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Mexican hometown associations: Zacatecanos in Los Angeles, gendered participation and Mexican state ties

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Mexican hometown associations: Zacatecanos in Los Angeles, gendered participation and Mexican state ties

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Mexican Hometown Associations:
Zacatecanos in Los Angeles, Gendered
Participation and Mexican State Ties

Denise Gonzalez
Politics and International Relations
Master of Arts
University of Southern California
December 2016

2

Abstract

This paper on the Mexican hometown organization, La Federacion de Clubes Zacatecanos
del Sur de California examines the gender hierarchies and experience of women within the
organization. While hometown associations become a space for immigrant political
engagement and participation, they are often marked by structured gender roles that limit
the participation of women. The patriarchal socio-cultural norms structure the formal
participation of women, and the home sending state of Zacatecas only reinforces such
gender dynamics where women are relegated to the informal realm of the organization and
men take a strong presence in the formal decision making realm.

3

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ................................................................................................................................ 2

1.0) Introduction .................................................................................................................. 4

1.1) Señorita Zacatecas Beauty Pageant, 2006: Stage and Beyond …........................ 7

1.2) Beyond the Stage: Do FCZSC Queens Have any Formal Presence in Club
Decision Making? ....................................................................................................... 11

2.0) Theoretical Framework: Translational Literature on Immigrant Hometown
Associations ......................................................................................................................... 15

2.1) The History of the Relationship between the Mexican State and its Diaspora ... 20

2.2) History of Programs by the Mexican State to Institutionalize its Relationship
with its Diaspora ......................................................................................................... 23

2.3) The Case of Zacatecas as an Example of Institutionalized Relationship
between the Diaspora and the State ............................................................................ 26

2.4) Consequences and Benefits of Increased Ties between the Mexican State
and Immigrant Hometown Associations ..................................................................... 31

3.0) Methods: Qualitative Research ..................................................................................... 33

4.0) Findings: Clientelism, Misappropriation of Funds, and the Pursuit of Transparency .. 34

4.1) Beauty Pageant, Conflict of Interest and Traces of Clientelism ......................... 40

5.0) Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 45

Woks Consulted and Cited .................................................................................................. 47

Appendix 1.0 Interview Questions ...................................................................................... 50

4

1.0) Introduction

In early November 2006, the Federación de Clubes Zacatecanos del Sur de
California
1
held its annual beauty contest, Certamen Señorita Zacatecas in Los Angeles,
California. The FCZSC is one is the first established and largest Mexican immigrant
hometown associations (HTA) in the United States
2
. In fact, the organization has been the
subject of several academic works and such attention is brings great pride to its members.
Well over 40 hometown clubs work under the umbrella organization
3
and actively
participate and collaborate with the Mexican state in the collective remittance program,
“Tres por Uno (3X1)
4
.” The annual beauty pageant is an event with multiple purposes as
it organizes a whole series of events that allow for its members to discuss organizational
matters with Mexican state representatives, including the state governor. After attending
several of these annual events, some could even infer that the beauty pageant itself is solely
for symbolic purposes. However, the annual beauty pageant and all the events that are
organized around it provide insight into the “formal” and “informal” organizational
dynamics of hometown associations and ties to the Mexican state. “Formal” being those
acts and duties performed with defined goals and contributions for the Mexican state
sponsored collective remittance program, Tres por Uno and “informal” as those casual
interactions that stem from social ties and activities
5
.

1
Henceforth, FCZSC.
2
S. Karthick Ramakrishnan and Celia Viramontes, "Civic Spaces: Mexican Hometown Associations and
Immigrant Participation," Journal of Social Issues 66, no. 1 (2010): 158, doi:10.1111/j.1540-
4560.2009.01638.x.
3
Luin Goldring, "The Gender and Geography of Citizenship in Mexico ‐U.S. Transnational Spaces,"
Identities 7, no. 4 (2001): pg. #502, doi:10.1080/1070289x.2001.9962677.
4
Matching-grant program first developed in Zacatecas, which matches each dollar HTAs provide for
community infrastructure projects (e.g., portable water systems, roads, church renovations, and recreational
facilities) with a similar contribution from municipal, state, and federal governments. For more on this topic,
see, Moctezuma Longoria, Miguel. 2002. Los migrantes mexicanos en los Estados Unidos y la inversion
productive en Mexico.” Migraciones Internacionales 1, no.3: 149-62.
5

The annual beauty pageant is the culmination of an entire year’s worth of
participant’s community engagement and continued involvement the FCZSC. Luin
Goldring, who studied and wrote about the same series of pageant events in 1997,
explained how such pageants functioned in this transnational social space as vehicles in
defining formal and substantive citizenship practices and rights within the community6.
The young women are for the most part, not active participants in the FCZSC until their
hometown club recruits them to serve as a representative of their community the annual
pageant. As soon as they are recruited, they become active in attending regular meetings
and practices, assist in fundraising, attend a summer tour in Zacatecas, engage with their
transnational community, and meet with Mexican political authorities. It is then that their
participation becomes “formal” and they begin a process of citizenship practices, which
do not necessarily translate into a strong presence in key decision making and participation
in the Mexican state sponsored remittance program, Tres por Uno. Often, the formality
of participation in the pageant remains symbolic as those who those do become pageant
queen or princesses disappear shortly after the event. Still, FCZSC indicates that the
pageant is one of their principal programs for engaging and educating youth about their
cultural heritage and transnational community.

5
Patricia Zamudio, "El Señor O La Señora? Gender and Participation in Chicago's Mexican Immigrant
Community," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 98, no. 3 (Autumn 2005): 184.
6
Goldring, Luin. "The Gender and Geography of Citizenship in Mexico ‐U.S. Transnational Spaces."
Identities 7, no. 4 (2001): 501-37. doi:10.1080/1070289x.2001.9962677.
6

In fact, until then, the pageant was the only successful program in retaining a cohesive
group of Zacatecano youth for a year
7
.
In following with their formal contributions to the FCZSC, pageant participants
become active in working with the hometown club they represent to fundraise and
represent their community at events. As Goldring noted, “women’s participation is
usually limited to “traditional” roles as (1) icons of femininity and bearers of Zacatecana
culture and identity…(2) displays of male partner’s status… (3) mothers, nurturers, cooks,
and mature bearers and safe keepers of Zacatecana culture
8
.” Fundraising is the prime
goal of clubs in order to have enough funds to propose projects and participate in the state
sponsored Tres por Uno program. Pageant participants, along with the help of other
women do much of the labor to support fundraising activities, still their presence at
FCZSC meetings often felt symbolic and passive, rather than formal and active.

As the formal pageant representatives of their hometown club, in several occasions
the young women were invited to the monthly FCZSC business meeting where all clubs
attended to review organization business, such as Tres por Uno program proposed and
submitted projects. Never did any of the young women stand up to speak on such
business matters in the general meetings. Their comments and any attention to them
within the meeting were specifically to announce a hometown club fundraising event,
such as a rodeo, or charitable lunch or dinner. Their purpose was to mobilize their
community to help raise funds for hometown projects and in some of the chitter chatter
in the crowds suggested; attract young men to the organization.
7
Drawn from participant observation during monthly meetings at the FCZSC Fall of 2006.
8
Luin Goldring, "The Gender and Geography of Citizenship in Mexico ‐U.S. Transnational Spaces,"
Identities 7, no. 4 (2001): 503, doi:10.1080/1070289x.2001.9962677.
7

The distinction of roles for men and women within the organization provides us
with insight on the value such organizations have for immigrant men, and helps explain
why women and first- generation youth within these organizations lack the same
commitment to the formal goals. Finally, the FCZSC’s role as an organizational mediator
between its members and the Mexican state of Zacatecas, limits the opportunities and ties
for further engagement of women and youth within its transitional community.
1.1) Señorita Zacatecas Beauty Pageant, 2006: Stage and Beyond

A key distinction between the period in which Luin Goldring did ethnographic
research on the FCZSC in 1997 and 2006, was that Zacatecas had elected its first-ever
female governor, Amalia Garcia. This historical win for women in Mexican politics gave
a couple of the women within the FCZSC interviewed in 2006 hope for expansion of
women’s roles in the organization. Following with this seemingly “revolutionary” period
of politics in their home state, the pageant was themed Mujeres Revolucionarias
(Revolutionary Women). Celebrating young Zacatecana’s intelligence, courage, and pride
in their Zacatecano heritage and community, the young women expressed great enthusiasm
in taking part in a historic event for their hometown community.
Witnessing the pride and enthusiasm not only of the young women, but all those who
attended, inspires a discussion on transnationalism and gender that produce formal and
informal realms for the participation of men and women within Mexican immigrant
hometown associations. Transnationalism is defined as “the processes by which
immigrants forge and sustain social relations that link together their societies of origin and
settlement
9
.”
8

As this event exemplifies, FCZSC members embrace their Zacatecanos Mexican
regional identity and engage in such associations and events to bridge their community
across borders. More importantly, organizational goals and functions are mediated by
regional identity and cultural norms that define the roles of men and women who
participate. In the case of Zacatecas, women are a minority on the government side of
negotiations over Tres por Uno program submissions
10
. In attending all formal meetings
with the Mexican state that took place the days before the pageant final, including a private
dinner with the governor and FCZSC chairs, I was often the only woman aside from her.
There were three other women serving in their respective hometown club committees, but
the tension among them often hindered their ability to work together in increasing women’s
participation. All other women I encountered and spoke to at events were relegated to the
informal side of events, working at food stands during fundraising events, or volunteering
with pageant participants and helping groom them for the big event.
The pageant took place in a ballroom that fits well over 2,000 guests, most of which
were seated at tables according to their respective Zacatecan hometown clubs. Among
the many guests at the pageant were several well-known politicians and Latino
community activists, such as Dolores Huerta, Los Angeles councilman, Jose Huizar, and
governor of Zacatecas, Amalia García Medina. In addition to local California
representatives, as tradition holds, the FCZSC always hosts their state governor as their
guest of honor. Hometown clubs within the FCZSC invite their town mayors, not only
9
Basch et al., p. 7.
10
Luin Goldring, "The Gender and Geography of Citizenship in Mexico ‐U.S. Transnational Spaces,"
Identities 7, no. 4 (2001): 503, doi:10.1080/1070289x.2001.9962677.
9

for their support during the pageant, but primarily for their attendance at series of
organization business meetings held prior to the event with other state representatives and
organizational leadership. Such meetings are critical in formal decision making when it
comes to Tres por Uno program submissions, yet none of the pageant participants were
present, and it was noted that they were too busy preparing for the grand event
11
.
In scanning the large ballroom during the pageant, club committee members work
the room to network with other members, just as the young women nervously take turns to
deliver their speeches. This event is more about those the backroom discussions among
hometown clubs chairs, Mexican state officials, and the board of directors of the FCZSC,
than about the young women on stage, at least for those interested in getting their proposed
projects approved. And as custom holds, as each contestant takes the stage to deliver her
speech, each thanked the governor of Zacatecas for her presence. Unlike other years,
several of the contestants expressed enthusiasm in sharing this night with the first elected
female governor of Zacatecas, Mexico, and pride in seeing a woman in such position,
noting that she had become a role model for some. Each woman passionately spoke about
their Zacatecan heritage and proudly boasted over their respective hometown club’s
accomplishments through its participation in the FCZSC. Their pride in their Zacatecana
heritage and womanhood was conveyed in their Adelita
12
themed colorful costumes
adorned with bullet vests, while holding a small faux rifle.

11
Meeting field note from November 2006.
12
"La Adelita" came to be an archetype of a woman warrior in Mexico during the Mexican Revolution. An
Adelita was a soldadera, or woman soldier, who not only cooked and cared for the wounded but also
actually fought in battles against Mexican government forces. In time, the word Adelita was used for all the
soldaderas, who became a vital force in the revolutionary war efforts. The term La Adelita has since come to
signify a woman of strength and courage.
10

In attending various events and meetings prior to the pageant, it was clear that the
spotlight on women within the FCZSC was not until the annual beauty pageant. The
pageant is the one event with the most active participation of women, at the least on stage.
One of the pageants purposes it to promote home state culture, and it concludes the year’s
organizational goals, one being its cultural component. In addition, it serves as a
mechanism to encourage both formal and informal participation within the organization’s
community, which includes all the hometown clubs it represents and the families that work
together to support them. More importantly it seeks to promote citizenship in their home
states transnational community in the United States
13
and foster solidarity among the
different hometown communities represented under the FCZSC.
On the surface, the 2006 Certamen Señorita Zacatecas was as a celebration of
Zacatecana womanhood, young women’s formal participation in the organization, and a
public manifestation of their substantive citizenship within the Zacatecano transnational
community. However, transnational social spaces, such as the FCZSC, produce different
roles for men and women that relegate them to formal or informal realms within the
community, casting women as passive agents and men as active members. More
importantly, hometown organizations, as transnational spaces, exemplify how public and
private life is not clearly separated, where traditional patriarchal hierarchies and informal
relationships between members shape power relations, status of participants, and positions
taken on by members14. As discussion of this case unfolds throughout this paper, it
becomes apparent that the beauty pageant is not only a forum where women

13
Bach, Linda, Nina Glick Schiller and Cristina Szanton Blanc. Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects,
Postcolonial Predicaments, and Deterritorialized Nation-States (Langhorne, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1994).
14
Patricia Zamudio, "El Señor O La Señora? Gender and Participation in Chicago's Mexican Immigrant
Community," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 98, no. 3 (Autumn 2005)
11

participate as icons of femininity and bearers of Zacatecan culture and identity
15
, but also
shows the wide gap in progressive gendered participation within the organization. On the
one hand, the state of Zacatecas made history in electing its first woman as governor; while
its organized transitional community in the United States continues relegate women into
gendered roles in the informal realm, and symbolic participation in their formal activities.
1.2) Beyond the Stage: Do FCZSC Queens Have any Formal Presence in Club
Decision Making?
That night, the annual FCZSC beauty pageant ended with the crowning of Miss
Carmen Medina
16
, from the community of Atolinga, Zacatecas as Señorita Zacatecas.
Representing another community in Zacatecas, Miss Maria Sanchez, from the town of
Nochistlan, Zacatecas, was crowned primera princesa (first princess). Beyond the
expected disappointment among those young women who did not win, the beauty
pageant produced tensions between several hometown clubs represented under the
FCZSC. The beauty pageant is associated with “constructions of femininity,
masculinity, sexuality, and gender relations that cast men as active and prominent in the
‘public’ realm of politics and women in supporting, passive role
17
.” As this case
exemplifies, the pageant is a gendered mechanism to incorporate young women into the
FCZSC, but it is also an event where power struggles between clubs arise. When
crowned, the declared queen gains a seat on the board of directors within the FCZSC,

15
Ibid; and, Fitzgerald, David. 2000 Negotiating Extra-Territorial Citizenship: Mexican Migration and the
Transnational Politics of Community. CCIC Monograph No. 2. La Jolla, CA: University of California, Center
for U.S. – Mexico Studies.
16
Pseudo names used to protect the privacy of all the individuals discussed in this paper with the exception
of the Governor Amalia Garcia Medina.
17
Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette, ed. Gender and U.S. Immigration: Contemporary Trends. Berkeley:
University of California P, 2003. 341-358.
12

and often completes tasks related to the association’s public relations. More importantly,
as the pageant queen represents her own community, it is her ability to sit with the FCZSC
board of directors that broadens her community’s character, success, and representation
within the FCZSC.
The newly crowned pageant queen’s perceived power produces tension among HTA
members, and resurrects grievances. The 2006-2007 Señorita Zacatecas pageant
expanded out to be a widely discussed controversy among members of the FCZSC,
especially between the communities that represented the young women who came in
second and third place in the beauty pageant and the secretary of culture and the beauty
pageant. The heated debates over the issue paralleled those of member’s frustration with
their home state representatives, where frustrations with a culture of patronage and lack of
transparency were also expressed. The Nochistlense community, whose candidate, Maria
Sanchez, was crowned first-princess, losing the position of Queen of the FCZSC by a
margin of half a point. The board of directors of her respective community of Nochistlan,
argued that the beauty pageant’s board of judges and decision process lacked transparency.
In their view, Miss Carmen Medina, was unfairly awarded points for her attendance during
pageant practices that she did not attend. The attendance sheet was suspiciously lost by
the pageant chair, which coincidentally was from the community that Miss Carmen
Medina represented. Debates on such claims were feverishly discussed for months at
various FCZSC’s hometown federation meetings, where accusations of corruption were
raised and demands for transparency in all decision making within the organization were
made. As a later discussion in this paper will indicate, the debates on this issue were
representative of broader issues and challenges that members of the FCZSC faced while
participating in their hometown association. The beauty pageant, a
13

seemingly a symbolic event, became a stage for debate and discussions of club’s
frustrations, and the formal and informal gendered roles of those participating in the
HTA.
Given the existing gender hierarchies within the FCZSC women, the debates over
the pageant and accusations of fraud, it seemed as if the women who were active in the
“formal” meetings were not addressing the key issues that affected their roles within the
organization. As introduced earlier, Patricia Zamudio’s work on immigrant hometown
associations have both “formal” and “informal” realms by which participants engage in.
The “formal dimension is one in which members pursue defined goals and make mixed
economic contributions. The other informal dimension is based on casual interactions that
result from maintaining social ties that were developed in their homeland
18
.” Similar to
her case study, my work with the FCZSC in Los Angeles, there is a strong presence of men
in the formal area of the HTA (clubs) as directors and other leadership positions. The
formal realm of the FCZSC is the one that occurring during the committee chair meetings,
and monthly business meetings where debates and decisions are discussed on the collective
remittance program, Tres por Uno. The women on the other hand, are more commonly
active in the informal areas, such as community dinners and cultural events, exemplifying
the traditional gender roles within the association. Ironically, though it is the labor of
women in the informal realm that are responsible for raising funds, as food sales are one
of the most successful ways of making money, they do not participate in the formal realm
where key decisions of how such money is used.

18
Patricia Zamudio, "? El Señor O La Señora? Tender and Participation in Chicago's Mexican Immigrant
Community," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 98, no. 3, Mexican Immigrants in Illinois
History Across Generations and Borders (Autumn 2005): 184.
14

Furthermore, as demands for transparency after the pageant were made, what was
most apparent was formal members’ struggle within the organization for greater
recognition. Their fight for recognition of the young women that represented them in the
beauty pageant was more of a struggle for transparency, club clout, and representation
within the FCZSC. Furthermore, the 2006-2007 FCZSC’s annual beauty pageant not only
serves as a representation of constructions of femininity, masculinity, sexuality, and
gender relations within the FCZSC; but, also as a demonstration of the struggles within
the organization for egalitarian and transparent processes between the FCZSC and their
home state, Zacatecas.
This paper will draw from ethnographic research conducted during 2006-2007, and
will discuss within the framework of transnationalism and gender the seemingly stagnate
expansion of women’s participation in the FCZSC. I will discuss how the politicized
debates after the beauty pageants are an example of disrupted opportunities within the
FCZSC to engage more women in the formal realm, beyond beauty pageants where are a
community they may address broader issues, such as transparency. These efforts represent
the forefront of women’s battle for further representation in their transnational immigrant
community, where the discussions of women’s participation are maintained in traditional
activities such as beauty pageants, instead of their formal decision making when it comes
to the Tres por Uno program. In addition, this paper will elaborate on the central role of
the Mexican state in encouraging and shaping the way in which women are incorporated
into transnational migrant hometown associations, and the degree of influence they have
through the various channels of communication between Zacatecan hometown associations
and the Mexican state. This paper is divided into sections: theoretical framework drawn
from literature on transtionalism and gendered Mexican immigration; a brief history of the
15

relationships between Mexico and its Diasporas, focusing on the case of Zacatecas. Study
methods are explained in the third section, followed by a discussion of my qualitative
research analyses and conclusion.

2.0) Theoretical Framework: Translational Literature on Immigrant Hometown
Associations
The “transnational social field” is characterized by “the nation’s people [that] may
live anywhere in the world and still not live outside the state
19
.” As the case of the FCZSC
illustrates, Zacatecano immigrants participating in their community hometown
organization, are often unconsciously reinserted into their transnational community that
recreates their home country’s political and cultural norms. Such norms and practices are
recreated and continue to exist within the transnational setting not only due to member’s
reluctance to abandon familiar gender roles, but their continued contact with their home
state that often reinforces a patriarchal structure within the organization. As Ramakrishnan
and Viramontes explain, hometown associations are “marked by gender hierarchies that
can greatly limit the degree of empowerment experienced by members
20
”. Such
hierarchies are largely shaped by gendered norms that relegate women to participation in
more informal areas, such as those that are more family centered, reflecting customs of
Mexican culture. One of the explanations for the recreation of this patriarchal pattern is in
part due to the nature of the necessary tasks in participating in the

19
Basch et al., 1994; Michael Kearney, “The Local and the Global: The Anthropology of Globalization and
Transnationalism,” Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 24 (1995): 269 ; Rodriguez, 1996
20
S. Karthick Ramakrishnan and Celia Viramontes, "Civic Spaces: Mexican Hometown Associations and
Immigrant Participation," Journal of Social Issues 66, no. 1 (2010): pg. # 169.
16

collective remittance program as a hometown club within the FCZSC. For example, club
representatives in Mexico were almost all male, and aside from a female governor, on
government side in Mexico where negotiations are made, women were not involved.
Therefore, in participating in the formal realm of the organization and conducting duties,
there were little to no role models for women within the transnational community.
As explained by Goldring, in examining the interaction between the state and
transnational organizations, we can understand how gender works in mitigating women’s
participation in such organizations. Her fieldwork with this transitional organization in
1997 found that “the Mexican state privilege constructions of masculinity and femininity
hat locate women in roles that support men’s participation in hometown organizations
21
.”
As such, women’s participation in the informal realm, where they do not take on critical
decision-making roles, is normalized by the Mexican state. Even when the state of
Zacatecas had a female governor, there was little participation of women in other key
Mexican state government positions, such as municipal president’s or immigrant
community relations’ officials in Mexico.
The closest man the largest group of women in the FCZSC come to meeting with
Mexican state officials and government representatives in during their summer your of
their home state, prior to the final beauty pageant. In fact, some of the young pageant
participants stated the pride and enthusiasm they felt in meeting with government
representatives and the governor herself, but little was expressed over goals in working
closer with it. For example, as a woman interviewed by Ramakrishnan and Viramontes
expressed, “the young ladies ages 17-24 go to Mexico for two weeks, learn about the

21
Luin Goldring, "The Gender and Geography of Citizenship in Mexico ‐U.S. Transnational Spaces,"
Identities 7, no. 4 (2001): pg. #504, doi:10.1080/1070289x.2001.9962677.
17

culture and traditions, and they the work we do as clubs. But then after the […] beauty
and culture contest finishes, there’s no transitioning them…It would be nice if some of
those young ladies could become board members. But it doesn’t’ take place
22
”. With
that in mind, we find that even though the beauty pageant is one of the key formal
programs and events of the FCZSC, it only serves to reinforce patriarchal representation
of women, as opposed to transitioning more young women into the formal realm of the
organization.
Furthermore, the beauty pageant, as one of primary functions of women’s
recruitment and participation in the FCZSC, reveals that struggles with gender equality
and equal representation. In addition, debates on the event itself reveal members broader
concerns and struggles for transparency and freedom from patron-client practices.
Interviews with some members revealed fears of fraud and patron-client relations within
their own organization that they became familiar with in their home state. Moreover,
Zacatecanos’ home state plays into these broader issues within the organization as it
encourages the use of beauty pageants for female participation, and its dismissal of
members’ demands to end patronage and to incorporate more transparent practices when
working with the FCZSC.
Transnational civil society actors, such as members of the FCZSC, are constructing
new forms of membership and civic participation
23
. Literature in the fields on
anthropology, sociology, and political science has assessed various characteristics of
immigrant hometown associations and communities in immigrant receiving countries,

22
Ibid, pg. #170
23
Smith, Robert C. Mexican New York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 2006.
18

such as the United States and Western Europe
24
. One area of research within studies on
transnational communities is the relationship between immigrants and their home state
through hometown associations
25
. As studies on Mexican migrant hometown associations
indicate, the ties between migrants and their home sending state are often initiated and
expanded through migrant hometown associations. Through participation in such
associations, migrants organize and raise funds to take part in state sponsored remittance
programs, such as Mexico’s “Tres por Uno” program. This is not to say that only through
participation in migrant hometown associations do migrants engage with their home state;
however, such transnational community spaces offer a unique view of the degree of
influence migrants have on their home state, as well as how the state reinforces gender
dynamics within such organizations.
In agreement with other scholars writing about migrant transnational process, I found
that such practices transcend institutional and geographical boundaries
26
. Others have
added to the discussion by providing evidence of the role of the state in efforts to
reincorporate transnational migrants into to a “deterritorialized” nationhood
27
.
Additionally, when engaging in transnational associations, migrants collectively reengage
their home state in their host country community, reinforcing their ties not only with their
home community but also with their home state and its institutional apparatus. An example
of the Zacatecan states ties with its migrant community in the California

24
Brettell, Caroline B., and James F. Hollifield, eds. Migration Theory: Talking Across Disciplines. New
York: Routledge, 2000. 137-185.
25
Goldring, Luin. 1998. "The Power of Status in Transnational Social Fields.” Comparative Urban and
Community Research Vol. 6:165-195.
26
Kearney, 1995; Luisa Schein, “Importing Miao Brethren to Hmong America: A Not So Stateless
Transnationalism,” in P. Cheah and B. Robbins, eds., Cosmopolitics: Thinking and
Feeling Beyond the Nation. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995. 163-
191.
27
Basch et al. 1994
19

occurred during the 2006 FCZSC beauty pageant. The governor, Amalia Garcia-Medina,
proudly proclaimed that she felt at home among her fellow Zacatecanos in California,
proclaiming that they too were still part of their states’ community, reinforcing a sense of
Zacatecano statehood abroad
28
. Furthermore, the state and its multi-level institutions that
engage with hometown associations such as the FCZSC, strategically engage with their
migrants abroad to psychologically reinforce nationhood, and more importantly statehood,
among its transnational community.
The state is not solely responsible for the strong ties between immigrant
transnational associations, as the case of the FCZSC exemplifies, it is also the
transnational community when organized that takes on the task of reinforcing the ties
between itself and the home country state. As Basch et al. indicates, “Many immigrants
today build social fields that cross geography, cultural and political borders….take
actions, make decisions, and develop subjectivities and identities embedded in networks
of relationships that connect them simultaneously to two or more states
29
.” Furthermore,
as Eva Ostergaard-Nielsen indicates, immigrants’ transnational practices are “shaped
through a multilevel process of institutional channeling constituted by the converging or
diverging interests of political authorities in not only the country of origin but also the
country of settlement
30
.” As the case of the FCZSC demonstrates, through its participation
in “Tres por Uno” and symbolic representation of the state in its events, the state and its
transnational community engage in an equally dependent relationship that is

28
Drawn from participant observation during attendance at pageant in November 2006.
29
Basch et al., 1994 p. 7.
30
Ostergaard-Nielsen, Eva, ed. International Migration and Sending Countries: Perceptions, Policies and
Transnational Relations. New York: Palgrave, 2003. 210.
18
continually changing based on the political, economic, and social contextual factors in
their home country and the receiving country.
Immigrants’ experience is equally shaped by multiple factors, such as their home
country and host country’s multiple social, political, and economic factors, members of
hometown associations are often exposed to bi-cultural and bi-political norms that may
enhance each other, as well as conflict. One area where migrant practices are influenced
by socio-cultural factors reinforced by their home state is gender relations. A popular
saying in Mexico is “en el norte, la mujer manda,” insinuating that in the United States
women are in control and mandate, as opposed to men. This quotidian saying echoes the
popular belief that unlike Mexico, in the United States the patriarchal hierarchy that exists
in the private and public realm is diminished among immigrant families upon
immigration. Such belief reflects the recognition that across the border, in “El Norte,”
immigrant women often have increased access to social, political, and economic resources
that may have not been available to them in their home country
31
. However, even though
Mexican migrant women often have increased resources in certain areas in their host
country, traditional patriarchal gender divisions in the public and private realm continue
to limit the extent of power and representation they have in certain segments of their
immigrant community, such as the case of the FCZSC. Although the private informal
realm, associated with the home, and the public formal realm are separate areas, traditional
patriarchal hierarchies from the home become replicated in immigrant public forums, such
as immigrant hometown associations, where women are relegated to

31
Itzigsohn J, Giorguli-Saucedo S. 2005. “Incorporation, transnationalism, and gender: immigrant
incorporation and transnational participation as gendered processes.” International Migration Review
39:895-920.; Itzigsohn J Saucedo SG. 2002. “Immigrant incorporation and sociocultural transnationalism.”
International Migration Review 36:766-98
19
gendered activities, such as participation in beauty pageants, as the case of the FCZSC
exemplifies.
Additionally, not only do existing patriarchal hierarchies shape engagement in such
organizations, but they also influence how men and women perceive collective actions,
civic engagement, their political character, interest, how they pursue “power,” and are
integrated into civic organizations, such as the FCZSC. It is important to note that
although migrant men and women are immersed into American society, several
ethnographic and quantitative studies indicate that the perceptions and experiences of
incorporation vary by gender
32
. Most importantly, gender not only affects how Mexican
migrant men and women are incorporated into American society, but how they engage
and participate in immigrant public civic organizations, such as hometown associations.
In addition, transnational social spaces, such as immigrant hometown organizations,
provide excellent examples of collective immigrant social and political spaces where civic
engagement is mediated by gender. Hometown organizations, as transnational spaces,
exemplify how public and private life are not clearly separated, where traditional
patriarchal hierarchies are not dissolved in such transnational spaces, and instead, continue
to shape power relations and participation within migrant home town associations. Such
social spaces do not fully emulate more egalitarian social structures where participation is
gender neutral.
The lack of gender neutrality within Mexican migrant hometown associations
could be understood through examining gender cultural norms and practices outside the
home in Mexico. For example, Lucia Mantilla explains that masculinity and traditional

32
Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette. Gendered Transitions: Mexican Experiences of Immigration. Berkeley:
University of California P, 1994.
20
patriarchal hierarchies influence the nature of professional relationships for men and
women
33
. Masculinity is often associated with rational and logical thought, which is
contrasted to what is perceived as emotional and related to femininity. Consequently,
within Mexican bureaucracies, favors received by women are strongly related to the
female role as daughter, wife and mother. As Mantilla’s work points out, roles often
associated with traditional family structure are replicated in the public realm. Though
dealing with bureaucracies, Mantilla’s work sheds light on the trespassing of patriarchal
hierarchies into the public realm, which distinguishes men and women’s engagement in a
shared social, political, or professional space. There is relatively little research that
directly relates the Mexican state, and its multilevel institutions, to shaping gender
relations within transmigrant organizations. This paper’s contribution is to discuss how
gender mediates relationships on both sides of the border - in Mexican migrant
communities in the United States and in Mexican society. More importantly, the paper
explains how the home-sending state encourages gendered roles within migrant
transnational organization. Consequently, it is inevitable that ties between transmigrant
organizations and the Mexican state continue to be mediated by gender as patriarchal
norms and culture continue to permeate this community by means of participation and the
organizations ties to the state.
2.1) The History of the Relationship between the Mexican State and its Diaspora

As the above discussion indicated, Mexican transnational migrant organizations
are shaped by the reciprocal relationship between the state and its migrants abroad and
norms that are established through cultural and institutional practices. Transmigrant

33
Mantilla, Lucia. “Gender, bureaucracy and clientelistic relationships”. Diss. The University of Texas at
Austin, 2002. ProQuest Digital Dissertations.
21
events, such as the beauty pageant depicted in this paper’s introduction, which are
supported by the state, often manipulate national symbols, and use nationalistic rhetoric to
shape and control the attitudes and behavior of relevant constituencies vis-a- vis their
rule
34
. While the young women danced in their revolucionarias costumes, they portrayed
revered historical national symbolic representations of the women during the Mexican
revolution, while the Zacatecan governor looked at them with approval and pride in their
performance.
Over the past ten years there has been a growing interest among academics from
various disciplines in Mexican immigrant hometown associations and members’ ties to
their home states through their respective organizations
35
. As several of these studies have
suggested, the relationship between the Mexican state and its migrants has a complex
history that has undergone various transformations since the 1840’s
36
. After Mexico’s loss
in the Mexican-American War, the Mexican state viewed its former citizens with dread
and optimism, and often indifference
37
. Mexico’s attitude was in part affected by its
economic and political advances and setbacks, which explained its inconsistent attitude
towards its former citizens that continued to reside in their lost territory after the war, and
later those who migrated to the United States. Consequently,

34
Yossi Shain. "The Mexican-American Diaspora's impact on Mexico. " Political Science Quarterly 114.4
(1999): 661-691.
35
Fitzgerald, 2000; Goldring, L. 1998a “The Power of Status in Transnational Communities.” In
Transnationalism from Below. Journal of Comparative ad Community Research. Ed. M. P Smith and L.E.
Guarnizo. Transaction Publishers. Ps. 165 – 195.; Robert C Smith. "Negotiating Extra-Territorial Citizenship:
Mexican Migration and the Transnational Politics of Community." The International Migration Review 36.2
(2002): 603-604.; Alejandro Portes, Cristina Escobar, Alexandria Walton Radford. "Immigrant
Transnational Organizations and Development: A Comparative Study1." The International Migration Review
41.1 (2007): 242-281.
36
Yossi Shain. "The Mexican-American Diaspora's impact on Mexico." Political Science Quarterly 114.4
(1999): 661-691.
37
Ibid
22
Mexicans who migrated to the United States experienced mixed attitudes towards their
home-country.
The unstable attitudes between the Mexican state and its diaspora have been marked
by an evolving relationship between the two where both sides continually reassess and
redefine their ties according to the changing political and economic environment in the
United States and Mexico. More specifically, over the past twenty years, the Mexican
government has made an increased effort to “build a new relationship with its diaspora in
the United States, leading to a reimagination of Mexican national identity
38
.” Mexican
state policies pursued in the earlier decades, particularly during the 1920s and 1930s,
attempted to police the borders of the nation, discourage emigration, and promote its
Mexican nationals return to the homeland
39
. By contrast, during the past three decades, the
Mexican state has pursued a variety of policies aimed at forging ongoing cultural, political
and economic connections across the border with Mexican migrants in the United States.
Moreover, the relationships with Mexican migrants across the border in the past three
decades have exemplified a highly territorialized view of the Mexican “nation”. In part,
the Mexican state’s efforts to co-opt certain segments of its diasporic community have
suggested its vested interest in “deterritorialized nation- building” through programs that
intend to legitimize its government and support its national economy
40
. Also, as suggested
by Yossi Shain, “official Mexico has always manipulated its relations with the diaspora to
suit its domestic goals. Mexican diasporic elites have at various times strengthened or
weakened their ties to Mexico, depending on the ways they define the needs of their own
communities
41
.”

38
Ibid, pg. 669
39
Michael Peter Smith and Matt Bakker. Citizenship across Borders: The Political Trnanationalism of El
Migrante. Cornell University Press. Ithaca and London. 2008
40
Basch et al. 1994
23
2.2) History of Programs by the Mexican State to Institutionalize its Relationship with
its Diaspora
The most recent increased interest of the Mexican state in its diasporic community
was most notable in the late 1970’s under the presidential administration of Luis Echevarria
Alvarez. In part, such interest was due to Mexico’s hope to utilize the increasing
empowerment of the Mexican-American community economically and politically
42
. This
effort, labeled by the Mexican state as acercamieto (rapprochement), intensified under
Salinas de Gortari, whose presidential administration (1988-1994) coincides with
Zacatecas Governor Genaro Borrego’s visit to Zacatecano communities in the United
States. Additionally, acercamiento helped control the image of Mexico presented to the
U.S. media and, more importantly, helped legitimize the regime at home through its good
works abroad
43
.” Furthermore, the Mexican state’s effort to build up its relationship with
the Mexican community in the United States was significantly driven by its interest in the
huge remittances its diaspora sent to Mexico
44
.
In an effort to institutionalize its relationship with its diaspora, the Mexican state
created the Foreign Affairs Ministry and established the Directorate General of Mexican
Communities Abroad (DGMCA) and the Program for Mexican Communities Abroad
(PCME) in 1990. The creation of these institutions was influenced by the Mexican state’s
effort to systematically transform Mexico’s presence in the United States through
41
Yossi Shain pg 683
42
Shain; Gutierrez
43
Smith, 309
44
Shain; Carlos Gonzalez Gutierrez. "Fostering identities: Mexico's relations with its Diaspora.” The Journal
of American History 86.2 (1999): 545-567.
24
its diaspora. Mexican consulates were made responsible for the creation of Mexican
regional clubs (comites de apoyo a compatriotas), which were intended to institutionalize
social networks perceived as necessary for migration
45
. Similar to the function of today’s
Mexican immigrant hometown associations, the purpose of these clubs was to provide
compatriots with a mechanism to reach out and support their communities in Mexico.
Furthermore, as such clubs helped strengthen Mexican immigrants’ ties to their
communities in Mexico; the Mexican government’s prime interest was to improve its own
political and economic power
46
.
These efforts by the Mexican state were in no way solely humanitarian, as the
economic and political benefits that the Mexican state could receive through its ties to the
diaspora were considerable. The Mexican state was aware of the benefits of working with
its diaspora given the proportion of Mexican immigrants in the United States. According
to data collected by the Mexican consulate, 98.5 percent of Mexico’s diaspora resides in
the United States
47
. In Los Angeles, ten percent of Mexicans are from the state of
Zacatecas, which has the most institutionalized program for working with its diaspora.
Comparatively, of those Mexican immigrants living in Los Angeles, 29 percent are from
the state of Jalisco and another 15 percent are from Michoacán. In comparison the other
Mexican immigrant communities in Los Angeles, such as the Jaliciense and Michoacano
communities, the Zacatecan community accounts for the largest portion of hometown
associations in the area (27 percent). The only two other states in Mexico that have
institutionalized programs to work with hometown associations are Jalisco and Michoacán,
which respectively account for 18 percent and 4 percent of the total hometown associations

45
Shain, 681
46
Shain, 682
47
Gutierrez, 545
25
in Los Angeles. Consequently, the state of Zacatecas in Mexico has been the most
successful in institutionalizing various mechanisms for carrying out community projects
48
.
For example, members of hometown associations collectively participate in the so-called
“Tres por Uno” program, where their monetary contributions are matched at the federal,
state, and local levels.
Through the Mexican state’s outreach programs, migrants’ membership in their
native communities post-migration became more of an “instituted process
49
”. According
to Robert C. Smith, the nature of extending migrants’ membership rights in their native
communities became a process involving four factors:
1) Mexico’s domestic politics, including the regime’s legitimacy crisis, secular trends
toward democratization and the PRI’s attempts to control them through cooptation; 2)
Mexico’s version of dependent development, especially its policy of acercamiento (Closer
relations) with the United States, expressed most clearly in the creations of the North
American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA); 3) the emergence, over decades of migration
to the United States, of a sometimes semi-autonomous, transnational civil society between
the United States and Mexico which offers migrants increasing influence; and 4) the
varying contexts of reception of different Mexican groups in the United States. (Smith, 298)

Consequently, migrants do not necessarily make a “clean break” from the Mexican state
post-migration, since the state extends its efforts across borders to reshape its extra-
territorial citizens’ attachments through state-building programs. The extensive programs
initiated by the Mexican state affect the degree of autonomy that such extra-territorial
communities have. More specifically, the extent of their autonomy may be compromised
when hometown clubs participate in the collective remittance program “Tres Por Uno,”
where association members must work directly with state agencies to propose their

48
Goldring, 2001; Smith, 2003
49
Polanyi, K. “The Economy as an Instituted Process.” In Trade and Market in the Early Empires. Ed. K.
Polanyi, C. Arensberg and H. Pearson. Chicago: 1957. Henry Regnery Co.
26
project to receive matching funds by the municipal, state and federal government in
Mexico.

2.3) The Case of Zacatecas as an Example of Institutionalized Relationship between
the Diaspora and the State
Given the efforts made by the Mexican state to extend its relationship with its
diaspora, it is important to look further into the development and success of its efforts
among certain Mexican regional communities in the United States. More specifically, the
case of the Zacatecan community is important to study since it has been the most
“successful” in working with the Mexican state in institutionalizing various agreements for
the distribution of collective remittances and its political rights. The most significant
program that the Mexican state has developed with its diaspora is the aforementioned
collective remittance program known as “Tres Por Uno.” This innovative program, which
was in part piloted through Zacatecan umbrella hometown associations in the United
States, is coordinated by the Secretary of Social Development and the Mexican federal,
state, and municipal governments to assist migrants’ efforts to use their collective
remittances for the development and beautification of their home communities
50
. For every
dollar that a hometown club working under the umbrella home town organization raises,
the Mexican federal, state, and municipal-level governments match that dollar.
The “Tres por Uno” program was initiated in the Mexican state of Zacatecas in 1986
when the state governor, Genaro Borrego, reached out to the Zacatecan community in Los
Angeles. The governor’s proposal was welcomed by migrants who wanted to assist their
communities through remittances. By 1995, the federal matching funds program

50
FCZSC.org)
27
was run by the PCME and Solidaridad International, operating in 6 states throughout
Mexico, Zacatecas being one of the pioneers in organizing migrant transnational
associations and principal participants
51
. To date, Zacatecas has consistently ranked
highest in state-level expenditures that are used to match immigrant remittances funneled
through their umbrella hometown association
52
. Incongruously, as mentioned earlier,
Zacatecas has a comparatively smaller proportion of its population in the United States.
How, then, could we explain the success and institutionalization of the relationship
between the Mexican state of Zacatecas and its migrant community in the United States?
Some approaches to explaining the extended relationship between the Mexican state
of Zacatecas and its community in the United States are explored by various scholars who
interpret the relationship as encroaching upon hometown associations’ autonomy
53
. Given
this paper’s focus, this section will heavily draw from a piece by sociologist Luin Goldring
who conducted qualitative research with the FCZSC over ten years ago. According to Luin
Goldring’s article, members participating within the umbrella Zacatecan hometown
association, FCZSC, go through extensive processes of negotiating their ties, rights, and
requests in their home state
54
. In part, such efforts are necessary for the advancement of
hometown clubs’ projects through the “Tres por Uno” program. Leaders of the hometown
clubs within the FCZSC must often lobby Mexican political authorities at various levels
and, for the most part, feel that greater attention is paid to their requests by Mexican
political leaders and authorities in Mexico if they work
51
Luin Goldring. "The Mexican state and transmigrant organizations. " Latin American Research Review
37.3 (2002): 55-99.
52
Ibid
53
Ibid
54
Ibid
28
under the umbrella organization
55
. Consequently, the success and growth of umbrella
Mexican immigrant associations such as FCZSC is in part due to the increased
consideration given to migrants by the Mexican state.
Furthermore, the success of the “Tres por Uno” matching-funds program in
Zacatecas is illustrated through an examination of the corporatist nature of the relationship.
Goldring finds elements of clientelism and patronage working with the FCZSC, which is
viewed as limiting the autonomy of the organization
56
. As an example, when the “Dos Por
Uno” (pre-“Tres por Uno”) program was being drafted at the state level, there was a lack
of transparency, indicating the state’s control over the specifics of the program
57
. As the
later section of this paper will demonstrate, claims of lack of transparent processes by
members of the FCZSC continue to surface in organization meetings where members are
given time to express their concerns and problems while working through the organization
to participate in the “Tres-por-Uno” program.
More specifically, participants of the FCZSC remain in a clientele or partial clientele
relationship to the national state in the four possible ways described by Goldring:
…to the extent that overall funding decisions are made strategically by central, non-local
actors for political ends; or participants lack the skills necessary to plan, manage, or
implement projects on their own; or participants have skills but run up against more
powerful actors and institutions that limits their activities; or programs continue to be
viewed as government gifts rather than as rights or entitlements
58
.

Using the guidelines listed above, Goldring assesses the extent of patron-client
relationships that the Mexican state fosters with members of the hometown associations.
An example of the semi-corporatist relationship between the Zacatecan hometown
55
Ibid
56
Ibid
57
Ibid
58
Ibid, pg. 84
29
association and the Zacatecan state came when former governor Ricardo Monreal
announced his candidacy as governor for the state of Zacatecas. Shortly after this
announcement, the FCZSC’s president announced that it endorsed Monreal before finding
out that Monreal had defected from his party and would run under the PRD (Partido de
Revolucion Democratica). Shortly after the mistake was caught, the president rescinded
the club’s endorsement. Ricardo Monreal ultimately was elected as state governor that, in
his supporters’ views, offered the opportunity to renegotiate relations in a more
independent manner
59
. This example reinforces the suspicions and frustrations of several
of the interviews I had with members that felt uneasy about a semi-clientilistic relationship
with the home state in Mexico.
In addition to Luin Goldring’s work, which specifically looks at the Zacatecan state
and its relationship with transmigrant organizations, Robert Smith also re-examines the
extensive relationship between the two. Smith agrees with Goldring that the relationship
between the state of Zacatecas and its immigrant umbrella hometown associations in the
United States is “semi-clientelistic,” but adds that it simultaneously strengthens or
“thickens” migrant membership
60
. Smith finds that Zacatecanos residing in the United
States…

…exercise very thick state institutional membership (they have power and influence on
politics and resource distribution) through their corporatist alliance with the Mexican state
and the organization, but that their membership becomes more autonomous from the
state (thickened democratically) due to a mishandling of the relationship by the Mexican
state and increasing assertions of autonomy by Zacatecans abroad
61
.

59
Goldring, 2002, 77
60
Smith, 2003, 312
61
Smith, 2003, 312
30
Paradoxically, in Robert Smith and Jonathon Fox’s view, though highly
institutionalized by the state of Zacatecas, migrants from such regions gain more autonomy
as the Mexican state’s encroaching presence has mobilized migrant Zacatecanos abroad to
fight for their autonomy. Such struggles for autonomy are illustrated by the specific
FCZSC goal not to be politicized by any political faction from their home-state, and its
leaderships efforts to gain greater control over projects submitted under the “Tres-por-
Uno” program. Another example is when the former governor of Zacatecas, Ricardo
Monréal, linked democratization efforts in Mexico to the inclusion of absent migrants in
the United States and institutionalized migrant membership and citizenship practices such
as voting to further engage Mexican migrants abroad at an individual level of
participation
62
. Also, Smith notes that naming of a former leader of a Zacatecano
immigrant umbrella association to the cabinet-level position of Secretary of Migrant’s
Affairs for the government of the state of Zacatecas was another example of migrants’
attempts to gain greater autonomy. Ultimately, however, the case of Zacatecan immigrant
umbrella associations is an example of a hometown association that maintains relatively
low autonomy in comparison to other regional hometown associations such as the
Oaxacans
63
whose traditional communal longstanding practices reinforce community
before the state.
When compared to other immigrant hometown associations, Mexican immigrant
hometown associations feature a much stronger and more proactive presence of the
Mexican state. The Mexican state, at the national and regional level, seeks to incorporate
and guide its diaspora abroad by enticing their participation in official programs that

62
Smith, 2003, 325
63
Smith, 304, 2003
31
provide various benefits for migrants while simultaneously benefiting the state’s economy
64
.
While increasing the venues for Mexican migrant participation within the Mexican political
domain, the state broadens its ties to migrants and improves its “deterritorialized nation-
building” efforts. Furthermore, the FCZSC responded to such efforts by welcoming state
efforts to reincorporate them as a political force. The FCZSC has welcomed these efforts
not only by participating in the Tres por Uno program, but by integrating as part of their
cultural programs beauty pageants that attempt to reinforce home-state regionalism among
young women, and gain greater home-town representation within the organization through
participation in the annual beauty pageant.

2.4) Consequences and Benefits of Increased Ties between the Mexican State and
Immigrant Hometown Associations

As previously discussed, the Mexican state’s efforts to maintain a degree of control
over its extra-territorial community is largely due to its economic and political interests.
Moreover, the Mexican state has extended its patriarchal relationship to its extra-territorial
community abroad through mutual assistance programs that often compromise migrants’
degree of autonomy. Though the FCZSC and the Mexican state of Zacatecas relationship
is mutually enhancing, the semi-clienteslitic relationship between the two, and the lack of
formal participation of women on both sides limits opportunities for further engagement of
youth and women. Other forms of clientelism, such as the creation of various political
posts to which Mexican migrants can be elected in Mexico, have only expanded
opportunities for formal participation of men, as they continue to be at the forefront of
all organization agreements with the Mexican state.

64
Portes, Escobar & Radford, 2007, 277
32
Still, transnational immigrant social spaces such as the FCZSC are critical areas for further
research on the extension of home country political life, which in some cases may be non-
democratic and marginalize minorities within given organizations, such as women and
nonconformist members
65
.
This paper addresses the discussion of the strength and extent of Mexican state
control and hegemony as well as debates in the transnationalism literature on the fragile
autonomy of Zacatecan transmigrant groups and the role of sub-national linkages. The
analysis is based on information on transmigrant organizations and Mexican political
authorities in Los Angeles and Mexico specifically looking at the case of Zacatecas.
Mexican transmigrant organizations predate current state initiatives aimed at Mexicans in
the United States, but state involvement has been crucial to the institutionalizing of
transnational social spaces. The state’s hegemonic project involves the largely symbolic
reincorporation of paisanos66 living abroad back into the nation, but depends on provincial
and municipal authorities and transmigrant organizations for implementation. Because
such efforts vary by state and often depend on informal relationships for establishing the
ties necessary for brokerage of agreement, the project has been implemented unevenly.
The complexity of these processes can be captured only by examining transnational social
spaces at a sub-national level. The case of Zacatecas reveals how, through the FCZSC, an
informal mechanism for power brokerage is experienced within the organization through
corporatist and semi-clientelist practices that are often coupled with gendered norms that
further marginalize women within the organization. Brokerage is often done in private
discussions that are not always open to

65
M. Smith and Guarnizo 1998; R. Smith 1998, 1997; Portes, Guarnizo and Landholtm 1999.
66
Compatriots
33
all hometown association club members. For example, one interviewee, Martha Jimenez,
mentioned being pushed out or not invited to informal dinners or circles of conversation at
events where critical decisions were made
67
. Ironically, I was invited and attended one of
the dinners she had been requesting to attend, but was denied. Knowing this it was clear
that she was being blocked from taking part in key decisions that impacted her club’s
interests within the FCZSC.

3.0) Methods: Qualitative Research

In the fall of 2006, I began structuring a qualitative research project that would
reexamine some of the literature published on the FCZSC. In addition to studying the
FCZSC, I also studied an all-women’s hometown club called Las Mujeres Unidas de Las
Federaciones Mexicanas. I completed a total of 9 semi-structured interviews, which I have
taped and transcribed. In addition, I completed over 40 hours of participant observation by
attending social events, organization town hall meetings, FCZSC core group meetings, and
social get-togethers held by various different members’ homes. This research approach
provided me with an intimate look not only at the relationship between the Mexican state
and its extra-territorial community, but also at how members interpreted the state, engaged
with it through the organization, and embraced semi- clientelistic practices to further
various interests. Interviews with members of the FCZSC are used to focus solely on the
case of Zacatecas, and discuss the direct and indirect exchanges and experiences of
members of the FCZSC with the Mexican state.

67
Author interview, 2007.
34
Table 1.0 lists the names of interviewees
68
.
Table 1.
Señor Rojas FCZSC
Señor Quezada FCZSC
Mrs. Bugarin FCZSC
Joana Medina FCZSC
Nancy Legaspi FCZSC
Marta Jiménez FCZSC/ MUFM
Efraín Jiménez FCZSC
Martha Ugarte MUFM

4.0) Findings: Clientelism, Misappropriation of Funds, and the Pursuit of
Transparency
As Zacatecano migrants work through their umbrella hometown associations, many
of them confront various instances where bureaucratic and political transparency are
shadowed by back-door negotiations and misappropriated funds. As Marta Jimenez, a
long-time member of the FCZSC, expressed:
And I wanted to open doors in Mexico, but the Mexican government was not flexible. And
I knew something needed to be done. And dealing with the planta (water treatment system)
was a very innovative problem that was addressed in Zacatecas that the government was
completely unfamiliar. They had no idea what I was talking about when I told them about
the plumbing and whatnot. They are used to just leaving the problem there. So whenever I
would go and talk to them they would just tell me ‘well you are trying to do politics as an
American thinks and how they deal with the problem as they do in the United States and
here you are in Mexico.’ And I would tell them that if you work in the government you
must be the eyes and heart and ears of the community, therefore you must respond to the
needs of my community. But they often viewed me as an overemotional woman. The
problem was that at the government level, they did not take much responsibility in the
management of the project. And they did not allow our community to be part of the
committee that decided how the money is disseminated and that decided how the money
goes for different parts of the planta. So what ended up happen[ing] is that the PAN city
mayor of Nochistlan took over, and this is important to take into account because in Las
Animas most of the people are PRI. So what happened is that there was an overtaking of
the project. And as a PANista there was a problem with Las Animas. And then most of the
money was misappropriated, even though we had chosen our own binational club for the
project, like a mirror club. So the state government took over and never told our club how
much of the money was used, and so much of this money was used for projects in a
community close to Las Animas, which

68
Interview guide is included as Appendix 1.
35
was not part of La Federacion. And you may think, well how do you know that? But I am
sure because I went to la acontaduria
69
in Zacatecas and looked at all the documents in the
state government and how the money was used. I got a total report on the different areas
where money was used and whatnot; so much of our money was used to pave another road.
And to this day La planta
70
has not been finished and it is a constant struggle (author
interview).

This case provides a prime example of how hometown club members come to encounter
and experience firsthand the Mexican bureaucracy’s attitude towards migrants. In Marta’s
case, not only did she communicate that the Mexican government was unresponsive to her
needs, but her club’s funds were misappropriated to fund other projects that the political
party in power could use for its own political benefit. In addition, as Marta’s explanation
reveals, the state officials were dismissive of her claims because she was a woman. Her
beliefs were confirmed as I overheard discussions of her claims in meetings, and the sexist
remarks men would shout out when she would attempt to speak in meetings. Their view
of her being overly emotional rationalized their dismissal of her valid claims. In addition,
the passage reveals the somewhat condescending attitudes of Mexican state officials
towards what they view as American bureaucratic practices that they are clearly not willing
to implement. Marta, being a Mexican-American with dual-citizenship, was perceived as
attempting to engage with the Mexican state bureaucracy using practices that they
characterized as “American” and “foreign” with a gendered attitude; and, therefore
ignored. The Mexican structural apparatus and state bureaucracy of Mexico is one
dominated by men, and state representatives whom often engaged with women like Marta
as established by familiar gender norms, one that minimizes women’s voice in formal
settings and decision.

69
Office of Public Accountant in Zacatecas, Mexico.
70
A water treatment plant that interviewee proposed for her community through the “Tres Por Uno”
program.
36
Another member from the same region, Efrain Jimenez, commented in an interview
that “one way of dealing with the political parties when working on projects is to use your
political contacts to counter and renegotiate with those in power in your region if they are
hesitant to work with you
71
.” In his view, though working through a migrant hometown
association, learning to navigate through the Mexican political system is highly important
for club members who often have to personally network within the system to gain necessary
support for the approval of a “Tres Por Uno” project. Clearly, migrant representation and
attention to their request while participating the Tres por Unoremittance program is
negotiated through ability to build and make use of personal ties within the Mexican state,
which is most responsive to clientelistic ties.
As the above examples indicate, Mexican state officials often muddle the
transparency of “Tres- por-Uno” project development and approval, where they do not
provide clear feedback as to why certain projects are approved over others. In addition to
the necessity of building strong ties to Mexican state officials to leverage power and,
exchanges between migrants and the state are gendered claims by women stereotypically
perceived as emotionally charged. Just as migrants encounter such challenges when
engaging with the state, members of the FCZSC expressed that such issues arise to the
same degree within the organization. For some members, the FCZSC, often emulates such
practices within the organization and frustrate migrant’s attempts to support their home-
town community. One member, Uriel Rojas, expressed that he often felt like leaving the
FCZSC because, in his view, when proposing projects for approval there were many back-
door negotiations between the association leaders and Mexican political officials. This
frustrated him because he felt that due to patron-client relationships, a
71
Author Interview, 2007.
37
further impediment was placed before the finalization of some of his projects. To further
challenge his efforts to participate within the organization, he expressed how at one point
his wife was asked not to participate in organization meetings because she was perceived
as “difficult” and “overbearing”. Due to this incident, which occurred over 5 years ago,
Mr. Rojas stopped attending meetings in protest of their treatment of his wife. Although
Mr. Rojas did return, his wife did not return to be by his side during meetings, and instead
only attended organization events where she participated as a spectator
72
.
Just as Mr. Rojas’ wife was asked to refrain from participating in the FCZSC town
hall-like meetings, other women experienced censorship and were ostracized by their
fellow male organization members. Marta Jimenez stated that, “there [are] instances where
I have brought up these problems when the state government has come from Mexico to
visit FCZSC. But they just want me to stay quiet and not be vocal about issues that need
to be addressed. So instead of support, I am shut up… There are instances when literally
they will pass each other notes and say, please have her shut up! Have her quiet down
73
.”
Consequently, the FCZSC censors and attempts to tamp down members’ complaints of the
Mexican government in fear of later facing political repercussions and barriers. More
importantly, while attending meetings where members attempted to complain about the
Mexican state’s lack of transparency and its policies, whispering between members present
at the town hall meeting insinuated that the board of directors did not want to compromise
or strain their close ties to the Mexican state. During one meeting, an older man said, “ah,
they are bought, and what do they care, they are in the

72
Author interview, field work 2007
73
Author Interview, 2007.
38

position of power and want to maintain that
74
.” Though it is difficult to confirm such claim,
informal talks among members indicate that certain members of FCZSC aspire to
politically appointed positions within the Mexican state, such as home-town mayor’
therefore, to safeguard their prospects of holding such positions, such member’s
compromise their right to make claims against the state.
In another meeting, Marta Jimenez, vocalized her frustration with the lack of change
within the organization, and its apparent dismissal of fair and equal participation for
dissenting participants and women. After that meeting, in an interview Ms. Jimenez stated:
I have been told by people who are parliamentarians in La Federacion, that when there are
going to be meetings that they are told before the meeting I was told to not let you speak.
They will say, I wanted to let you speak, but I could not. I was pressured to not let you
speak and the president controlled me. THAT IS AN INSULT! That is one thing that
bothers me, because you want to make justice and speak what is right and what is needed,
but you can’t. And that is one thing that needs to be worked on. And here, because you
are a woman, you are not allowed to speak, and that is one thing that we
need to work on. So you cannot make justice
75
.

As this case demonstrates, the silencing of members’ complaints is requested by the
members within the board of directors. Furthermore, Marta relates efforts by board
members to silence her because of her gender. While attending meetings where Marta
attempted to speak, home-town club members in the meeting expressed in their
conversations with other members that she was problematic and that her hard headedness
was due to her womanhood. One man, who later refused to be interviewed, indicated in a
chat with me during a meeting that Marta was in fact very smart and hard-working, but that
her insistence to work within a male-dominated environment, like the FCZSC, was a lost
cause. He also indicated that her inability to withhold her emotions while vocalizing
74
Author field work, participant observation February 2008
75
Author Interview, 2007.
39

her claims only communicated the idea that she was a stubborn child, unwilling to work
within the organization’s structure. Furthermore, member’s participation is not equally
valued within the FCZSC as vocal women, like Marta Jimenez, are perceived as
problematic and stubborn, thereby legitimizing efforts by some board members to silence
her participation within the organization.
In another FCZSC member interview, the member stated that “when the government
from Mexico goes to see the project, they say they will do what they want me to do, but it
is just lip service. I think they need a change of culture in terms of how they deal with
binational communities. Because when they deal with our issues, what makes them think
that they can comprehend what we are going through?
76
” The Mexican state and its
officials often frustrate its migrants abroad due to their hesitation to attentively and fairly
consider migrants projects and participation in joint migrant-state projects that are
processed through the Tres-por-Uno” program. The disjuncture between FCZSC
members’ interests and goals for their home communities and the system they work within
often limits and frustrates many members’ attempts to work on their projects in a
transparent fashion. In addition, the Mexican state, while welcoming migrant's’
participation in programs that economically benefit the state, often resist migrant’s new
political engagement norms and practices. Thus, through migrant’s exchanges with their
home-state, it is clear that there exists a cultural clash due to the new found political culture
and practices that migrants attempt to implement while engaging with their home- country
government.

76
Author Interview, 2007.
40

4.1) Beauty Pageant, Conflict of Interest and Traces of Clientelism

As earlier discussions suggested, beauty pageants serve as an example how gender
and transnationalism come together in explaining migrant communities engagement with
their home-state. Luin Goldring and David Fitzgerald both find in their research that
women engaged in the Mexican immigrant hometown associations they studied were used
to serve in supportive roles and to symbolize tradition. Serving as symbols of moral purity,
the FCZSC attempts to attract second-generation young women into the organization
through its yearly beauty pageant. Young women representing different hometown clubs
within the umbrella organization compete for the title of Miss Zacatecas. The young
women are judged based on their participation as they navigate through the process of
running for the title, their speeches, talents, beauty, and charisma. There are three stages
that the young women go through as they compete for Miss Zacatecas. The final stage of
the competition is held in November, where notable local and Mexican politicians,
community leaders, and notable community members attend to show their support for the
organization. The panel of judges is selected by Mrs. Bugarin, who is part of the chair
committee and holds the position of secretary of the annual beauty pageant. Ultimately,
the judges selected evaluate each candidate and decide who shall be crowned the new Miss
Zacatecas and two princesses.
Every year, the beauty pageant takes on a different theme and in 2006, ironically, it
was “mujeres revolucionarias,” however there was nothing revolutionary this year from
the past in how young women engaged with the organization. As years past, family or
friends involved with the FCZSC recruited the young women, and their presence at
meetings was mostly for pageant participation requirements. Still, at the final stage of the
competition, the young women took on this theme of revolutionary women and performed
41

a traditional dance dressed as “Adelitas” (famous women during the Mexican revolution),
wearing traditional long folk dresses, leather boots, rebozos (traditional Mexican shawls),
crossed bullet belts that they wore on their torsos, and carried faux rifles. Though I was
unable to record all their speeches, most of the contestants’ speeches referred to the state
of Zacatecas’ first female governor as their role model, and passionately spoke about their
parents’ home state.
After a long course of speeches by the young women, the panel of judges, comprised
of community leaders and several political figures, turned in their tallies for the selections
of the next Miss Zacatecas. This year there were three women selected as queen and
princesses for the organization. Carmen Medina (queen), Maria Sanchez (first princess),
and Joana Medina (second princess) became the FCZSC young women’s representatives.
Unfortunately, the euphoria of the beauty pageant was put out shortly after the
beauty pageant when there were some serious allegations of fraud in the selection of the
beauty pageant. Apparently, the director of the beauty pageant “lost” the attendance list
where Carmen Medina had allegedly signed for meeting dates that the other contestants
claimed she did not attend.
The FCZSC held a meeting to address the allegations and discuss the matter.
Initially, there were two different camps: Mrs. Bugarin and her committee, and the rest of
the beauty pageant contestants represented by Armando Rodriguez, president of the
hometown club that was represented by the first princess. During the meeting, several of
the contestants went to testify that there was fraud committed on the attendance sheet. In
addition, there was a request by a faction within the FCZSC that they remedy this issue
42

by asking Mrs. Bugarin to resign from her position for her carelessness. Armando and
several members spoke out and asked that Mrs. Bugarin leave the room and asked for a
secret ballot to vote on her resignation. Mrs. Bugarin quickly yelled out “Why am I going
to leave? This issue concerns me and you are deciding on my position and I am not going
to leave!” Ultimately, the issue was not resolved that night as a series a “secret meetings”
were held where discussions continued beyond the townhall meeting. The claim that
judges did not appropriately award the participants points was never resolved, and the
crowned beauty queen remained on the board that year.
While this was occurring, I interviewed Mrs. Bugarin to talk about her role and tasks
as secretary of the beauty pageant. When asked what significance the beauty pageant had,
she answered
for me it is very important because within the beauty pageant, or this function of the
organization, we can invite the young women of Zacatecan heritage to participate, where
we show them as youth, not only to get to know their parents’ roots, but their culture,
personal improvement, how the Zacatecan woman is, or how women in general can develop
their skills in different ways
77

Mrs. Bugarin’s response echoes Goldring and Fitzgerald’s claim that hometown
organizations perceive beauty pageants as spaces for women to participate as bearers of
culture and as a “model” for Mexican women. Later in her interview, she stressed that the
new Miss Zacatecas and princess “had a voice and vote within the organization… they
should attend all social events to represent the organization, and through their participation
there were a broad variety of opportunities available to them.” However, most of those
opportunities that Mrs. Bugarin spoke of were for the development of traditional gendered
skills such as modeling, speech, and acting. At no point did she indicate that the young
women should be transitioned into leadership positions.

77
Author Interview, 2007
43

Ironically, though Mrs. Bugarin viewed the beauty pageant and the role of the young docile
women within the organization as traditional bearers of culture, her attitude during
meetings was defiant, as she would not give in to repeated requests for her resignation.
Throughout the interview, Mrs. Bugarin completely evaded the issues regarding the
beauty pageant. She briefly referred to the issue in passing as she indicated that sometimes
it frustrated her that “within the organization some women were not supportive of other
women.” Her statement was logical given the fact that the only women who continued to
support her were those representing clubs from her region, and the beauty queen who
represented a hometown club from her region in Zacatecas. Such women expressed their
support of her position and decision-making during the pageant by vocalizing their
disagreement with the other group during meetings. One woman with long, deep black
hair, representing a club from Mrs. Bugarin’s region, stood up from her seat and yelled,
“No, you are not going to change the committee for the beauty pageant; you are just hurt
that your girl didn’t win.” Coincidentally, the two women were from the same region that
the crowned Miss Zacatecas represented in the hometown association. At no point in these
discussions did the actual participants of the beauty pageant engage in the discussion or
express their concerns over fraud. The newly crowned queen sat in silence, and no other
participants attended the meeting. Furthermore, according to certain views, the struggle
for the title of Miss Zacatecas by larger regions within the state of Zacatecas often becomes
nasty, as those regions want Miss Zacatecas for broader symbolic representation and
prestige within the organization.
On the other hand, although the views of the other beauty pageant contestants and
women within the organization of this event vary, they hold in common that this incident
44

represents a larger problem within the organization – conflict of interest and semi-
clientelism. In reference to the beauty pageant in an interview with Nancy, a former
princess of the FCZSC, she expressed
…the problem has been that the vocal it was his princess and that the girl that on was part
of the directora del certamen…Conflict of interest but another thing that I heard and that
has been used to their defenses, you know there’s not a lot of people involved in the
federation and how can we avoid that conflict of interest? If these are the only people we
can count on then how can we tell them don’t put a reina? You know? How can I tell a
vocal don’t put your reina, then we wouldn’t have a reina so that’s the difficult part but at
the same time I feel what about the testimony of all these girls? Why take the time to write
them? Conflict of interest or not, what has happened to the e-mails? What has happened to
the voices of these young girls?

Nancy’s comment echoed what other members, such as Marta Jimenez, felt in regards to
the entire incident. In a meeting, as the events of the pageant were being discussed, several
members of the organization yelled, “Transparencia, queremos transparencia, esto es
conflicto de intereses!” (Transparency, we want transparency! This is a conflict of
interest!). Furthermore, although a minority within the organization, the faction headed by
Armando Rodriguez, president of the hometown club of the first princess, felt that justice
could not be served due to secretive meetings, conflict of interest, and clientelistic
relationships among board members. Thus, echoing Mendilla’s work on Mexican
bureaucracies, a looming semi-clientelistic culture kept the organization from handling
matters of this nature in a democratic format. During another meeting, Armando Rodriguez
stated:
as the board of directors closes itself from listening to these young women because it
refuses to recognize one person’s mistake, we are showing these young women we do not
care about them…As Maria Sanchez has voiced to me, the FCZSC only uses young women
as propaganda and nothing else
78
.

Consequently, the incident left a portion of FCZSC members believe that the entire pageant
was rigged due to the conflict of interest, since members from the panel of judges
78
Author Interview, 2007.
45

had personal ties with the secretary of the beauty pageant who is from the same region as
the crowned Miss Zacatecas.
5.0) Conclusion

Through the brief historical overview of the relationship between the Mexican state
and its extra-territorial citizens, we can better understand how this relationship has been
marked by the increasing interest of the Mexican state in extending its influence over its
diaspora. Such interests are in large part due to the economic and political benefits that
the Mexican state reaps from such relationships. Regardless of the state’s effort to reach
out to its extra-territorial community, the community itself in many cases has come to
initiate its own social networks to maintain familiar ties with their native community. In
addition, aside from state efforts to control its migrant community abroad through state
building projects, it is important to note that the state itself influences the nature of the
relationships among hometown associations as they attempt to gain the most benefits from
such program. As some of the respondents in this paper expressed, often it was not the
state that marginalized nonconformist members in the FCZSC, but other members who
wanted to pacify complaints for fear of later facing political repercussions when working
with the state where some worries would produce barriers for them when submitting
projects for the Tres por Uno program. Additionally, the case of the FCZSC shows us the
importance of reassessing the dynamic relationship among hometown associations as they
offer examples of how customs from home country political life are continued in
transmigrant organizations.
Furthermore, by integrating Lucia Mantilla’s work on gender and clientilistic
relations, this paper explored the role of masculinity and traditional patriarchal
46

hierarchies that continue to persist in the FCZSC migrant organization in the United States.
The male-dominated town hall meetings were areas for the demonstration of their
masculinity and more important, overpowering position within the organization. As the
debates on the beauty pageant continued to come about in town hall meetings, there was a
clear message that many of the male participates were unwilling to challenge corrupt
practices within the organization. In part, such hesitation was due to their lack of empathy
for the young women’s frustration as participants of the beauty pageant, and their lack of
effort to challenge what some viewed as patron-client ties.
Furthermore, not only does gender affect how men and women interact with other
members and interpret their participation, but also some components of the Mexican state’s
presence in hometown associations alters those relationships and ties that members have
among themselves and within the organization. As discussed earlier, the FCZSC is a
corporatist and semi-clientelist transmigrant organization partly due to its close
relationship with the Mexican state. The clientelistic nature of the organization interplays
with gender, altering the opportunities that women have within the hometown association
and how they interact with the state.
47

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50

Appendix 1.0
Interview Questions

Before beginning I would like to thank you for accepting to participate in this study. During the
questionnaire, please feel free to ask me to further explain any questions. Antes de comenzar,
quisiera agradecerle su participación en este proyecto. Por favor de dejarme saber si usted tiene
algunas preguntas.

1.) Respondent’s gender (Do not ask this question).

a. Male
b. Female

2.) Were you born in Mexico? ¿Usted nació en
México?

a. Yes (skip to question number 3)
b. No (If no, ask question 2a)

2a.) What country were you born in? (Open-ended)
¿En que país nació?

3.) What state in Mexico are you from? De cual estado de México es usted?

a. Zacatecas
b. Jalisco
c. Michoacan
d. Sonora
e. Aguascalientes
f. Guanajuato
g. Nayarit
h. Oaxaca
i. Durango
j. Puebla
k. Baja California
l. Other state in Mexico not on list (please
specify)
51

4.) How old were you when you first immigrated to the United States? (open ended) Que edad
tenia cuando usted inmigra a los Estados Unidos por primera vez?

___________________________________________________________________-__

5.) When you first came to the United States, whom did you live with? ¿Cuándo vino por primera
vez, con quien inmigra? ¿Vino con familia o solo/a? ¿Alguien le ayudo venir a este país?

6.) How did you first hear about La Federación de Los Clubs Zacatecanos/ Mujeres Unidas de Las
Federaciones Mexicanas? Como y cuando escucho usted por primera vez de su organización?

7.) How do you define politics? How do you define political participation? As a member of your
organization, how have you participated in your home country politics? Primero, como define usted
“política?” ¿En su opinión que es participación política? ¿Como miembro de su organización, por
favor explique como usted participa cívicamente y políticamente en su país natal?

8.) Through your home country organization, have you been informed about political, social, and/or
economic issues regarding your ethnic community in the United States? Como miembro de su
organización, como a sido usted informado de temas políticos, social, y económicos sobre su
comunidad étnica en Los Estados Unidos y en Mexico? ¿Cómo les informan y hacen saber esta
información? ¿Cómo cree usted que pudieran mejorar su comunicación?

9.) Tell me, are you interested in politics? (If respondent only answers yes or no, ask 9ª.) Usted
esta interesado en políticas? En que forma?

10.) Why are you interested in politics? Por que esta interesado en políticas?

11.) Do you recall being interested in politics when you lived in Mexico? Usted estaba interesado
en la política de su país antes de venir a Estados Unidos? Como participaba en la política? Cual
es su opinión de la política de su país?

11ª) En cual forma su organización refleja la política de su país natal, México? Usted cree que
hay transparencia?

11b.) De que forma influye es estado de México o el gobierno Mexicano en las decisiones y
participación y actos de su organización?

12.) What are your general feelings about the political system in the United States? Mexico?
Cual es su opinión del sistema político en Estados Unidos? De México
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
________________
52

13.) Are you a U.S. citizen? Es usted ciudadano de los Estados Unidos? Tiene usted doble
ciudadanía? Por que?

14.) Are you interested in becoming a citizen? Si aun no es ciudadano, esta interesado en hacerse
ciudadano? Por que?

15.) Are you registered to vote? Usted esta registrado para votar en Estados Unidos? Esta registrado
para votar en México? A votado en alguna elección de México o Estados Unidos? Cuando? Si no
lo a hecho, piensa hacerse ciudadano?

16.) Have you ever participated in walkouts, marches, or other kinds of protest? A usted participado
en marchas, o protestas en Estados Unidos o México? Cuando? Que fue la causa?

17.) Can you recall and tell me if your home country organization has helped to inform you about
becoming a citizen and/or participating in local political activities? (If necessary, clarify “political
activities” to respondent by giving them some examples, such as walkouts, marches, and other
kinas of protest).

Su organización le a ayudado o informado sobre el proceso de ser ciudadano?

18.) Do you belong to one or more of the following groups with people from Mexico? Please let
me know if there is some other type of organization that we do not list here. Es usted parte de otras
organizaciones? Que tipo de organizaciones?
a. Civic organization
b. Sports team
c. Neighborhood association
d. Social club
e. ________________________________________________________

19.) Do you consider yourself an active member of your hometown organization – that is, in the
past twelve months have you served on a committee, given time for special projects, or helped
organize meetings? Usted se considera un miembro activo de su organización? Por que? En que
forma?

20.) What types of projects and/or activities are a priority for you as a member of your hometown
association? Que Tipo de proyectos son la prioridad para usted en su organización?

21.) Are you married or have a partner? Esta usted casado?

22.) Is your husband/wife/partner involved in the hometown association with you? Su
marido/esposa o compañero participa en la organización?

23.) In your organization, are there both women and men active? (Having some trouble with
how to phrase questions that would specifically look or get to talking about gender roles
and whatnot)
53

En su organización las mujeres y hombres participan igualmente? Hay diferentes formas de
participación entre mujeres y hombres? Cuales son? En que forma podrían participar mas o
modificar como aprontan la situación?

Por ultimo, podrían decirme si hay alguien quien creen que debería de entrevistar de su
organización? Hay algunas preguntas que no hice y temas que le gustaría dejarme saber sobre?

Abstract (if available)

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Asset Metadata

Creator Gonzalez, Denise (author)

Core Title Mexican hometown associations: Zacatecanos in Los Angeles, gendered participation and Mexican state ties

School College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Political Science and International Relations

Publication Date 12/01/2016

Defense Date 05/01/2016

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag hometown associations,immigration,OAI-PMH Harvest,Zacatecanos

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Crigler, Ann (committee chair)

Creator Email denisegfavela@gmail.com,luchaesperanza@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-324090

Unique identifier UC11214786

Identifier etd-GonzalezDe-4950.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-324090 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-GonzalezDe-4950.pdf

Dmrecord 324090

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Gonzalez, Denise

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA