of
participants interviewed in this study was 40, ranging from 30 to 58, and all participants were
Emirati citizens. Given the fact that the United Arab Emirates had existed as a country since
1972, two parents claimed citizenship as young children following the creation of borders within
the Arab peninsula. One was born to what historically is known as a Yemeni tribe and the other
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to a Saudi tribe. While their family roots are not explicitly derived from the seven Emirati tribal
areas, they identified as Emirati and as such were included in this study. Forty-six percent of the
participants were male (7) and 54% were female (8). Of the 15 participants, all but two had
previous interactions with the researcher.
The level of education and occupations held by participants in this study varied. Four
parents held a high school diploma, one had obtained the equivalent of an associate’s degree,
eight had obtained or were in the process of obtaining a bachelor’s degree, and one recently
completed a doctorate. For mothers, occupations ranged from none, which was the case for six of
the eight, to administrative assistant and human resources for the remaining two who worked
outside of the home. Occupations among the seven fathers were more varied. The two fathers
with high school diplomas served as part of the National Defense (army), with those who
received some form of college education holding positions in IT support, engineering, the justice
department, the court of Abu Dhabi’s Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nayhan.
The protocol (see Appendix A), while relying on structured interview questions, allowed
for a certain amount of flexibility in the way that initial and probing questions were explored.
The semi-structured interview approach was appropriate given the research focus and
participants as it allowed for the researcher to “respond to the situation at hand, to the emerging
worldview of the respondent, and to new ideas on the topic” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009, p. 111).
The standardized format of interview questions helped to facilitate a greater sense of focus
throughout the interview and provided a more feasible analysis with an ease of access when
comparing participant responses (Patton, 2002). Bias, addressed in more detail in the credibility
and trustworthiness section of this chapter, was ameliorated through building rapport, piloting for
cultural appropriateness, reflections that address reflexivity, transcriptions that were made
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63
available for member checking in English, and through the keeping of a research journal that
details how research was carried out (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009).
Interview questions and the protocol were developed following a number of standard
qualitative considerations. The interview questions included in the protocol stemmed from the
research question and conceptual framework and sought to elicit concrete and detailed responses.
As suggested by Bogdan and Biklen (2007) and Kruger and Casey (2009) the questions crafted
in the protocol were free of technical jargon and were sensitive to local language and cultural
practices, couched in familiar non-presumptive language. For example, the term “role
construction” was never actually used as the technical jargon might have intimidated
participants. Prefatory statements and presuppositions can be found throughout the interview
protocol and were added to alert the respondent to what was about to be asked and as a way to
assume the respondent has something to say on that specific topic (Patton, 2002). Careful
consideration was given to the ordering of questions and within the existing protocol the more
sensitive cultural questions, especially those regarding the influence of religion on parental
expectations, came in the final stages of the interview. With cultural norms in mind, female
participants were asked to participate only if they felt comfortable speaking one-on-one with a
male who was a non-family member.
The majority of questions used in the interview protocol could be categorized as either
experience and behavior or opinion and value questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009; Patton,
2002). Questions that sought to understand a parent’s perspective of involvement and the ways
in which cultural and organizational messages and policies influenced their role construction in
that specific area. Motivation, explored through the concept of self-efficacy, was addressed in
both experience and value questions where the participants expanded upon what made them want
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to become involved in their child’s education and how others within the community influenced
that decision. How messages impact involvement, through the influence of peer and cultural
expectations, as well as source, were examined through various behavior-specific questions.
When seeking to understand the cultural barriers of involvement, both in terms of Islam and
ideological differences that exist between Western educators and school policy, questions
pertaining to parenting from a unique cultural and religious perspective were asked.
Data Analysis
Data analysis began during data collection. Analytic memos were written following each
interview, wherein initial themes, observations about participant responses and comfortability,
and researcher reflections were recorded. As suggested in the research, analytic memos captured
following the interviews included my own thoughts, concerns, and initial conclusions about the
data in relation to my conceptual framework and research questions (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016;
Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014). Due to the fact that research took place in another cultural
setting, it was important to take special note within the analytic memos of interactions,
communication, and rapport (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). For example, I wrote analytic memos
following my interview with Sheikha, the fourth participant I interviewed. I noted within the
memo that while Sheikha and I had not previously met, she mentioned that she had heard
positive things about me from other mothers, which seemed to establish rapport at the onset of
the interview. Initial thoughts surrounding revisions to the cultural messaging portion of the
conceptual framework were recorded, especially in light of stories she shared about her family,
more specifically her older brothers and father. While the earlier iteration of the conceptual
framework included cultural messaging, Sheikha’s interview included the second mention of the
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influence that older male family members had on parenting and culturally appropriate levels of
involvement.
After leaving the field, interviews were transcribed by a for-profit transcription and
translation service. Initially, transcribed interviews were checked against the audio recordings for
linguistic correctness. This also served as an opportunity for audio review of interviews, wherein
analytic memos were added to with regards to initial codes or themes. Following transcription,
coding occurred over the course of several months. In the first phase of analysis, open coding
was used, wherein empirical codes and the application of a priori codes from the conceptual
framework were used (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014). The
approach to coding followed a process common throughout qualitative research wherein open
coding, reinforced by existing literature relevant to the study, took place in the margins of the
transcribed interviews (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Initial coding was further informed by
personal experience and exposure to Emirati parents during the 4 years I spent living and
working in Abu Dhabi schools. Personal experience helps researchers gain insight into the
responses and stories shared by interview subjects (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). For example, one of
the codes derived from the initial conceptual framework suggested that role construction was
informed by cultural expectations, an idea derived from the research of Hoover-Dempsey et al.
(2005) and Lavenda (2011). Using cultural expectations as an initial starting point, transcripts
were mined for instances where participants mentioned cultural expectations with regards to
degrees of involvement for mothers and fathers. Codes, including those related to cultural
expectations, were then organized within a spreadsheet, with codes appearing on the x-axis and
interview number appearing on the y-axis. The frequency at which codes appeared across all
participants was then examined.
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A second phase of analysis was then conducted where empirical and a priori codes were
aggregated into analytic/axial codes, wherein relationships among existing codes were explored
(Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016; Miles, Huberman, & Saldana, 2014). It was
that this point that pattern coding took place, which includes grouping initial codes by categories,
causes, relationships, and theoretical constructs (Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014), was the
next step in the analysis process. Axial coding, or the grouping of open codes (Corbin & Strauss,
2008) then occurred. An example of the transition from a priori coding to axial coding can be
seen in the shift from codes that were freestanding, such as a code devoted to parents and their
perceived level of English proficiency, toward a code that focused on the relationship between
English proficiency and involvement as something that existed on a continuum. In the third
phase of data analysis I identified pattern codes and themes that emerged in relation to the
conceptual framework and study questions. Findings and themes were organized in relation to
research questions, with the emergence of cultural messaging and norms on parent involvement
and school policy as broader headings under which more detailed findings and themes were
nestled. Upon completion of analysis a revised conceptual framework, presented in chapter 2,
was developed, reflecting more specifically the findings and themes generated through the
perspectives of parents and their involvement in the education of their gifted child. n codes and
themes that emerged in relation to the conceptual framework and study questions. Findings and
themes were organized in relation to research questions, with the emergence of cultural
messaging and norms on parent involvement and school policy as broader headings under which
more detailed findings and themes were nestled. Upon completion of analysis a revised
conceptual framework, presented in chapter 2, was developed, reflecting more specifically the
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findings and themes generated through the perspectives of parents and their involvement in the
education of their gifted child.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
Reliability and validity must be at the forefront of a researcher’s mind when developing a
methodology, gathering data and throughout the analysis process. While validity and credibility
in qualitative research should never be assumed and can never be completely demonstrated
(Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2009), it is important to consider the role of the researcher
as the primary tool for data collection and the individual perspective and bias through which the
methodology is developed and all data is filtered. As the methodology for this dissertation was
developed, special consideration was taken when developing the wording and order of interview
questions, which were designed to be free of bias, non-dichotomous, single-barreled and aligned
to the research question (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009; Patton, 2002). As suggested by Maxwell
(2013), interview questions should be pilot tested with individuals who share similar
characteristics and demographics as future interview participants. Interview questions used in
this study were piloted with a female Emirati colleague who provided feedback about the content
and specific phrasing. The fully developed interview protocol was translated by an established
Arabic/English interpreter and was provided in advance to the individual providing translation
during the interview. With a focus on the influence of culture, self-efficacy and communication
on parent involvement and advocacy, along with relevant messaging throughout the process, the
interview questions were framed in such a way that participants would be given a number of
opportunities to share concrete, relevant responses that would then be used to discover themes
representative of the overall data.
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In order to build data credibility during the research process, triangulation, the use of
multiple data points or perspectives, is needed (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009; Patton, 2002). In future
research with this particular program and stakeholder group, triangulation might occur with the
use of student data for identification, parent interviews, and data gathered from teachers. For the
purposes of this study, credibility of data was established through the use of maximum variation
in the types of parents who took part in this study as well as the attempt to gather data from
individual parents with multiple perspectives. Rich, descriptive data, retrieved through single-
barreled, perspective seeking questions, was used to check validity across participant responses.
Furthermore, member checking or respondent validation (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell,
2009) provided participants with the opportunity to provice feedback on initial findings and
themes. Participants were able to review the transcription of their interview and had the
opportunity to engage in the member checking process via email once the initial analysis had
been completed. Finally, in order create a more credible and trustworthy study, a peer
examination, using both members of the existing program cohort and dissertation chair, occurred
continually throughout the methods, research and analysis phases. As a final safeguard for
validity, a comparison of existing role construction research from the United States (see Hoover-
Dempsey et al., 2005) and the Middle East (see Lavenda, 2010) was conducted in relation with
the findings from this study.
As one addresses the trustworthiness of a methodology and its subsequent research and
findings, understanding the perception differences and possible bias that a researcher brings with
them into the field is important (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009). Understanding that the researcher
him/herself serves as the primary medium through which data collection and analysis occurs
(Maxwell, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2009; Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014), researchers
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69
must be as transparent as they can be when it comes to bias, assumptions, power differentials and
relation to the participants and organization. It should be noted that during the 2013-14, 2014-15
and 2015-16 school years I worked as both a gifted and talented teacher and instructional coach
at the school where the High Achievers program was housed. The majority of participants were
parents of former students and had participated in private conferences, gifted and talented
workshops, and school-wide activities that I had organized. Based on my role, many parents
within the community saw me as the gatekeeper to the gifted program, regardless of the
assessment and placement procedures that were in place.
With regards to my current role and power dynamics that might have existed between
me, as the researcher, and parents participating in the interviews, it is also important to recognize
the role that I was operating in during the data collection phase. After leaving the school and
district where parents are stakeholders, I assumed a position at a university that is recognized by
parents due to previous partnerships between the school and the university. In order to alleviate
perceived coercion or power subtleties I made clear that my current position and what was said
during the interviews would have no bearing on their children’s current or future placement in
gifted and talented programs. Moreover, I emphasized my role as a student and an investigator
over my past or present positions and affiliations. Clothing and research materials were
professional and were free of organization or university logos or seals, indicating that my
affiliation and position as an investigator was not connected with any institution that might be
perceived to be in a position of power. In order to manage researcher bias, and building in yet
another strategy for ensuring a higher rate of credibility and trustworthiness, a researcher journal
and running record of interactions and analysis (Merriam & Tisdell, 2009) was kept in order to
provide an account of how the study was carried out. Details about the length of interview, what
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was worn, and side conversations that took place after the formal interview ended were all
recorded. Furthermore, analytic memos, narratives used to document initial thoughts and
reflections, as well as researcher-noted bias, were used throughout the data collection process,
which ultimately aided in the analysis process (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007; Miles, Huberman, &
Saldaña, 2014).
Due to the fact that those participating in the study were Emirati parents, there were a
number of cultural biases and assumptions that I as a researcher needed to be continually aware
of as research and analysis is conducted. As Maxwell (2013) notes, a transparency of a
researcher’s bias is critical in understanding how ones “values and expectations may have
influenced the conduct and conclusions of the study” (p. 124). As a researcher, it was important
that I identified as a white, middleclass Christian male. This is especially important when one
considers the fact that the participants in this study were male or female Emiratis who identified
with the Muslim faith. Given that one element of this study sought to understand the cultural
influences that impact parental role construction, a number of interview questions attempted to
understand the influence that Islam, as the primary religion practiced by participants, had on
parenting and involvement in education. When discussing the experiences of participants and
their perceptions regarding the influence of religion on role construction it was important to
reemphasize my role as a researcher who was fundamentally seeking understanding above all
else. Given the fact that rapport had been established and cultural norms and customs were taken
into consideration, the gathering and analysis of data was carried out in what was perceived to be
an ethical manner. As Patton (2002) suggests, credibility of data hinges on the trustworthiness of
the researcher him/herself. In a number of instances, participants invited the researcher to visit
their family on future visits, signaling trustworthiness.
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Ethics
Ethical considerations play an important role in data collection. From interviews to focus
groups, observations and artifact analysis, ensuring that ethical considerations are in place is
paramount (Glense, 2011; Rubin & Rubin, 2012). With that in mind, a number of ethical
considerations went into ensuring that both the rights and privacy of participants was protected.
Qualitative researchers are obligated to have safeguards in place that minimize risk and ensure
that no harm comes to those participating in the interview process. Removing elements that
might suggest coercion or deceit, seeking institutional review board approval, gathering signed
informed consent documents from participants and contemplating cultural norms and
expectations are all ethical considerations that need to be taken into account before research
begins (Glense, 2011; Merriam & Tisdell, 2009; Rubin & Rubin, 2012).
The proposal for this study was submitted to the University of Southern California
Institutional Review Board (IRB) for approval. IRB approval, including specific rules and
guidelines surrounding human subject research, ensures the safety and welfare of those
individuals who voluntarily choose to participate in this study. Research participants were
informed as to the nature and purpose of the study and were provided with the opportunity to
refrain from answering specific questions or withdraw at any time if they chose to do so. Due to
the exempt
Participants were not compensated with any incentives in any way during or after the
interview, however childcare and parking were provided to ensure ease of access. The use of
childcare was not utilized by any participants. At the conclusion of the interview and
transcription review process a note of thanks and small token of appreciation, a key chain
bearing the university’s seal, was provided in appreciation for their participation in this study.
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This post-interview gesture, rather than an earlier involvement incentive minimized the
likelihood that participatory coercion was taking place.
Limitations and Delimitations
A number of anticipated limitations and delimitations existed when considering data
collection and analysis throughout the research process. Within this proposed study the
respondents, interviewer and cultural bias, language barriers and access all served as existing
limitations. The honesty of participant honesty within responses also serves as a limitation given
the fact that the comments parents made could have been crafted in a way to provide the
interviewer with information they wanted him to hear. Given the distance traveled to interview
participants, time constraints served as delimitations, with parents only being interviewed for
approximately an hour apiece with no follow-up interviews taking place. The constraints of the
study, sampling method, questions and recognition of markers, quality of the protocol, and
ability to establish rapport were all delimitations of this study. Interviews were free of technical,
culturally specific jargon and sought to draw out experiences and perspectives. Pre-established
probing questions were used to draw out more meaningful, perspective filled answers when
participants encountered questions that were found to be more difficult to answer. The desire to
have 15 one-on-one conversations was intentional as it provided, through maximum variation, a
wide enough range to allow for the emergence of themes across gender, education, age, etc. The
limited number of interviews and limited amount spent with participants served as a research-
based boundary that had to be established due to constraints related to time and expense.
While the perspectives of a number of stakeholder groups, including teachers and
administrators, could have been explored with relation to parent involvement, Emirati parents
were the sole focus and as a result it is their voice which is captured in this study. Interviews
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73
were, at the bequest of participants, conducted in English, with no translator present. Though the
use of a translator was offered, parents declined. While the level of English proficiency among
parents was relatively strong, certain concepts or words may have been lost in translation,
resulting in a language based limitation. Existing research on involvement among parents in the
Arab world is available, though the bulk of published, peer reviewed work has not been
translated into English. That being said, this study was primarily informed by research that was
Western in nature, which influenced the lens through which data was examined. Furthermore, as
a researcher who grew up speaking English I could not access Arabic publications and my
perception of parent involvement is one rooted in cultural norms that are more Western in nature.
Proximity to research participants also served as a limitation as data had to be gathered over the
course of one week. Finally, a limitation existed with regards to the capacity and experience of
the researcher himself. This being my first foray into research of this nature, opportunities to
probe or reframe questions may not have been recognized during the initial interviews, limiting
opportunities for more detailed responses from participants.
Conclusion
Throughout this chapter, a number of methodological considerations were introduced in
order to provide a framework through which research that evaluated the knowledge, motivation,
and organization based factors that influenced a parent’s perspective on involvement. Through
the use of purposeful sampling which attained maximum variation in terms of gender, age and
occupation, this study took into consideration a number of ethical and situational safeguards that
protected not only the identity of the participants, but the cultural norms as well. The questions,
in an effort to understand parent perspectives as they relate to specific cultural, communicative,
and self-efficacious influences and barriers, were organized within a semi-structured protocol
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that allowed for variance when needed. When researchers carefully consider all elements of a
qualitative methodology, taking into account the necessary components needed to ensure
credibility and trustworthiness, more detailed and descriptive data emerges (Maxwell, 2013;
Merriam & Tisdell, 2009), which facilitates a more thorough analysis.

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CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND FINDINGS
The purpose of this study was to explore the ways in which Emirati parents of gifted
children constructed their roles in relation to their involvement in education. Knowledge,
motivation, and organizational influences, as well as overlying cultural norms and a rapidly
shifting educational landscape were explored. Specifically, this study sought to understand the
following research questions:
1. How do Emirati parents of gifted children’s perceptions of the way that their
knowledge and motivation play out in the way that they construct their involvement
in their child’s education?
2. How do Emirati parents of gifted children’s knowledge skills, and motivation, and
regard for school policy, practice, and cultural norms interact to shape their
willingness to involve themselves in their child’s education?
Participating Stakeholders
Parents of identified gifted students served as the primary stakeholders for this study.
However, it is important for the sake of analysis to understand more specifically the geographic
context and demographics of the parent population from which the sample was drawn from.
Located near the center of the U.A.E.’s capital city, Abu Dhabi, Mohammed bin
Salam (MBS) school is not necessarily representative demographically, in terms of access and
language proficiency, of all public schools across the emirate. Since its inception in 2009 MBS
has had a reputation for being one of the district’s model schools, offering teacher and
instructional coach professional development on gifted, guided reading, and STEM. Additional
coaching, administrative staff, and university consultants were routinely available during the
school’s first 4 years. On the External Measure of Student Achievement (EMSA), the
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76
standardized test given to students in grades 3-8, MBS students consistently scored at least
17 points higher in English and Math from 2013-2015 (Irtiqa’a Report, 2015). Given its location
near the financial district, palaces of Al Bateen, and Federal National Council offices, the
families of students attending MBS were, based on the perspective and experiences of the
researcher, more affluent, more proficient in English, and tended to be more highly
educated than their off-island counterparts. Access for parents to ways of understanding,
education, bilingualism, and previous exposure to non-locals led to a parent population that
generally seemed to have a higher level of self-efficacy when interacting with non-local
teachers. Over the course of the 3 years that the author of this study worked at the school, MBS
parents exhibited a willingness to attend and participate in school functions such as parent-
teacher conferences, school-based community center events held in the evenings, and additional
cultural and educational events.

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Table 2
Participant Demographics
Pseudonym Gender Age Occupation Education Level Number of Gifted
Children
Mohammed M 37 National Defense High School 2
Yaqoob M 47 IT Support (ADEC) Bachelors 1
Noora F 31 None High School 2
Sheikha F 30 Human Resources Bachelors 1
Khadija F - None (Previous – IT
Support)
Bachelors 2
Shama F 32 Training Coordinator
(ADCO)
Bachelors (in
progress)
1
Meera F 43 None (Previous – Admin
at ZATCO)
AA (2 year) 1
Yousef M 58 Judicial Department Bachelors 1
Abdulrahman M 54 Engineer/Business
Owner
Bachelors 5
Ahmed M 51 Mechanical Engineer Bachelors 2
Salha F 32 None AA (2 year) 1
Fatima F 38 None High School 2
Salem M 40 National Defense High school 2
Eida F 35 None Bachelors 2
Nasser M 47 Chief Protocol Officer
(Court of the Crown
Prince)
Doctorate 1

Findings
Grounded in the voices captured in this study, Emirati parents determined their level of
involvement in the lives of their gifted children based on the cultural messages and norms
they had internalized. At times, these messages and norms played themselves out differently for
fathers and mothers, with fathers involving themselves to a lesser extent than mothers. Mothers,
on the other hand, shouldered the greater responsibility for involvement in education both at
home and at school. The way in which fathers and mothers determined their roles in terms of
involvement was influenced by messages both deliberately and inadvertently received
from family members, peers, religious institutions, experiences within and outside of the UAE,
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and their child’s teacher and school. Parental self-efficacy, a significant factor in the way in
which an individual constructs his/her role and level of involvement (Hoover-Dempsey et al.,
2005), varied based on language proficiency, educational attainment, and level of comfortability
interacting with Western, non-Muslim educators. At times school policy and practice promoted
and favored maternal advocacy over that of paternal advocacy, in a way mirroring existing social
norms and structures. Overall, parents accepted the role distinctions that they and their spouses
held and were mostly confident in the capacity of the school in ensuring that the needs of
their gifted child were being met.
Data analysis of Emirati parents of gifted children revealed that, at the surface, the degree
of involvement among mothers and fathers followed cultural expectations. However, personal
stories and revelations reflected at times a continuum of experiences and perspectives that
spoke to their desired involvement for themselves and their spouse. Findings and
themes relating to the first research question, which sought to understand the knowledge and
motivation domains of construction of roles with regards to involvement, are presented in the
first section. First, I present very broadly the findings that relate to the ways in which cultural
messaging and norms influenced expected involvement roles for mothers and fathers. Emergent
themes center around the role of fathers as financial providers, mothers as
primary caregivers, perceived familial messages and their influence, and the influence that Islam
and the teachings of the Quran had on parenting in relation to education. Second, findings
relating to the influence that education experiences outside of the UAE, both personally or
vicariously through friends and family, had on the way in which a parent constructed his/her role
with regards to involvement in education are presented. Third, findings that center
around parents’ level of education and perceived proficiency in the English language are
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explained on a continuum that progresses from highly educated and proficient to limited
education and English proficiency.
The second section of this chapter centers on findings related to the second research
question, which sought to understand the perceived influence that organizational policy and
procedures had on the construction of roles related to parent involvement. In many ways, the
messages sent by the school mirrored and encouraged the local norms and customs, further
reinforcing levels of involvement that carried gender specific connotations. First, I present
findings that suggest the school propagated existing cultural norms and stereotypes through fixed
communication procedures and self-inflicted organizational constraints. Second, the very nature
of the school, which was modeled after Western schools and staffed instructionally with almost
50% non-local teachers (Irtiqa’a Report, 2014), encouraged involvement of parents who were
more open and adept at navigating and advocating in cross-cultural situations. School policy
towards communication, especially with regards to the consistency of translated materials,
served as an influence for parent involvement.
Cultural Messages and Internalized Norms
Family life in the United Arab Emirates, especially with regards to parenting and
gendered roles, is rooted in traditional values rooted in Islam, centering around patriarchal
expectations (Crabtree, 2007). In an anthropological study of family structure across three
different emirates, students at Zayed University gathered data on the roles on males and females
within families, expectations of children, generational differences and perceptions of aging.
Though the country had rapidly modernized and experienced an influx of non-Arab cultural
influences since its founding in the early 1970s, the study revealed that most women and men
conformed to traditional norms that placed women in charge of the home and child rearing, with
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men providing financially, experiencing a greater level of autonomy than their wives (Crabtree,
2007). While modern Islamic studies have “stressed that gender roles should be fair and more
egalitarian” (Schvaneveldt, Kerpelman, & Schvaneveldt, 2005, p. 80), traditional practices were
patriarchal, placing women in the home and men in the role of breadwinner and religious leader
within the family. The findings presented in this section of chapter 4 echo the cultural norms and
gendered roles revealed in previous studies.
While contextually relevant research on religion and gender expectations informed the
analysis in this section, literature relating to role construction and social messaging also played a
part. The work of Hoover-Dempsey and her colleagues (2005) and Walker et al.
(2005) emphasizes the socio-cultural influence, both in terms of motivational beliefs and social
expectations, on parenting and the internal development of a parent’s perceived role in a
child’s education. While contextually different, their findings are echoed in the parental role
construction and involvement work carried out with Muslim and Jewish parents in
Israel (Lavenda, 2011). Regardless of race or nationality, parental beliefs about their
responsibility, with respect to education and involvement, are influenced by the interpretations of
social norms where belief dictates levels of engagement (Gonzalez & Chrispeels,
2004; Grolnick et al., 1997; Trevino, 2004). Beliefs and the subsequent actions that
they drive are often motivated in part by self-efficacy, which is also a socially constructed
concept (Bandura, 1997). Personal and vicarious experiences and socio-cultural messages either
cement or disrupt cultural norms with regards to appropriate or expected behavior (Bandura,
1997).
Generally speaking, findings revealed that cultural norms, delivered and reinforced
through messages, served as one of the leading indicators in terms of ways in which parents
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constructed their roles with regards to involvement in their child’s education. It was revealed that
parent roles were a reflection of broader cultural norms and expectations. This general finding is
presented first. Within the second finding, variations among involvement norms are
explored, which resulted from a degree of experience, exposure, or efficacy with regards to
education and language. Due to the fact that existing research on parents, especially with regards
to role construction and involvement, in the United Arab Emirates is limited, findings and
themes presented below are supported in most part by existing research that at times
was conducted with parents whose nationality and religion may differ. While these findings are
specific to parents of gifted students, as they were the population the sample was drawn from,
supporting literature suggests that they may transfer to the general population as well.
Finding 1: Cultural Messaging and Norms Impacted the Ways in Which a Parent
Constructed His/Her Role with Regard to Involvement in the Education of His/Her Child.
Cultural messaging and norms were revealed through both perceived and desired levels
of involvement for 100% of parents who participated in this study. All parents spoke at one point
or another during their interview about messages they had received from spouses, friends, family
members, teachers, or colleagues. These messages, driven by cultural norms, impacted the roles
parents had established for themselves with regards to their involvement in the education of their
gifted child. More specifically, due to established cultural norms, fathers saw their primary role
as the financial providers and, while involved to certain degrees, tended to be not as involved as
mothers. Mothers on the other hand saw themselves as the household member who was primarily
involved in their child’s education, both at home and at school. Predominant message bearers
and norm influencing groups were limited to older male family members and female peers, with
religious teaching and messages reinforcing norms across both genders. Specific themes and
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variations within those themes explore the complexities underlying the impact
of cultural messaging on the advocacy both at home and at school.
Theme 1: Cultural norms and messaging placed fathers in the role of financial
provider. One hundred percent of fathers and mothers believed that the primary role of the
father was to provide financially for his family. Discussed further in theme 3, fathers did not
speak about parenting among themselves, suggesting that involvement in education itself was
not messaged as a priority between or among fathers. Providing financially for one’s own
family has been the primary responsibility for Emirati men, even with changing
cultural norms surrounding women’s access to education and entrance into the
workforce (Al Fahim, 1995). All parents acknowledged the father’s responsibility to provide
financially for his family and that this contribution was in some way the foundation for paternal
involvement. Of those five fathers who were college educated, 100% recognized that providing
financially for one’s household was not enough and that fathers should take a greater role in their
child’s education. For example, Abdulrahman, an engineer and father of multiple
gifted students spoke broadly about Emirati fathers in general, who he perceived to be
less involved than he was, and the way they saw their role in parenting:
In Arabic culture, the father’s responsibility is to work and give money. This is number
one. If he did that, he is excellent. If once or twice take care (of the children), he would
owe responsibility to the mother. I married you, take you from your family, I provide
everything you need…take care about my children, take care whatever everything is here
and this is the credit card.
Here, Abdulrahman explained how most men saw a dichotomy within parental roles, where
fathers provided financially and mothers took care of matters pertaining to children and the
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home. In its most basic form, Abdulrahman described an exchange of services wherein
fathers provided everything that was needed, which included access to money, in return for the
raising of children. He would later go on to share how he made every attempt he could to attend
school functions and regularly purchased whatever resources his children wanted from the
bookstore in the mall, a place his children brought him to whenever they could. Abdulrahman’s
sentiments, with regards to the cultural obligation to provide financially, were echoed in the
words of Yousef, a judge and father of one gifted student:
That is your responsibility for your children, because if you don‘t go to your job and you
don’t ... Your children and when they come back from the school, they need something.
They will ask, “Baba, I need this.” And you cannot offer them to buy it. You would be
weak in front of them. The school, it is their responsibility, to encourage the students to
learn better, to improve himself. If there is problem in education level, they should come
back to the parents and encourage the parents to look after the children, because I cannot
leave my children ... Every time, I will call, “What happened to my son?” Oh, then I will
leave my job. It will be difficult as a parent to focus both sides. I leave the education to
the school and I focus to my job.
Yousef’s assessment of the role of fathers in their child’s education emphasized the
financial responsibilities over all else, with the caveat that the parents, not just mothers, do have
a responsibility to involve themselves when necessary. Along with Abdulrahman and
the other four college educated fathers, Yousef expressed his involvement in his children’s
education, stating that parents, not just mothers, had a responsibility for looking after their
children. At one point in the interview Yousef described a situation in which he had an important
work function and his daughter had a school event. However, due to the conflict in schedule, he
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remained at work, reinforcing the idea that fathers had to provide or they might appear weak or
uncommitted to their job.
Both Abdulrahman and Yousef were college educated, widely traveled, and had in the
past attended functions at school, such as parent teacher conferences or open houses. Both agreed
however that their jobs and the ability to provide financially always took precedent over
involvement at school or at home. Though involvement in school functions and education
at home became a secondary feature, especially for those fathers who were college educated, it
was seen as something that fathers had an obligation to do. However, those fathers who were
educated acknowledged the sacrifices that they were willing to make in order to involve
themselves when needed. Ahmed, another college educated father, remarked that he would be
willing to sell one of his business if he felt like it was getting in the way of his ability to spend
time with his children in the evenings. Mohammed and Salem, the two fathers who had high
school diplomas and served in the military, both recognized their lack of involvement and
pointed to the fact that both the fact that their work schedule made it difficult to attend school
functions or work with their children after school. For Salem, his own lack of education made it
hard to support his child at home, which was why his college educated wife oversaw
homework. The variations of involvement for fathers, influenced by exposure and efficacy
through education and English proficiency, are discussed in more detail within finding 2.
Mothers also positioned fathers in the role of financial provider, with their beliefs being
influenced and reinforced through societal expectations. Noora, a stay at home mother who
completed her education through high school, discussed how is was her husband’s obligation to
work and provide for the family, stating that “He has a job, and he is working in school taking
classes, so I take all of the responsibilities for (children’s) school. I am happy to be home and let
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him work as he must.” Here, Nora’s comments about her husband’s obligation to work is
reflective of those mothers interviewed in the study. Salha, a mother of three who had earned an
associate’s degree but never been employed outside of the home, believed that women
appreciated the fact that their husbands worked because it allowed for them as mothers to run the
home and take care of the needs of the children. This responsibility for fathers to provide for
their families, messaged and internalized by both mothers and fathers, was steeped in local
tradition and religious teachings. According to the Quran, “Man is the guardian of his family and
every guardian has responsibilities towards those under his guardianship” (Mustadrak, vol. 2, p.
550). With this in mind, cultural messages and norms, which could at times be rooted in religious
teachings, suggested that both men and women recognized the role of fathers as the individual
responsible for providing for the family. Variations of the perceptions of mothers and the role of
Islam in parent involvement in education are discussed in finding 2.
Action and role construction are influenced by cultural messaging that is transmitted
across generations and through shared worldviews (Brandt, 2003). Within this theme,
Emirati fathers were inundated with the cultural message that prioritized work and providing for
one’s family above all else. This theme, which points to the prioritization of financial support
over involvement, is sourced from the perspectives and beliefs shared by those Emirati fathers
and mothers who were interviewed, and is consistent with the literature as it aligns with
traditional beliefs that place Arabic fathers in the role of financial provider with limited to
no involvement in children’s education. Existing literature and research that has explored
traditional and modern practices and beliefs of Arab fathers suggests that masculinity and
fatherhood are inextricably linked with the ability to provide financially for families
(Ghoussoub & Sinclair-Webb, 2000; Ouzgane, 2006). In a study across seven single-sex public
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primary schools in Abu Dhabi, four female and three male, involvement was often influenced by
shared values across a culture (Baker & Hourani, 2014). For parents, these shared values, which
were reinforced through messages, had influenced the role that they believed fathers should play
in providing financially for the family.
Theme 2: Due to cultural norms, messaging, and reduced barriers relating to
access, mothers were expected to be more involved in their children’s education both at
home and at school. While the primary responsibility for fathers was not necessarily in
involvement, but in the provision of financial security, cultural messages and norms
reinforced the traditional narrative with mothers as the parent responsible for engaging in matters
pertaining to education. Generally speaking, the culturally constructed roles of Muslim mothers
is much more rigidly defined than roles for Muslim fathers, with the focus of a women’s duties
on the successful raising of children and maintaining of the home (Abou-Bakr, 2013). Cultural
messages, passed through peers, family members, husbands, and general community
expectations, placed the expectation on the mother to be the parent who was primarily
responsible for the majority of matters relating to education. While parents believed that both
the father and the mother should, to some degree, both be involved with the raising of children,
100% of parents, regardless of education, believed that mothers should hold a greater level
of responsibility in terms of involvement in school and education. Many parents attributed this
belief to perceived maternal instincts and closer relationships between mothers and
children, made for a naturally crafted role, to mothers who themselves believed that it was not
only a priority, but a sense of duty. This idea was best represented by Eida who, when
responding to a question about parenting roles and involvement of fathers in homework and
school functions, said, “No. It must be the mother. The children come from her and there is a
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connection they cannot have with their father.” Meera, a mother who had completed a 2-
year college degree, laughed when asked about her husband’s involvement in their children’s
education said the following:
Yeah. You know, we call it a’rehaiiah, which means taking well care of her children.
Nothing else other than her children is the priority of her. I was working. I left my work. I
left everything else just for my kids. Whatever I took in my school, in college I
think, “These things are for my future children. Not for me or for others.”
Here Meera expressed sentiments held by mothers and fathers alike, in that mothers had a greater
responsibility to be involved in their children’s entire upbringing. Throughout her time working
on her degree she thought of how each course might one day benefit her future children, not
herself or her career. Then, once situated in a career, she made the choice to transition to a stay at
home mother in order to fulfill her culturally recognized obligation that tasked her with child
rearing and involvement in their education. Only one of the mothers who had a college
degree and career continued to work outside of the home after having children, and
even then, limited herself to part time in order to spend more time supporting her children while
they worked on homework after school. Though Emirati women are attending college at greater
rates than their male counterparts and assuming almost an equal number of positions in
sectors such as finance and media than their male counterparts (Women in the UAE, n.d.), it
would appear that for this group of mothers, cultural messages encouraged them to return home
to assume responsibility for their children. This concept of “maternal gatekeeping” (Allen &
Hawkins, 1999) is often reinforced by the fact that fathers are tasked with financial
responsibilities. When asked about the role of mothers and fathers with regard to children and
their education Fatima, a mother who held a high school diploma, said this,
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Here in our society, the women are smarter than their man (laughs). Yeah. In Emirates,
especially the women are smarter. I love them both (fathers and mothers), he is smart in
that he controls the house. But the mother, she is smarter in understanding her children
and everything they need because she is the one who sits with them. The father always
says, “I’m praying. I’ll go outside. I’m traveling. I have to work late.” Sometimes even he
has friends he goes to sit with. But the mother she sits in the house. She has to be there
for the children because she knows how to be with them, how to work with them. Also,
this is why the mother has to be educated.
Fatima’s comments about the roles both she and her husband assumed is reflective of the roles
that mothers saw themselves in, either by choice through cultural messaging they themselves had
internalized or through the actions and roles of their husband. Fatima, along with other mothers,
saw herself responsible for equipping her children academically, while fathers for the most part
equipped them financially, though as seen in the previous theme, also included degrees of
involvement. Even outside of work, which was a cultural priority for men, Fatima’s husband
prioritized prayer and sitting with friends in the evenings, leaving her to take on the
responsibility of caring for children. Fatima, the only mother who was a second wife, believed
that this was the way things should be because men did not have the time or the knowhow to step
in and involve themselves in their children’s education, especially homework.
While mothers had internalized the expectation that they had a greater responsibility for
involvement in their children’s education, fathers expressed similar sentiments, citing the
closeness of maternal relationships with children and the fact that their work schedules made
involvement difficult. Salem, a father of two male children who were placed in the High
Achievers program, spoke about how he trusted his wife to take care of his children’s education,
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stating that, “She knows the systems, the teachers. She knows the boys and what they need. I am
here or in New York or training and cannot be at functions. She has the good ideas and the
English to do it.” Here, Salem reinforced the earlier theme that fathers prioritized their work over
involvement, noting that his job often took him away from his home for stretches of time.
Cultural messages had reinforced for him, as well as others, the idea that mothers were the parent
who had a greater responsibility for involvement in education. Yousef, a college educated
member of Abu Dhabi’s judiciary body, reinforced the cultural expectation for mothers when he
shared the story of his own daughter’s graduation, explaining that “the diploma was made
possible by the mother,” emphasizing the significant role that his wife had played in helping their
daughter graduate. With husbands reinforcing the cultural norms that women had internalized, it
becomes clear that mothers were expected to be more involved in their children’s education.
The theme suggested here about cultural messaging impacting the roles of mothers is
mirrored in existing research about motherhood and the construction of identity. In a
study by Heisler and Ellis (2008) that included 81 mothers in the United States, memorable
messages and their impact on motherhood identity were analyzed. Findings suggested that
mothers behaved in certain ways and assumed roles in order to “communicate a good mother
face” (p. 458) that would be regarded as culturally acceptable within norms established by the
community. Emotional capital, enhanced by maternal relationships and grounded in well-being,
also plays a role in a mother’s level of involvement (Reay, 2000). Based on the impact of
messages and emotional attachment to children, Emirati mothers were more involved in their
children’s education than their husbands. Generationally speaking, cultural messages about the
roles and responsibilities of women with regards to child rearing and their role in education is
changing in the UAE. Based on one study of 216 family triads, consisting of daughters, mothers
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and grandmothers, it is evident that women starting families at an older age, due in part to greater
interest and access to higher education and joining the workforce (Green & Smith, 2012). This is
evident even in the fact that 75% of mothers who participated in this study had some level of
college education. However, given the fact that all but one worked outside of the home, the role
of mothers was still predominantly one that focused on involvement in education both at home
and at school. While variation does exist, as seen in the finding below, traditions and customs
that place women in the role of primary care giver for children and the parent responsible for
keeping the home have been in place for generations (Jawad, 1998) and do not appear to be
changing (Crabtree, 2007; Schaneveldt, Kerpelmna, Schaneveldt, 2005).
Finding 2: While Parent Involvement in a Child’s Education was Defined and Influenced
by Cultural Messaging and Norms, Variation Existed and was Influenced
by Perceived Messages, Islam, Exposure to Cultures Outside of the UAE, Educational
Attainment and Degree of English Proficiency.
The first finding revealed general cultural norms where fathers were expected to provide
financially and mothers were expected to be more involved in the raising of children and their
education. Within the second finding, influences and variations of the initial roles that parents
assumed with regards to involvement in education are explored. The identity of parents and their
subsequent construction of their roles in the education aspects of their children’s lives was
influenced by perceived messages from male family members and peers, religiosity, exposure to
education systems and culture outside of the UAE, and education attainment and English
language proficiency. The degree to which parents acknowledged and internalized
said influences were revealed in the ways in which they made sense of their roles.
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Theme 1: Perceived messages from older male family members and pressure from
female peers had a varying degree of influence on parental role construction for men
and women. The messages of family members, especially older brother, uncles, and fathers,
were often influential in an Emirati parent’s construction of his/her role in relation to education
and involvement in the education of their gifted children. Role construction is in part shaped by
societal expectations and norms established by the family and community, which is fostered
through invitations for involvement and perceived advice from others (Hoover-Dempsey et al.,
2005). When asked who influenced their role as parents and their willingness to advocate on
behalf of their gifted students all parents remarked on having received messages from family
members about what they should or should not be doing. Variation to the level of receptivity and
influence occurred, though not along notable lines of gender or level of education. The majority
of parents, or 67% of both mothers and fathers, elaborated on the messages and influence that
older brothers, uncles, or fathers had on the way in which they approached their role as
parents. Eida remarked on an experience she recalled with her father and the impact
that message had on her own role as a parent,
Once I was removed in a new school. There is an Arabic teacher, and he came to our
school. He said, “Not because I choose-” we said it in French, literature. He came, he
said, “Not because you choose this major that will make it easier for you. It’s very
difficult, and you won’t make it. You all will not make it,” you know? I went home, I told
my father, “I want to quit!” (laughs) “I want to leave the school, I won‘t make it, I won‘t
succeed this year.” My cousin, she was with me at the same school. She left, and she
moved to private school. It was public school. My father didn’t accept. He said, “You
have to keep going. This is a challenge for you. You have to show him that you are able
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to finish your school. You have a high level in your last year. Don’t let him depress you.”
I stayed. My cousin, she moved. She didn’t pass her exam in the private school. I did it. I
did a great job. I always tell (older daughter) and (younger daughter), I always tell them
until now, “Don’t let anyone tell you what you should do. Even if they said it’s difficult,
and you see yourself that you are able to do it, do it. It’s a challenge.”
In the case of the Eida’s recollection, he father’s message to her as a child was one where, as a
parent, he involved himself in her educational predicament and would not accept her desire to
give up in the face of a challenge. Having internalized this message, Eida acknowledged the
need to become involved in her own daughter’s education and was willing to approach teachers
to ensure that her needs were being met. One of the only examples of advocacy, not simply
involvement, the message from her father about the need for challenge had resonated enough to
bring her to approach a teacher to express the need for more challenging work for her daughter,
When she came at home, and the first time she said to me, “Mom, it’s really boring at
school.” When I saw what they giving her, it was very easy, very easy. They start to give
her five, I still remember, five spelling words, and it was like, we finish it in 1 minute. I
went to her, I’ve been struggling with the school since the first grade. I went to her school
and I talked to her teacher. I told her that (older daughter), she’s above her class. You
should give her something more challenging for her. She was very nice.
She cooperate with me. She start to give her 10 words. We start to both give her also
story above her level.
Eida’s advocacy efforts proved successful, driven in part by her experiences with her own father
when she was still in school. The influence that family messages had on parents, especially
coming from older male family members, impacted the ways in which parents constructed their
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roles and their involvement in the education lives of their gifted children. For men, the lack of
messages surrounding parenting and involvement seemed to both influence and reinforce the
cultural norm of limited involvement in the area of education. All of the seven fathers who
participated in this study, when asked about their discussions with other fathers
about involvement in their children’s education, remarked at how culturally it was not something
that fathers did. Ahmed, when asked what advice he would give to other fathers about raising
gifted children said, “They would never say (ask) that.” He was more than happy to give his
friends and the young soldiers he worked with advice on picking a wife and buying a home, but
remarked, as did others, that other men would not ask him for advice on how to raise children or
ways to involve themselves. Here, an absence of messages among men signaled a cultural norm
where child rearing and advocacy were not necessarily considered a priority or an issue
discussed by fathers.
A minority, or 27% of parents, which included mothers and fathers, cited the influence of
messages received from mothers or leading female figures in their lives. Of the four who cited
women as their most significant influencers in defining their roles and their responsibilities as
parents, three cited mothers and grandmothers and one cited a female university instructor.
Khadija who earned a bachelor’s degree in education but was not employed, said this about the
individual who had the greatest influence on her development as a parent,
Yeah, my teacher, she is from Australia. When I was studying my bachelor because we ...
in my days before we the higher college of technology we’d graduate with a higher
diploma and then we can take an extra bachelor. So, I took my bachelor and that was one
semester and then I would get married. So, I told her maybe I would drop the course, I
will not complete the bachelor, it was in teaching. She told me why? I told her that I
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would not have a job. My husband does not want me to have ... She told me you have to
graduate and finish bachelor because you will raise your kids. You will have a student at
home. She said so don’t drop and practice what you learned on your kids, better than
practice on other kids.
While this quotation echoes the sentiments expressed earlier about the cultural messages that
placed women in the primary caregiver role, and provides another example of a mother who
prioritized her education around advancing her ability to support her own children’s
education, the message received from her university instructor resonated enough to impact not
only her college career, but the way in which she involved herself by reaching out to the teacher
for additional work and support on homework. When there is confusion at home she said, “I
teach them my way. If I saw that he doesn’t get, I ask the teacher, she tells me how she taught
them, so I go back. Sometimes also I ask the teacher to give an extra work.”
While most parents were receptive to the messages they received from older male family
members, or in some instances mothers, grandmothers, or female instructors, two parents
recognized that family members provided messages with the intent to influence, but made the
active choice not to not allow others to influence the way that they constructed their roles as
parents of gifted children. Sheikha, one of two single, divorced parents in the sample, had this to
say with regards to the question relating to influence or advice of other mothers,
You know, I have my friends. I have my families. They all advise me. At the last, I did
what I see is better for my life. I live alone with my son, so nobody knows what we are
facing or what we are suffering from. No one know, yannie (I mean). I hear for her
advice, from their advice, but sometimes nothings, yannie (I mean), is suitable for us, for
me and my son.
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While the other single parent relied heavily on the messages she received from family members,
especially her older brother and father, this mother serves as an outlier within the
group, seeming to ignore messages from family and friends because she believed that her
situation as a single mother was unique and warranted a different approach to parenting. Her
approach as a single mother, in terms of involvement was to be proactive, saying that, “I will
come before anyone call me.”
Regardless of the source, messaging from family and community members has been
shown to influence parenting roles and subsequent involvement (Lavenda, 2011). While no
specific research to date has examined the impact of messaging on role construction among
Emirati parents, research on Muslim parents in Israel supports the assertions made above. The
emphasis on family messages and influence on parents and the ways in which they involved
themselves in their children’s education both at home and at school was reflective of the larger
Arab social context, where respect for both nuclear and extended family members’ opinions are
held in high regard (Haj-Yahia, 1995). While the messenger may have come in different forms,
the most notable among study participants was that of the older male family member who
through advice, pressure, or ideas about parenting, influenced the way in which parents
constructed their roles and determined their subsequent level of involvement.
Theme 2: Islam and teachings from the Quran influenced parent involvement in
education. Islamic teachings and religious norms influenced parents with regards to expectations
about their roles in relation to education and the rearing of children. From its founding forward,
the UAE has been a country governed by Islamic law and tradition, with a vast majority of
Emirati nationals identifying as Muslims (Al Fahim, 1995). Religion plays an important role for
many individuals as they construct their identity with respect to their worldview, community,
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rules, and relationships (Brandt, 2013). Prior to the inception of schools in the gulf, mosques
were the primary centers for education, as noted by Ahmed,
Even you learn from the mosque. I learn the alphabet in the mosque. I was 3 years old
when they sent me to morning we go to one Sheikh they call him, he would teach us
alphabet and some phrases of the Koran and we write it in wood. We used to make our
pens (carving/shaving motion). Even here it was the same almost. There was maybe
under tree here was a desert so maybe they will put us and be under a tent. That’s the
only difference. It was in the whole area it was the way to learn. They will send their
children while they are still young to the mosque.
While 100% of the parents who were interviewed indicated that religion played some role in the
way that they constructed their roles with regards to involvement in their children’s education,
variations existed to the degree of influence. At no point did any parent mention any specific
references or beliefs that stemmed from Islam that spoke to guidance in terms of parental roles in
education. Instead, most spoke broadly about how parents, not just mothers or fathers, are called
to make sure that their children are educated and raised well. In 46% of the responses parents
included a simple reference to the first word in the Quran, رقا إ (iqra’aa), which means “to read.”
For many, this reference to reading as the first word in the Quran served as a jumping off point
into their explanation of how the teachings of the Quran influenced them as parents. Khadija, a
mother with a bachelor’s degree in education who does not work outside of the home noted,
Yeah, iqra’a that means read. They ask us to read. Of course, if you read the holy Quran
you know that there is some principles that I have to give it to my kids as a mother and
parents and the opposite as some and children how they treat their mothers. So, one of my
responsibilities as a parent to raise my kids well and to educate them well, even in the
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Quran they ask the parents to give a good name for the kids. As the parents, you are
responsible even to give a good name because there are some parents that give a silly
name and this makes the kids like shy when they will grow up. The Quran was very
specific and you are as a parent how you treat the kids your children, and you as a
children who to treat your parents. So, the Quran, yes, asks the parents to raise them well,
raise with a good mentality and learning. The learning is everything.
Here, Khadija recognized the influence that the principles emphasized within the Quran had on
her parenting decisions, from decisions regarding her children’s names to her responsibilities
regarding their educational well-being. Following her initial response connecting رقا إ (iqra’aa)
and its placement as the first word in the Quran, she emphasized the specificity by which parents
are directed with regards to child rearing.
Variation in the complexity of responses and the influence that Islam and the teachings of
the Quran had on parenting and advocacy of mothers and fathers was influenced by level of
education and global exposure to different religions and cultures. Parents who held less than a
bachelor’s degree, 40% of parents interviewed, simply mentioned the broad responsibilities
that are outlined in the Quran, where parents have a responsibility in raising children so they are
educated and respectful. One father, Salam, who finished high school and served in the army said
that the Quran directed parents in this way, “Your children, to make a good place for them, if
they are wrong, you have to correct them, like that. Besides that, that’s it.” While a mother who
did not work outside of the home simply said, “God and Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) ask the
people to read and to educate.” Here, both non-college educated parents expressed very broad
statements when asked about the influence of Islam on parenting and their role in their
involvement.
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Parents who were exposed to higher education, 60% of parents, were more likely to
elaborate on their response to the guidance for parenting as outlined in the Quran, noting that the
stories and passages were not the end all when it came to the role that a parent should
assume. Nasser, a father who held a Ph.D. and worked in the upper echelons of local government
said that, “As a parent, I have learned not to rely on once source, one book, to tell me how to
raise my children. It comes from the heart. I see other men raising successful children and I try to
emulate their practices.” Nasser’s level of education, along with a self-identified broader world-
view, informed the influence that he placed on religious texts with regards to the ways in which
he shaped his role as a father. His perspective of religion and holy teachings as more a resource
than a guidebook was echoed in the words of a father who expressed his appreciation of the
parables and lessons parents could learn from them. After discussing the parable of Jacob in
his explanation of how stories in the Quran influenced him, Ahmed said, “The prophet, he has a
lot of stories about how the father should be with the children.” Both the comments and more
explicit examples shared throughout Nasser and Ahmed’s responses when asked about the role
of Islam in parental involvement in education suggest that their level of education potentially
granted them the ability to approach and their religious studies with a more critical and reflective
lens. While the differences between educated and uneducated parents were minimal, their
reliance on the Quran in parenting had subtle differences, with those who were more educated
appreciating it as less of a directive or manual and more of a reference and those who were less
educated indicating an obligation based on basal, literal interpretations.
While existing research on the influence of Islam on parental role construction and
advocacy is limited, related findings support the assertion that Islamic teachings influence
parental involvement and their roles in relation to education and the rearing of children. In a
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series of 52 semi-structured interviews that explored “Islamic capital” among South Asian
Muslims, findings suggested that Islam, and the religious norms associated with it, served as a
“mobilizer” for parents to, among other things, support children in their education
(Franceschelli & O’Brien, 2014). Furthermore, studies have shown that fathers with strong
connections to Islam associate the provision of financial resources for their family and moral
teachings, recitation of the Quran, prayer, and fasting with children as religious duties entrusted
to them by God (Juhari, Yaacob, & Talib, 2013). In less Islamic-centric studies, findings have
revealed that fathers who associated religion with support, guidance, and direction with parenting
were often more involved in the lives of their children (Lynn, Grych, & Fosco, 2016). These
associations between religion and the role of parents, particularly fathers, was reflected in views
expressed by Emirati parents with regards to the influence of Islam and expectations for parent
involvement in education.
Theme 3: Experiences with education outside of the UAE influenced parents’
perceived level of involvement. K-12 education became compulsory in the capital of Abu Dhabi
shortly after the country’s founding in the early 1970s and has been influenced by education
models that span the globe (Al Fahim, 1995). All parents in the study, especially those who were
older, had been influenced by exposure to education systems that are different from the
traditional setting that they were exposed to as children. Others had experienced a greater
interaction with education outside of the UAE, be it through travel, work and education
opportunities, or vicariously through the experiences of family members living and studying
abroad. The degree to which parents had been exposed to education system outside of the UAE,
either through their own educational endeavors or those of family members, impacted the way
parents involved themselves in the education of their gifted children. The significance of this lies
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in the cultural model that a parent constructs with regards to his/her role in education and his/her
approach to involvement. Cultural models, established schema and norms shared by members of
a community (Gallimore & Goldenberg, 2001) are developed through shared experiences and
rooted in values and beliefs (Schein, 2004). That being said, experiences play an important role
in the way that parents shaped their roles in relation to involvement. Of the 15 parents
interviewed, one third had exposure to an education system that was different from the local
system that both they and their children had grown up in. The following three themes explore a
continuum of parent experiences and demonstrate the influence that exposure to non-UAE
models of education had on how parents constructed their roles and involvement in the education
of their gifted children.
Parents who were exposed to education outside of the UAE or recognized vicarious
exposure perceived themselves to take a more active role in their children’s education both at
home and at school. Of the 15 parents interviewed for this study, 33% were either physically or
vicariously influenced by education and role construction messages from outside of
the UAE. This exposure lead to parents assuming parenting roles that were perceived to be more
involved than their peers, regardless of gender. Two parents spoke openly about the influence
that their family members who had sought education in countries outside of the UAE had on
them. From experiences attending college in the United States and Australia, to
prolonged opportunities living abroad with family members, they believed themselves to be
more involved than other parents who were not necessarily as worldly. Vicarious influence came
in the form of parents who had brothers, sisters, or cousins studying and living abroad. They saw
their family members advocating in different ways, or were themselves pressured to
advocate differently through the messages they received while visiting said
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family members. Meera recognized the influence of her extensive family connections in the
United Kingdom with nieces and nephews attending secondary schools and university
there. Eida’s brother-in-law had recently completed his doctorate in Malaysia, where his children
continued to attend international schools. Both stay at home mothers, they saw themselves as
different from their peers in that they had other ideas about education and were generally more
willing to advocate and work with teachers to support their children. Eida said this,
At the same time, (older daughter), she came to me, she said, “I want to be a writer.” This
is another way how I support them. She said, “I want to be a writer.” I told her, “Okay, if
you want to be a writer, write for me a story.” She said, “I want to be a writer in Arabic.”
She went to her bedroom and she start to write. She writes this paragraph, Arabic story. It
was really nice. I sent her to my brother-in-law, he’s Arabic language doctor. When he
saw it, he said, “She’s very good.” I went to (Arabic teacher’s name), and I told her,
“(older daughter), she wants to be a writer, and here’s her story. I want you to encourage
her, because she’s very shy.” (Arabic teacher’s name), she was very supportive.
This mother would later go on to express the respect she had for her brother-in-law because she
saw him as more highly educated, having received his education outside of the UAE.
Here, Eida not only demonstrated her willingness to advocate on her daughter’s behalf by
arranging for her to work with her uncle, but also expressed a desire for the teacher to help foster
her daughter’s writing capacity by provide additional support and encouragement. When asked
about her level of comfortability approaching non-local teachers the mother said, “I always go
(English teacher). I told her the first year, you’ll see me a lot. I’ll talk to you a lot. If I have
anything, I will come ask you about it.” Eida also wished that all mothers could have been as
engaged as she was, but noted that many were “lazy or were not smart enough.”
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Here, Eida perceived her involvement as a parent to be greater than those around her, influenced
in part by her own education and the exposure to education of family members outside of the
UAE.
Three parents spent extensive time studying and traveling in different countries when
they were in their 20s. Ahmed spent 2 years in the United States, in Texas and Washington,
taking courses in both English and engineering, Salha spent time studying English in Melbourne,
Australia, and Nasser attended a number of conferences and workshops in the United States as
part of his doctorate, which was obtained through a local university. Each of these parents
reflected fondly on their time studying and working abroad and discussed the impact that
these experiences had on their lives. Ahmed, who earned a bachelor’s degree and was employed
as a mechanical engineer, reflected on a year during the mid 1980s that he spent at a university in
Denton, Texas,
Although I lived there for 2 years, and me, I was social, very social then. They used to
invite me just to talk about our culture, religion or whatever. I was very good friends with
the dean of the international students. His name was Gerald…George Hein, and we are
very close friends… I learned a great deal from George and even my friend who we
brought our laundry to–he was even a Jew. So much I learned from them. George was
always with his children, reading and playing games and such. So, of course, I want to be
that teacher for my children and a real father. Although, by myself, maybe I am not
good.
Ahmed did not necessarily explicitly credit his approach to parenting and involvement, or the
way in which he raised his children, to the interactions he had while studying abroad at an
American university. However, within his reflection, he fondly remembered the time he spent
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with George and took note of the way that he involved himself in the lives of his children, a
possible departure from what he had experienced growing up in the UAE. Ahmed explicitly
recognizes that the model of fatherhood that he saw in his American academic mentor left an
important mark on the ways in which he wanted to parent. This acknowledgement was a
different approach to the way in which he advocated on behalf of his children both at home at
school, which was evidenced in his interview through his attendance of special meetings for
parents of gifted students and through parent teacher conferences. For some parents, these
international exposures made it easier to interact with Western, non-Muslim male teachers,
which allowed them to advocate to teachers at the school regardless of their background. Salha, a
mother who studied on her own in Melbourne, Australia in the late 1990s had this to say after
describing her university experience, shifted the conversation to discuss how the male teachers
are “like my brother, really… You know? Maybe if Arab people they go study outside overseas,
they are different. They learn things and they come home.” Here, Salha not only recognized the
impact that her foreign experiences had her relationships with non-Muslim male teachers, but she
also advocated for more Arab individuals to study overseas so they could learn more about new
cultures and ways of interaction. Parents who were exposed to non-Arab education models not
only seemed to not only assume involvement roles that were non-traditional, but advocated for
similar exposure opportunities for their peers.
Parents who had less or no exposure to education models outside of the UAE followed
more traditional gendered approaches to parent involvement. The majority of parents, 66%, did
not recognize or discuss any exposure or influence from education models outside of the UAE
and as a result relied on more traditional cultural norms to guide their approach to
advocacy. Noora, a mother who had no education beyond high school and had not experienced
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education outside of the UAE, described the “red line” of interacting with teachers with regards
to injecting herself into her children’s education at school,
I can not go. This is their job. This is their information. This is their strategies. Whatever
they will give out our children, that’s okay for them. From my point of view, my duty’s
just to review these things with them. Never ask they not give them more.
Within her response, Noora suggests that parent involvement at school is something that simply
is not called for, wherein parents should accept the whatever teachers are doing with student as
acceptable. As she mentioned, her role as a parent is simply to review and support the work that
is brought home. Noora, along with others who did not mention any instances where exposure to
other non-UAE educational experiences impacted their role in education, were less likely to
advocate on behalf of their gifted child. When asked if he wished he could have been informed
of the assessment and identification process, or been able to contribute additional information
about his daughter, Mohammed responded by saying “it is not our place,” implying that a
parent’s role in advocating for his/her children did not necessarily extend beyond the front door
of the school. While the variation of global exposure on advocacy ranged from a great deal of
exposure and greater advocacy to little or no exposure and minimal or no advocacy, global
exposure to education experiences and models impacted their approach to parenting and
advocacy for gifted students.
Theme 4: Parents’ Own Educational Experiences and Level of English Proficiency
Influenced Their Perceived Degree and Understanding of Involvement. A relationship
existed between the level of education and English proficiency obtained by a parent and his/her
degree of involvement. Studies completed outside of the UAE have shown that when parents
complete at least a 2-year degree, their levels of involvement and advocacy in their children’s
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education, from homework to volunteering, increases (Cone, Delawyer, & Wolfe, 1985; Lee &
Bowen, 2006). Given the fact that the country itself was founded in 1971, opportunities and
access to higher education were initially limited with the first public university opening its doors
in the late 1970s (Ashour, & Fatima, 2016). By 2013 the UAE Ministry of Education
had accredited 28 universities, 35 colleges, 8 institutions, and had opened 32 branches of
international universities (Cossio et al., 2014). While access to education has increased, the
majority of locals enrolled in programs complete degrees that are strictly focused on English or
content specific degrees completed in Arabic (Cossio et al., 2014). In recent years, male
enrollment in college programs has fallen behind that of women due to perceived disconnect
between effort and reward, a cultural emphasis on military service, and the lack of quality in
secondary preparation (Abdulla & Ridge, 2011). With that in mind, two emergent themes
relating to parent involvement and its relationship to level of education attained and English
proficiency will be explored.
Parents who were more highly educated understood what involvement was, the impact
it had on their gifted child’s education, and took on more active roles. Of the nine parents who
held a bachelor’s degree or higher, 100% recognized the need for parental involvement in their
children’s education and assumed roles that they perceived to be more active than the other
mothers and fathers. There are a number of factors that might determine a parent’s ability
to involve him/herself in his/her child’s education, including time, access, self-efficacy,
motivation, communication skills (Grantham et al., 2005). While parents’ education and
language proficiency are not the sole determiners of involvement, there are correlations that exist
between a parent’s level of education and his/her beliefs and actions surrounding involvement
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(Fantuzzo, Tighe, & Childs, 2000). Yaqoob, a father who earned his bachelor’s degree
and worked in an IT leadership capacity for the school district, said this,
Of course, parents should be involved. If you follow up with your kids and put them in
the right program they will surprise you. If you think you have a special student, you
think he’s smart or he’s special, go ask the school if they have a program for special
students...I think it’s something if you believe in it, if it’s something you must do, you
will find time for it.
After transferring their son to a school closer to their new home, Yaqoob and his wife made the
decision to return him to the school where he had been enrolled in a gifted program the previous
year. Here Yaqoob not only emphasized the need for parents to become involved and advocate
for their children, but emphasized the sacrifice of time that must be made in order for it to
work. Yaqoob’s beliefs about the need for parents to find time to involve themselves in their
children’s education was echoed in the sentiments of the other eight college educated
parents. Parents who were more educated recognized the difference in their ability to support
their children compared with those who are not educated or do not have a proficiency in English
that allows that support. Ahmed, whose was college educated, commented on uneducated parents
in general and the inability to support their children,
Parents, you cannot force them because most of them if they don’t have the basics
themselves, I mean if they don’t know the language, you cannot force them. That’s the
problem here. They (the school and teachers) are asking the children a lot of homework’s
and the parents they cannot help. They cannot help. That’s the problem. You are asking
parents here to help the school with something that they cannot give. Even the mother,
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my wife, she complains about that. She will use in my presence in the house to explain it
for them some English. She wants to teach it but she is not capable.
Ahmed attributed his college education and his proficiency in English as the factors that
influenced his ability to become involved in his children’s school work at home, while
recognizing also that the absence of these two factors served as barriers with other
parents. Ahmed’s assertion that parents who were not proficient in English was not only seen as
a barrier for advocacy by those parents who were college education, but those who were not
college educated. Their advocacy experiences will be shared in greater detail in the
theme below.
While parental involvement can be hindered by lack of education and levels of English
proficiency, which culturally appear to go hand in hand, parents who were more educated did not
see that as an excuse for parents to hide behind when it came to advocacy and involvement in
their children’s education. Parental self-efficacy in terms of interacting with English speaking
staff is influenced by language proficiency, and despite the availability of translators, was an
influence factor when it came to advocacy. Those parents who were more educated saw their
language proficiency as an entryway to involvement, and in some ways a barrier, though not an
excuse given the support provided by the school, for those who were not as proficient. Both
language proficiency and level of education attained by parents factored into
role construction and their ability to involve themselves their child’s education. In an
American study involving 641 parents, a multivariate analysis revealed that parents with
educations that included at least some college engaged in greater levels of involvement at home
through conferencing and homework help, and at school in a variety of
capacities (Fantuzzo, Tighe, & Childs, 2000). Furthermore, Robinson and Moon (2003), in
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their study of gifted advocacy across 34 states, revealed that parents who were advocacy
“champions” had strong communication skills. In the case of parents in Abu Dhabi, those
communication skills required parents to be bi-lingual, with a relatively strong grasp of the
English language since MBS’s gifted program and teachers of English, math, and science
primarily operated in that language.
Parents who had limited education and lower levels of English proficiency recognized
their barriers to involvement and expressed a desire to learn more in order to support their
children. A parent’s role in terms of involvement and advocacy is heavily associated with his/her
level of self-efficacy (Besnoy et al., 2015; Morawska & Sanders, 2009), which in turn is
impacted by education and language proficiency (Arias & Morillo-Campbell, 2008; Grantham et
al, 2005). For those Emirati parents involved in this study, limited education and lower levels of
English proficiency were coupled, as English proficiency was often a result of participation in
higher education. Speaking about his own experiences trying to support or advocate for his son,
Mohammed, who had earned a high school diploma, said that,
I think it’s too much hard if you don’t know anything. As a father, you must learn. I think
too much hard work for parents, if he no speak English, he don’t know how to use the
computer. How can he compete to help his kids? Many parents don’t know English.
Maybe he don’t understand what to tell the teacher.
Here Mohammed not only speaks to the struggles associated with limited English proficiency,
but knowledge and skills, including computer literacy, that are necessary to support their child’s
educational development. While all six of the parents who held less than a bachelor’s
degree were involved to some degree, such as attending parent teacher conferences, most chose
to rely on others who help them support their children. Noora, a mother who completed high
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school, admittedly believed her English and education were not strong enough to support her
children. While still involved in her children’s education, she saw her limited proficiency in
English as a barrier. Recognizing that she was not able to do much at home for
her children, Noora hired a tutor who came three times a week. When unavailable, Noora was
her primary support on homework help and described the difficulty that came with working on
English homework.
First, I try to Google it. Not Google the answer, no. I have to translate all, translate the
homework, then try to explain it for them in Arabic, then we start to speak about it in
English before we start to do it. Maybe if I complete my education it will be better, better
than now because I don’t have that for the English. I don’t have the language to help
them. Insha’allah (god willing) I want to complete my education.
Noora, whose earlier comments expressed her beliefs about how parents should be involved at
home and not at the school level, explains her experiences with language issues within the
context of her own home. Both her lack of education and subsequent linguistic limitations make
supporting her students at home difficult. However, her call to be an involved mother and her
resourcefulness with Google’s translation platforms make it possible to support her children in
their educational endeavors at home. The frustration over language and education proficiency
was echoed by all six of the parents who were not college educated. None of the parents who
utilized tutors saw the hiring of them as a replacement for parent involvement, but a necessity
facilitated out of his/her inability to meet the needs of his/her child. While less than half
of all parents employed tutors, those parents with less education relied on tutors to help with
school-specific homework. One college educated parent, Yousef, employed a tutor to provide his
son with French lessons, a language not included in regular school curriculum.
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The findings relating to parent involvement and the impact that education and language
capacity mirror similar studies that have explored parent involvement barriers. In in study non-
English speaking parents of students, lack of English proficiency and lack of education level
were two of the most common barriers to parent engagement (Arias & Morillo-Campbell, 2008).
Parents with limited English proficiency, who more often than not do not share cultural
backgrounds with teachers and program administrators, may see their involvement at school as
an interference or an action that does not respect the roles of teachers and
administrators (Simich-Dudgeon, 1986).
Conclusion
Data gleaned from parent interviews revealed a general finding that the level of parent
involvement in matters pertaining to the education of their children were influenced by cultural
messaging and existing norms. All 15 parents, or 100% of the sample, discussed how existing
norms regulated their level of involvement and influenced the roles they were able to assume.
Fathers assumed a primary role of breadwinner while mothers assumed responsibility for
children’s educational well-being at school and at home. Beyond this general finding, variations
existed among parents’ levels of involvement, influenced in part by religiosity, exposure to
education systems outside of the UAE, English language proficiency, and level of
education. Analysis was organized by the following four themes:
1. Theme 1: Perceived messages from older male family members and pressure from
female peers had a varying degree of influence on parental role construction for men
and women. Within this theme parents discussed the perceived influence that the
messages of family members and friends had on them with regards to parental
involvement in education. These messages reinforced cultural stereotypes that
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encouraged mothers to assume the primary responsibility for a child’s educational well-
being and fathers to provide financially. While all parents were recipients of messages, a
small subset within the population, notably single mothers, adamantly voiced their
resistance to messages and pressure from peers to assume certain culturally expected
roles.
2. Theme 2: Islam and teachings from the Quran influenced parent involvement
in education. While all parents recognized the fact that religious teachings called for both
parents to be involved in the raising of children, little specificity was provided with
regards to concrete duties and responsibilities by gender. Variation within this theme
revealed that parents who were more educated tended to see religious teachings as a
guide book, where parables seemed to offer suggestions. Those parents who were less
educated perceived a greater influence of Islam over the ways in which they constructed
their parenting roles. All parents recognized the fact that the Quran highlighted the
importance of learning and the responsibility that parents had in ensuring their children
be educated.
3. Theme 3: Experiences with education outside of the UAE influenced parents’ perceived
level of involvement. A continuum of experiences was represented within this theme,
ranging from those who had extensive exposure to education abroad through their own
experiences or vicarious ones, to those parents who had no exposure to systems of
education outside of the UAE. Those parents who had been exposed to education outside
of the UAE perceived themselves to have a greater level of involvement, which they
attributed to their interactions with foreign experiences and individuals. Those who had
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no experiences with education outside of the UAE tended to follow the prescribed
cultural norms when it came to parent involvement.
4. Theme 4: Parents’ own educational experiences and level of English proficiency
influenced their degree and understanding of involvement. Variation within this theme
suggested that those who had received college degrees and were more proficient in
English, language being reinforced by exposure to language courses and opportunities for
practice, understood the importance of involvement in their child’s education and took
more active roles. Fathers who held advanced degrees understood that their primary role
was to provide financially for their families, but also understood and sought out
opportunities to engage in their child’s education. Mothers who had attended college took
more active roles as well and at times assumed advocacy roles as well.
The general themes and variations within them represent the ways in which parents were
influenced with regards to construction of their roles with regards to involvement in education.
Parents were influenced by cultural norms transmitted to them through messages transmitted
through family members and peers, religious institutions and texts, with education, exposure and
English proficiency serving as factors that served as elements that inhibited or encouraged
involvement.
Involvement and Parent Perceptions of School Policy and Practice
Parent involvement in education across the Arab world, when compared to non-Arab
counterparts, tends to be more hands off, with parents placing their trust in the capacity of those
teachers working with their children, believing also that the school is primarily responsible for
the educational well-being of children (Lavenda, 20l1; Subhi-Yamin, 2009). In a study of
Muslim parents in the West whose children attended both public and private Islamic schools, the
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level of parent involvement and advocacy was lower when compared to non-Muslim parents,
which was attributed to the belief that a child’s education is the responsibility of the
school (Merry, 2005). With this traditional hands-off involvement approach in mind, Abu
Dhabi’s governing council for matters related to education emphasized the need for greater
parent involvement in education and began implementing parent involvement policies as part of
their New School Model in 2010 (NSM Policy Manuel, 2010). Within the local push for
parent involvement in education, schools in Abu Dhabi were required to include within their
annual school improvement plans an explanation of policies and mechanisms that would foster
parent involvement. This desired policy shift was echoed by stakeholders in Abu Dhabi who
participated in a study conducted shortly thereafter. In a qualitative study that explored parent
involvement in Abu Dhabi from the perspectives of administrators, teachers, and parents,
stakeholders agreed that increased parent involvement, from both fathers and mothers, was
needed (Hourani, Stringer, & Baker, 2012).
Context and culture both play a role in determining the views of what parent involvement
and advocacy should look like (Trumbull, Rothstein-Fisch, Greenfield, & Quiroz, 2001). Parents
who participated in this study had children who attended a public school run by non-local
administrators, partially staffed by teachers of varying nationalities and faiths, and operated
under the guidance of faculty and consultants from an American university. While buy-in and
approval was sought from parents and staff who were local, school policy was heavily influenced
by non-Emirati’s who held administrative positions. Policy, as well as general programming, was
influenced by the educational backgrounds and experiences of Western staff members, primarily
from the United States and United Kingdom, who helped develop parent involvement policies.
As a school, MBS piloted a number of projects, including gifted programming and reading
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intervention, that were originally developed within the context of a Western, non-UAE context in
mind. This context is necessary as the second research question is examined in relation to
the role of school policy on parent involvement and influences and barriers that existed. As an
initial finding, school practices aligned with and reinforced cultural norms and messages.
However, explored within the second finding, variations with parent reaction and involvement to
school policy existed, influenced primarily by education, exposure, and language proficiency.
Finding 1: School Policy and Practices Aligned with and Reinforced Cultural Messages and
Norms Regarding Parent Involvement
Bourdieu’s (1977) theory of cultural capital suggested that schools reproduce values and
communication that is middle class by nature, mostly because those who work in the school
come from the community’s middle class. With regards to cultural capital and parent
involvement, existing policies and parent understanding of the process for involvement, as well
as communication skills, influence involvement (Coleman, 1991; Lareau, 1987). As school
administrators sought to develop policy and opportunities for parent involvement and
engagement, local norms and customs were considered, out of respect for the stakeholders they
were working with. All non-local employees had, upon arrival in the UAE, attended a cultural
sensitivity training provided by the district. As a result, existing structures and cultural norms
that emphasized the involvement of mothers over fathers, relayed the message that mothers
should be more involved than fathers. The idea that school policy reflects the norms and cultural
values and expectations is reflected in existing research that focuses on perceived school climate,
policy, and community values. Cohen, McCabe, Michelli, and Pickeral (2009) identified parent
participation and shared norms as an important component of the relationship dimension of
school climate, which is determined by overarching school policy. Within a meta-analysis of
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parental involvement in children’s education during the earlier years, it was concluded that
involvement policies developed by teachers and administrators often saw parents as the “others,”
suggesting that parents were in some ways subordinate in the education process, failing
to address the lack of knowledge that parents had with regards to what involvement looks like
within a specific cultural context (Hughes & Mac Naughton, 2000). Parent involvement factors
can range from communication with the school and participation in parent teacher organizations
to visitations and volunteering (Feuerstein, 2000). When schools are able to adequately address
the factors of parent involvement in culturally appropriate ways, parents are able to involve
themselves to greater degrees. Within this specific finding and relevant themes, parents revealed
that school communication and parent involvement initiatives reflected the cultural norms of the
community.
Theme 1: School communication encouraged mothers to assume greater roles with
regards to involvement and the educational well-being of students. The public school,
heavily influenced by Western schools in terms of curriculum and instruction, reinforced cultural
norms and expectations for parent involvement through policy and practice. One hundred percent
of the parents recognized the fact that school and teacher communication was primarily directed
at mothers, usually through messages received on mobile devices. These messages usually
contained information about student progress in academics or opportunities for involvement at
home or at school. Fathers on the other hand were contacted through direct phone
calls only when something specific was needed by a teacher, which included supplies for
projects or support with student behavior. As Yousef noted, “If I don’t ask for the meeting, they
don’t call for the meeting.” Organizationally, the school and pilot programs that operated within
its confines were influenced by Emirati culture, which in turn reflected those cultural norms in
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the messages it relayed to parents with regards to involvement. Instead of having a parent teacher
organization, which is the case with over 23,000 schools in the United States (National PTA
Report, 2009), Mother’s Councils operated as the primary mechanism for parent engagement in
public schools in Abu Dhabi. The Mother’s Council at MBS, which had a separate meeting place
and office within the school, helped coordinate cultural events. Often, mothers who engaged in
the Mother’s Council were provided with opportunities to collaborate with teachers on field trips
and projects. The Mother’s Council also organized workshops on topics that
ranged from homework help to internet safety.
2
These workshops, held during the middle of the
day, were organized with mothers in mind. Eida, a mother who led the Mother’s Council for 2
years described the merit behind what the school sanctioned club did, explaining that
the “Workshops are designed for the mother, so she can come. She has to understand how to be
connected between her and her kids. The mothers must come.” Meera, an active member of the
Mother’s Council, mentioned that she and another mother were working on organizing classes
for mothers who wanted to increase their English language skills. While the Mother’s Council at
MBS worked to actively recruit and engage mothers, the school offered no formal mechanism
for promoting engagement of fathers. Reflective of broader cultural expectations, the school
messaged an expected level of involvement from mothers, while fathers retained their culturally
normed role of providing for families financially, with less of an emphasis on involvement in
matters relating to education.
While the established Mother’s Council actively promoted and encouraged the
involvement of mothers, communication practices also reinforced existing cultural roles and
expectations. WhatsApp groups, ClassDojo messages, and other school communication were

2
While no documents relating to the workshops organized by the Mother’s Council were gathered during data
collection, the expressed topics were observed during the researcher’s time spent working in the school.
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directed at mothers only. As expressed by Noora, WhatsApp groups favored the inclusion of
mothers,
We make the groups in the WhatsApp and we have three groups. We have for English,
Arabic, and the mothers, only the mothers. If the teachers want something, we decide in
the other group between the mothers only…It’s easier with the mothers.
Here, Noora described the way that WhatsApp groups were organized and emphasized that they
only include mothers because “it’s easier” than including fathers. Organized by teachers,
WhatsApp groups became the most common form of mass communication with parents at the
school. Meera reiterated the use of WhatsApp groups and their purpose, which included
messages from the teachers to the group members, or mothers, asking them to check
on homework and encourage studying at home. These WhatsApp groups also served as a
mechanism for providing support to mothers who were not as proficient in English or adept at
supporting their students at home or at school. Meera continued, “We have this group in
WhatsApp helping here, helping there. I’m helping them. Also, solving some of the homework,
not solving, but explaining and translating in Arabic what this means.” Parents themselves
recognized the drawbacks to the reliance on technology platforms for communication, with
some, including Salha and Khadija, going so far as to noting that some mothers were blaming
their lack of involvement on not having access to Internet, necessary to access ClassDojo and
teacher logs, in the home.
The emergent theme provided by the parents who were included in this study points to
the fact that organizational policies and practices, including the Mother’s Council and WhatsApp
groups for mothers only, both reflected and promoted existing cultural expectations about gender
specific roles in parenting. Parent involvement can be seen as a “ritualized practice” reinforced
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by the policies and expectations outlined by schools and the policies they set (Doucet,
2011). Historically speaking, these policies for parent involvement recognized the father as the
parent who worked outside of the home and assumed that mothers would be the parent involved
in developing a child’s educational well-being (Coleman, 1991). Within the school,
gendered expectations about which parent should be involved were reflective of middle class
values and norms, indicative of the cultural capital expressed by Bourdieu (1977). While these
theories were developed within the context of Western societies, their applicability to the UAE
social structure and the relationships between policy and cultural norms is relevant.
Theme 2: School communication reinforced traditional relationships between
schools and parents in the identification and placement of gifted. Identification of gifted
students is often determined by scores received on standardized IQ tests (Robinson, 2005;
Worrell, 2009), a process instigated by classroom teachers, school psychologists, or
parents (Mcclain & Pfeiffer, 2012). Within the gifted program piloted in Abu Dhabi, students
were administered standardized IQ tests only after teacher recommendations and standardized
state assessment scores had been evaluated. Parents were not informed that their child would be
administered a non-verbal cognitive assessment and scores, regardless of placement, were kept
confidential. Parents were informed of their child’s placement in the self-contained gifted
classroom and, during the first year of its inception, were asked to provide consent given the fact
that their children would be placed in a co-ed environment with a male teacher. At that time, all
but one parent consented to their child’s placement in the self-contained class. At no time during
the assessment and identification process were parents asked to contribute any information about
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their child. The school communication policy kept parents informed, but did not involve them in
the identification process.
3

Within the interview protocol parents were asked if they were notified that their child had
been elected to be assessed for gifted programming, with a follow-up question that asked if they
would have liked to provide additional information about their student. All 15 parents, or 100%
of study participants, was not aware of the additional, non-statewide assessments that their child
had been administered. All parents acknowledged being informed via telephone that their child
had been placed in a classroom for high achieving students. Noora, a mother of two students
placed in the High Achievers Program, recalled when she found out that her son would be
placed in the class. “I do not know of the process for this, but Ms. Cheri (principal) she called to
say he is in. I want him put in there, it is better for him to be in this class. He will be challenged,
right?” Here, Noora’s comments express her surprise for her son’s placement in the High
Achievers class. Not knowing anything about the process, or much or what the class entailed,
based on her comments about her son being challenged, she saw the placement as something
positive and trusted that the school’s decision. Khadija, a mother of two gifted students in the
program, recalled how she was close to pulling her children to place them in a private school
where she believed they would be challenged and more prepared for college. Following a phone
call similar to that of Noora, she made the decision to keep her students at MBS so they could
access the program.
When asked if they would have like to be involved in the identification process, by
providing more information about their student, the majority, or 86% of parents, said that it was
not their place and that they would rather have the school take on that responsibility. This

3
Information relevant to the school's policy on assessment and identification was based on observations that took
place prior to formal data collection during the time at which the researcher was working at the school.
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approach to identification, with regards to parent involvement, reflected cultural norms that
placed parents in a supporting role in education. Yousef, a father who worked within the school
district, said he was happy not to know about the process, stating that, “They send me a letter or
call my wife saying that we have recognized that your children is very smart and we are planning
to make a special class for these people to encourage them more.” Here, Yousef expressed the
way in which his child’s placement was communicate. His comments about calling his wife echo
earlier themes that suggest the school’s communication policies favored the involvement of
mothers over fathers. When asked if he would have liked to be involved earlier in the process or
contribute information about his children during the identification process he said, “This is not
my nature. I will be happy when the teacher himself discovers my children for who they are.”
Here, Yousef revealed that involving himself in his son’s academic affairs at school were not his
mode of operation, relegating decisions relating to identification to teachers and those within the
school who made those decisions. Reflective of most parents included within this study,
Yousef’s approach during the identification and placement process was one of minimal
participation up until admission into the self-contained class. This minimal involvement on the
part of parents was due in part to the school and program policy that informed parents only after
placement had been decided. This approach on the part of the school reflected larger cultural
norms where parents expected the school to take care of the majority of education related
decisions.
While the majority of parents expressed no interest in providing additional details or
involving themselves in the identification process, two parents expressed interest. Both parents
who expressed interest were recently divorced mothers. While they, along with the other parents,
were not informed of the identification process, both mothers expressed a desire to have played a
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greater role, suggesting that they might have been able to provide information about their child
that IQ tests would not have been able to pick up. Both Sheikha and Eida described themselves
as stay at home mothers whose primary objective was taking care of their children. Sheikha, a
mother of a second-grade gifted student, believed the identification and placement in the
program was the right move, stating, “Masha’allah (god has willed, expression of joy), the
program is good for him.” However, when asked if she would have liked to provide information
on her son earlier in the identification process she said, “Yes, people do not understand (son’s
name) like I do. Parents should, yanie (ي ِنْعَي I mean), take part in this.” While neither mother
expressed a displeasure in the process of their lack of involvement, they did recognize the need
for parents to play a role in the identification process, even if it meant filling out a questionnaire
or referral form like teachers did. This suggestion was provided by Eida, who said she would
have like to give information about how her daughter learns best and what she liked to be
challenged in.
The communication between the school and parents with regards to gifted identification
mirrored traditional norms about expectations and responsibilities of the school, wherein parents
are not involved in the identification process. Little research relating to Emirati parents and
their perceived or expected role during gifted identification exists. However, gifted identification
literature from Saudi Arabia reflects Arab norms about identification, wherein it is seen as the
responsibility of the school rather than the parents. Within the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA)
gifted identification process, students are referred by teachers based on expressions of domain
specific talents or score in the 90
th
percentile on the Saudi Group Test for Mental Abilities
(cite). Individual assessment and placement in gifted programming is then carried out by school
psychologists (Aljughaiman & Grigorenko, 2013). These sentiments were echoed among Arab
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families who were studied in the United States, wherein they saw the school as the ultimate
authority with all things related to education (Moosa et al.,2005). Furthermore, Arab parents are
often seen as indifferent or uninformed of the meaning of gifted as a label and the impact that
access can have academically and socially on students (Al-Ghamdi , 2007). Within the specific
context of MBS and the gifted identification policy that has been established, cultural norms are
taken into consideration, with parental communication occurring only after identification and
placement has been determined. While this delayed information sharing influenced parents’
ability to involve themselves in the identification process, it was seen as acceptable by those
who participated in this study.
Finding 2: Parents’ Ability to Navigate School Policies and Interact with Staff is
Influenced by English Proficiency and Previous Interaction and Exposure to Expatriates.
While parents who are non-native English speakers or English second language
(ESL) learners have the desire to become more involved, many are not able to due to language
barriers (Guo, 2006). All of the parents within this study would be considered ESL due to the
fact that their primary language was Arabic, which for each individual in the study was the
language most commonly used in the home and workplace. With that in mind, it is important to
make the connection between the language barriers that can inhibit parent involvement and
opportunities within school policy that can promote involvement among parents. In a quasi-
experimental study that provided 87 ESL parents with classes in English, involvement and
parent-teacher collaboration increased in relation to the control group (Waterman, 2009). While
providing parents with the knowledge and skills to build their capacity and proficiency in
mastering English, which promotes involvement with English speaking school staff, the
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provision of translators has also proven to be a means by which schools increase involvement
and access among parents (Arias & Morillo-Campbell, 2008; Gou, 2006).
In a recent policy brief on engaging parents who are English Language Learners it is
suggested that school policy support parent involvement through linguistically and culturally
relevant experiences, professional develop staff in ways to involve parents who speak languages
other than English, and communicate in native languages with parents across a variety of
platforms to ensure access and involvement (Arias & Morillo-Campbell, 2008). As a school,
MBS had a full-time staff member who was available to translate documents and conversations
held between English speaking staff members and parents. Teachers were also encouraged to
collaborate with staff members to conduct bilingual learning experiences for students and
workshops for parents.
4
With that in mind, parents who participated in this study felt more
comfortable involving themselves in school related experiences when their English was more
proficient. As demonstrated by the fact that no study participant requested a translator to be
present at the time of the interview, language proficiency might, in some ways, have served as
a demonstrable point of pride or a measure of self-esteem for parents.
Theme 1: Parents with an awareness of cultures that were more Western in
nature and were comfortable approaching the school to become involved in their child’s
education. Demographically, the nationalities of the instructional and administrative staff
of MBS spanned the globe, with 14 countries and 5 continents represented. This school
community was in many ways reflective of the larger populace within the UAE, were the
average large corporation has employees from over three dozen nationalities (Hills & Atkins,
2013). A significant portion of those residing in the UAE are expats, around 80%

4
Observations of encouraged bi-lingual learning experiences were both observed and experienced during the
researcher’s time spent working at the school.
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(National Media Council of the UAE, 2010) and as a result the local population has in many
ways began to alter their communication and interaction with foreigners (Hill & Atkins, 2013).
In a study that examined multicultural workplace management in the Gulf, it was suggested that
Emirati identity and views of Westerners has changed due to rapid globalization within the
region and that adaptation towards the “Western model” of life has both economic and social
benefits (Hill & Atkins, 2013). With that in mind, the majority of expat teachers were
from countries that could have been considered more Western than Arab and as such the
school operated under school policies and procedures that were very Western by nature. As
noted in the context provided in chapter 1, the teaching staff was comprised of teachers from 12
different countries, with the majority of expat teachers hailing from the United States, Ireland,
the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. The administrative team responsible for the
majority of school based policy was comprised of four Americans, two Canadians, two South
Africans, two Emiratis, and three individuals from the United Kingdom (Irtiqa’a Report, 2014).
Due to the cultural differences that existed across the two power dynamics, Arab and
Western, parent and school relationships were interpreted differently depending on his/her level
of comfortability and experience interacting with Western individuals. Due in part to the local
adoption of Western trends, Emirati’s have a growing sense of Western identity and approaches
for working with individuals who are outside of traditional Emirati community (Hill & Atkins,
2013). Involvement by parents at the school level, more specifically interactions with teachers,
was perceived to be more accessible for parents who had increased exposure and interaction with
foreign individuals and organizations. While evidence in her comments reflected the influence
that her husband had on the role that she played, was it also evident that the experiences
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of Salha’s family, as well as her own time studying in Australia, had influenced her level of
comfortability when approaching non-Muslim and male staff members.
No, because my family is different, open. I’m covered now just because (husband’s
name), not me. I tell him that I sit with any man teachers, “It’s okay.” Or any meeting. I
have to tell him and I’ll tell him I cover. I’m honest, but I told him, “With (interviewer),
me no cover.” I told him. He knows. Really. And, (male teacher). Yeah, yeah. I feel like
they’re my brother. Really. You know, some Arabic won’t do this at all, not at all ...
Because my father studied in Germany, in Berlin, and mom, mom always traveled–many
countries, in Russia and also Czechoslovakia. She loved that best. You know, maybe if
Arab people they go study outside overseas, they are different.
Speaking mostly about her interactions with the Western male, non-Muslim teachers at the
school, Salha expressed her comfortability interacting with them, going so far as to elevate them
to the status of ‘brothers’ in her eyes. Culturally, for a Muslim woman to remove her shayla or
hijab, traditional black headscarf work in the region, in the presence of men is not appropriate or
accepted behavior (Al Fahim, 1995; Hijab Couture, 2014). Here, Salha spoke about her parents’
experiences overseas and the impact that exposure to different cultures had on the way that she
approached and interacted with expatriate staff members, noting that while her husband
required that she wear the traditional garment, she felt comfortable taking it off in front of
Westerners. While other mothers who participated in the interview did not share explicit
instances where they set aside cultural norms to interact more freely with Western teachers, they
did express a comfortability coming up to the school to speak with teachers. Many of the parents
spoke of how they considered themselves friends with many of the non-local teachers at the
school, citing instances when they had invited them afterschool into their homes or to brunch on
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the weekends. Nasser, a father employed by the Crown Prince, spoke about how his interactions
with teachers, both male and female, Emirati and expat, were something he was comfortable
with,
In both the work that I do and the programs I was a part of with my education, I was
fortunate to become friends with many Americans, people from the UK, really a number
of people from around the world. In my cohort at Zayed (university), there were students
from here of course, but also all of the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) countries. My
professors they were from California and London, we attended conferences in Chicago,
Washington D.C., so I learned about their lives and how their organizational change
models could be put into my protocol work, which of course has me working with
protocol officers from around the world. I am not isolated, as some of my friends are, I
have many American friends. Many of them are teachers. This is why I enjoy speaking
with you – we have shared interests. I want to learn about your life and you want to learn
about mine.
It becomes clear through Nasser’s comments that his experience, both as a student in a global
PhD cohort and an employee that works with government officials from around the world.
Nasser’s comments about shared interests reflected an intersection of cultures, or a shared
schema that he had developed with his Western colleagues and friends. As with other parents, he
saw these experiences with Westerners as a benefit to his ability to interact with teachers.
Nasser’s perspective highlighted other Emirati’s who he saw as more isolated, having had fewer
interactions with Westerners, either by context or choice. Over a less formal conversation over
coffee, Nasser would go on to confess that he would rather work with Western teachers because
they actually understood how to teach, were consistent, and more accurate in their assessment of
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students’ strengths and weaknesses. It is important to note that the interviewer and Nasser had,
following his son’s participation in the High Achievers Program, met for coffee on numerous
occasions, trading books that had been introduced to them in their respective doctoral programs.
Having a solid rapport with the interviewer, Nasser seemed more willing to open up and expand
on his opinions than other participants.
The experiences of both Salha and Nasser reflect parents’ awareness of Western cultures
and the ways in which exposure and understanding of said culture made it easier for them to
interact with the non-expat staff at MBS. No parent expressed discomfort in speaking or
interacting with school staff, citing instead that they often enjoyed the opportunity to engage
with expats and practice their English. While all parents had at least minimal interaction with
Westerners, given the pervasive nature of expats across social and economic endeavors in the
region, parents with less exposure were not as proactive when it came to involving themselves
through parent-teacher interactions. Two parents, Mohammed and Yaqoob, said that they
sometimes found it difficult to carry out conversations with staff, but saw it as a matter of
language proficiency and not one of cultural discomfort. The fact that all 15 parents were willing
to sit down for a one-on-one interview with a White Christian male, with limited Arabic
proficiency, speaks to the fact that this population of parents, to whatever degree of exposure to
Westerners, were comfortable navigating culturally diverse waters in order to become involved
in their children’s education. Khadija’s response to her level of comfort interacting with Western
staff summed up this idea when she said, “I am here speaking with you, a man not from
community. Not a Muslim? (interviewer acknowledged). And we talk, like we should. We both
care about my son, so we are here.”
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Theme 2: School language policies and perceived English proficiency influenced
parents’ ability to become involved. The provision of translators has long
been acknowledged as a way to increase involvement among parents who are not proficient in
the primary language in which school business and instruction are conducted in (Arias
& Morillo-Campbell, 2008; Gou, 2006). Throughout its partnership with the American
university, MBS retained a full-time staff member to aid in the translation of conversations,
documents, staff meetings, and workshops (Irtiqa’a Report, 2014). The translator on hand was
a Syrian national who was fluent in both English and Arabic. While the school only had one
official translator, many staff members, especially those expat teachers who were from non-GCC
Arab countries, including Lebanon, Tunisia, and Egypt, served as translators as well. Emirati
teachers who had completed their English certification were required to obtain a minimum of
6.5 on the International English Language Testing System (IELTS), with content teachers
obtaining a passing score of 5.5 (Zaman, 2012). These minimum IELTS requirements also made
it so Emirati teachers were effectively bilingual, wherein their proficiency in both Arabic and
English was strong enough for them to translate materials and conversations. School policy, with
regards to parent communication, dictated that formal notes home, sms text reminders, and
handouts were all translated into both English and Arabic. During parent teacher conferences or
school workshops, including events hosted by the Mother’s Council, translation services were
provided when requested by the teacher, parent, or event organizer.
Of the parents in who participated in this study, 100% acknowledged the efforts of the
school to provide bilingual documents and recognized the presence of translators and the
school’s effort to include parents with limited English proficiency. Addressed in some ways in
the last theme of the first research question, which posits that a parent’s own level of English
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proficiency influenced his/her ability to become involved in his/her child’s education,
perceived school language policies also influenced parents’ ability to become involved in their
child’s education. An educated mother, Sheikha reflected on this idea and an encounter that had
taken place earlier in the school year.
Last year there was a parent who, she doesn’t know English. She was complaining about
the English teachers. I told her, “There is a translator here. You should go to her, and you
should be with the teachers, and you can communicate with her. You don’t need to be
perfect in English.”
Here, Sheikha commented on an issue that was brought up by a number of parents, in that other
parents were either not aware of the translator available or, as Fatima put it “were lazy, using
language as an excuse” to not become more involved at the school. The parents of gifted students
who participated in the interviews often described “other” parents as those whose children were
not gifted or those who were not as involved. Though offered, not one of the participants in the
study chose to include a translator in their interview, suggesting that the use of translators might
in fact be a point of embarrassment for parents. A number of parents, or 53% of participants,
commented on the weekly schedules that teachers of Arabic and English provided parents. While
many appreciated the schedules, they noted that some of the specific concepts included,
especially in math and science, were beyond their understanding. Parents were then not able to
easily become involved in supporting their children in their school work at home. Three of these
parents discussed their strategy for dealing with the documents that were not translated, relying
on Google translator, their own English-Arabic dictionaries, or online videos that included
translations. The advanced level of English that gifted students were immersed in appeared to
be exceeding the proficiency levels of most parents, which forced them to intervene in order for
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them to support their child. Despite the fact that school policy, as mentioned earlier, called
for documents sent home to be translated in both languages, protocol was not being
followed with certain documents such as weekly schedules. It would appear then that
when translators and school translation policy was carried out, parents were able to more
easily involve themselves in their child’s education.
The reform within Abu Dhabi’s school, framed most notably in the New School Model
(ADEC, 2010), is one driven by English and its prevalence as a global language with regards to
education and business. This push for English proficiency in UAE schools began in 2010 (New
School Model, 2010), with bilingual education growing by a grade level each additional year. As
Ahmed noted, “My son comes home with these books and words, they are beyond even me and
what I learned at university.” While communication and involvement changes as students
progress through levels of education (Murray, McFarland-Piazza, & Harrison, 2015),
communication between schools and parents is an important fixture within parent involvement,
with the frequency and content of communication serving as an indicator for parent self-efficacy
with regards to involvement (Ames, 1993). While the majority of language and involvement
studies revolve around Latino parents in the United States, UAE centered studies around parent
involvement reveal poor school communication, in terms of translation and frequency, as a
barrier for parent involvement in education (Hourani, Stringer, & Baker, 2012; Khasawneth &
Alsagheer, 2007). At times, communication barriers that exist between Arab and Western parents
and teachers can serve as barriers (Moosa, Karabenick, & Adams, 2001).
Conclusion
Parent perception of school policy, which in the case of MBS was more Western in
nature compared to traditional Emirati elementary schools, both informed and impacted the ways
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in which involvement and parental roles were constructed. Though the school managed and
staffed by a large percentage of expatriate teachers, most of whom were from Western countries,
local Emirati cultural norms were prevalent, encouraging the involvement of mothers over
fathers. Beyond the broader finding that school policy reflects cultural norms, themes focus on
the school’s use of communication that favored the involvement of mothers, parents were not
involved in the identification of gifted students, interaction with Western staff was influenced by
the degree of previous exposure to Western individuals, and language policies and practices
could both influence and inhibit parent involvement. The following themes, nestled within two
larger findings, were mined from the data as they relate to the question of school policy
and perceived parental involvement:
1. Theme 1: School communication encouraged mothers to assume greater roles with
regards to involvement and the educational well-being of students. Communication
practices that centered around WhatsApp and group sms texting tended to exclude
fathers, reflecting the cultural norm that placed the responsibility for educational
involvement on mothers. School policy for parent engagement reinforced these ideas
through a parent organization known as the Mother’s Council, which developed
opportunities for mothers to become more involved in school related functions, which
included the development of workshops that catered to the needs of mothers. The
school’s communication practices that favored involvement of mothers were
perceived by all parents who participated in the study, with no parent outwardly
objecting to these practice as they conformed to existing cultural expectations.
2. Theme 2: School communication reinforced traditional relationships between schools
and parents in the identification and placement of gifted. All 15 parents who
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participated in the study were informed about their child’s placement in a self-
contained gifted classroom after the identification process had been completed. The
majority of parents, or 13 of the 15 had no objections to placing the identification
process in the hands of the school, as it aligned with the idea that the school was more
adept and informed about handling issues of that nature. Two parents expressed a
desire to have provided input about their child during the initial screening and
assessment process.
3. Theme 3: Parents had an awareness of cultures that were more Western in
nature and were comfortable approaching the school to become involved in their
child’s education. All parents were somehow impacted by the Westernization of the
public-school system in Abu Dhabi, with bi-lingual education and non-local
approaches implemented as part of a larger economic and social development strategy
within the Abu Dhabi 2021 vision, which focuses on sustainability across all sectors
of life within the emirate (UAE Vision 2021, 2010).
4. Theme 4: School language policies and perceived English proficiency influenced
parents’ ability to become involved. Given the nature of the bilingual approach to
education and the number of school subjects taught by native English speaking staff
members, a school translators, as well as additional bilingual staff within the building,
made engaging with teachers more accessible for parents with limited English
proficiency. Parents included in this study were all fairly confident in their own
English abilities and looked at parents who were not involved because of their
language skills as lazy of having low self-efficacy. School policy that called for
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translation of documents and meetings into both English and Arabic was appreciated
by parents and seen as a gesture of inclusion which invited parental involvement.
Summary
The findings presented in this chapter reflect the experiences and perceptions of 15
Emirati parents of gifted children. Collectively, their voices revealed that they ways in which
parents construct their role with regards to involvement in their child’s education is influenced
through cultural messages and established norms within the community. While responsible for
different aspects of child rearing, the mother through children’s educational well-being and the
father through the provision of financial means, parents in this study recognized that they were
all involved to a certain extent in their gifted child’s education. Influenced by language
proficiency, religious capital, interactions with Westerners and education systems outside of the
UAE, and school policy, parents’ level of involvement fell along continuums, at times informed
by gender and degree of education obtained. Cultural norms and school policy, two overarching
influencers of parent involvement, seemed at time to mirror one another, as school policy was
informed by established cultural norms and expectations. Overall, parents’ roles in terms of
involvement were informed not just by existing cultural norms, but by the changing educational
landscape in which their children were being educated. With the Westernization of school
curriculum and policy, parents were called upon to involve themselves as they saw fit, relying on
their own experiences with Westerners to inform and guide their interactions.

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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The existing field of research that pertains to parental involvement emphasizes the
positive correlation that exists between parent involvement and the academic achievement of a
students, regardless of global local (Jeynes, 2015; Kaplan Toren, 2013; Zedan, 2012). Research
specific to the UAE has also emphasized the significance that parent involvement can have on
student success in reading (Midraj & Midraj, 2011). Though the correlation between parent
involvement and student achievement was not explored within this study, it is important to point
out as supporting literature is often grounded in this point, with parent involvement seen as a
problem of practice to be addressed within certain schools or populations. Within this study,
qualitative data was gathered in order to better understand the ways in which parents perceived
to be influenced in terms of their involvement in their child’s education. These parents of
children who were assessed and placed in a pilot program for gifted children reflected on the
elements that influenced their degree and decision to involve themselves in the education
endeavors of their child. Findings revealed that cultural norms and messages, as well as school
policy and language self-efficacy, influenced role construction surrounding involvement.
Context specific research has suggested that Arab parents view the school as the ultimate
authority with matters pertaining to education, with parents willing to assist when guidance, both
in terms of content and language support, is provided (Moosa, Karabenick, & Adams, 2005).
Conducted through 15 interviews that took place in Abu Dhabi, this study explored the
cultural and organizational elements that influenced involvement among mothers and fathers.
Cultural messages and the impact that a Western school model had on the ways in which parents
constructed their roles with regards to involvement were explored. Clark and Estes’ (2008)
conceptual framework, which emphasizes the ways in which knowledge, motivation, and
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organizational elements serve as influencers or barriers, was used as a starting point to better
understand the ways in which parents developed their roles with regards to involvement in their
gifted child’s education. This study was not necessarily conducted with the end goal of
increasing Emirati parent involvement, but to understand some of the cultural norms and
messages that influenced existing levels of involvement. The following research questions
guided this study:
1. How do Emirati parents of gifted children’s perceptions of the way that their
knowledge and motivation play out in the way that they construct their involvement
in their child’s education?
2. How do Emirati parents of gifted children’s knowledge skills, and motivation, and
regard for school policy, practice, and cultural norms interact to shape their
willingness to involve themselves in their child’s education?
Summary of Findings
The findings within this study are organized according to each of the overarching
research questions. Within the first research question, which sought to understand the ways in
which perceived knowledge and motivation play out with regards to parental involvement, two
findings emerged, both of which focused on cultural norms and messaging. The first finding
presented itself as a general statement about the culturally constructed involvement roles that
mothers and fathers were expected to assume, with mothers taking on the responsibility for a
child’s educational well-being and fathers providing financially. A continuum of experiences
was represented, with greater involvement, or desired involvement from fathers and mothers who
had obtained at least some level of college education. Parent involvement was influenced by a
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number of knowledge and motivation related factors, themes which were organized under the
second finding as elements that lead to variations in involvement.
Variation within parental involvement was influenced by perceived messages, largely
from older male family members, Islamic teachings, exposure to cultures and educational
landscapes outside of the UAE, degree of proficiency in English, and level of education. While
no one factor stood out among the rest, each influenced a parent’s perceived level of
involvement. Those who had strong messages about involvement from family members and were
exposed to education systems outside of the UAE, spoke English well and were more well
educated tended to not only be more involved, but trend on times towards advocacy for their
child. Overall, the findings and themes expressed in relation to the first research question
highlight the significance that cultural messaging and community norms have on involvement.
While these parents came from a population that was perceived to be more educated, well-
traveled, and fluent in English, they perceived their less educated peers to be less involved
because they did not have the knowledge or capacity to become more involved.
Findings and themes within the second research question explored the perceived
parenting roles as they related to the organizational policies in place at the school level. The first
finding revealed that school policy and practice aligned with cultural norms and expectations
surrounding parent involvement by gender. Themes suggested that modes of communication,
which included WhatsApp group messaging and parent teacher organizations, were directed at
mothers over fathers, a reflection of the broader cultural message that placed the responsibility of
education more so on mothers than fathers. In keeping with traditional Arab notions where the
school as the authority in all things education, parents found their lack of involvement in the
gifted identification process to be more than acceptable. The second finding relating to school
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policy and parent involvement was largely reflective of earlier influences that related to exposure
and level of English proficiency. Parents who had greater exposure to Westerners were more
comfortable approaching teachers and administrators to discuss their child and involve
themselves in school related functions. As noted in the literature that speaks to the rapidly
Westernized models of education in the UAE, the majority of parents had in some way been
previously exposed to Westerners as evidenced in the fact that they play a significant role in the
economic and social fabric of the UAE. Finally, the school’s approach to the language barrier
served as an important feature in a parent’s ability to involve him/herself in his/her child’s
education both at home and at school. Parents described a relative ease of access in terms of
language given the presence of numerous bilingual staff members and translated documents.
The data gathered from interviews with parents of gifted students sheds light on the ways
in which parents construct their roles with regards to educational involvement. Evidence by the
cultural messages and their bearers, the perspectives shared by parents reinforces existing
literature on the culturally normed gendered approaches to their child’s education. The findings
and themes presented in chapter 4 serves as information that might inform school administrators,
teachers, and those individuals constructing policy at the district level. If the aim of these
stakeholders is to increase or understand parent involvement, and subsequently impact student
achievement in the process, the following implications and recommendations for practitioners,
policy makers, and researchers might be of interest.
Implications and Recommendations for Policy
It is important to note that the following policy recommendations, as well as those
suggested for practice and research, are presented through a Western lens. In a study that
reviewed cultural guides, religious texts, and relevant research, and included 16 in-depth
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interviews with Arabs from both North Africa and the Arab peninsula, the importance of critical
lenses was revealed as an important finding with regard to Western individuals conducting
business in the region (Klein & Kuperman, 2008). Within the Arab identity, honor plays an
important role in motivation, there is less of a focus on the individual and a greater emphasis on
the whole. Emphasized throughout the work of Klein and Kuperman (2008) is the idea that it is
both important to understand the Arab world and be critical of our own lenses through which we
make assumptions or assertions. What that in mind, I fully recognize that these recommendations
are through a Western lens, rooted for the most part in Western literature and ideology.
Organizational Transparency in Cultural Match and Readiness
As part of a larger Emirates wide strategic plan, Vision 2030, which focuses on
sustainability, economic diversification, promotion of cultural traditions, and enhancing
standards of living, a 10-year strategic plan was developed for education initiatives starting in
2009. This national plan of action focused on elevating the quality of schools and standards to
international standards, improved access for students, high quality and affordable private school
alternatives, the preservation of UAE culture and heritage, and the development of successful
careers for Emirati students. The push for the development of a knowledge-based economy
called for stronger standards and higher quality education, resulting the New School Model,
which introduced foreign curriculum writers and academic consultants, as well teachers from
around the globe who would serve initially as English, math and science instructors, later
followed by more content specific teachers as the model grew to support older students (ADEC,
2009). This influx of non-Arab teachers has raised a number of concerns within the community,
including the roles and utilization of local teachers, language and cultural disconnect between
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foreign teachers and students and their families, and the perceived “Westernization” of education
across the emirate of Abu Dhabi (Crystall, 2014).
In many ways, this study is a microcosm in terms of implications of Western adopted
ideas and how they play out in a culture that is not predominately Western. Larger policy
questions can be raised about the state adoption of education policy that is not designed from the
ground up by locals or fully aligned with cultural norms. While consideration for culture and
heritage were initially taken into account, the potential long-term implications and consequences
of a Westernized curriculum and instructional staff might not have been fully understood or
explored. While current research has explored the perceptions of students (Dickson, 2013) and
teachers (Baker, 2014; Schoepp & Al Suwaidi, 2015) with regard to the changes that have
occurred as a result of New School Model shifts in policy, research on parents and their
perceptions is limited. With that in mind, suggestions for future policy shifts in education include
the greater degree of stakeholder involvement, which may potentially lead to education policy
that is a better fit in terms of cultural match. Within the context of education policy in Abu
Dhabi, Mahroum, Bell, and Al-Saleh (2016) have proposed the integration of the Multiple
Formation Consultation Framework, which includes elements for local, community based
involvement in policy development and decision making. This call for greater inclusion of
stakeholders in the policy process is outlined in Figure 2 (Altman & Petkus, 1994).
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Figure C. Stakeholder Involvement in Policy. Adapted from Altman, J., & Petkus, A. (1994).
Toward a stakeholder-based policy process: An application of the social marketing perspective to
environmental policy development. Policy Sciences,27(1), 37-51.

By including parents, one of many stakeholders within education policy, decision makers
are better able to gauge the readiness of those within the community. Potential concerns, with
regards to both short and long-term implications can be voiced and explored within the context
of other policy changes that have included westernization in education. By further exploring
cultural readiness, policy makers at the district level can better understand the concerns of
parental stakeholders, integrating their feedback into future policy initiatives.
Organizational Policy That Encourages Involvement from Mothers and Fathers
While the involvement of parents is necessary at the broader policy level, to help assess
readiness and cultural alignment, it is also recommended that the organization, at both the district
and school level, develop policy that allows for greater involvement of parents regardless of
gender. In a large-scale study that explored parent involvement with mothers and fathers, data
revealed that while mothers tended to be more involved, the involvement of both parents was
predictive of future academic achievement (Hsu, Zhang, & Kwok, 2011). Furthermore, a strong
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association exists between parent involvement at home and satisfaction with schooling for both
mothers and fathers (McWayne, Campos, & Owsianik, 2008). New School Model (2010) policy
encourages parent involvement, but does not outline more specific ways in which the district or
individual schools can encourage parents through policy initiatives. Explored as one of the
findings within the second research question in chapter four, parents were very clear about the
role of the Mother’s Council and the direction that it set for parents within the school. If
organizational policy shifted to reflect a council that was more gender neutral, which is often the
case with parent teacher organizations in the United States, the organization could potentially see
a greater involvement of fathers at home and at school. While this recommendation does seem to
conflict with overarching cultural norms, it aligns with the district’s goals that seek to build a
stronger partnership between parents and schools (New School Model, 2010).
While the inclusion of fathers in school organizations is one recommendation, an
adjustment in communication policy is also suggested, so as to be more inclusive, offering
opportunities for mothers and fathers alike to be involved. Both mothers and fathers in this study
recognized the role that mobile texting programs, notably WhatsApp, played in facilitating
communication between teachers and mothers. It is recommended that a more standardized
platform for mobile communication be explored, one where both parents had regular access to
message boards or notifications from teachers. Fathers who participated in this study expressed a
greater desire to become involved, which was often hindered by a lack of information regarding
opportunities to do so. A standard platform of communication, coupled with a parent teacher
organization that is not focused solely on mothers, could have the potential to involve both
mothers and fathers to a greater degree.

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Implications and Recommendations for Practice
Parents who were included in this study recognized the influence that their involvement
had on their child’s achievement. From the routines that were established after school by mothers
to the fathers’ willingness to spend time with their children in bookstores every time they
ventured into a shopping mall, parents saw their involvement as a contributing factor in their
child’s success. While parents also expressed an appreciation for the translation services
provided by the school, it became clear that language proficiency and the ability to communicate
with teachers without the need of another adult to translate emerged as an issue of self-esteem.
These two points, the need to build parents’ knowledge about involvement, its impact and the
forms it can take at school and home, as well as the need to increase parent self-esteem through
English proficiency are presented as recommendations for practice at the school level.
Building Parental Understanding
As the district began restructuring and reorganizing policies related to curriculum and
instruction, parent involvement emerged as an important driver of desired student achievement
(ADEC, 2010). Traditionally, Arab parents have an expectation that the school shoulder the
burden of responsibility with a student’s educational well-being, with minimal parent
involvement (Hourani et al., 2012; Moosa et al., 2005) and, as noted in a study among parents in
Saudi Arabic, parents lack of understanding surrounding gifted identification and services stands
out as a barrier for developing gifted programs and students (Al-Ghamdi, 2007). With that in
mind, the modern parent involvement policies sought by the district did not align with cultural
norms and expectations regarding parent involvement. While those parents sampled in this study
tended to be well educated, they saw local, less-educated peers as less knowledgeable and less
informed when it came to involvement. The implication from parents’ perspectives is that some
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parents are not aware of the importance of involvement or ways that involvement can manifest
itself at school and in the home. Thus, the recommendation would be to develop culturally
appropriate resources, such as workshops or pamphlets, that outline the impact that mothers and
fathers can have on the academic success of their child and simple steps that parents can take to
become more involved in the academic lives of their gifted students.
When an individual’s knowledge and skills increase, an increase in self-efficacy follows
suit (Pajares, 2006). In a study conducted with Latino parents who participated in programs that
built parents’ understanding of the impact of involvement, findings revealed that an increase in
knowledge resulted in an increase in parent knowledge about involvement and self-efficacy
(Crispeels & Gonzalez, 2004). While existing research on parent involvement tends to be more
Western in terms of context, the implications cross the cultural divide, especially as Abu Dhabi’s
schools begin to take on additional Western staff, curriculum, and policies. With this in mind, it
is important for schools to provide opportunities for parents to not only learn through materials
that inform them about involvement, but also provide them with opportunities to hear from
parents whose involvement approaches were successful in terms of supporting their student
academically.
Building Parental Linguistic Capacity
Within the findings presented in chapter 4, parents recognized the role that language
played in their ability to interact with staff members at the school and involve themselves in their
student’s coursework conducted in English. While those who participated in the study were fairly
proficient in English, they acknowledged that the majority of their peers did not have confidence
in their linguistic capacity. With that in mind, both the school and teachers need to be aware of
language as a barrier for parent involvement. While second language learners, into which Emirati
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parents can be categorized, often underestimate their linguistic competencies (MacIntyre, Noels,
& Clement, 1997), language confidence plays a role in perceived levels of self-efficacy.
Parents within the study recognized the availability of translators, both formal and
teachers who had the capacity to do speak both English and Arabic. Understandably, not all
parents desired having to communicate through other individuals. However, given the fact that
English has become an inclusive feature within education, social circles, and employment within
the UAE (Pennycook, 2001) the recommendation to build parental linguistic capacity aligns with
current changes in cultural norms. In order to help build parental self-efficacy and perceived
access to individuals at the school, opportunities to help parents develop their English language
skills should be explored. One recommendation for increasing parental self-efficacy around
English language proficiency is to offer conversational courses for parents in the afternoons or
evenings, potentially as part of the school’s community center initiative. In light of this, it is
important for schools to develop language policies that embrace language difference and provide
parents with opportunities to become involved regardless of language proficiency. It is
recommended however that the school continue to provide parents with bilingual forms of
communication as some parents might not find the linguistic changes, which tend to favor
English (Hopkyns, 2014; Pennycook, 2001), favorable.
Implications and Recommendations for Research
While mentioned previously in this study, it is important to again recognize that the
majority of existing research surrounding parent involvement, role construction, and gifted
identification and service was completed through non-Arab lenses in non-Arab settings. Given
the relative newness of gifted education in Arab states (Subhi-Yamin, 2009), the majority of
research that does pull data from the perspectives of Arab parents is either conducted using
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Western constructs (see Lavenda, 2011), or lacks the triangulation necessary to support stronger
findings. That being said, a number of relevant articles published in Arabic language journals
were discovered, but not accessible in terms of content. With that in mind, the translation of
existing Arabic research on parental involvement and gifted, as well as English research into
perspectives of Arab speaking parents, would add to the availability of data for researchers
working in both languages.
The more explicit recommendations for research are based on areas within the field
where gaps appeared, making it difficult to support findings or support research that existed in
the Western context. First, a large-scale study of parent involvement across the UAE, exploring
generational trends and perceptions as Western education models are further implemented,
would shed light on cultural norms and levels of involvement, as well as add an understanding
with regards to readiness for change at the policy level. Within a study on generational
differences cultural messaging and shifts in norms might also be explored. Second, a
comparative study that looks are involvement among parents of gifted students and parents of
students in the general population could bring to light evidence that points to parenting factors
that influence giftedness. Parent perceptions of giftedness, and more culturally rooted
characteristics, perceptions of desired services, might also be explored. Third, research that
further explores the role of language and the role it plays in parent involvement and advocacy
should be explored, not only in relation to gifted students, but the general student population as
well. Specific research that looks at self-efficacy, empowerment, and prevalence of English in
the region could have implications across a number of fields. Finally, research that looks at
cultural beliefs in relation to gifted identification and services would both add to the global
literature on identification and services and provide further insight into the perspectives of
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Emirati parents. When considering potential courses for future research it is important to
consider those limitations that were present within this study, including time, language, and
cultural limitations. It is suggested that future research take on a more collaborative approach,
with Western researchers partnering with local Emirati scholars. This collaboration could
mitigate existing limitations and lead to data collection that is more perhaps more conclusive.
Conclusion
This study sought to better understand the ways in which parents perceived to construct
their roles in relation to involvement in their child’s education. The knowledge and skills,
motivation, and organizational influences and barriers that impacted parent involvement were
explored in relation to cultural norms and school policy. Implications and recommendations for
practice, policy, and research were suggested based on data analysis and existing scholarship in
the field of parent involvement and role construction. Suggested implications for policy
development included:
1. Alignment and transparency with regards to cultural math and readiness of
“Westernization” of curricular and parental expectations.
2. Development of organizational policy that is more inclusive of fathers, especially
with regards to school based parenting councils and methods of communication.
3. Development of organizational policy that fosters collaboration and partnerships
between school and parents.
Furthermore, those working directly with parents, including stakeholders such as teachers and
administrators, can help build parental self-efficacy and increase involvement in education at
home and school. Implications for practice include, but are not limited to:
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1. Building parent understanding of the impact that involvement has on a student’s
academic success.
2. Build parental linguistic capacity and proficiency in English, making it easier for
them to access Western instructors and administrators.
Finally, suggested areas for research includes:
1. Research on stakeholder perspectives, especially those of parents, in relation to the
New School Model and the “Westernization” of the education system in Abu Dhabi.
2. Exploration on generational differences and shifts in cultural norms and expectations
across the UAE.
3. Additional research on the impact of parent involvement on student achievement,
with an emphasis on gifted students, access, and factors associated with gifted
identification.
4. Cultural beliefs and expectations for gifted identification and services, as well as
gifted characteristics specific to the region.
5. Applicable across a number of fields, a study that looks at English prevalence, self-
efficacy, and empowerment amidst a shifting cultural landscape is called for.
Based on the findings presented in this study, the expressed implications for policy, practice, and
future areas of research might potentially positively impact and support the work that
administrators and teachers in terms of understanding, and possibly increasing, involvement
among Emirati parents of gifted children.

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148
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APPENDIX A: Interview Protocol

Thank you for taking time to sit down and answer some questions that I have about
parenting and the role of parents at school. Please know that you do not have to answer every
question and that if you choose to, you can end the interview at any time. I am seeking to
understand your perspective and experiences, so details, stories and specific examples are
appreciated in your answers. The purpose of my study is to understand the experiences of parents
of gifted students in their child’s education.
I appreciate your willingness to volunteer and take part in my study, and I wanted to
remind you that this interview will be audio recorded. Once transcribed, the audio recording will
be destroyed. Only a small handful of professors helping me on this project will read the
transcriptions of our conversation. Your name will remain confidential and I will use a
pseudonym when I include your responses in my paper. Remember, you can choose to end the
interview at any time and do not have to answer questions if you do not wish to. Do you have
any questions before we get started?
Knowledge and Motivation
1. How is the beginning of the school year going for you and your children?
2. Can you describe a typical day before and after school? PROBE: What happens at home
after school each day? What routines and activities take place? What specifically do you
do with your child outside of school?
3. Can you describe a time when you were involved in your child’s education or
participated in a specific school activity that was particularly meaningful? (What made
that meaningful to you?)
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a. What makes a person want to become more involved in his/her child’s education?
What might make you want to become more involved in your child’s education?
b. What makes it difficult for a person to become more involved in his/her child’s
education? What might make it difficult for you to become more involved in your
child’s education?
4. Your child was identified through various assessments as high achieving and placed into
a ‘g’ class. How has your role or involvement as a parent changed since this
identification/placement took place?
a. What do you do differently than other parents? (PROBE: how you spend your
time with your child, the experiences you provide for your child, the money you
spend on your child?)
b. How is their new classroom (‘G’ class) different from their other previous
classrooms? (PROBE: Is the teaching different? Is the content more difficult?)
c. Suppose I was a new parent who just came to this school and had a child in the
gifted program. If I asked you what I should do as a parent to help my child be
successful, what would you tell me?
5. Other people can sometimes influence what we do. What people, if any, have played a
role in your decision to become involved in your child’s education?
a. In what ways would a person feel pressured/obligated to involve him or herself as
a parent in his/her child’s education? (PROBE: In what ways do you feel
pressured?)
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b. If you could change one thing about yourself, in order to make it easier to become
an involved parent, what would you change? Why? (language proficiency, work
schedule/availability, own education level, etc.)
Organization (School and Community)
1. How does the school staff and its teachers let you know what they expect you to do as a
parent? Can you give me some examples?
a. When are you invited to participate in activities at school, who usually invites
you? (Student, teacher, school invitation?)
b. What information should the school staff or teachers provide that would help you
be a better parent to a gifted student?
c. Let’s pretend that you became the school’s principal for a day. What is one thing
that you would change that would help parents of gifted children better help their
children with their education? (PROBE: At school, at home, with other family
members?)
2. I know that many families have nannies at home who support children in a number of
ways. What are the different ways that you support your child compared to how a nanny
might support your child in terms of their school work and education?
3. This school is one of the few co-ed schools in Abu Dhabi and has a staff that includes
both male and females. It also follows a very Western model in terms of instruction,
administration, school calendar, etc. What about it has made it difficult for you as an
Emirati parent to take part in school-family activities?
INVOLVEMENT OF EMIRATI PARENTS OF GIFTED

173
a. I know that this school has EMTs (English Medium Teachers) and AMTs (Arabic
Medium Teachers). What are some of the challenges that come with working with
both groups?
4. I want to understand parenting from your cultural perspective. What sort of general things
does the Koran say about parents and their role in education? (How does this influence
you as a parent?)
a. In what ways are the responsibilities of mothers and fathers different? The same?
b. What is the community responsible for teaching children? The school?
5. Is there anything that you want to add about parenting and how a person can do more to
help his/her gifted child?
Demographic Wrap-up Questions:
- Age/Gender/Number of Children
- Level of Education
- Profession

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Appendix B: Information and Recruitment Letter
Dear Parents,
I hope that you and your family are doing well and that the school year if off to a great
start. As you may know I am currently working on my doctorate at the University of Southern
California and am preparing to complete the research phase of my dissertation. My research
focuses on learning more about how culture, self-efficacy and communication impact a parent’s
level of involvement in gifted identification and education. Due to my background in gifted and
talented education, and the emergence of the pilot program at Mubarak bin Mohammed School, I
am interviewing parents of students who have been identified and placed in the ‘G’ classes.
Interviews will take approximately 60 minutes and will be held in the conference room or vacant
office of the school.
Please know that participation is voluntary and that there is no financial compensation
provided for those participating in the interviews. The interviews themselves will be audio-
recorded for research purposes and then transcribed. The audio-recordings will be destroyed and
no specific names or indicators will be used in my written analysis or further documentation.
Confidentiality will be taken into consideration at all times and if you choose to withdraw from
the interview or refrain from answering a specific question I will fully respect your decision. Any
comments that are made will have absolutely no bearing on your son/daughter’s placement in the
gifted program at this time or any time in the future. If you are able to participate we will provide
parking and childcare to accommodate you at the time of your interview.
As noted earlier, the purpose of this study is to understand what makes a parent chose to
become more or less involved in their child’s education. As a learning community, Mubarak bin
Mohammed school administrators and teachers may use the information to change some of the
ways they communicate and interact with parents of gifted students. Again, your name will not
be used in the study. Once the interview is completed the audio-recording will be transcribed by
a transcriptionist in both Arabic and English. You will have the opportunity to read through the
transcript from your interview and recommend corrections to responses. A pseudonym or false
name will be provided for you during this phase. You will be provided with a transcript of your
interview in order to ensure accurate representation of your thoughts and answers. If there is
anything you would like to delete or add you may do so at that time.
I appreciate your consideration for participating in my research. If you have any
questions or would like to participate please feel free to reach out to me via the email or phone. I
look forward to speaking with you soon. If you are interested in participating in this study, please
complete the background and contact information on the back of this sheet.
Sincerely,
Eric L. Fecht

Eric Fecht
USC Ed.D Candidate
efecht@usc.edu
+001.360.920.7010
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ء از ع لأا ر و ملأا ء اي لو أ ة د اس لا

ا ي ل ا ح ل م ع أ ا ن أ ن و م ل ع ت ا م ك . ةع ئ ا ر ةي ا د ب و ح ن ي س ا ر د ل ا م ا ع ل ا ر ي س ن و ك ي ن أ و م ك ت لا ئ ا ع و م ت ن أ ة د ي ج ة ّ ح ص ب و ر ي خ ب ا و ن و ك ت ن أ ل م آ
م
ّ ل ع ت ى ل ع ي ث ح ب ز ك ر ي . ي ت ل ا س ر ن م ث ح ب ل ا ة ل ح ر م ل ا م ك ت س لا د ع ت س أ و ا ي ن ر و ف ي ل ا ك ب و ن ج ةع م ا ج ن م ه ا ر و ت ك د ةج ر د ى ل ع ل و ص ح ل ل
ة ء اف كل او ةفا ق ث لا ر ث أ ل و ح د ي ز مل ا ي فو ن ي ب و ه و مل ا ب لا طلا د ي د ح ت ي ف ر و ملأا ء اي لو أ ةكر اش م ى و ت س م ى لع ل ص او ت لا و ةي ت اذلا
. م هم ي لع ت ا ر ظ ن ن ع ي د ل ر ف ا و ت ت ي ت ل ا ة ّ ي ف ر ع م ل ا ة ّ ي ف ل خ ل ل ي ذ ل ا ي ب ي ر ج ت ل ا ج م ا ن ر ب ل ا ى ل إ ةف ا ض لا ا ب ن ي ق
ّ و ف ت م ل ا و ن ي ب و ه و م ل ا م ي ل ع ت
ث د ح ت س ا ةفر غ ي ف ت لا ب اق م ء ار ج اب م و قأس ، د مح م ن ب ك ر اب م ةس ر د م ي ف ع م ةس ر د مل ا ي ف ر غ اش ب ت كم ي أ ي ف و أ ت اع امت ج لاا
ـلا فو ف ص ي ف م هع ض و م ت ن ي ذ لا ةب لطل ا ر و مأ ء اي لو أ ‘G’ ي لاو ح ةلب اق م ل ك قر غت س ت س و 60 ةق ي قد .

ةي ع و ط ةكر ا ش مل ا ن أ م لع لا ى ج ر ي هن أو ةل ج س م ت لا ب ا ق م ل ا ه ذ ه ن و ك ت س . ت لا ب ا ق م ل ا ي ف ن ي ك ر ا ش م ل ل م ّ د ق ُ ي ي ل ا م ض ي و ع ت ي أ د ج و ي لا غ لأ ا ي ت و ص ي ف ة د د ح م ت ا ر ش ؤ م و أ ء ا م س أ ة ّ ي أ ر ك ذ ى ل ع ي ت آ ن ل . ا ه ف لا ت ا م ت ي س ك ل ذ د ع ب و ا ه ص و ص ن خ س ن م ت ي م ث ث ح ب ل ا ض ا ر
م ت ر ت خ ا ل ا ح ي ف و ، ل م ع ل ا ل ح ا ر م ع ي م ج ي ف ةي ر س ل ا ى ع ا ر
ُ ت س . ى ر خ لأ ا ق ئ ا ث و ل ا ن م ٍ ي أ ي ف لا و ه ب ت ك أ س ي ذ ل ا ي ل ي ل ح ت ل ا ر ي ر ق ت ل ا
ى لع ةب اج لإا ن ع عان ت ملاا و أ ةلب اق مل ا ن م ب اح س ن لاا ى ل ع ٍ ت ا ق ي ل ع ت ي لأ ا ر ث أ ك ا ن ه ن و ك ي ن ل و ا ذ ه م ك ر ا ر ق م ر ت ح أ س ف ن ي ّ ع م ل ا ؤ س
م ك ل ر
ّ ف و ن س ةك ر ا ش م ل ا ى ل ع ا ر د ا ق ت ن ك ا ذ إ . ل ب ق ت س م ل ا ي ف م أ ي ل ا ح ل ا ت ق و ل ا ي ف ن ا ك ء ا و س ن ي ب و ه و م ل ا ج م ا ن ر ب ي ف م ك ئ ا ن ب أ ع ض و
ةلب اق مل ا ء ان ث أ م كل اف طلأ ةي اع ر و ت ار اي س لل فق او م .

ن م ض ر غ ل ا ن إ ،
ا ق ب ا س ا ن ر ك ذ ا م ك . م هئ ان ب أ م ي لع ت ي ف ر و ملأا ء اي لو أ ةكر اش م ى و ت س م ى لع ر ث ؤ ي ي ذ لا ام م هف ن ن أ و ه ة س ار د لا ه ذ ه
ه ذ ه د مح م ن ب ك ر اب م ةس ر د م ي ف ن و مل عم لاو ن و ي ي ر ادلا ا م د خ ت س ي د ق ت امو لع مل ا ء اي لو أ ع م ل ع اف ت لاو ل ص او ت لا قر ط ض عب ر ي ي غت ل
ر د ل ا ه ذ ه ي ف ء ا م س أ ر ك ذ م ت ي ن ل ه ن أ ّ لا إ ، ن ي ب و ه و م ل ا ب لا ط ل ا ر و م أ د ر ج م ب ، ة ل ح ر م ل ا ه ذ ه ل لا خ ة ر ا ع ت س م ء ا م س أ ى ط ع
ُ ت س ل ب ةس ا
م كن كم ي . ةي ز ي لج ن لإاو ةي ب ر عل ا ن ي ت غل لاب ةلج س مل ا ص و ص ن لا ةع اب طب خ س ن لا ل اج م ي ف ل مع ت ةي ن هم ةهج م و ق ت س ةلب اق مل ا ن م ء اهت ن لاا
ص ل كش ب م كر اكف أ ل ي ث مت اهن أ ن م د كأت لل م كت ب و ج أ ى لع ةمز لا لا ت اح ي ح ص ت لا ب لطو م كت لب اق م ص ن ة ء ار ق ي أ د ج و ل اح ي ف . ح ي ح
اهن ي ح ك لذب م اي ق لا م كن اكم إب ن و كي هت فاض إ و أ ه فذح ي ف ن و ب غ ر ت ء ي ش .

ت ا م و ل ع م ة ر ا م ت س ا ء ل م و ج ر أ ، ةك ر ا ش م ل ا م ت د ر أ ل ا ح ي ف . م ا ر ت ح ا و ٍ ر ي د ق ت ط ح م ي ه ي ث ح ب ي ف ةك ر ا ش م ل ا ي ف م ك م ا م ت ه ا
لا ف ةلئ س أ ةي أ م ك ي د ل ت ن اك اذإ و ةقر و لا ه ذ ه ر هظ ى لع ة د و ج و مل ا ل ص او ت لاو فر اعت لا د ي ر ب لا ر ب ع ي عم ل ص او ت لا ي ف او د د ر ت ت فت اهل ا ل لا خ ن م و أ ي ن و ر ت كل لإا .

ب ي ر ق م كع م ث د ح ت لا و م كب ء اق لل ع لطت أ ا .

صلخملا
ت يكيف .ل ك
ِ رإ

ميلعتلاو ةيبرتلا يف هاروتكدلا ةجردل حشرملا
بونج ةعماج اينروفيلاك
:ينورتكللاا ديربلا efecht@usc.edu
+001.360.920.7010فتاهلا :

INVOLVEMENT OF EMIRATI PARENTS OF GIFTED

176
Information Screener for Volunteers
نيكراشملا تامولعم ةقيثو

Name:مسلاا ______________________ Phone Number:فتاهلا مقر _____________________

Email :يديربلا ناونعلا ____________________________ Genderسنجلا : Maleركذ Female ىثنأ

Age:رمعلا ____________

Occupation: ةنهملا _________________________

Number of children currently/previously enrolled in “G” classes:
ـلا ف وفص ي ف
ً ايلاح ن يلجسملا /مهليجست مت ن يذلا دلا ولأ ا ددع ” ______ “G

Level of Education (circle highest degree obtained)ىوتسملا لوح ةرئاد عض( :يساردلا ىوتسملا ) :

Cycle 2ةيناث ةقلح ةلحرم High School (Cycle 3)ةيوناث Bachelorsةيعماج ةجرد

Mastersريتسجام Doctorateةاروتكد

Abstract (if available)

Abstract In 2010, the Abu Dhabi Education Council (ADEC) introduced the New School Model to public schools across the emirate of Abu Dhabi, building out bilingual, school leadership, gifted, and STEM programs (ADEC, 2010). This study examined two research questions that sought to understand parent involvement from the perspectives of Emirati parents of children who had been identified and placed in a self-contained program for gifted students. The initial research question looked at Emirati parents of gifted children and their perceptions of the way that their knowledge and motivation played out in the way that they constructed their involvement in their child’s education. Findings revealed that, in general, cultural messages and norms influenced the ways in which parents constructed their roles with regards to involvement. Fathers involved themselves through financial support and mothers took on the responsibility with education well-being by supporting students both at home and at school. Variation in involvement was influenced by English proficiency, religious teachings, exposure to education outside of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and level of education. The second research question explored involvement from the organizational policy level and in which Emirati parents of gifted children’s knowledge skills, and motivation, and regard for school policy, practice, and cultural norms interacted to shape their willingness to involve themselves in their child’s education. Findings revealed that school policy reflected and reinforced cultural norms and expectations surrounding involvement of mothers and fathers.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Fecht, Eric Lancaster (author)

Core Title Emirati parents of gifted students: a study of role construction and involvement

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Publication Date 09/18/2017

Defense Date 08/18/2017

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Emirati,gifted,involvement,OAI-PMH Harvest,Parents,role construction

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Slayton, Julie (committee chair), Min, Emmy (committee member), Stambaugh, Tamra (committee member)

Creator Email efecht@gmail.com,efecht@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-429795

Unique identifier UC11264321

Identifier etd-FechtEricL-5729.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-429795 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-FechtEricL-5729.pdf

Dmrecord 429795

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Fecht, Eric Lancaster

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA