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The revitalization and re-branding of America’s next “It” city: a look into downtown Los Angeles

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The revitalization and re-branding of America’s next “It” city: a look into downtown Los Angeles

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Content The Revitalization and Re-branding of America’s Next “It” City: A look into downtown Los Angeles By Johnna Hughes ____________________________________________________________________________ A Thesis Presented to the FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS (STRATEGIC PUBLIC RELATIONS) August 2017 1 Table of Contents Introduction — Page 5 Chapter 1 — The History and Use of City Branding — Page 18 Chapter 2 — Tourism and Travel in Los Angeles — Page 23 Chapter 3 — History of Downtown Los Angeles — Page 28 Chapter 4 — The Beginning of a New Era — Page 31 Chapter 5 — History of Homelessness in Downtown Los Angeles — Page 36 Chapter 6 — The City’s Relationship with Homelessness — Page 40 Chapter 7 — Public Relations and Rebranding Homelessness — Page 46 Chapter 8 — Gentrification & Anti-gentrification — Page 50 Chapter 9 — Crime in Downtown Los Angeles — Page 61 Chapter 10 — Pre-existing Sentiment Surrounding Downtown Los Angeles — Page 68 Chapter 11 — Conclusions — Page 72 Bibliography — Page 74 Appendix — Page 83  2 List of Figures Figure 1: Map of downtown Los Angeles neighborhoods Figure 2: Graph of Chinese investment by location Figure 3: Graph of homelessness in L.A. County Figure 4: Gentrification comic  3 Research Methodology For the purpose of this thesis, the author began with primary research by interviewing branding experts, downtown Los Angeles strategists and economic planners and local residents. Interviewees included Jon Vidar, partner & co-founder of AVG, a creative branding firm, Nick Griffin, economic director at the Downtown Center Business Improvement District (DCBID), Elan Shore, associate director of research & special projects at (DCBID) and Phil America, California- based artist, writer and activist. Each interviewee provided valuable insight into specific portions of this thesis. Vidar is currently heading up the marketing efforts to populate downtown Los Angeles’ newest residential properties. Griffin was instrumental in providing critical economic and historic context for better understanding the downtown renaissance. Shore contributed valuable insight into the cultural and economic dimensions of downtown Los Angeles. The discussion with America provided an insightful outlook into the traditional communities of Los Angeles as well as the interaction between art and disenfranchised neighborhoods. Following the author’s initial interviews, several anecdotal interviews were conducted with current Los Angeles residents over the course of the study. The author also completed content analysis of over 100 different news articles, government memos, and academic journals. This analysis primarily focused on articles featuring keywords including “geo-branding”, “revitalization”, “downtown Los Angeles”, “homelessness”, “crime” and “gentrification”.   4 Introduction   Los Angeles goes by many names, the City of Angels, La La Land, City of Flowers and Sunshine, Tinsel Town. It is the birthplace of popular culture by way of entertainment and the home of people who reference every freeway with the word “the” before the name. To those who don’t live in Los Angeles, it can seem like an amalgamation of movies like La La Land or Clueless, shows like 90210 or Keeping up with the Kardashians. But L.A. is a city that has so much more to offer than cold-pressed juices or incessant traffic with a cultural fabric that is as rich as it is diverse. Although the city is a puzzle of neighborhoods, cultures and populations, particularly fascinating is the once dormant downtown corridor. Downtown Los Angeles is at a bit of a crossroads. In the latter half of the 20th century, much of the area was plagued with chronic homelessness, drug dealers and empty storefronts. What little activity happened in the area happened solely in the collection of several skyscrapers and ended abruptly at 5 p.m. Grocery stores were non-existent and the residential market was bleak, to say the least. After a decade and a half of revitalization efforts, downtown L.A. began to become something else. In a paradigm shift, the area has become one of the fastest growing areas in the city. New multi-billion dollar condo projects, backed by foreign money, have invaded the southern portion of the neighborhood. The northern portion of downtown has become a bastion of high-culture with institutions like the Broad, the Museum of Contemporary Art and Walt Disney Music Hall rubbing elbows with award-winning-chef owned restaurants like Otium. Curious West-siders trickle in on the weekends to explore the bustling Grand Central Market and Chinese tourists 5 pose for pictures on the roof of the impossibly hip Ace Hotel. The residential population has tripled. But downtown L.A. is not bereft of its long-standing issues from the pre- renaissance days. Homelessness is still a constant and continuously growing problem, exacerbated by a newly affluent population and shrinking space. The rapid gentrification of the neighborhood has made the area vulnerable to losing portions of the identity that made it so special. Fierce anti-gentrification rhetoric poses a threat to new residents and businesses alike. Crime continues to complicate growth and downtown’s reputation as the seedy, under-belly of Los Angeles is still hard to shake. Downtown L.A. is simultaneously facing the opportunity to foster further development or the possibility of watching it implode. The focus of this paper will explore all of these deep-seated issues and subsequently examine ways that public relations tools and strategic planning can be utilized to help downtown continue towards more growth. To understand why downtown Los Angeles specifically is such a fascinating case study, we must first understand the city of Los Angeles as a whole.   Originally settled by a group of 11 families from Mexico, L.A. was given its first name, El Pueblo Sobre el Rio de Nuestra Señora la Reina de los Angeles del Río de Porciúncula in 1781. The first residents of Los Angeles settled in the area in 1850 after 1 the frenzied arrival of California gold diggers. In 1913, the first movie was filmed in 2 Hollywood and by 1920, 80 percent of the world’s films were being shot in California. 3 "Historical Timeline of Los Angeles." Discover Los Angeles. LA Tourism & Convention Board, 1 1 Sept. 2016. Web. ibid 2 ibid 3 6 Only four years later the city’s population grew to over a million people. Since then the 4 growth hasn’t stopped and today the city is home to almost 4,000,000 people and occupies nearly 500 square miles of Southern California. Those 500 square miles are a 5 little bit like an ecological microcosm of the southern portion of California. L.A. offers its residents a wide array of different ecosystems all within an arm’s reach. The terrain ranges from everything from pine studded mountains to concrete jungles to lush, picturesque coast line. Equally as diverse are the 114 different neighborhoods within Los Angeles. We won’t discuss every one, but to better understand the neighborhood 6 that is the focus of this paper, downtown, we need to understand the context in which it exists. One of the most symbolic areas of Los Angeles is the “Westside.” The area is home to 23 very distinct neighborhoods, the majority of which are west of the 405 freeway. Some of the most well-known neighborhoods are Santa Monica, Venice and the Pacific Palisades. That being said, according to the L.A. Times, the westside also encompasses neighborhoods like Culver City, Brentwood and Pico-Robertson. The 7 article details the demographic of the westside as 63 percent white, a shocking majority when compared to the city-wide demographic of white residents that comes in ibid 4 "Census profile: Los Angeles, CA." Census Reporter. U.S. Census Bureau, 2015. Web. 5 "Mapping L.A." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, n.d. Web. <http://maps.latimes.com/ 6 neighborhoods/>. ibid 7 7 at only 28 percent. Additionally the city-wide population of Hispanics is around 49 8 percent, much higher than that of the 15 percent that live on the westside of L.A. The 9 area is home to the storied higher-education institution, UCLA, and famed tourist attractions like Santa Monica’s 3rd Street Promenade and Pier. A couple of other notable neighborhoods on the westside are Beverly Hills (despite being an independent city) and Bel-Air. The hilly, mansion-laden area of Bel-Air happens to be an astounding 83 percent white with the vast majority of households making well over $125,000 a year. In the same thread, the city of Beverly Hills boasts a demographic of 81 percent 10 white with a household income ringing in at a slightly lower $96,000 a year.   11 On the opposite side of the spectrum in Los Angeles, South L.A. This area is home to 28 neighborhoods all situated south of downtown, some well-known ones being Watts, University Park and Historic South-Central. It also includes areas as west as Baldwin 12 Hills and areas as far south as Willowbrook. South L.A. boasts demographics that are starkly different from that of West L.A. Here, whites account for only 2.2 percent of the population while the remainder of the area is over 56 percent Latino and 38 percent Black. South L.A. is home to the University of Southern California, yet only 8.2 13 percent of residents have a four-year degree. The majority of residents have less than a "Census profile: Los Angeles, CA." Census Reporter. U.S. Census Bureau, 2015. Web 8 ibid 9 "Mapping L.A." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, n.d. Web. <http://maps.latimes.com/ 10 neighborhoods/>. ibid 11 ibid 12 ibid 13 8 high school degree, about 203,425 residents out of the population of about 388,827. The highest percentage of households (41%) in South L.A. make $20,000 or less a year followed by 28% of households that make between $20,000 to $40,000 a year. 14 Another area we should look into is northwest of downtown, the San Fernando Valley. Known colloquially as “the Valley,” the region is situated west of the Angeles National Forest and south of Antelope Valley. A short drive — depending on the time of day — up the 101 freeway lands us in an area of 34 different neighborhoods with an overall population of almost 1,500,000 million people. The Valley consists of neighborhoods 15 like North Hollywood, Van Nuys and Burbank. On the northern end of the region sits the suburban Slymar and Granada Hills at the feet of the Santa Susana Mountains. 16 The Valley is an interesting juxtaposition of communities. On one hand you have the well-heeled Porter Ranch with a median household income of around $121,000 and a nearly 27 percent Asian populace. On the other hand you have the 86% Latino 17 population of nearby Pacoima with a median yearly household income of about $49,000. Slightly south sits Woodland Hills, a neighborhood that is 78 percent white where 47 percent of the population has a four-year degree. In a way, the Valley is an 18 entity of its own. Geographically removed from the hustle of downtown and the surrounding neighborhoods but still quintessentially a part of the Los Angeles culture. ibid 14 ibid 15 ibid 16 "Census profile: Los Angeles, CA." Census Reporter. U.S. Census Bureau, 2015. Web 17 ibid 18 9 The Valley is also home to some of the biggest movie and TV studios in the entertainment world. Warner Brothers, Universal and Disney Studios are all located in the Valley along with numerous independent production studios. 19 This brings us to the next fact that we need to understand to conceptualize Los Angeles, that is the huge, cultural behemoth that is the entertainment industry and its influence on the identity of Tinsel Town. According to a study conducted by the Los Angeles Country Economic Development Corporation in 2012, the entertainment industry generated 161,862 jobs and over $18.9 billion in wages across 13,000 entertainment establishments. The study explains that the majority of these positions 20 were located in the motion picture and video related sectors through companies like Sony, NBCUniversal, Walt Disney and Paramount. In 2016, out of the 13 Fortune 500 companies based in Los Angeles, two of them were entertainment related including Walt Disney Studios and Live Nation, Inc. The city of Los Angeles alone is responsible 21 for almost 35 percent of all motion picture and sound production in the entire United States. It’s undeniable that Los Angeles is not only influenced by the entertainment 22 industry economically, but also culturally. "Hollywood's Backlot - SCV." Hollywood's Backlot, Valencia & Santa Clarita Valley in Los 19 Angeles County. N.p., 19 Jan. 2017. Web. Kleinhenz, Robert, Ferdinando Guerra, Christin Cooper, and Myasnik Poghosyan. The 20 Entertainment Industry and the Los Angeles County Economy. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation, Nov. 2012. PDF. Fine, Howard. "13 Top Fortune 500 Companies in L.A. County." 13 Top Fortune 500 21 Companies in L.A. County | Los Angeles Business Journal. N.p., 16 June 2016. Web. Kleinhenz, Robert, Ferdinando Guerra, Christin Cooper, and Myasnik Poghosyan. The 22 Entertainment Industry and the Los Angeles County Economy. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation, Nov. 2012. PDF. 10 Los Angeles finds its heart in the deeply engrained vascular system of artists and creative types that populate every stretch of the city. Arts and culture are so important that in 1925 the city created the Department of Cultural Affairs to “strengthen the quality of life in Los Angeles by stimulating and supporting arts and cultural activities, ensuring public access to the arts for residents and visitors alike.” A common trope in 23 L.A. is that of the starry-eyed transplant with dreams of making it big as the world’s next big actor/artist/writer/musician. That being said, the cultural makeup of the city goes far beyond that of hopeful actors and Vine Stars. The city is home to more museums than any other city in the U.S. With bastions of culture like the J. Paul Getty 24 Museum and the LACMA, plus hip newcomers like the Broad or underground artist collectives like Think Tank Gallery, L.A. is far from a cultural vacuum. The stigma certainly still exists though. In a piece in LA Weekly, the author posits, “Los Angeles has a bad reputation when it comes to high culture,” the article is aptly named, “Los Angeles Ranks as a Cultural Wasteland?” Compiling research that compares the 25 amount of cultural institutions to population, Los Angeles surprisingly scored below Indianapolis. Not only did Indianapolis have more cultural venues per capita, it also had a total of more cultural venues than Los Angeles. That being said, advocates of the 26 L.A. culture scene seem to think that Los Angeles is doing just fine. In a document "About." Department of Cultural Affairs. N.p., n.d. Web. 23 ibid 24 Romero, Dennis. "Los Angeles Ranks as a Cultural Wasteland?" L.A. Weekly. N.p., 02 Apr. 25 2016. Web. Barragan, Bianca. "Laugh It Up: Indianapolis Has More Culture Than Los Angeles." Curbed 26 LA. Curbed LA, 26 Aug. 2014. Web. 11 published by UCLA’s Graduate Division Student Ambassadors and Work-Study Students, the authors assert that the idea that L.A. has no culture is a “myth” and cite attractions such as LA Live, LA Music Center and the Walt Disney Concert Hall as “lively, fun and cultural activities” that are driving culture in Los Angeles. Los Angeles 27 Magazine seemed to agree and conclusively deemed the assertion that, “There is no real culture in L.A.” as “false.” Their reasoning was found in the advantageous and free membership to L.A.’s Museum of Contemporary Art (MOCA). 28 Art is not the only thing to explore when attempting to better understand the identity of Los Angeles. Another huge pillar of L.A. is the vast sport’s landscape. The city happens to be home to a number of world-class sports teams across the board. Currently seven professional sports teams call Los Angeles home, including the Los Angeles Rams, the Lakers, the Clippers and the Dodgers. The city’s relationship with sports is anything 29 but new though, the first ever Rose Bowl game was played in L.A. in 1902 when Michigan defeated Stanford. In 1932, the Summer Olympics were hosted in Los 30 Angeles. Baldwin Hills became an Olympic Village and an Olympic Stadium was build in Exposition Park, now known as the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum. In 1958 the Dodgers, formally based in Brooklyn, played in Los Angeles for the first time as the Myths of Los Angeles - True or False? Los Angeles: Graduate Division Student Ambassadors 27 and Work-Study Students - UCLA, 2013. PDF. Fitzpatrick, Kyle. "Here's the Truth About 8 Things You've Probably Heard About L.A." Los 28 Angeles Magazine. N.p., 09 Sept. 2015. Web. "Los Angeles Sports Teams and Events." L.A. Tourist. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 "Historical Timeline of Los Angeles." Discover Los Angeles. LA Tourism & Convention Board, 30 1 Sept. 2016. Web. 12 infamous L.A. Dodgers and became the first Major League Baseball team west of Missouri. It wasn’t until 1960 that the Minneapolis Lakers basketball team came to 31 Los Angeles and formally became the Los Angeles Lakers, a team with a roster that even the most unrehearsed sports fans could rattle off. Everyone from Kareem Abdul- 32 Jabbar to Earvin “Magic” Johnson to Shaquille O’Neal and Kobe Bryant have all worn the Lakers jersey. In 1962 Dodger Stadium was erected in the Chavez Ravine in Elysian Heights. Today you can still sit in the rafters with a Modelo and a Dodger dog and 33 watch the sun set over the palm tree-speckled mountain behind the field. In 1967 Super Bowl I invaded the historic Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum in Exposition Park. 34 Later that year the Los Angeles Forum was opened and served as home to the Los Angeles Kings hockey team. L.A. then hosted the summer Olympic games in 1984, 35 marking it as the only American city to ever host the games twice. In 1999, STAPLES 36 Center was opened downtown as the new arena for basketball and hockey and became instrumental in the revitalization of downtown Los Angeles as we will explore later on. Perhaps one of the most important, or at least the most infamous, parts of Los Angeles’ identity is that of the incessant, horrendous traffic. It’s obvious that the ibid 31 ibid 32 ibid 33 ibid 34 ibid 35 ibid 36 13 clogged freeways and smog-laden horizon are one of L.A.’s biggest issues. Even on the most sun-drenched and fair days everything from the 405 to the 101 seems to be the stage for a game of stop and go — and don’t even think about when it rains. According to a study covered in the L.A. Times, “Drivers in the Los Angeles-Long Beach-Santa Ana region spent 81 hours idling on freeways in 2015, the worst cumulative delay of any U.S. metropolitan area.” Apparently, the southbound 101 37 freeway seems to be the most congested freeway in the city. The article explained that drivers on the 101 during peak times move at only around 17 mph and spend about 58 minutes longer on the freeway than they would if there were no traffic. Congested 38 traffic has long haunted Los Angeles. According to an article in MentalFloss, Los Angeles was originally intended to house many more freeways than actually came to fruition. Many roads were left unfinished in the sixties and seventies and as time went 39 on the existing freeways became nearly impossible to expand. Not only are they now 40 logistically difficult to build out, but according to Fast Company, expanding or creating new freeways would just create more traffic. So what about public transit? Another 41 stigma that Los Angeles seems to carry is the lack of a reliable or efficient public transit system. In reality, Los Angeles currently provides public transit access to 99.1 percent of “no-car households” in the city compared to the slightly lower 98.7 percent of no-car Nelson, Laura J. "Los Angeles area can claim the worst traffic in America. Again." Los 37 Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 15 Mar. 2016. Web. ibid 38 Schwarz, Lana. "Why Is L.A. Traffic So Awful?" Mental Floss. N.p., 04 Aug. 2015. Web. 39 ibid 40 Schwartz, Ariel. "Building More Roads Only Causes More Traffic." Fast Company. Fast 41 Company, 30 July 2012. Web. 14 households that have access to public transit in New York City. The vast majority of 42 this transit is rooted in bus transportation, with nearly 16,000 bus stops and 170 different routes city-wide compared to the 93 Metro Rail stations that occupy only four light rail lines and two subway lines. That being said, it was a huge win for the city 43 when the Los Angeles County MTA finally completed the long-awaited Blue Line that currently runs from downtown Los Angeles to Santa Monica. Large infrastructure projects like this have historically run into roadblocks due to the complexities and political powers that be. One example is the 710 extension. I-710 is a freeway that connects the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach to a number of different transport facilities that move goods across the state. For years there has been a vicious back and forth concerning how to connect this freeway, which ends abruptly near Alhambra to the 210 freeway that lies to the North in Pasadena. An extension of the 710 to 44 connect the 210 would provide a way for trucks transporting goods from the ports to continue traveling north without having to flow over onto local residential streets. 45 Opponents to the extension argue that the displacement of families from their homes, along with the destruction of historic districts, are primary reasons not to continue forward with the project. For a period of time it seemed as if the city might have a plan in the form of a nearly 5-mile, $3.2 billion highway tunnel but this plan was shut down Sledge, Matt. "Los Angeles Public Transit Access Top Among Major Metropolitan Areas, 42 Besting Even New York." The Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost.com, 18 Aug. 2011. Web. "Facts at a Glance." LA Metro Home. Los Angeles Metropolitan Transportation Authority, 18 43 Nov. 2016. Web. Weikel, Dan. "Metro board drops support for controversial 710 Freeway tunnel." Los Angeles 44 Times. Los Angeles Times, 25 May 2017. Web. ibid 45 15 in May 2017 after the MTA withdrew its support of the project. The project was up in 46 the air for so long that the California Department of Transportation finally decided to sell off dozens of homes originally purchased to make way for the freeway. The 47 California Bullet Train is another example of a transportation project that has been halted due to a number of reasons. Everything from Central Valley Farmers filing lawsuit after lawsuit to difficulty securing funding has prolonged the construction of the train. 48 The bullet train would travel through the entire state but the convenient, fast route between San Francisco and Los Angeles would more than likely be monumental in increasing tourism into L.A. So although there is validity to the idea that L.A. is the traffic capital of the country, there is also an expansive and underserved public transit system as well. Another particular image that seems to be associated with Los Angeles is the welcoming, neon glow of a taco truck at 2:30 a.m. A small card table to the left of the truck is often filled with tubs of every salsa you can imagine, cilantro and onions and pickled jalapeños and carrots. If you’re lucky, there are a couple of overturned buckets or crates serving as makeshift seating for ravished bar goers to devour their carne asada on Styrofoam plates. As prevalent as this scene is on virtually every street in the city, Los Angeles also happens to offer one of the fastest growing and most diverse dining scenes in the entire country. Recently voted “number three” by the Washington ibid 46 Chiland, Elijah. "Caltrans is selling off homes along the never-built 710 freeway extension." 47 Curbed LA. Curbed LA, 20 Dec. 2016. Web. Broverman, Neal. "Against All Odds, the California Bullet Train Barrels Forward." Los Angeles 48 Magazine. N.p., 28 Apr. 2017. Web. 16 Post for “The 10 Best Food Cities in America,” L.A. is only bested by San Francisco in spot number two and Portland in spot number one — take that New York! The article 49 cites L.A.’s rich diversity in communities and heritages for some of the most unique and mouth-watering fusion dishes to ever exist. Although Los Angeles has ritzy, fine 50 dining in spades, the thousands of small, authentic “just like home” restaurants operated by immigrants from every stretch of the world are where L.A.’s food scene really shines. Jonathan Gold, the first food critic to ever win a Pulitzer Prize, has dedicated much of his life to exploring and sharing this scene with the rest of L.A. Gold travels from strip malls in Thai Town to shopping centers in Arcadia to find everything from Kare kare, a traditional Filipino oxtail stew to Farinata, an Italian crepe made with chickpea flower. The L.A. restaurant scene is vibrant, casual, obsessed with 51 reinvention and unconcerned with your silly Michelin stars. 52 Sietsama, Tom. "The 10 best food cities in America, ranked." The Washington Post. WP 49 Company, 21 Dec. 2015. Web. ibid 50 Gold, Jonathan. "Jonathan Gold's 10 best dishes of 2016." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles 51 Times, 9 Dec. 2016. Web. Nagourney, Adam. "Los Angeles Restaurant Scene Is on the Move and Mixing It Up." The 52 New York Times. The New York Times, 09 May 2017. Web. 17 Chapter 1 — The History and Use of City Branding When we think of the word “brand,” it’s easy to immediately imagine consumer brands like Samsung, Apple or Amazon. Or maybe you think about your own personal brand, the way that you market yourself to the world. A brand is formally defined as “kind, grade, or make, as indicated by a stamp, trademark, or the like, ” so branding is defined as “to label or mark with or as if with a brand.” That being said, rarely do we 53 conceptualize branding a physical place or the strategies that cities can utilize to market themselves. Geo-branding is the practice of branding an actual place in the same way that a company would brand a consumer product or service. The benefits 54 of city branding are numerous but the biggest advantage can be examined by understanding the extreme competition cities face in today’s age when attempting to attract tourism, investment, businesses and talent. If the perceived value of a brand is 55 high enough, this can be an essential factor in driving financial performance and longevity for that brand. When a city is pulling in the top talent in various sectors 56 combined with flourishing businesses and a healthy economy, the entire population does well. To do this, cities must compete on a global stage. There are multiple facets when considering how competitive a city is. "Brand." Merriam-Webster. Merriam-Webster, n.d. Web. 53 Freire, Joao. "Geo-branding, are we talking nonsense? A theoretical reflection on brands 54 applied to places." Place Branding 1.4 (2005): 347-62. ResearchGate. Web. Dinnie, K. City branding: theory and cases. Place of publication not identified: Palgrave 55 Macmillan, 2014. Print. Freire, Joao. "Geo-branding, are we talking nonsense? A theoretical reflection on brands 56 applied to places." Place Branding 1.4 (2005): 347-62. ResearchGate. Web. 18 “In order for a city to be globally competitive, it must have a large and growing economy, a good legal system, an inviting and productive culture, good infrastructure and it must have good policy on things that determine long-term stability and success, like the environment.” - Michael B Sauter (24/7 Wall Street) In 2012, the Economist Intelligence Unit released a report benchmarking global city competitiveness. In the report “economic size and growth,” “business and regulatory environment” and “quality of human capital/cultural aspects” were measured to better understand the most competitive cities around the globe. Los Angeles landed in spot 57 number 19 out of 60 cities while cities like New York, London and Singapore landed in the top three spots respectively. Each city was then ranked 1-60 in a number of 58 different categories. L.A. was 17th in “economic strength,” 33rd in “financial maturity,” 10th in “institutional effectiveness,” 2nd in “social and cultural character” and 15th in “human capital”. Unfortunately Los Angeles was 54th in “environment and natural 59 disasters” but managed to land in number 20 for “global appeal.” In 2016, PwC also 60 Watson, James, Monaj Vohra, Sudhir Vadaketh, Sarah Fister Gale, and Premila Nazareth. 57 Hot Spots: Benchmarking global city competitiveness . N.p.: Economist Intelligence Unit, Jan. 2012. PDF. ibid 58 Watson, James, Monaj Vohra, Sudhir Vadaketh, Sarah Fister Gale, and Premila Nazareth. 59 Hot Spots: Benchmarking global city competitiveness . N.p.: Economist Intelligence Unit, Jan. 2012. PDF. Watson, James, Monaj Vohra, Sudhir Vadaketh, Sarah Fister Gale, and Premila Nazareth. 60 Hot Spots: Benchmarking global city competitiveness . N.p.: Economist Intelligence Unit, Jan. 2012. PDF. 19 released a report benchmarking 30 globally competitive cities. Los Angeles was the fourteenth most competitive city while London, Singapore and Toronto rounded out the top three most competitive respectively. L.A. scored low in “economic clout,” defined 61 as a look into the number of global 500 headquarters and employment growth, and “city gateway,” defined as how easily it is to enter and exit the city. L.A. scored high 62 in “demographics and livability,” “ease of doing business,” and “intellectual capital and innovation.” 63 Continually making the top 20 on competitive city lists is great for Los Angeles but it also shows there is still quite a lot of space to become more competitive. Geo- branding is a strategic way to market a city to both potential residents and tourists and therefore increasing everything from human capital to economic strength. By successfully implementing a brand strategy, Los Angeles could position itself as an even more globally competitive city. The city has its strengths in factors like livability and institutional effectiveness but still managed to barely make the top 20 for global appeal. Luckily, L.A. has a solid springboard to use when implementing a more comprehensive branding strategy. Creating a successful geo-branding campaign is far from easy, though. Jose Torres from Bloom Consulting, a strategy consulting firm that specializes in nation and place branding, explained in City Metric, “There’s something special about every city. City Cities of Opportunity 7. N.p.: PricewaterhouseCoopers, 2016. PDF. 61 ibid 62 ibid 63 20 branding isn’t about inventing something; it’s about discovering what’s already there.” 64 City officials should focus on what makes their city’s strengths and what makes their city unique and then create an overarching brand concept that includes these characteristics. In The Guardian, Robert Jones, a consultant director at Wolff Olins, a cutting-edge brand consultancy firm with extensive hospitality experience, mentions that cities should, “start by working on reality, not image — do the regeneration, the investment, the transformation first, and only when change is visible should you start to ‘brand’ it.” It’s important for Los Angeles to understand that a successful, lasting city 65 brand cannot be implemented until the city’s underlying concerns and problems are understood and addressed. This ties into the idea of sustainability, both sustainability of the city brand and the sustainability of the city itself. Creating a sustainable, 66 positive brand is achieved primarily by actions, not through words.   67 Downtown Los Angeles is the newest up-and-coming neighborhood, it has everyone’s attention and it’s a good place to start when considering how to create a successful branding campaign. As the neighborhood experiences this startling and powerful revitalization, it faces a huge opportunity to release this new brand — the 2028 Olympics. According to the L.A. Olympic bid website, downtown Los Angeles would North, Samantha. "Why do most city branding campaigns fail?" CityMetric. New Statesman, 64 21 Aug. 2014. Web. Salman, Saba. "Future of cities: The secret of creating a successful city brand." The 65 Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 30 Sept. 2008. Web. Dinnie, K. City branding: theory and cases. Place of publication not identified: Palgrave 66 Macmillan, 2014. Print. North, Samantha. "Why do most city branding campaigns fail?" CityMetric. New Statesman, 67 21 Aug. 2014. Web. 21 host 12 separate sports facilities as well as the media village, main press center and the Olympic family hotels. According to city branding expert, Keith Dinnie, “hosting 68 internationally significant and popular events draws attention to the place and provides an opportunity for the host city to showcase its strengths and uniqueness.” This 69 opportunity for downtown Los Angeles provides a crucial timeframe for understanding and exploring a potential brand. In an interview with AVG marketing consultant Jon Vidar, who has been heading up the downtown Los Angeles marketing efforts, he spoke to the author about the huge opportunity downtown is facing. “This massive amount of growth, the potential in DTLA right now could go one of two ways. Like this could be it, this is the tipping point… or it could end up with a lot of vacancies. But I think it’s poised to really become the ‘it’ city. The ‘it’ part of town in the ‘it’ city in America,” he explained. "Los Angeles 2024 Olympic Bid." LA 2024. N.p., n.d. Web. 68 Dinnie, K. City branding: theory and cases. Place of publication not identified: Palgrave 69 Macmillan, 2014. Print. 22 Chapter 2 — Tourism and Travel in Los Angeles Before we completely dive in downtown Los Angeles, it would be helpful to have an idea of the current tourism and travel landscape in greater L.A. Tourism and travel to Los Angeles itself is integral to tourism into downtown Los Angeles. The economic impacts of increased tourism into L.A. are innumerable, tourists bring much needed capital into the local economy and create lots of jobs for residents. In 2013 L.A. supported 436,700 tourism industry jobs, up 5.2% over 2012, and generated $18.4 billion in visitor spending. In 2016 Los Angeles supported nearly 465,000 jobs and generated $$29.9 billion in direct visitor spending. In Los Angeles County, one in nine 70 jobs happen to be in tourism. (Discover LA) In 2014, a report titled, “Growing 71 Together, China and Los Angeles County,” researchers found that from 2000-2014 tourism from China had nearly quadrupled. China was the number one origin for 72 international tourists in Los Angeles County. In 2016, Los Angeles announced a 73 record high for tourists visiting the city with 47.3 million overnight and day visitors, an increase of 3.7 percent over 2015. Domestic visitors were up 2.6 percent at 24 million and international visitors were up 2.9 percent at 7 million. This has been the sixth year 74 "L.A. Tourism Board Announces Tourism Job Growth and Record Visitor Spending During 70 National Travel & Tourism Week Celebration." Discover Los Angeles. LA Tourism & Convention Board, 6 May 2014. Web. ibid 71 Guerra, Ferdinando. Growing Together - China and Los Angeles County. Los Angeles: Los 72 Angeles County Economic Development Corporation, June 2014. PDF. ibid 73 Smith Travel Research. Los Angeles Tourism by Numbers - 2016 Quick Facts. Los Angeles: 74 Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation, 2016. PDF. 23 in a row that the Los Angeles tourism sector has seen record growth. As of now, it would seem that L.A. is well on its way to its goal of 50 million visitors by the year 2020. 75 Yet despite the encouraging numbers, there are still some areas that Los Angeles needs to improve to attract more tourists and the businesses that cater to them. According to an L.A. Chamber case study, there are a number of obstacles currently facing the city’s tourism industry. The first issue that is potentially hampering travel to 76 Los Angeles is one that cannot necessarily be addressed by L.A. but nonetheless presents a problem. Continued visa restrictions and the recent “travel ban” that President Trump attempted to pass create extremely negative PR for U.S. tourism around the world. Another issue is that of the high crime statistics in areas throughout Los Angeles, an issue we will talk about at length later in this paper. The last issue is the current disparity in multi-lingual hospitality professionals versus the increase in international tourists. In 2011, Congress passed a measure called the visa waiver 77 program (VWP) designed to allow visitors from other countries to enter the U.S. without having to first obtain a visa from the U.S. consulate in their respective country. This 78 measure was passed to help attract more foreign tourists through easier travel Haithman, Diane. "L.A. "Crushes" Tourism Records in 2016 With 47 Million Visitors." Los 75 Angeles Business Journal. N.p., 11 Jan. 2017. Web. Wallace, Emily, Kristina Pollack, Brandon Horth, Siobhan Carty, and Nathalie Elyas. Los 76 Angeles Tourism: A domestic and international analysis. Los Angeles: Los Angeles Chamber, May 2014. PDF. ibid 77 Siskin, Alison. Visa Waiver Program. N.p.: Congressional Research Service, 2 Dec. 2011. 78 PDF. 24 protocols and was then compounded by the passage of the Jobs Originated through Launching Travel (JOLT) act in 2015. The JOLT act attempted to expedite the 79 processing of non-immigrant visa applications and the subsequent process thereafter. These measures have been helpful in increasing tourism to the U.S. but 80 recent decisions by President Trump may erode much of the positive travel sentiment to the U.S. through his questionable travel ban. Ernest Wooden Jr., chief executive of the Los Angeles Tourism & Convention Board, is determined to not let Trump’s decisions affect tourism in L.A., though. Los Angeles will be spending money to 81 publicize the sentiment that Los Angeles is open to all visitors from every country. In 82 regard to the perception of high crime and gang violence in L.A., visitors may be swayed by their perception of Los Angeles as a dangerous city. This could become an even bigger hindrance on increased tourism numbers moving forward. The last potential issue is that of language barriers between international visitors and hospitality workers. After Trump attempted to pass travel restrictions on certain countries, L.A.’s tourism board organized an effort to combat the message that not everyone was welcome In L.A. Discover Los Angeles organized, “1,000 volunteers who work for hotels, restaurants, airports and other tourism businesses” to “hold signs that say, “Welcome” in English, Spanish, Chinese and Arabic” in a park north of LAX to welcome "H.R.1401 - 114th Congress (2015-2016): JOLT Act of 2015." Congress.gov. N.p., 21 Apr. 79 2015. Web. ibid 80 Martin, Hugo. "Los Angeles County brings in a record-high number of tourists in 2016." Los 81 Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 11 Jan. 2017. Web. ibid 82 25 visitors. Once tourists are actually on the ground, there are actually quite a few multi- 83 lingual travel services offered to tourists. Starline Tours offers city-wide tours in eight different languages including Mandarin, German, Korean and Italian. Mandarin-fluent 84 hospitality workers are especially in high demand, particularly in the luxury sectors. 85 High-end hotels like the Four Seasons Hotel in Beverly Hills have been rushing to better understand and cater to Chinese tourists. Changes include translating the 86 hotel’s website and app into Chinese as well as hiring a concierge specifically dedicated to communicating and catering to tourists from mainland China. All this 87 being said, challenges are still present but the city’s dedication to fostering more tourism seems to be working hard to overcome them. The city offers several incentives to businesses that cater to the hospitality sector as well. Downtown L.A. has become notorious for its generous hotel tax breaks. One notable example is the 54-story J.W. Marriott in downtown, developer Anschutz Entertainment Group was allowed to keep up to $270 million in city taxes through 2035. In 2011, city officials also approved tax breaks for the 900-room Wilshire Grand 88 Martin, Hugo. "Los Angeles tourism board to spell it out: Everyone is welcome." Los Angeles 83 Times. Los Angeles Times, 5 May 2017. Web. "Multi-Lingual Grand Tour of Los Angeles." Starline Tours. N.p., 2017. Web. 84 Kahn, Gabriel. "Eastern Promises: The Scramble to Scoop Up More of the Chinese Tourist 85 Dollars Flowing Into the Region." Los Angeles Magazine. N.p., 02 Dec. 2016. Web. ibid 86 ibid 87 Zahniser, David. "Some question tax breaks for downtown hotels." Los Angeles Times. Los 88 Angeles Times, 04 May 2011. Web. 26 project, announced to be an InterContinental, also in downtown. Good for the tourism 89 sector, sure — but some warn against the constant tax rebates for developers. "In the future, every time a developer decides to build in the city of Los Angeles, he will go to City Hall and solicit politicians' help to get subsidies from the city, with support from many powerful parties who will benefit from the project,” said Peter Zen, owner of the Westin Bonaventure in a L.A. Times article. When this happens, the city loses a big 90 portion of its tax base.  Kudler, Adrian Glick. "BREAKING: Tallest Hotel in the West Will Be an InterContinental." 89 Curbed LA. Curbed LA, 23 Sept. 2014. Web. Zahniser, David. "Some question tax breaks for downtown hotels." Los Angeles Times. Los 90 Angeles Times, 04 May 2011. Web. 27 Chapter 3 — History of Downtown Los Angeles  We will be exploring the huge opportunities and potential threats that currently face the burgeoning downtown Los Angeles brand throughout this paper. To better understand the area’s uniqueness, we must first have a comprehensive understanding of its history and the role it has played in greater Los Angeles. Downtown L.A. is the small hub where several major freeways meet and fence in a dense jungle of concrete. “The 10” meets “the 110” on the Southwest corner, “the 110” meets “the 101” on the Northwest corner and “the 101” meets “the 5” on the Southeast corner. Figure 1: Map of Downtown Los Angeles Neighborhoods, Source: discoverlosangeles.com The term “downtown” was first introduced to Los Angeles in the Herald in 1906 but the city still lacked legal boundaries for what was considered downtown. As the industrial 91 Masters, Nathan. "How Los Angeles Got a "Downtown"." KCET. N.p., 9 Jan. 2015. Web. 91 28 boom made its way to Los Angeles, what is now considered downtown began to populate with a number of large and small retailers. The corner of Seventh and Broadway was one of the busiest in the entire city and many residents and visitors alike flocked to downtown to shop. Although this prosperous boom lasted for decades, the 92 area fell victim to the post-World War II suburbs and fell into disarray. More than 75 93 percent of all buildings built on Seventh Street between Los Angeles St. and Figueroa were built before 1929 and became abandoned. Due to a lack of interest these buildings remained untouched during the dark age of downtown. According to an 94 interview with Nick Griffin, Director of Economic Development, Downtown Center Business Improvement District (DCBID), downtown L.A. lay dormant for much of the seventies through the late nineties. It wasn’t until 1999 that downtown L.A. entered a bumpy period of revitalization. Up until that point downtown Los Angeles was a dichotomy. At night it was a barely occupied and abandoned collection of buildings from better times. During the day it acted as a functioning business district where professionals would scurry into at 9 a.m. and evacuate before 6 p.m. Downtown’s only constant occupants through the eighties and nineties seemed to be renegade art collectives and homeless. In an article published in the L.A. Times, artists remember their time spent in downtown prior to the Strolling on Seventh Street: Downtown's Historic Thoroughfare. Los Angeles: Los Angeles 92 Conservancy, 2010. PDF. ibid 93 ibid 94 29 revitalization. They tell a story of desolation and grit where the roughness of the 95 neighborhood was enough to dissuade police intervention in everything from cutting- edge art exhibits to complete areas of the neighborhood altogether. The streets were completely empty after 7 p.m. and residents had only one or two options for food markets. Those that did venture to live downtown in that period of time were called 96 crazy. The restaurants and businesses that did happen to be open in downtown Los 97 Angeles at that time all quickly shuttered when the working day was over and the professionals drove back out to the suburbs. 98 Miranda, Carolina A. "'Get out!' said the cops: Art pioneers of downtown L.A. share memories 95 of building a scene." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 17 Mar. 2016. Web. ibid 96 Rothbard, Sarah. "Is Downtown L.A.'s New Center? - The Takeaway." Zócalo Public Square. 97 N.p., 15 Oct. 2014. Web. Griffin, Nick. "Interview with DCBID Economic Director." Telephone interview. 28 Mar. 2016. 98 30 Chapter 4 — The Beginning of a New Era Imagine downtown Los Angeles in 1999. The population hovers around 18,000, there are fewer than 12,000 residential units in the neighborhood and the average price per square foot of condo space is a measly $169. The once grandiose buildings on 99 streets like 7th and Spring sit abandoned. The previously boisterous theatre corridor on Broadway now only serves as a stage for dark, underground art exhibits and crack dealers. The city is virtually a ghost town at nightfall. But then something happens — two things to be exact. According to Griffin there were two catalysts for the revitalization of downtown L.A. — the construction of the Staples Center in 1998 (and subsequently L.A. Live in 2005) as well as the Adaptive Reuse Ordinance (ARO). The ARO was passed in 1999 and facilitated the conversion of historic, unused structures into modern housing units. Over 6,500 units were built with 4,000 more in the 100 development pipeline following the passage of the ARO according to a DCBID report from 2006. 101 “Downtown used to be a commuter location, no one wanted to live here because there was nothing to do and it was dangerous. All of a sudden, Staples Center moves in so you have an influx of visitors coming downtown every week, 2015 Annual Report. Los Angeles: Downtown Center Business Improvement District, 2015. 99 PDF. "Adaptive Reuse Ordinance." Adaptive Reuse Ordinance | Office of Historic Resources, City 100 of Los Angeles. Los Angeles Department of City Planning, n.d. Web. City of Los Angeles Adaptive Reuse Program. Los Angeles: Downtown Center Business 101 Improvement District, Feb. 2006. PDF. 31 they want to eat and drink after the game, so businesses start opening. After the ARO was passed, then there were all of these apartments for these people to live in. So, there were incentives to living here, like nightlife and new places to live.” 102 That being said, the revitalization wasn't a completely upward trending line. In 1992, construction began on the Walt Disney Concert Hall in downtown Los Angeles. After a terrible bought of start-and-stop construction until 1992, the hall officially opened in October of 2003. Many heralded the arrival of the hall as the beginning of a new era 103 in downtown Los Angeles. Earlier in 2003, Thomas Properties Group (TPG) purchased Arco Plaza, a property built in the 1970’s and in need of a total renovation, a whole $50 million of it. The bold move seemed to breed optimism into revitalization critics 104 combined with the long awaited Walt Disney Concert Hall and many thought this could possibly be the additional push that downtown needed. Later that year TPG released plans for a two-year and $125 million renovation that would create new restaurants, retail space, fountains and a futuristic light sculpture that would link the two towers. 105 Yet these huge landmarks were not the only thing that downtown needed to revitalize. In 2005, NPR released a segment titled, “The Imperfect Revitalization of Downtown Shore, Elan. "Interview with DCBID Associate Director of research and special projects." 102 Telephone interview. 30 Mar. 2016. Ng, David. "Walt Disney Concert Hall through the years." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles 103 Times, 13 Sept. 2013. Web. Vincent, Roger. "Thomas Properties Moves to Arco Plaza." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles 104 Times, 12 Mar. 2003. Web. Maese, Kathryn. "The Two TowersCity National Bank to Occupy Arco Plaza." Los Angeles 105 Downtown News - For Everything Downtown L.A.! N.p., 24 Nov. 2003. Web. 32 L.A.” The segment applauded the ARO and the recent developments but lamented the lack of basic amenities. At the time there were no grocery stores in downtown and 106 drug dealers still ran many of the streets. To compound these problems, the 107 recession of 2008 seriously stunted the revitalization efforts. Over a third of residential projects already approved by the city had to be thrown out. Many felt that the buildings that had already been constructed should have never been built in the first place. 108 Luckily, downtown was able to recover from the almost catastrophic recession. The boom in residential property has only multiplied in the years since. In 2015, there were 10,170 residential units currently under construction according to the DCBID annual report. The report also showed that the number of units in downtown Los Angeles 109 rose from 11, 626 in 1999 to 36, 449 in 2015. The population also skyrocketed to a 110 startling 60,618 from the 18,700 in 1999. 111 Property value hit $13.6 billion in 2015, up from $4.8 billion in 1999, as more than 800 new businesses moved into downtown between 2008 and 2015. The same report 112 Cohen, Alex. "The Imperfect Revitalization of Downtown L.A." Day to Day. NPR. 4 Aug. 106 2005. Radio. ibid 107 Hong, Peter Y. "Downtown not the center of it all." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 108 13 Mar. 2008. Web. 2015 Annual Report. Los Angeles: Downtown Center Business Improvement District, 2015. 109 PDF. ibid 110 ibid 111 ibid 112 33 also demonstrated the sheer magnitude of investment in downtown as it topped out at $24.4 billion between 1999 and 2015. In 2017, the growth has continued and the 113 West Coast’s tallest building, the Wilshire Grand, is slated to open soon. It is owned by Korean Air and mirrors a nearby 1,500-unit condo project that is owned by China’s Greenland Group. Many observers agree that downtown L.A.’s revitalization is being 114 shaped by Chinese investment interest, $2.625 billion in 2014 alone to be exact. 115 ibid 113 Khouri, Andrew. "Downtown Los Angeles hasn't seen this much construction since the 114 1920s." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 8 Jan. 2017. Web. 12 June 2017. Chiland, Elijah. "Chinese investment is helping to fuel Downtown LA's development boom." 115 Curbed LA. Curbed LA, 16 Mar. 2017. Web. 34 Figure 2: China Investment Graph, Source: Cushman & Wakefield The growth in downtown L.A. is significant and the current excitement surrounding the area should certainly be utilized to help cement Los Angeles as a globally competitive city. That being said, it is still essential to properly understand and address the numerous preexisting threats downtown. 35 Chapter 5 — History of Homelessness in Downtown Los Angeles   “There used to be a time in this country when we built and operated housing for poor people, and that essentially stopped in the ’70s and ’80s.” 116 “That is where you see the advent of modern urban homelessness in the way that we know it today.”   117 East of the Financial District and west of the Arts District lies a 54-block area called Skid Row that serves as home to about 15,000 residents. Skid Row is also home to 118 about 2,521 homeless people. That is about 3 percent of the county’s entire homeless population. If that doesn’t seem like a lot, remember that this population is located 119 within less than half of a square mile, meaning 3 percent of the entire homeless population lives within .0001% of the county’s entire land. This concentrated area of 120 homelessness downtown is a bit like a microcosm of greater L.A. County. The entire county is home to the largest homeless population in the entire country for any major metropolitan area. The population comes in at an estimated homeless count of 224,203 people. As much as we’d like to think that there is progress being made, this 121 Sindzinski, Abigail. "Building a Downtown LA for everyone." Curbed LA. VOX Media, 09 Mar. 116 2017. Web. ibid 117 Hoffmann, Jessica. "Los Angeles Police Are Gentrifying the City's Skid Row -- with Force." 118 Alternet. N.p., 19 Oct. 2007. Web. History of Downtown Los Angeles' "Skid Row". Los Angeles: Los Angeles Area Chamber of 119 Commerce, n.d. PDF. ibid 120 ibid 121 36 problem will not be going away anytime soon. 42 percent of homeless individuals in Los Angeles are defined as chronically homeless, making L.A. home to the highest percentage of chronically homeless peoples in the United States. Chronically 122 homeless individuals can be defined as “someone who has experienced homelessness for a year or longer, or who has experienced at least four episodes of homelessness in the last three years (must be a cumulative of 12 months), and has a disability. A family with an adult member who meets this description would also be considered chronically homeless.” Of this massive number, by far downtown L.A. has the highest 123 percentage of homeless in the entire city.    “Council District 14, which comprises nearly all of downtown Los Angeles, has the highest homeless population estimate with 6,292 individuals, according to the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, which conducted the count.”   124 The number of homeless in Los Angeles was on a decline until 2009 when it began to gradually grow. The LAHSA estimates between 2009 and 2013 there was about a 125 10,000 person jump in homeless numbers. Since then these numbers have only 126 grown.  ibid 122 "Chronic Homelessness - Overview." National Alliance to End Homelessness. National 123 Alliance to End Homelessness, n.d. Web Kim, Eddie. "As Homelessness Spikes, Downtown Remains the Epicenter of the Problem." 124 Los Angeles Downtown News - For Everything Downtown L.A.! N.p., 22 Sept. 2015. Web. 2013 Greater Los Angeles Homeless Count. Los Angeles: Los Angles Homeless Services 125 Authority, 20 Aug. 2013. PDF. ibid 126 37   Figure 3: Countywide Homeless Trends Graph, Source: LAHSA This begs the question, why? Some blame the exponential jump in rents paired with low working wages while others point at high unemployment rates. Others blame the 127 city’s complex bureaucratic red tape that surrounds shelter permits and zoning. 128 Another explanation is the fumbled indecision surrounding solutions in city council that has stalled progress for years. When the city fails to act on their plans to reduce 129 homelessness, the number of homeless individuals increases. Grad, Shelby, and Gale Holland. "How Los Angeles' homeless crisis got so bad." Los 127 Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 22 Sept. 2015. Web. Baram, Marcus. "Los Angeles Struggles With Homeless Crisis, Lack Of Shelters." The 128 Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost.com, 16 Feb. 2012. Web. ibid 129 38 “The county will never solve its homelessness problem unless it stops more people from becoming homeless in the first place. In the meantime, though, it has to address the burgeoning population of the already homeless, which will only grow unless the country steps up its efforts dramatically.” 130 Another factor to consider is the consistent struggle Los Angeles has fought in providing affordable housing for its residents. Los Angeles’ affordable housing fund totaled $108 million in 2008 but fell to a dramatically low $26 million in 2014. 131 Affordable housing in L.A. is nearly nonexistent according to the President of the Los Angeles Mission Herb Smith.   132 The Times Editorial Board. "Homeless people don't just need housing – they need services 130 to get and stay housed. Vote yes on Measure H." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 18 Feb. 2017. ibid 131 Cook, James. "Los Angeles homelessness emergency: 'A city of shanties'" BBC News. BBC, 132 07 Oct. 2015. Web. 39 Chapter 6 – The City’s Relationship with Homelessness Skid Row was originally the city’s solution for homelessness beginning in the early 20th century. City officials figured if they could concentrate all homeless services into one area, it would provide homeless individuals a chance to lift themselves out of poverty. By the 1970’s, after the influx of traumatized and addicted veterans 133 returning to the U.S. from Vietnam and landing on the streets, Los Angeles instituted a redevelopment plan for the Skid Row area. By the 1980’s numerous nonprofit housing agencies popped up in the district, including the Skid Row Housing Trust (SRHT) and the SRO Housing Corp. as well as 24-hour shelters and other homeless services. 134 The SRHT was widely commended for providing what was called “permanent supportive housing,” a mixture of permanent housing for homeless residents as well as a number of on-site social services. Although these initiatives have been in operation 135 for several decades now, the homeless population on Skid Row, and within Los Angeles in general, has only increased. This sharp increase in homelessness over the past years has made it incredibly difficult for these services, incentives and nonprofits.   There have been a series of efforts recently to address the homeless issues. In July 2014, Mayor Eric Garcetti stood next to Michelle Obama and promised to take up the Obama Administration’s challenge to end veteran homelessness in the upcoming 17 Weinberg, David. "Skid Row was L.A.'s solution for homelessness. Now that's changing." 133 Marketplace. N.p., 19 Mar. 2013. Web. History of Downtown Los Angeles' "Skid Row". Los Angeles: Los Angeles Area Chamber of 134 Commerce, n.d. PDF. "History Timeline." Skid Row Housing Trust. N.p., n.d. Web. 135 40 months. Ending chronic homelessness was a huge part of his election campaign in 136 2013. During the summit, Garcetti made a pledge to the city’s 2,600 homeless veterans insisting that they would have homes in 2015. In April of 2015, CBS Los Angeles 137 published a study showing that Los Angeles spends around $100 million a year on addressing homelessness, but the majority of that money was going toward arrests and policing services. City Administrative Officer, Miguel Santana, was quoted as 138 saying, “There appears to be no consistent process across city homelessness by systematically connecting the homeless to assessment, services, and housing.” 139 Later that year in July, Garcetti allowed the homeless encampment law to pass without his formal approval, a so-called “political middle course” according to Jameson and Holland. The controversial law would essentially crack down on homeless 140 encampments throughout the city. Advocates for the law pleaded with the city in the hopes of cleaning up the crowded settlements in areas like downtown while those in opposition called for more empathy towards the less fortunate. Garcetti explained that he would allow the law to pass but that he intended to block the law's enforcement until City Council softened some of the more stringent provisions towards the homeless. Later that month Garcetti gave a speech on Skid Row where he 141 Holland, Gale. "Garcetti accepts homelessness challenge during Michelle Obama's visit." 136 Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 16 July 2014. Web. ibid 137 "Study: LA Spends $100M A Year On Dealing With Homelessness." CBS Los Angeles. AP, 138 17 Apr. 2015. Web. ibid 139 Jamison, Peter, and Gale Holland. "Garcetti stance on homeless crackdown draws critics 140 from both sides." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 3 Jan. 2015. Web ibid 141 41 announced that his office was only a month away from completing a comprehensive plan for what he called the “war on homelessness.” In August, a month later, the 142 plan was still not released, at the end of that month Garcetti doubled back on his original promise of ending veteran homelessness in 2015. He told reporters that the efforts could take an additional six months and pointed at the lack of homeless case workers at the VA for the delay. Later in September, several members of the City 143 Council held a news conference and publicized their intent to declare the homelessness crisis an emergency. In October, Santana released a report detailing 144 the current state of housing needs in Los Angeles for the homeless population. The report examined the current situation for housing vs. the proposed system for homeless individuals and homeless families and the large housing gap between these two. According to the study there was a 9,049 bed deficit for individuals and a 3,324 145 bed deficit for families in need of rapid re-housing. The report then went on to suggest several different paths for LA to take; project-based, tenant-based and housing vouchers. The report identified possible funding sources for the issue including the Community Development Block Grant, Housing Opportunities for Persons with Aids, and the Emergency Solutions Grant, among others. The report also included city-based Jamison, Peter. "Garcetti says 'battle plan' is on the way to fight rising homelessness." Los 142 Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 30 July 2015. Web. Reicher, Mike. "Garcetti backs away from goal to end L.A. veterans homelessness in 2015." 143 LA Daily News. LA Daily News, 28 Aug. 2015. Web. Ford, Dana. "L.A. declares emergency on homelessness." CNN. Cable News Network, 23 144 Sept. 2015. Web. Santana, Miguel A. Shelter and Housing Needs for the Homeless. Los Angeles: City of Los 145 Angeles, Inter-departemental Correspondence , 27 Oct. 2015. PDF. 42 sources of funding to support housing, like an increased sales tax or an increased documentary tax. 146 In November 2015, Garcetti officially ruled out declaring homelessness an emergency. The mayor and City Council both faced much criticism for failing to declare the crisis a state of emergency and City Council responded by promising that their plans to address homelessness are set to be issued early 2016. By December, Garcetti 147 decided to ask Governor Jerry Brown to declare a state of emergency for the Los Angeles homeless crisis but Brown declined. In January, Garcetti appointed Wendy 148 Greuel to Los Angeles’ Homeless Services Authority Commission. In February the 149 city finally passed the most comprehensive plan yet to tackle homelessness. The 150 Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors passed a plan that featured over 47 separate strategies sorted into the following classifications; a. prevent homelessness, b. subsidize housing, c. increase income, d. provide case management and services, e. create a coordinated system, f. increase affordable/homeless housing. The plan was 151 ibid 146 Holland, Gale, Alice Walton, and Peter Jamison. "L.A. Mayor Garcetti rules out, for now, 147 declaring homelessness an emergency." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 18 Nov. 2015. Web. Jamison, Peter. "How an emergency declaration over L.A.'s homeless became a game of 148 'hot-potato keep-away'" Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 7 Mar. 2016. Web. "Mayor Garcetti Appoints Wendy Greuel to LAHSA Commission." Office of Los Angeles 149 Mayor Eric Garcetti. Office of Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, 12 Jan. 2016. Web. Lovett, Ian. "Los Angeles Approves Plans to Fight Homelessness." The New York Times. The 150 New York Times, 09 Feb. 2016. Web. Los Angeles County Homeless Initiative. Approved Strategies to Combat Homelessness. Los 151 Angeles: Los Angeles Chief Executive Office, Feb. 2016. PDF. 43 set to be implemented in three separate stages, the first being slated to start June 30, 2016. 152 The first progress report on the plan was released in November 2016. According to that report, the city focused much of its effort on what were deemed “crisis response strategies,” efforts like providing storage and mobile showers for the homeless. The 153 report went on to say that the city has run into major community opposition to storage space facilities for the homeless in Venice and San Pedro. It also painted a rather 154 grim picture in regard to progress concerning the huge initiative. After the November 8th election in Los Angeles, voters passed Proposition HHH, a general obligation bond that would borrow up to $1.2 billion over the 10 years to fund construction projects providing housing for the homeless. The first batch of the money was approved for 155 use by City Council in early June. The $85 million will go primarily towards building 156 nine permanent housing projects for the chronically homeless and will result in 615 total new units. The remainder of the money will be directed towards constructing 157 additional facilities aimed at helping homeless.   158 "First Phase of L.A. County's Homeless Initiative to Start June 30." The Chronicle of Social 152 Change. N.p., 28 May 2016. Web. Santana, Miguel A. Comprehensive Homeless Strategy - Quarterly Performance Report 153 Fiscal Year 2016-17 - First Quarter. Los Angeles: Office of the City Clerk, 7 Nov. 2016. PDF. ibid 154 Smith, Doug. "Proposition HHH would raise funds to build homeless housing in L.A." Los 155 Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 19 Oct. 2016. Web. ibid 156 Chou, Elizabeth. "LA leaders OK $85 million in Prop HHH money — including for homeless 157 housing in Valley." LA Daily News. LA Daily News, 09 June 2017. ibid 158 44   Homelessness is Los Angeles, especially in downtown, is not a problem that can be expected to disappear in the next couple of years. Although the city has struggled with finding the right solutions, there is still significant attention directed towards finding the right path forward. Now that HHH money is being disseminated, the city can continue to strengthen its approach towards finding more long-term solutions to homelessness in L.A. 45 Chapter 7 — Public Relations and Rebranding Homelessness Homelessness has long been characterized by news outlets and the like as something that only happens to “certain types of people.” Homeless are portrayed as 159 “institution avoiders” and “threatening villains” and as a result are completely stripped of their humanity to the rest of society. The stigma is not only the result of media 160 portrayal but also the result of marginalization by city legislation, law enforcement, and the health care system. The stigma against homelessness has been perpetuated for 161 centuries and no amount of PR will ever completely address the realities of that stigma. That being said, downtown could certainly use public relations to address portions of the homelessness epidemic within the neighborhood. The biggest opportunity for strategic PR here is bringing more humanity to homeless individuals in downtown. Homelessness needs a new face. A quick look at the “DTLA Town Square” Facebook group, a group created for downtown residents to discuss and connect, shows a lot of frustration surrounding the ubiquity of issues caused by homeless individuals. Stories of homeless people playing music on the streets at 4 a.m. under apartment windows or experiences of harassment paint a picture of a tense coexistence. In an article published on Cronkite News, the founder of Project Humanities, Neal Lester explained, “People need to understand that being homeless is Min, Eungjun. Reading the homeless: the medias image of homeless culture. Westport: 159 Praeger, 1999. Print. ibid 160 Nueces, Denise De Las. "Stigma and Prejudice Against Individuals Experiencing 161 Homelessness." Stigma and Prejudice (2016): 85-101. Web. 46 a situation, not a reflection of character, and that people who are homeless are as individual as people who live in houses or apartments.” Interpersonal contact 162 between domiciled people and homeless has shown a decrease in the belief that homelessness is a result of a certain set of characteristics. So how can PR 163 specifically encourage interpersonal contact between two somewhat contentious populations? The clearest opportunity is encouraging more community involvement in NGO’s and charities that address homelessness through a number of tactics. The output could potentially look like increased donations, increased volunteer involvement, community empathy and increased lobbying support. Increasing donations and volunteer involvement with homeless organizations could be targeted similarly. According to Vidar, the new members of downtown’s community are generally characterized as affluent, artistic and trendy. They also care deeply about being part of a community and take pride in caring for that community, as evidenced in through DTLA Town Square. This desire to belong and participate is advantageous when considering how to encourage more volunteer involvement and higher donations. Efforts should incentivize residents’ desire to become a part of a strong community. This could be facilitated by using businesses and concepts with which they already interact with regularly. That begin said, organizations cannot be supported without awareness. Tactics for raising awareness could be strategic content creation, events Gargaro, Allison. "Volunteers hand out clothes, respect and smiles to homeless | Cronkite 162 News." Cronkite News - Arizona PBS, 06 Apr. 2017. Web. Knecht, Tom, and Lisa M. Martinez. "Humanizing the homeless: Does contact erode 163 stereotypes?" Social Science Research 38.3 (2009): 521-34. National Center for Biotechnology Information, U.S. National Library of Medicine. Web. 47 and targeted media relations. Content creation is a useful tool when attempting to grab the public’s attention on platforms like social media. A video of a West Philadelphia hair stylist offering free haircuts to homeless on the streets is an example of good content that went viral on Facebook. Feel-good content catches attention and provides an 164 opportunity for the viewer to learn more about the issue and the organization and subsequently act. Once viewers are paying attention and searching for ways to help, PR professionals can aid in creating more targeted landing pages and websites for homeless organizations. In 2014, HKA, a PR firm in Orange County offered its services pro bono to Build Futures, a non-profit aiming to fight youth homelessness. HKA 165 offered a new website, marketing materials and community outreach. Events are 166 another great tactic and connect well with media relations. A series of buzz-worthy awareness events could also give the community an easy access point for becoming involved. If organizations managed to secure good partnerships with brands, the opportunities could be huge. By targeting brands that are valuable to the newer populations of downtown, organizations would have a great platform to raise awareness, encourage involvement and breed empathy. An example is the Ace Hotel, a mainstay of the downtown scene. The Ace was co-founded by Wade Weigel and 167 Alex Calderwood, the same men who helped open Seattle-based Rudy’s Washington, Ukee. "Brotherly Love: Barber Takes Craft To The Streets For Homeless." CBS 164 Philly. CBS Broadcasting Inc., 1 Feb. 2017. Web. Langhorne, Daniel. "Nonprofit for homeless wins year of public relations." Orange County 165 Register. Orange County Register, 4 Dec. 2014. Web. ibid 166 Sindzinski, Abigail. "Building a Downtown LA for everyone." Curbed LA. VOX Media, 09 Mar. 167 2017. Web. 48 Barbershop. This is significant because Rudy’s provides free products and showers 168 to homeless youth and would be a natural fit for a homeless initiative in Los Angeles. Depending on the amount of support and the brands involved, events could involve music, art, and activism all to encourage more involvement. Big events like this also offer a good opportunity to utilize targeted media relations. Pitching a story about community involvement and homelessness would land well at media organizations like Mic, Buzzed or Unworthy. Maloney, Nora. "Rudy's Barbershop Provides Products and Showers for L.G.B.T.Q. and 168 Homeless Youth." Vanity Fair. Conde Nast, 8 Mar. 2017. Web. 49 Chapter 8 — Gentrification & Anti-gentrification Gentrification is a term used to describe the influx of wealthier people to an existing urban district and the related increase in rents and property values as well as the distinct changes in the area’s cultural identity. It is often used with a negative 169 connotation, the rich displacing the poor, but nonetheless a word that presents a number of complexities. Its proponents have argued that the influx of what has been deemed the “creative class” can help revitalize dying urban areas while encouraging culture-based economic growth strategies. Its opponents have a very different 170 perspective though and claim that the revitalization of downtown Los Angeles is just another name for textbook gentrification. Critics cry foul at the displacement of 171 historically black and brown communities in place of expansive, luxury high-rises aimed at what many consider to be high-income, white populations. The opening of 172 high-end grocery stores like Whole Foods or luxury clothing stores like the trendy Acne Studios or minimalist Maher are vastly out of the price ranges of Downtown’s historic residents. A large number of the new apartments that are being built downtown will run tenants up to $4,000 a month for a one-bedroom and housing affordability is at a Grant, Benjamin. "What is Gentrification?" PBS. Public Broadcasting Service, 17 Jan. 2003. 169 Web. Collins, Brady, and Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris. "Skid Row, Gallery Row and the space in 170 between: cultural revitalisation and its impacts on two Los Angeles neighbourhoods." Town Planning Review 87.4 (2016): 401-27. Web. Sindzinski, Abigail. "Building a Downtown LA for everyone." Curbed LA. Curbed LA, 09 Mar. 171 2017. Web. Aubry, Larry. "Measure S Is Critical to the Fight Against Gentrification in Los Angeles." LA 172 Progressive. N.p., 27 Feb. 2017. Web. 50 historic low in Los Angeles.   173 Gentrification is happening on a micro-level as well. The renovation of the celebrated Grand Central Market in downtown Los Angeles was so controversial that Los Angeles Magazine published a long-form examination of the changes happening at the mainstay. Jesse Katz compares and contrasts the so-called “legacy” tenants 174 hawking affordable carnitas and wonton soup to the shiny, new tenants like Instagram- able and perpetually busy Eggslut. The contrast in Grand Central Market bodes well 175 for the overall contrast between new and old in downtown Los Angeles. The urban growth and cultural revitalization currently taking place in the historic core of downtown Los Angeles is unprecedented. The question then became, does revitalization 176 belong only to the upwardly mobile gentrifiers?   An argument that the author found repeated throughout pro-gentrification discourse is the idea that gentrification can help everyone prosper through economic development and renewed community interest. In his article in the L.A. Times, Steven Sharp argues that development on Skid Row would offer moderately priced homes at a time when Sindzinski, Abigail. "Building a Downtown LA for everyone." Curbed LA. VOX Media, 09 Mar. 173 2017. Web. Katz, Jesse. "Inside the Gentrification of Grand Central Market." Los Angeles Magazine. 174 N.p., 9 Sept. 2016. Web. ibid 175 Collins, Brady, and Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris. "Skid Row, Gallery Row and the space in 176 between: cultural revitalisation and its impacts on two Los Angeles neighbourhoods." Town Planning Review 87.4 (2016): 401-27. Web. 51 L.A. has become very unaffordable. The homes would be built in the pre-existing 177 vacant properties and, in turn, would bring commerce back to the area. He goes on to say that all of this could culminate in bringing what he calls “economic clout” to a neighborhood with no current political standing, something he believes is necessary for true change. 178 There seems to be a lot of support for this argument. In his book, “There Goes the ‘Hood: Views of Gentrification from the Ground Up,” Freeman argued that gentrification can have a net benefit. Property values increase, tax bases become stronger and 179 people have access to a wider range of retail and services. Duany also argued in 2001 that gentrification “rebalances” poverty and improves the tax base. Ebenezer O. 180 Aka, professor and director of Urban Studies Program at Morehouse College, posited that some of the positive effects of gentrification are improving public services through tax revenues and with that “the improvement in public services the overall quality of life is improved.” In the author’s interviews, all participants also seemed to echo the 181 same sentiment. They all believed that gentrification would lead to an influx of people who care about their surrounding communities which would in turn lead to a better neighborhood. “The changing nature of downtown, that means that situation is much Sharp, Steven. "Gentrification on skid row? We should be so lucky." Los Angeles Times. Los 177 Angeles Times, 25 Aug. 2016. Web. ibid 178 Freeman, Lance. There Goes the 'Hood. N.p.: Temple U Press, 2006. Print. 179 Duany, Andres. "Three Cheers for Gentrification: It Helps Revive Cities and Doesn't Hurt the 180 Poor." The American Enterprise (2001): 38-39. Web. Aka, Ebenezer O. "Gentrification and socioeconomic impacts of neighborhood integration 181 and diversification in Atlanta, Georgia." National Social Science Journal 35.1 (2010): 1-13. 52 more likely to be resolved,” said Elon Shore in an interview with the author. Nick Griffin agreed: “At the end of the day that’s how solutions are formed, partially out of self- interest and partially out of kindness. So now we have this critical mass of people who have a vested interest in doing something, that’s where the balance tips.” However, this approach will only work if lower income residents are permitted to remain in the neighborhood. Economic segregation has been proven to yield bad results, not only for a city’s low-income residents, but also for the entire city as a whole. When 182 there is a wide disparity between a city’s affluent communities and its poverty-stricken communities, there is decreased economic mobility. The lack of economic mobility 183 essentially translates to economic stagnation for a city.   “When poverty rates and segregation are high in metropolitan areas, those re gions perform economically worse relative to less segregated places. Segregat ed regions – by race as well as skills – have slower rates of income growth and property value appreciation. And this isn’t just true for minority families stuck in segregated pockets of inner-city poverty. It's true for everyone, the suburbs and city alike.”   184   Roman, John. "How Economic Segregation Spreads Crime Like a Virus." CityLab. N.p., 11 182 Jan. 2013. Web. Sharkey, Patrick. Neighborhoods and the Black-White Mobility Gap. N.p.: The Pew 183 Charitable Trusts, July 2009. PDF. Badger, Emily. "Why Segregation Is Bad for Everyone." CityLab. N.p., 03 May 2013. Web. 29 184 June 2017. 53 One example is the city of Chicago, a city with one of the highest levels of combined racial and economic segregation in the country. According to research completed by the Urban Institute, when a region is economically segregated it is more likely to be racially (black-white) segregated as well. Higher levels of black-white segregation are 185 associated with lower levels of bachelor’s degree attainment for both blacks and whites and higher homicide rates. If economic segregation was reduced to the 186 median level of the 100 most populous cities in the country, Chicago would see a 2.7% increase in per capita income for its black residents. If homeless and low-income 187 residents are pushed out of downtown Los Angeles the neighborhood could become an enclave for high-income residents and the entire city could suffer. Integration, where the richest residents and poorest residents live side by side, is what leads to the safest cities. 188 Some pro-gentrification advocates argue that downtown Los Angeles was never gentrified to begin with. “In the first rush of new housing in downtown, which took place between 2000 and 2008, most new units were in aged Historic Core buildings that had sat empty for decades… as these buildings came online and thousands of people moved downtown, the only populations forced out were rats and pigeons,” Acs, Gregory, Rolf Pendall, Mark Treskon, and Amy Khare. The Cost of Segregation: 185 National Trends and the Case of Chicago, 1990–2010. N.p.: Urban Institute , Mar. 2017. PDF. ibid 186 ibid 187 Roman, John. "How Economic Segregation Spreads Crime Like a Virus." CityLab. N.p., 11 188 Jan. 2013. Web. 54 argues an editorial in Los Angeles Downtown News. In another article, Freeman and 189 Braconi examined whether gentrified areas of New York City resulted in displacement of disadvantaged households. They found that gentrified areas were actually not 190 much different from un-gentrified areas in regard to forcing low income people to move. 191 Despite all of this, there is still a substantial anti-gentrification sentiment within downtown Los Angeles and its surrounding neighborhoods. Boyle Heights is a traditionally Mexican-American neighborhood located directly east of downtown Los Angeles. The neighborhood has recently been waging a guerilla-style war against the gentrification powers that be and for the most part the campaign has succeeded. 192 The efforts have mostly been tied to a group called Defend Boyle Heights headed by Nancy Meza and self-described as “anti-gentrification collective devoted to community and our hood.” The group has specifically been targeting art galleries that open in 193 the neighborhood, attempting to stop something that has been called “artwashing.” Artwashing is defined as “the kinds of marketing and political strategies that make use of art and artists to raise the price of real estate,” according to another anti- "The Myth of Downtown Gentrification." Los Angeles Downtown News - For Everything 189 Downtown L.A.! N.p., 16 Nov. 2015. Web. Freeman, Lance, and Frank Braconi. "Gentrification and displacement New York City in the 190 1990s." Journal of the American Planning Association 70.1 (2004): 39-52. ibid 191 Carroll, Rory. "'Hope everyone pukes on your artisanal treats': fighting gentrification, LA- 192 style." The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 19 Apr. 2016. Web. Defend Boyle Heights. N.d. Facebook Group. Los Angeles. 193 55 gentrification group, Boyle Heights Against Artwashing and Displacement (BHAAD). 194 “Developers have learned that a key tool in the speculative real estate game is the use of arts initiatives to change the composition of historically working class and poor neighborhoods,” said Don Rhine, a faculty co-chair at Vermont College of Fine Arts. 195 The concept can be visualized in the illustration below.  Figure 4: Gentrification Comic, Source: Playing to the Gallery: Helping Contemporary Art in Its Struggle to Be Understood by Grayson Perry  Miranda, Magally , and Kyle Lane-McKinley. "Artwashing, or, Between Social Practice and 194 Social Reproduction." A Blade of Grass. N.p., 1 Feb. 2017. Web. ibid 195 56 Another issue that many organizers have with art galleries specifically is the sentiment that gallery owners are opening these spaces with the intention of steam-rolling existing culture. “They are not looking to attract members of our communities,” said 196 Meza in an article in the New York Times. Gallery owners disagree. PSSST Gallery, a 197 recently closed nonprofit shop in Boyle Heights, claims that their aim was to provide a safe space for marginalized voices in art including women, the queer community and people of color. Gallery owners Barnett Cohen and Jules Gimbrone found 198 themselves under near constant, personal attack at the gallery and finally decided to shutter PSSST after the harassment. They cited their worry of placing vulnerable 199 communities, such as LGBTQ, women and people of color, “further at risk” for the decision. That being said, there are certain galleries that have been welcomed in 200 historically disenfranchised areas. Think Tank Gallery, for example, recently hosted their third installment of an underground art show called “You Are Here” with artist Phil America. The gallery was opened in a stall in Bonito’s Swap Meet near MacArthur Park in Westlake. After a conversation with the artist, he explained that he was a minority 201 in the historically hispanic neighborhood and therefore took extreme care to integrate the gallery into the already existing identity of the area. America explained that after Medina, Jennifer. "Gentrification Protesters in Los Angeles Target Art Galleries." The New 196 York Times. The New York Times, 05 Nov. 2016. Web. ibid 197 Meija, Brittny, and Steve Saldivar. "An arts nonprofit closes shop after 'constant attacks' by 198 anti-gentrification activists." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 22 Feb. 2017. Web. ibid 199 ibid 200 "Interview with artist, Phil America." Personal interview. 10 May 2017. 201 57 meeting with community leaders and explaining the mission of the gallery, the swap meet welcomed him. He encouraged attendees, rather than donate to the gallery, to buy something from the other swap meet booths. He stressed that understanding and appreciating a community’s pre-existing cultural fabric is an incredibly important part of entering a community that you haven’t traditionally been a part of. This is an important example to bring up when discussing gentrification and art as they do not necessarily need to be synonymous. New art and preexisting cultural identity do not have to be a dichotomy either. We can’t lose sight of what this means for Los Angeles, though. Downtown’s development is already well past the point of Boyle Heights, but it is important to keep in mind that harsh, anti-gentrification sentiment exists within the city. Although new residents might not be too concerned about the socioeconomic impact that their presence brings, as evidenced in the ever-rising population downtown, gentrification is not a good association for successful city branding. Opponents warn downtown that the progress thus far does not promise success as an urban neighborhood and the city should be cautious. “Eclectic bars and trendy restaurants are everywhere, but basic community services like grocery stores, convenience stores, gas stations, and mid- level retailers are in short supply,” said Steve Basham, senior market analyst at CoStar Group. Cultural variety and authenticity is what attracted downtown’s current 202 residents to the area, according to Vidar. Without that authenticity, downtown could be destined to become another white-washed and corporate chain riddled Santa Monica Miet, Hannah. "Downtown Los Angeles is in danger of becoming oversupplied: report." The 202 Real Deal Los Angeles. The Real Deal Los Angeles, 14 June 2016. Web. 58 with little grit. In an interview with the author, Vidar explained that downtown was attempting to attract creatives. In a recent Wall Street Journal article, Katy McLaughlin explores what she calls the “art scene paradox,” as neighborhoods become trendy thanks to their creative, artist-based communities, the artists that made it so are priced out. She goes on to say that developers have become so desperate to keep artists 203 around that they are now offering discounted or free rent to artists. “The idea is to 204 seed their buildings with the kinds of creative people who make places cool — and turn their presence in the buildings into an amenity,” said McLaughlin. 205 There is a good opportunity for the city to use public relations to combat this issue. Seeing as the goal is to maintain the integrity of downtown as a creative hub for Los Angeles artists and creative types, the city needs to address the threat of being branded as a gentrified dead zone. One strategy would be to stress the benefits of the newly gentrified downtown, of course without using that language. As discussed, some of the biggest benefits of gentrification in the neighborhood are the increased sense of community and the economic stability. Branding should convey that tenants from the “old” downtown should remain and are important to maintain are the area’s sense of authenticity and creativity. McLaughlin, Katy. "Your Own Artist in Residence." Wall Street Journal [New York City] 14 203 Apr. 2017: n. pag. Print. ibid 204 ibid 205 59 Some potential tactics for stressing the value of community could be business spotlights. The city could identify a number of businesses downtown that are owned and operated by community members or that serve as important community institutions. One example could be the coffee shop, Coffee Colab. It is situated in a tiny dead end near Santee Alley, the two or three outdoor tables are almost always filled with local residents debating anything and everything. Another example is the friendly Spring St. Bar, fittingly located on Spring Street and host to a near-nightly seminar of downtown residents sitting outside with their dogs. Although both are arguably businesses that enjoy success thanks to gentrification, they offer a unique and quintessentially downtown sense of community. In regard to maintaining the sense of authenticity in downtown, another video or photo series that highlights the “legacy” tenants of downtown’s business scene could also be useful. Even spotlight articles could be an interesting way to introduce these businesses to the new community. An example could be a weekly series that introduces a legacy business owner and the story of their specific business with the intention of getting people to meet their neighbors. The articles could potentially be published in any downtown-centric news publication. Whether it be Downtown News, the Downtowner or a specific feature in Los Angeles Magazine. If successful, new residents would be able to find avenues to feel integrated into both the new and the old communities of downtown Los Angeles. 60 Chapter 9 – Crime in Downtown Los Angeles In a University of Chicago study completed in 1999, Julie Berry Cullen and Steve D. Levitt set out to better understand the correlation of crime, urban flight and the subsequent effect this would have on cities. They found that increases in crime 206 could be directly linked to depopulation of the respective urban areas. Specifically, they determined that this fluctuation in city population was due to increased out-migration as opposed to decreased arrivals. The statistics are not the only thing that matters 207 when considering the role that crime plays in a city’s brand and survival. Ensuring that the public feels safe is almost as important as actually keeping the community safe. 208 Does this mean every city should adopt Draconian laws to keep their streets safe? Not exactly. Overly aggressive law enforcement does not actually work in inner cities. An 209 examination of Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller’s anti-drug laws of the 1970’s in New York concluded that instead of making the streets safer, the city ostracized its most vulnerable and poverty-stricken neighborhoods. The subsequent profiling of young, 210 black men in place of the true criminals led to creating a toxic reputation for both the city and the police at the time. According to some, crime cannot be reduced solely 211 Cullen, Julie Berry, and Steven Levitt. "Crime, Urban Flight, and the Consequences for 206 Cities." The Review of Economics and Statistics LXXXI.Number 2 (1999): 159-69. Web. ibid 207 Kim, Eddie. "Marc Reina, Downtown's New Police Captain, Takes Aim at Crime." Los 208 Angeles Downtown News - For Everything Downtown L.A.! N.p., 28 Mar. 2017. Web. Patterson, Orlando. "The Real Problem With America’s Inner Cities." The New York Times. 209 The New York Times, 09 May 2015. Web. ibid 210 ibid 211 61 through police work. Addressing the root causes of crime and addressing them systemically is necessary. The role of crime in downtown Los Angeles, specifically 212 over the past several years, must be addressed. In September 2015 the Los Angeles Times published an article detailing the significant crime jump in what they called “L.A.’s hippest new domain.” The article explores the clash between downtown’s new and old residents, a situation that they believe has led to the newer residents becoming easy targets for crime. In addition to this, 213 Proposition 47, a state ballot measure passed in 2014, has also been called into question when considering the 57% spike in violent crime in L.A.’s central district in 2015. “Prop 47” downgraded the punishment for crimes like certain drug possession 214 felonies and petty thefts to misdemeanors. Since the measure passed, Los Angeles 215 saw an 8% increase in property crime in November of 2015. 216 In January of 2016, there were more huge jumps in several different categories of crime in downtown Los Angeles. Aggravated assaults went from 545 in 2014 to 890 in 2015. Robberies went from 471 in 2014 to 669 in 2015, and vehicle theft went from 249 Poston, Ben, and Kate Mather. "Dramatic rise in crime casts a shadow on downtown L.A.'s 212 gentrification." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 2 Sept. 2015. Web. ibid 213 ibid 214 "What you need to know about Proposition 47." California Department of Corrections & 215 Rehabilitation. N.p., n.d. Web. Chang, Cindy, Marisa Gerber, and Ben Poston. "Unintended consequences of Prop. 47 pose 216 challenge for criminal justice system." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 6 Nov. 2015. Web. 62 incidents in 2014 to 410 in 2015. These numbers are substantial and show a very 217 troubling trend for those living and visiting downtown.   Things took a turn in early 2017, as crime statistics published by the Los Angeles Police Department, Central Division showed a decrease in downtown’s violent crime rate, 4.4% to be exact. That being said, based on data from LAPD’s Central Division, 218 2016 crime rates are still shockingly higher than that of 2014. Violent crime was still 50% more than it was in 2014 and property crimes were 33% higher than they were in 2014. FOX11 published an article that profiled the 5.6% uptick in street robberies in 219 downtown Los Angeles. The article quoted LAPD Central Division Commanding 220 Officer Captain Steve Harrelson as saying, “It’s tough to prosecute these crimes… we’re not able to identify who the suspects are so, it’s difficult to make an arrest.” 221 Many families have begun moving into downtown Los Angeles, but crime remains a threat to continued movement. “We surprisingly have a larger number of families [living in downtown Los Angeles] than you would expect… there are lots of families with young children,” Jon Vidar said in the author’s interview with him. And he is right. Downtown Los Angeles blogs and Facebook groups targeted at families with children Kim, Eddie. "Violent, Property Crime Soar in Downtown L.A." Los Angeles Downtown News - 217 For Everything Downtown L.A.! N.p., 11 Jan. 2016. Web. COMPSTAT Los Angeles Police Department. COMPSTAT Central Area Profile. Los Angeles: 218 Los Angeles Police Department, 5 Jan. 2017. PDF. ibid 219 Eisner, Hal. "Downtown L.A. crime is on the rise." KTTV. FOX 11, 14 Mar. 2017. Web. 220 ibid 221 63 have been popping up all over the internet in the past several years. DTLA Families, a blog run by a couple with the tag line, “When attractive young people move into lofts together reproduction happens” gives parents advice on everything from the best daycares to neighborhood events. Downtown L.A. Parents is a social club of sorts 222 started by Susana Benavidez and her partner Matt Modrzejewski, “as a way to bring neighborhood parents together to mingle, meet up for play dates and, equally important, to form a voice for a growing community.” These things are important to 223 keep in mind because one of the most startling conclusions from the University of Chicago study discussed earlier was the fact that households that hold higher degrees of education or households with children present are substantially more responsive to changes in crime rates. This also does not bode well for the 79% of residents 224 downtown that have a college degree or higher. In a Los Angeles Downtown News 225 article, Patti Berman, President of the Downtown Los Angeles Neighborhood Council, was quoted as saying, “People say it’s getting scarier… people with kids are getting nervous.” Berman goes on to say that she has heard from numerous former 226 residents who specifically left downtown due to the hikes in crime. 227 DTLA Families. N.d. Facebook Group. Los Angeles. 222 Guzmán, Richard. "Meet the Parents." Los Angeles Downtown News - For Everything 223 Downtown L.A.! N.p., 11 Sept. 2009. Web. Cullen, Julie Berry, and Steven Levitt. "Crime, Urban Flight, and the Consequences for 224 Cities." The Review of Economics and Statistics LXXXI.Number 2 (1999): 159-69. Web. 2015 Annual Report. Los Angeles: Downtown Center Business Improvement District, 2015. 225 PDF. Kim, Eddie. "Violent, Property Crime Soar in Downtown L.A." Los Angeles Downtown News - 226 For Everything Downtown L.A.! N.p., 11 Jan. 2016. Web. ibid 227 64 It’s understandable to wonder if gentrification itself can affect or even potentially solve the issue of high crime rates. In one way, some believe that it makes sense that the influx of high-income, well-educated residents into an area could help decrease overall crime, but research seems to tell an another story. According to urban economics research, gentrified areas were actually linked to unexpected rises in both robbery and larceny. Gentrified neighborhoods bore total index crime rates higher than other 228 parts of the city. It is worth mentioning though that while property crime rates were higher in gentrified areas, personal crime rates tended to be lower. Additional 229 research indicated that healthier cities actually had showed economic integration, where the richest and poorest residents lived side by side. A finding that suggests that perhaps gentrification can help in addressing crime rates, but only if the poorest residents stay and are not completely displaced. 230 So, with this understanding, we can conceptualize how crime and the newly gentrified downtown may pose some problems to the longevity of the neighborhood. According to Vidar, a major reason that new residents are moving downtown is the search for an authentic sense of community. Without the allure of a supportive, safe community, downtown Los Angeles can lose it’s positioning to become the “it” city as discussed earlier. Roger Gendron was quoted in the Los Angeles Times as saying, “As more Aikman, Mischa-von-Derek . "Gentrification’s Effect on Crime Rates." Urban Economics 228 (2014): n. pag. Web. <https://sites.duke.edu/urbaneconomics/?p=1092>. ibid 229 Roman, John. "Gentrification Will Reduce Crime and Violence, But Only if Poor People 230 Stay." The Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost.com, 18 Nov. 2013. Web. 65 businesses invest downtown and people buy up condos and fill rental units, it’s critical that the city get a handle on crime… it’s going to be a deterrent.” This was 231 reinforced by an editorial in the Los Angeles Downtown News that explained, “If unchecked [acts of crime] threaten to undermine the progress the area has enjoyed over the last 15 years…The crime surge demands immediate attention. Without a comprehensive, coordinated and multi-pronged approach, the area’s reputation as a place where businesses want to open and people want to live and raise a family will be thrown into question.” 232   Although public relations cannot solve the issue of crime in downtown, it can certainly provide an avenue for the city to assuage residents worries about crime. The goal is not to erase the issue of crime but rather to encourage residents that the city is taking every action possible to address the issue. DCBID employs what they deem their “Safe & Clean” team, or colloquially known as the “purple patrol.” The safety officer portion of the patrol is part of Universal Protection Service and offers various safety services to downtown. According to an LAist article, critics don’t understand the point of the 233 safety officers and accuse them of harassing homeless individuals. If common 234 perception is that these officers are harassing homeless as opposed to keep Poston, Ben, and Kate Mather. "Dramatic rise in crime casts a shadow on downtown L.A.'s 231 gentrification." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 2 Sept. 2015. Web. "Downtown’s Unsettling Crime Spike." Los Angeles Downtown News - For Everything 232 Downtown L.A.! N.p., 19 Jan. 2016. Web. 2015 Annual Report. Los Angeles: Downtown Center Business Improvement District, 2015. 233 PDF. Tse, Carmen. "DTLA 'Purple Patrol' Officer Explains Why They Hover Around The 234 Homeless." LAist. N.p., 9 Oct. 2015. Web. 66 downtown safe, DCBID has a problem. The organization would do well with an increased public relations effort in regard to their safety teams. The Purple Patrol could be a valuable strategy in the PR efforts of the city when attempting to assure residents the neighborhood is being kept safe. The city should try to make the purple patrol more visible and amplify their role in an easier-to-understand format. Another strategy could be leveraging the positive experiences of downtown residents through targeted efforts to help grow downtown’s reputation as safe. A possible tactic could be through a curated Snapchat story that highlights younger resident’s successful nights out on the town or for families, successful and fun days around town with their children. Perhaps one family goes to the weekly, Sunday food festival Smorgasburg in the Arts District while another has a fun time running around at Grand Park near City Hall. Although these tactics don’t specifically address crime, they do help perpetuate the idea that people are regularly having a fun, safe time in downtown Los Angeles.  67 Chapter 10 — Pre-existing Sentiment Surrounding Downtown Los Angeles In a recent cab ride in downtown, the author spoke with a cab driver who described that in 1981 downtown Los Angeles was all “ghetto,” Broadway was “heroin alley” and that at the time, “you never want to be here out in the middle of the night.” This seems to be a sentiment that is hard to shake. Although anecdotal, observations like this reflect a lasting sentiment around the safety, cleanliness and overall standing of downtown Los Angeles within L.A.. As discussed earlier, those who moved into the area prior to or during the revitalization period were deemed “crazy.” Vidar also echoed the same 235 sentiment explaining that,“ten years ago no one would hang out in downtown Los Angeles after dark.” For an area with an explosive food and drink scene that relies on patrons being willing to explore the city after dark, this could be detrimental. Downtown Los Angeles also happens to be unique in another way when we look at the scheme of greater Los Angeles. As touched on earlier, Los Angeles is largely a commuter city. With a number of high quality food and bar establishments all condensed into one small area, downtown offers a very special opportunity: the chance to get drunk. Without having to worry about driving home, residents can imbibe with little concern and visitors can rely on a simple Uber ride to and from the area. Rather than multiple rides to different neighborhoods, downtown is a bit of a one-stop shop. Visitors from other neighborhoods in Los Angeles need to feel that they will be able to walk from bar to bar safely. If they’re holding onto the idea that downtown is unsafe at night, they won’t take the risk of jumping in an Uber to come across town. Rothbard, Sarah. "Is Downtown L.A.'s New Center? - The Takeaway." Zócalo Public Square. 235 N.p., 15 Oct. 2014. Web. 68 The safety concern is also relevant to patronage of daytime establishments as well. MOCA and the Broad offer exciting opportunities for children to engage with bold art and multiple child-friendly restaurants like the newly renovated Clifton’s Cafeteria give them a place to eat afterwards. Parents that live in other areas of the city or parents visiting from out of state could feel less inclined to visit these locations because of downtown’s reputation. A quick look at the Los Angeles travel forum on Trip Advisor reveals a commonly repeated sentiment that visitors should exercise a lot of caution when exploring downtown. Websites like Smarter Travel suggests visitors to “stay 236 away from downtown after sunset" in an article published in February of 2017. The 237 site also warns, “When the crowd goes home, shadier sorts of people come around, including drug users.”   238 These travel advisories, although well meaning, touch on the lasting effect that downtown’s past has on its present. They overshadow the rich sightseeing options that downtown Los Angeles provides to potential tourists. In the past several years, downtown L.A. has grown to include a number of diverse options for both domestic and international tourists to discover including the Instagram-able Broad Museum, bustling Grand Central Market and the warm labyrinth of the The Last Bookstore. For those looking to score a deal, the fashion district offers alleyway after alleyway of "Re: Los Angeles Downtown safe or unsafe?" Web log comment. Trip Advisor . N.p., n.d. 236 Web. <https://www.tripadvisor.com/ShowTopic-g32655-i61-k3476343- Los_Angeles_Downtown_safe_or_unsafe-Los_Angeles_California.html>. "Downtown at Night in Los Angeles and Other Warnings and Dangers | Virtual Tourist." 237 SmarterTravel. N.p., 23 Feb. 2017. Web. ibid 238 69 merchants ready to barter for a cute crop top or a new pair of sneakers. Buzzy food spots like Little Damage, famous for their soot-black charcoal ice cream, saucy breakfast joint, Eggslut or the expansive, marble adorned Bottega Louie, slinging delicate French macarons, all offer something unique to visitors. When the sun sets, tourists have just as much to explore in the downtown corridor. New comers like Bernadette’s, a 70’s-themed drinking cave adorned with palm frond wallpaper offers a casual, hole in the wall spot for tourists to grab a beer while the rooftop at Perch offers glitzy, craft cocktails and a Parisian-tiled dance floor against the backdrop of skyscrapers. Tourists would do well to add downtown Los Angeles to their must-see itinerary as it can truly fit the vacation style of almost any visitor. Public relations is possibly one of the best tools for the city to utilize when attempting to sway public perception of downtown Los Angeles. The author would argue that the city has done decently well in regard to addressing this issue but there are certainly some opportunities for continued improvement. Websites like Time Out, Thrillist and Eater LA are all good media outlets to target when attempting to attract tourists to downtown Los Angeles. Listicles like “10 Best New Restaurants in Downtown” or “5 Most Kid-Friendly Activities in Downtown Los Angeles” could be instrumental in helping change the public’s opinion of the neighborhood. Intense and excessive PR efforts in regard to sentiment may come off as forced, so anything tackling downtown’s shady past versus its bright future is discouraged. Rather, the city should just focus on highlighting the things that truly make downtown Los Angeles as special as it is. These 70 draws should hopefully be enough to convince visitors to make the leap into exploring the area for themselves. 71 Chapter 11 — Conclusions Downtown Los Angeles is a complex, exciting and unique portion of the greater city of L.A. It has as much charm as it does grit and seems to be reaching a fever-pitch in regard to popularity with residents and tourists alike. Its positioning as a previously undeveloped neighborhood in the midst of the second biggest city in the United States lends itself to a rebirth unlike any other. The frontier has been breached and the vast plane of possibility is now laid out for the greater city to see. However, as we’ve explored, downtown is far from perfect. The progress made does not mean that the rest of downtown’s development will follow suit. That being said, this author doesn’t believe that the obstacles discussed will prevent downtown from continuing to prosper. The obstacles will, however, prevent the neighborhood from reaching its full potential as the “it” portion of the city, a moniker that would likely help not only the neighborhood, but the entirety of L.A. As Los Angeles continues to push towards becoming an even more competitive city while vying for top talent and an expansive network of international investors, an established and flourishing central hub could help solidify L.A.’s existing strengths. As city officials stare down the prospect of a modern and well-functioning downtown corridor, their view should settle on a better functioning Los Angeles. The added allure of increased tourism compounded with a robust residential market bode well for the longevity of the city. With the 2024 Olympic Bid around the corner, this could truly be a watershed moment in L.A.’s history. City officials and planners should not get ahead of 72 themselves, though. The astronomic growth of downtown in the past decade or so means that there was and there will continue to be a decent amount of growing pains into the foreseeable future. The prosperity of the city is dependent on the construction of a sound and conscientious downtown infrastructure. Negligence to this infrastructure could ostensibly mean the failure of the downtown brand, and perhaps of the downtown center itself. Although public relations cannot provide a solution to every issue facing downtown at the moment, strategic PR certainly can help alleviate some of the growing pains of the revitalizing area if the city continues to work on addressing the more deeply rooted problems. Although the issues thus far have not prevented the extreme amounts of development in the area, according to the research they do seem potent enough to hamper downtown’s success as a positive geo-brand. The author hopes that through comprehensive efforts backed by the city and the Mayor’s office, issues like homelessness, crime, displacement and sentiment can be addressed in a sustainable and responsible way. If so, the City of Angels may finally have its heaven.  73 Bibliography 2013 Greater Los Angeles Homeless Count. Los Angeles: Los Angles Homeless Services Authority, 20 Aug. 2013. PDF. 2015 Annual Report. Los Angeles: Downtown Center Business Improvement District, 2015. PDF. "About." Department of Cultural Affairs. 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JH: Yes JV: So my agency, AVG, we’re working with the DCBID to craft an overarching, very targeted marketing campaign through 2017, so it’s not, don't think about this like the campaign that is going to be on billboards all over downtown this is more of an engagement campaign for a very specific demographic that we’re trying to engage with in downtown spaces with the goal of getting people to move in to the spaces of residential, retail and office. So it’s very much a targeted marketing campaign that is focused on filling space and bringing in tenants. JH: Would you be willing to tell me a little bit about that demographic that you are targeting, that you want to be moving into downtown? 83 JV: The demographics are very different by sector and even within the sector they're very wide ranging, the demographic for residential tends to be the upward moving professional 100k plus in salary, definitely creatives as well as entrepreneurs. We surprisingly have a larger number of families than you would expect, it’s not all just singles or young coupes, there are lots of families with young children. So residential that’s the model we’re looking at. For office, were just as much going after the young, hot startups and trying to get interest in the growing tech scene in downtown as we would be trying to expand existing industries, there are a lot of architecture firms and a lot of law firms and some business firms and trying to grow that base as well. We’re just as interested in getting people into co-working spaces as we are in renting 10,000 square feet of office space and then retail, it’s the same thing. We’re just as interested in trying to find the small boutique shops as we are in trying to find the big brands and bring them in. JH: Overall is there a general strategy that you're employing in attracting this demographic to downtown? JV: The overarching strategy and demographic that we’re employing in going after them is really about engagement, all of the tactics that we’re going to roll out are going to be about bringing people into spaces and actually getting them to live and feel and participate in things downtown. So it’s not so much broad awareness, billboard in your face, logoa everywhere kind of thing as it is an authentic approach to getting people to spend more and more time in downtown to the point that they’re like “Wow I should 84 just live here or I should just have my office here.” The uniqueness about downtown is that it is the only place in greater Los Angeles that is this greater microcosm of L.A., of the community and it’s a place where you can live work and play and that was their tagline for many years, where you can really have your whole life and you can live the New York lifestyle in Los Angeles. JH: L.A. is such a sprawled city in general, do you think that downtown Los Angeles could become an epicenter of L.A. as it progresses and as it grows? JV: I think it’s already there, I'm born and raised in Los Angeles and there’s never been a period of time here where I have spent as much time downtown as I do now and thats not just because I'm working there obviously. A lot of my friends live in downtown a lot of the best restaurants are all in downtown now, all of the cultural institutions that are downtown now, I go there to just hang out and work at a coffee shop because i know that as soon as I'm done working I’ll be able to meet up with some friends, grab a bite to eat and go out to a bar and then go home and it'll all be in one place. JH: So, how do you think that downtown Los Angeles could differentiate itself when compared to other maybe better known destinations for tourists, like Santa Monica? I know you mentioned the whole live-work thing, how do you think it can differentiate itself in regard to tourism? 85 JV: I think that really is a large part of the differentiator, when you're in downtown you don't need to leave. You don't need a car, it’s highly concentrated, you really are in a little urban city. JH: With the success of the marketing plan do you think there’s something that DTLA can gain specifically, residents of course but where do you think the next step is? JV: Well right now downtown is in the biggest development in its history, I mean don’t quote me on that but there’s more property and real estate coming online in 2017 than ever before, something along the lines of 10,000 units online now but 5,000 units are going to come online in 2017. This massive amount of growth, the potential in DTLA right now could go one of two ways. Like this could be it, this is the tipping point and it’s going to fill in, this is going to be downtown L.A.’s moment in the sun and not even L.A. being the hot city but downtown L.A. being the hot city in the country to be in, it could become that and it’s already on track to be that, or depending on how the economy goes over the next couple of years, it could end up with a lot of vacancies. I don't think it'll go that way but I think it’s poised to really become the “it” city. The “it” part of town in the “it” city in America, you know? JH: So, with that, what challenges do you think the city will face when it becomes the “it” city? 86 JV: I mean, there are some challenges, there’s a lot of property coming online so filling space, and that’s really our main goal. There’s also the reputation about what downtown is from before but it’s drastically and rapidly changing where as ten years ago no one would hang out in downtown Los Angeles after dark and now it’s the place to hang out after dark, so the reputation has drastically changed but there is also still a reality that definitely has a lot of progress to make. There’s still crime, there’s still a homeless population, that’s pretty significant, I have a lot of good friends and they're the first to admit that it’s still a little rough, so there’s still some things that need to change but even all of that’s been changing dramatically over the last five years. JH: That’s something that I've been focusing on, the current tension that exists between the demographic that historically hasn't lived in downtown Los Angeles and this huge influx of them, so I'm wondering if you think that tension is going to be a significant hurdle for DTLA to become the “it” city like you've been mentioning. JV: It is really hard, people come and stay at the Ace Hotel and if you walk two blocks in the wrong direction you're on skid row so it needs to be addressed but I don't think it’s going to be the make or break it because downtown is having such a renaissance even with it being a known issue so I think it’s only going to get better, not worse. JH: I spoke with Nick Griffin at the DCBID and he mentioned he thinks that the influx of people that care about their community helps turn that issue around, do you agree with that? 87 JV: Oh yeah, the community base in DTLA is one of the driving factors in what is making downtown what it is, what’s so attractive to people that want to move in. People who live in downtown are like the people who lived in Echo Park and Silver Lake 15 years ago, it was the emerging frontier of where live then and all they did was espouse on how great it was and it’s the best spot to be in L.A. and that’s what it’s like in downtown now. JH: Do you think the inclusion of homeless and lower income might help create this “it” city that DTLA could become? JV: It’s interesting, I think that part of what attracts the people who are the first people to come in and start making any area the cool, new area is the authenticity and the realness and the grit of the area and I think that’s what DTLA has offered for a long time, that kind of realness of an authentic city. People come into these areas that are gritty and they call them frontiers because they're cheap, because they have amazing food, because they have a real, cool vibrant culture and they move in their 20’s and they stay and then they get to their 30’s.   88 Interview with Nick Griffin of DCBID Nick Griffin is the current Director of Economic Development for the Downtown Center Business Improvement District. He attended UCLA and began his career working in marketing and business development for the entertainment industry before transitioning into the technology business. He received his MBA at Ohio State and began practicing real estate which then landed him at this current position. Johnna Hughes: What are the components of a city’s brand? Nick Griffin: One of the most interesting and most dynamic things about cities in the 21st century is that the thing that makes them appealing and successful socially, culturally and economically, is the diversity of uses and sectors. Meaning industries like residential, office spaces, arts and culture, retail, restaurants, city amenities, streetscapes, public spaces. It’s the combination of five or so key big sectors, what makes a truly great city is the intersection of those and the overlapping of those. JH: Where do you think arts and culture fit into the brand of a city, do they have an impact? NG: Culture is not a vacuum, arts and culture in the past were considered something- it was like the LA Phil and that’s it, but it’s not the way it was in 60’s now. We have an initiative this year called “Downtown Los Angeles Creative Capital” about arts and 89 culture as an economic driver of areas. The reason we’re doing that is that arts and culture both have an impact that is important, there’s something called the Otis Report on the Creative Economy and it’s an annual report on the economic impact of creative industries, it’s an economic engine in itself, more importantly it’s a driver of the other sectors, it’s why people choose to live in an urban area, in downtown, companies that are growing are attracted to arts and culture, the people they want to work with are the type of people who are attracted to arts and culture. Of course it impacts tourism too, people are coming to an area like DTLA because of the richness of culture. I think it’s that incredibly dynamic mix of all of those different pieces and culture with a capital “C” is just one part of that. Cities are an ecosystem, a really diverse mix, a rainforest that’s super diverse, it’s a cross pollination between culture, business, creative, individuals all of that is in the mix and in the end that’s what is making downtown so exciting right now you have that kind of vibrant diverse mix.    JH: What do you think the watershed moment was for downtown Los Angeles becoming what it is today? It didn’t always used to look this way…    NG: There’s a couple of things, the genesis of it, well there were a couple tipping point moments in 1999, one was the Adaptive Reuse Ordinance (ARO), this enabled property owners to convert old office buildings, old bank buildings into residential units and that spurred the first residential growth in DTLA. That was critical, because what makes a city is a strong residential component. If people leave at 5 pm there’s no restaurants, no theatre. Nothing kicked off growth in the residential sector like that ordinance. 90 Concurrent with that was the development of the Staples Center and LA Live, and that had the effect of marking downtown as a destination in a way that it hadn’t been before. You’ve all of a sudden got 20,000 people coming here for a game or event. Following the ARO there was tons of development and along with that came tons of other types of development like entertainment, culture, nightlife, restaurants, and LA Live saw that this was possible because of these elements. Another turning point in some way is also the megatrend of movement towards urban living. You are seeing similar revivals across the country, this sociological shift, people are more interested in a more diverse, dense, dynamic environment. So the overarching fact is that the more people want to live here, the more houses will be built, and when they move, restaurants will open to serve them and more businesses will open to serve them. It’s a self-regenerating process where the more people that are here, the more amenities that pop up. The thing that’s harder to define in a tangible way is what does that mean for cultural identity. You’re certainly seeing that evolve, there’s a maker component with authenticity and creativity, entrepreneurship, a community component, people who want to live close to and interacting with other people, a sort of historical authenticity drawn to the good bones of cool old buildings and streets that they can somehow sense were busy 75 or 100 years ago.    JH: Where do you see Downtown Los Angeles in the scope of the entire city, possibly the entire country? 91 NG: Within Los Angeles it’s repositioning itself as the center, Los Angeles has always lacked a true center but we’ve reached critical mass and the gravitational pull that DTLA has, well it’s becoming that center, and culture is a big part of that. We see when you combine all these sort of high-end cultural tropes like The Broad with the critical mass of galleries and music venues and all of those things, the density and culture of downtown is becoming dominant. There is great culture in Los Angeles, but there is a shift coupled with that. Los Angeles led by downtown is ascending to a world-class city, we’ve been the largest city in the country that isn’t world class, we are increasingly being ranked with London and New York and Tokyo. That hasn’t been the case in the past because it lacked a center. Look at LA, sure there’s a lot to experience in the aggregate but because there isn’t a centrality it’s hard to go here and experience that. They’ll be referring to downtown when they refer to LA soon. Part of why I think this is going to happen is like what I said before, the megatrend of moving into cities. Downtown is getting the lion’s share of that growth and will continue to because other parts of LA are not willing to accept a lot of growth, downtown has bought into itself as a true city, whereas that’s simply not going to happen in Beverly Hills or Santa Monica. Development capital is pouring into LA, people want to be developing here, but when they get closer they see they can’t do much in a lot of these areas, especially if they’re a big developer. In some ways, downtown is the only game left in this town. You’re not going to build a big residential tower anywhere else, it’s tripled in the past 15 years, and it’s going to double in the next 10 years, also public transit is a part of that too.    JH: So there’s obviously an enormous homeless population downtown Los Angeles, 92 there are also a lot of low-income residents. Do you think these people want this change? Or could this change pose a threat to current residents?     NG: I actually think that there’s a real opportunity for it to benefit across the board. I believe that managed well, that kind of growth is beneficial for everywhere. On one hand with that growth you have a hemming in of the homeless and the low income, more demand for market rate housing so in some ways, you’re tightening it down. But on the other hand you have an increasing number of people who have a vested interest in bettering downtown. So you see more homeless solutions, more low income housing solutions, they have a motivation, an interest in fixing problems. Where in years past there was a reason it was all concentrated in DTLA, people took busloads of homeless from other areas and dumped them into DTLA, so as that place develops, with the growth comes more people who care, more capital that makes that care matter. Property owners who care about the value, they can’t turn their backs, they have to create a solution. Things like Chrysalis, a non-profit we engineered that employees homeless people, things like that lead to people advocating for solutions and affordable housing developments. At the end of the day that’s how solutions are formed, partially out of self-interest and partially out of kindness. So now we have this critical mass of people who have a vested interest in doing something, that’s where the balance tips. Look at it as X number of homeless people but 10x number of people who are working and want to fix the issue. There is gentrification, but the best way to provide affordable housing is to build market rate housing 30 years ago, you need something new. Otherwise high-income residents, they’re going to take the thing that’s 93 already there and push out the current residents. As developers fill the need for market rate they build affordable as well. I really believe that vibrant cities are healthier overall and a big part of that is how they help deal with the biggest problems, whether environmental, social or homelessness. Nick Griffin’s bio was sourced from an interview that he did with the Bedrosian Center at USC Price School of Public Policy.  http://bedrosian.usc.edu/blog/a-conversation-with-nick-griffin-economic-development- in-downtown-la/ Interview with Elan Shore of DCBID Elan Shore has more than 15 years of experience in economic development and communications. Currently, he leads the research program for the Downtown Center Business Improvement District in Los Angeles. He has also served as the San Fernando Regional Manager for the LA County Economic Development Corporation. Before moving to Los Angeles, he was with the Ministry of Economic Development and Trade in Toronto where his work focused on attracting businesses and investment from around the world. Elan has a Masters Degree in International Relations from the University of Toronto and, more recently, completed a Certificate in Mediation from California State University, Northridge 94 JH: What did the timeline for DTLA development look like? ES: The first projects in the old bank district came from Tom Gilmore. And then there was the Walt Disney concert hall. When the recession hit, DTLA was crushed, we had this slow growth up 2008 then 2009, 2010 it totally dropped off, but now, business wise, it has well surpassed 2007. JH: What do you think DTLA’s current role in the greater scheme of Los Angeles is? ES: Los Angeles’ downtown has had a relatively minor influence up until the last 15 years. DTLA inherited a lot of issues, but they’re really starting to grapple with the issues now. Like the first attempt to clear Skid Row of vagrants was in 1950 but it’s an entrenched dynamic, however I would also say the changing nature of downtown, that means that situation is much more likely to be resolved. It’s a question of time, as DTLA grows, we believe it’ll grow more and more and all the large scale trends across the area will bode well. JH: Was there opposition to DTLA growing so much? ES: There was opposition to particular projects, but not development as a whole. The potential for DTLA to become a model of urban development is huge. Taking an area largely neglected, applying new ideas and concepts to development. For example, 95 15-20 years ago, nobody really thought about the concept of ground floor retail. Now it’s vital. Urban development has changed dramatically. Peacemaking has become an important component. Downtown is starting to do things very differently. LA has an opportunity. So much under utilized space, streets to be improved, transit system to be improved, but of course you can mismanage, approve the wrong projects. JH: What do you think these new institutions popping up in downtown, like the Broad for example, represent and how do you think it’ll influence the brand of downtown? ES: It’s a manifestation of where downtown has come. I think what it will do, is it will bring more people into downtown and they’ll see what’s going on there. They’ve all brought a certain amount of attention to DTLA for the moment, Hauser Wirth & Schimmel for example plus places like the Broad, those things opening up within less than a year is huge. It puts a spotlight on downtown. Architecture and design museum that’s a museum planning on coming to downtown, it’s honestly a part of a movement.  Elan Shore’s bio was self-written.  96 Acknowledgments I can genuinely say that this thesis was only possible thanks to the unending patience and guidance of my unbelievable committee and that of my friends and family. First and foremost I’d like to thank Jennifer Floto, my chair, for her invaluable support both during the thesis process as well as throughout my entire time at the University of Southern California. Next I’d like to thank my thesis committee member, Burghardt Tenderich for his constant positivity and insight surrounding my topic. I would also like to thank my committee member Gabe Kahn. Thank you for your words of wisdom and your empathy. My time here at USC would not have been possible without support from each one of you. Your belief in me has inspired me beyond words.   I’d also like to thank Jon Vidar, Nick Griffin, Elan Shore and Phil for taking time to help me understand the complexities of this topic in a way I never could have reached on my own. And to my loved ones, thank you for everything. Thank you for letting me use your houses to write in when I couldn’t focus in my own, thank you for all of the words of encouragement when I thought I was going to lose my mind, thank you for taking the time to give me your opinions, thank you for understanding and listening and for supporting me in ways that I will remember for the rest of my life. I couldn’t have done this without each and every one of you. 97

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This thesis involves research on the revitalization of downtown Los Angeles and the issues surrounding the re-branding of the neighborhood. The research is intended to pin point several problems that might inhibit the implementation of a successful geo-branding campaign in downtown Los Angeles along with suggestions on addressing those issues. This has been done through content analysis and expert interviews. Upon examination, it became clear that several of the biggest issues facing downtown L.A. were homelessness, crime, anti-gentrification sentiment and negative pre-existing sentiment of the area. This research highlights the importance of addressing these concerns prior to establishing a strong geo-brand.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Hughes, Johnna (author)

Core Title The revitalization and re-branding of America’s next “It” city: a look into downtown Los Angeles

School Annenberg School for Communication

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Strategic Public Relations

Publication Date 08/03/2017

Defense Date 08/03/2017

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag branding,city branding,Downtown Los Angeles,DTLA,geo-branding,Los Angeles,Los Angeles homelessness,OAI-PMH Harvest,revitalization

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Floto, Jennifer (committee chair), Kahn, Gabriel (committee member), Tenderich, Burghardt (committee member)

Creator Email Johnna.Hughes32@gmail.com,JohnnaRudd@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-422073

Unique identifier UC11264420

Identifier etd-HughesJohn-5678.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-422073 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-HughesJohn-5678.pdf

Dmrecord 422073

Document Type Thesis

Rights Hughes, Johnna

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA