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The relationship between cultural-value orientation and achievement in three learning environments: Lecture, small-group, and self-study

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The relationship between cultural-value orientation and achievement in three learning environments: Lecture, small-group, and self-study

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Content THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CULTURAL-VALUE ORIENTATION
AND ACHIEVEMENT IN THREE LEARNING ENVIRONMENTS:
LECTURE, SMALL-GROUP, AND SELF-STUDY
by
Jan Lynette Dargatz
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
I
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA |
In Partial Fulfillment of the |
Requirements for the Degree I
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Education) j
i
June 1984 1
UMI Number: DP24974
All rights reserved
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In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.
Dissertation F\iblisbng
UMI DP24974
Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CAUFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089
■ /9
This dissertation, written by
Jan Lynette Dargatz
under the direction of h.^.^... Dissertation
Committee, and approved by all its members,
has been presented to and accepted by The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of re
quirements for the degree of
DO C TO R OF PH ILO SO PHY
T S t . .
Dean
Date
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
M. David Merrill
trperson
William O. Rided'
James C. McBath
11
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
1. LIST OF FIGURES............................. iii
2. ABSTRACT.....................................vi
3. CHAPTER I........ 1
The Basic Challenge
The Purpose of the Study
Assumptions
Hypotheses
Definitions of Terms
Limitations
The Organization of the Remainder
of this Dissertation
4. CHAPTER II................. ................ 3 5
A Review of the Research
5. CHAPTER III................................ 99
Methodology
6. CHAPTER IV.............................. ...114
Analysis of the Results
7. CHAPTER V.................................12 8
Conclusions and Implications
8. NOTES............................. 155
9. BIBLIOGRAPHY.......................... .161
10 . APPENDIX A.......................... 177
The Values Questionnaire
11. APPENDIX B. ........................... 185
The Instructional Unit: Pretest,
Instructional Content, and
Posttest
12. APPENDIX C................................. 208
The ORU Code of Honor Pledge
LIST OF FIGURES
111
Figure 1.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.
Figure 4.
Figure 5.
Figure 6,
Figure 7.
Figure 8.
Figure 9.
Page
Configurations of human-to 17
human relationships typically
found in classrooms.
A summary of global-education 2 7
factors noted in the introduction
of this study.
The Condon and Yousef model of 57
common human experiences.
The Condon and Yousef value 59
classification scheme covering
areas of universal human
experience.
The structural and communication 86
patterns of a typical lecture
learning environment.
The structural and communication 87
patterns of a typical small-group
learning environment.
The structural and communication 8 8
patterns of a typical self-study
learning environment.
A proposed research grid that 89
compares goal orientation with
group structure.
The overlap of variables in 91
Cultural Value Orientation and
Interpersonal Learning Environments.
Figure 10. A comparison of the Condon and 94
Yousef FAMILY structure variations
and classroom-structure variations.
Figure 11. The Fog Index as developed by
Rudolf Flesch.
102
IV
Page
Figure 12.
Figure 13.
Figure 14.
Figure 15.
Figure 16.
Figure 17.
Figure 18.
Figure 19.
Figure 20.
Figure 21.
Figure 22.
Figure 23.
The Interest Index as 103
developed by Fudolf Flesch.
Value totals for the ORU 106
subj ects--key values
underlined;'.
ORU value choices ranked 109
according to total strength.
Experimental design. 113
Results of the demographic 115
portion of the values
questionnaire.
A comparison of parent 117
classification and the
classification of siblings.
A comparison of parent 118
classification and the
classification of homelife.
Pretest and posttest results 120
for the three learning-
environment formats.
The mean of individual 121
difference scores for
procedure and concept items
compared to learning
environment formats.
Mean of individual difference 122
scores for stratified samples
across three learning-
environment formats.
Mean of individual difference 123
scores in concept learning for
stratified samples across three
learning-environment formats.
Mean of individual difference 123
scores in procedure learning
for stratified samples across
three learning-environment
formats.
V
Page -
Figure 24.
Figure 25.
Figure 26.
Sample group demographic
profiles for comparison. 124
Comparison of mean evaluation 12 6
scores on group-learning items
for high-agreement and low-
agreement subjects.
A sample of the variation in 14 8
total value scores.
Figure 27. A sample of the variation in
the position of values along
continuums per total value
scores.
149
VI
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was twofold. First, the
study attempts to isolate a cultural-value orientation for a
demographically homogeneous population, The Condon and
Yousef value-orientation classification scheme was
adapted to create an instrument for this purpose. Second,
|the study attempts to determine the relationship between the
I ' '
^emergent value orientation and achievement in three learning
environments: lecture, small-group, and self-study.
Subjects who showed high agreement with the group’s cultural
jValue orientation performed significantly better in the
I
lecture format (and especially so in concept learning).
Subjects low in agreement with the group's cultural
I
orientation performed significantly better in the small-
I ' ;
|group format, especially in concept learning. Both high-
agreement and low-agreement subjects, however, scored
I
greater gains in the self-study format for the learning of |
!
procedures. i
CHAPTER I
The Basic Challenge
"Until a few decades ago, America was
the leading world exporter of innovative
products. Since World War II, America
has also been exporting innovation itself--
the technological orientation and
capabilities to invent and,create, We^
have been sending people to other countries
to have them teach and train. We are now
entering an age in which we will send the
information and training materials
alone. The people will no longer go.
...What we'll probably see is a great
influx of innovative products coming
back to us."
^ — Dr. Robert Casey
Lecture, Spring 1981
University of
Southern California
In the last 30 years we have witnessed a worldwide
technological and communication explosion. The invention of
products, the accumulation of facts, and the development of
exchange systems have accelerated geometrically. We now
have the capacity to communicate on a point-to-point basis
from and to every square mile on earth--sending motion and
still visuals, audio messages, and computer data in a matter
of seconds via satellites, telephone wires, and broadcast
waves. As McLuhan (19 67) aptly pointed out more than 15
years ago, we a re the creators of a "globa l_vi l i a g e________
2
One aspect of this global village might appropriately
be labeled the "global classroom." As Casey indicates,
factual and procedural information has become a commodity
on international exchange--a product to be purchased,
leased, or sold in a variety of formats, but in all methods
of acquisition and modes of packaging, a product intended
to be consumed.
Within the global classroom analogy, one can envision
the global student one day consuming a common body of
knowledge: the Tulsa student grappling with the same
concepts, memorizing the same facts, solving the same
equations, and manipulating the same formulas as his
counterparts in Tiberias, Tijuana, and Timbuktu.
We can ask three key questions about this global
educational activity: 1) What types of information are most
likely to become global commodities and what challenges
underlie the exchange of that information? 2) What are the
characteristics of students who might consume global-
curriculum information? 3) How might global curriculum
materials be consumed with the greatest degree of
efficiency and effectiveness?
A Global Curriculum
What types of information are most likely to become
global commodities?
Drawing from marketing axioms, one would conjecture
3
that the leading products would be those that have the
greatest potential for meeting the basic needs of the
greatest number of people.
For example, in a marketing analysis comparison of a
bottle of Coca Cola and a Cadillac automobile, the Coca
Cola has greater market appeal because it meets a need that
has greater universality (thirst, rather than mechanical
mobility) and it can be consumed by a wider segment of the
world's population, largely owing to economic factors. By
the same principles of analysis, a rudimentary mathematical
formula is likely to have greater worldwide appeal than a
literary critique of one tome written by an obscure
novelist. The math formula enjoys greater conceptual
agreement, is more useful in meeting a wider array of
needs, and is more likely to be put to use by more people.
When looking at the entire body of knowledge, those
classes of information with global appeal are _jn,ore likely
to be facts, formulas, procedures, and scientifically
verifiable principles. Concepts that are most likely to be
consumed on a global scale are those that have concrete
référants (e.g., "saltiness" is more likely than
"sinfulness" to have global definitional agreement).
Another phrase for describing this body of globally
consumed information might be "global core curriculum."
The Word "core" is included in the phrase since electives
are likely to vary widely in subject matter, as well as in
4
ratio to core information. The choice of the word "global"
is intended to convey worldwide breadth of impact across
one demographic group, as opposed to true educational
universality. For example, one might have a global
curriculum for farm management. The subjects might include
seed-planting, soil preparation techniques, irrigation
methods, fertilization procedures, harvesting methods, and
marketing principles. The electives would vary according
to climate, geography, level of modernization, and
economics. But this is not to say that farming should be
taught universally to every person. One might h^ve^a,
global core curriculum for health care, reading, inter
national banking, and so forth--with very few such
curriculums warranting universal application to every
student in every nation. A universal curriculum, on the
other hand, is likely to be limited to only a few basic
skills: rudimentary mathematics and functional reading
for instance.
What barriers must be overcome to create a global
curriculum for any subject area?
Apart from the physical challenge of transporting data
or materials from one point to another— a challenge that
seems to call for materials-management expertise more than
educational design--the foremost barriers appear to be
language translation and formatting.
Language translation. Language translation is a term
5
that includes at least four levels of communication
activity.
The most basic level would be the substitution of
symbols or sounds on a one-to-one basis, either visual or
aural, and at the letter or concept level (e.g., z to
or man to (^ ) . This translation is perceptual and is
essential for even the most basic communication at the
reception level of communication.
A second level of translation would be the substitution'
of words on a one-to-one ratio, e.g., turning an American
"house" into a Mexican "casa." This translation is mostly
definitional and is essential to communication at the most
basic levels of decoding for meaning.
A third level of translation would be a restructuring
of the words, or the grammatical translation, e.g., "the
little red school" in English would not be "la pequena roja
escuela" in Spanish, but rather, "la escuela pequena y
roja" ("the school small and red"). This translation is
more functional in nature. It is less essential for
conveying meaning but it is directly related to efficiency,
speed, and quality of communication.
A fourth level of translation is cultural.
For our purposes in this study, a cultural translation
is defined as a "restatement of information prepared by
members of culture A into terms that are acceptable at the
highest levels of abstraction to a member of culture B."
6
A cultural translation is related directly to
appropriateness--the degree to which a statement is in
alignment with the values, objects, activities,
circumstances, and structures prevalent in a culture. For
example, "little red schoolhouse" might be a readily
understood concept in America. It carries both literal and
figurative meanings. An "escuela pequeMa y roja," however,
would be a rare sight in Mexico. On the literal level, the
schoolhouse would more than likely be white, than red.
Moreover, as a figure of speech, "little red schoolhouse"
has no direct counterpart in Mexico. Mexican history does
not include a oner-room, egalitarian, community-^fosteredrand-
sustained schoolhouse constructed of barn lumber, sealed
with red-tinged oil, and infused with a heavy dosage of
pioneer spirit and frontier self-sufficiency.
Again, the cultural level of translation is not vital
to literal translation of words with concrete référants.
Its greater benefit lies with information or messages that
are abstract. As any student of foreign languages can
verify, true "fluency" comes when one is able to manipulate
the idoms of a language. Therein lie the qualities of
appropriateness and empathy. As a part of the communication
process, one inevitably encounters the arenas of metaphor,
simile, example, and nonexample--all requisites to the
conveyance of abstract meaning and the framing of
appropriate responses or feedback. Cultural translation
7
becomes important in each of these arenas.
The definitional, grammatical, and cultural levels of
translation are frequently required for materials that are
to be consumed readily by two cultures sharing the same
basic language. As an example, an American "house" is more
appropriately termed a "bungalow" to the Englishman--
assuming that one is referring to a single-family detached
dwelling. Likewise, "in a couple of weeks" is better
translated structurally or grammatically as a "fortnight
hence." (Not only are the words different but the locus of
time is shifted.) And a "cup of coffee" is more
appropriately translated culturally as a "cup of tea" for
beverages consumed at 9 o'clock in the morning.
Some degrees of language translation are often
warranted for different subgroups within a fairly unified
cultural grouping. For example, a Philadelphia "spigot" is
a Seattle "faucet" and the figurative "meeting at the Dairy
Queen" in Topeka is more appropriately stated as "meeting
on the Strand" in Redondo Beach.
(It might also be pointed out that some concepts and
symbols seem to defy need for anything beyond a
definitional translation. 0is "no" just about everywhere
now and "hallelujah" seems to be readily understood in
every Christian group regardless of language or culture.)
Why be concerned with cultural translation when
concrete concepts, facts, and formulas are rooted in rather
8
compact definitions and rather rigid grammatical
structures? After all, "2+2=4" defies need for even
perceptual translation among most cultures.
The concern is threefold. First, virtually all entry-
le^el statements are elaborated in the educational process.
A teacher is not likely to chalk "2+2=4" on a board and
walk away assuming that the communication is complete or
the lesson learned, Elaboration comes by use of additional
wotds and symhois, which are in turn subject to increased
abstraction and higher levels of translation.
Second, virtually all elaborations include the use of
examples (and nonexamples) in the educational process. The
choice of examples invariably requires abstraction and
multilevel, translating, (Does one add two kilos of rice to
two kilos of rice, or two bushels of wheat to two bushels
pf wheat?)
Third, education is a human-relating activity. When
one person sets out to assume the role of teacher and
another the role of student, a human dyad is established,
even though the "teacher" might be a textbook writer 5,0 00
miles away from the student, in a broad sense, accuracy of
translation becomes a matter of friendship versus
alienation, We human beings seem to like people who are
culturally "like" us. We11-translated materials enlarge
the bQundaries of cpmmpnality between teacher and student,
and it wpuld appear that they contribute significantly to
9
intercultural empathy and the dispelling of fear, distrust,
and anger often aimed at a dominant group who is perceived
as attempting to acculturate, influence, or otherwise
"teach" a subordinant group.
‘Despite a general lack of information and mixed
research reports about the direct value of a positive
student attitude on classroom achievement, most anthropolo
gists assume that a positive attitude among cultural groups
is valuable for both peace and prosperity on planet earth.^
Businessmen and politicians would no doubt agree.
International trade agreements and politico-military pacts
are nearly always predicated on the extent of agreement or
commonality between two groups, including the ability to
communicate in terms acceptable and appropriate to both
groups. If for no other reason, accurate multilevel
translation might be important to sales volume over a period
of time.
In summary, cultural translation is directly related
to the quality of learning among students and to the
sociological and economic facets of trading information
laden commodities. It is the supreme goal toward which all
other levels of language translation aim. And without
accurate cultural translation of materials, the creation of
global core curriculum materials becomes an extremely
difficult, if not impossible, task.
Formatting. Formatting represents another set of
10
hurdles that must be cleared before consumption of a global-
scale curriculum is possible.
Format decisions seem to cluster around four broad
questions :
1) What order shall the data be placed in?
2) What medium shall be used for presentation
of the data?
3) What methods for evaluating student
response will be used?
4) How shall the learning environment be
structured?
A great deal of research has been devoted to answering
each of these questions. Without belaboring the theoretical
arguments or extensively citing research reports, we should
perhaps cover the broad definitions and lines of research
encompassed by each of the questions.
What order shall the data be placed in? The ordering
of textual data includes determining both the hierarchy and
chronology of information. The foremost theories range from'
Ausubel's subsumption hierarchy (1960) to Bruner's spiral
(1966) to the Reigeluth-Merrill-Wilson-Spiller elaboration
zoom lens (1980). The research studies concern the
specifics of time and space structures, including the use of
organizing devices (e.g., advance organizers, headlines,
highlights); the use of practice (e.g., questions,
repetitions, feedback); the extent of elaboration; the
11
levels of understanding? and the use of examples. Most of
these text-format theories and studies are rooted in the
belief that the format of the text or program itself
contributes significantly to achieving pretest, posttest
learning gains.
Although linguists such as Chomsky (1952) might
counterargue that a child learns language by sifting through
totally random bits of information with a built-in
psychological predisposition to create structure, and most
people would be hard pressed to define the "structure" of
common sense or culturally prevalent learning experiences,
educators concerned with formal or "school" learning see
structure of text as a crucial element to achieving both
productivity and efficiency.
What medium shall be used for presentation of the
data? Media-format research has recorded a rather extensive
file of no-signifleant-differences studies. The theoretical
platform in this area has two pods : one is built on
perception theories, the other on economic practicalities.
A number of researchers (especially those from audio
visual and communication backgrounds, such as Allen, 1967;
Chu and Schramm, 19 67) approached media formatting from the
hypothesis that a greater stimulation of the senses would
produce increased learning, e.g., a television message that
activated both aural and visual senses would result in more
learning than a radio message that elicited only aural-
12
perception responses. That hypothesis, although often
tested in the 1950's and 1960's, received little
verification.
Economically inspired researchers took the approach of
seeking the most learning for the least cost. They welcomed
no-significant-difference studies as a springboard for
advocating one system of hardware over another in a
particular environment. Their concern included adapting
media use to varying cultures, basing the adaptation
formulas to a great extent on modernization factors--
economic conditions, availability of electricity and
broadcast facilities, availability of replacement parts and
software, and levels of expertise for installation, use, anc
maintenance of systems.
Out of these two approaches came a common ground that
might best be termed "graphics" in the purest and broadest
definition of the term. "Graphic" as used here should not
be limited to the concept of "visual display." As a broad
term, graphics refers to the relationships among elements--
proportions, sequencing, composition, balance, and so forth
A graph or grid is certainly the base for evaluating the
density, balance, and contrast of print materials. Audio
grids— perhaps better recognized today as digits--are also
used as structural devices for determining balance, volume,
and pitch. Electronic grids underlie the video industry.
In virtually all media formats, some type of graphic "grid"
" 13
provides the uniform référant for the analysis of the
relationship among elements.
Graphic studies have shown that certain visual and
aural format features are linked to motivation and
achieyementT--features such as use of motion, visual balance,
use of color, degree of clarity, amount of detail, change of
volume, use of pause (or white space), and density. These
2
principles, moreover, seem to hold true across mediums.
Presentation format decisions have thus become a
matter of achieving the highest possible quality of
graphics at the least cost for a particular audience.^
Although resulting products vary greatly, the decision
making formulas are becoming more and more universal.
What methods for evaluating student responses will be
used? Whereas text formatting concerns the structure of
subject matter elements and presentation formatting
concerns the structure of media elements, student-response
formatting involves the types of behavior anticipated from
the learner. The ultimate questions in this area of
research are: Row are we to tell when learning has
occurred? What form of behavior will learning manifest so
we might recognize it and measure it? What formats will we
overlay on student behavior in our attempts to analyze it?
Some formats zero in on learning (pretest, posttest
differences) and the effectiveness, efficiency, and appeal
of materials that result in significant differences.
f4
Generally, achievement is the foremost goal and efficiency
and positive attitude are regarded as secondary goals.
Other researchers in this area have been concerned with
the classification of various manifestations of learning
behavior. Is learning to be exhibited through cognitive,
physical, or emotional behavior (such as the Bloom
taxonomy) and to what levels within each classification?
Still others seek expressions of behavior that coincide with
biological or moral development that have been carefully
charted into predictable stages (such as the patterns set
forth by Piaget and Kohlberg). A less-defined means of
evaluating student response concerned the functional
outcomes of learning in everyday life, e.g., studies in
functional literacy that compare school-based achievement
with lifer-circumstance practice. For these theorists, a
response format must go beyond the meeting of classroom
objectives and the comparing of test results? "moving from
C-level to A-level math scores" isn't an appropriate
format for gauging student response if the student
eventually fails to balance a checkbook with repeated
accuracy, A uniform functionalr-response format is far from
defined at this point but it is one possibility that is
worthy of consideration by globalr-curriculum developers.
Response-format theorists and practitioners raise one
chief format decision that must be confronted directly in
the creation of global-scale curriculum materials : what
15
universal definition of learning is going to be used as a
basis for evaluating the success or failure of instruction
(and thereby, instructional materials)? Certainly the
prof ft-marg i U. criterion holds sway in evaluating the
products of international commerce ? One can hope that the
moasûrement of learning value will be established along less
commercial lines, although cost effectiveness and profit
potential will undoubtedly be factors. The possible
removal of "learning commodities" from commercial market
exchange does not downplay the need for an agreedr-upon
gauge for learning value; rather, it increases the need so
that economic factors alone do not determine the ultimate
availability of information.
Stated in other terms : materials that have a high
profit margin as products (those cheaply produced and
expensively sold with high market profile) may or may not
teach well. But how shall we measure learning? What
examples of student behavior will we choose as suitable
responses to global curriculum materials? Student scores
on international standardized exams? The meeting of
culturally accepted objectives? The degree of linkage
between school performance and life-skill performance?
Choosing a response format--one that is based on a
globally approved set of definitions and formulas--is
undoubtedly some years away, Perhaps the best conclusion
that-can be reached at this point is to recognize that a
16
major challenge exists,
How shall the learning environment be structured? A
fourth format decision concerns the structure of two sets .
of relationships in the instructional process : human-to-
human relationships and physical-object-to-human
relationships.
Human-to-human relationships cover both the one
between teacher and student and the one established between
student and student in a classroom. Several configurations
have been most prevalent in both formal research studies
and practical methodology, as identified in Figure 1 on the
next page,
Studies and theories have been concerned variously with
philosophical, descriptive, and empirical discussions of
such topics as group behavior, the value of competition
versus cooperation, performance comparisons in and among
groups, leadership traits, and methods for establishing and
4
evaluating group behavior.
A related group of educators is concerned with the
relationship that exists between the physical aspects of a
classroom environment and the human beings within that
environment, Factors such as space, color, humidity,
temperature, human density (proxemics) have been analyzed
and architectural and spacer-design recommendations have beer
offered,^
When the environment format issue is expanded to the
Teacher-Student Relationships
Relationship
Teacher and one student,
face-to-face
Teacher and one student,
not face-to-face
Teacher and group,
face-to-face
Teacher and group,
not face-to-face
Example
Tutorial
Textbook
Lecture
Media
presentation
Student-Student Relationships
Relationship
Student alone
Individual and individual,
competition
Group and group,
competition
Individual and individual,
cooperation
Group and group
Example
Independent
self-study
One versus one
contest
Team versus
team contest
Partners
Japanese
corporations
Figure 1. Configurations of human-
to-human relationships
typically found in
classrooms.
global scale, the two ultimate questions appear to be these
first, is there an ideal way to organize classroom
relationships (teacher-student and _ ëtudent-student) for
maximum learning?; and second, is there an ideal physical
1.8
environment for maximum performance?
The answers to these questions-^as to all the format
questions--are subject to geographic, population-growth,
and economic constraints.
Since these geographic, population, and economic
factors vary widely and are subject to flunctuation over
time, international educational designers will probably not
come up with one universally applicable format. What might
be more appropriate to anticipate is that these designers
might create formulas— bolstered by empirical results'— for
determining the most appropriate formats for different
audiences with different cultural biases at different socio
economic levels in different climates.
In review, the format hurdles that must be crossed in
creating successful global core curriculum materials include
text construction, presentation construction, construction
of criteria for evaluating the responses of students, and
the construction of social and physical learning
environments. One can conclude with some certainty that
these barriers are formidable, multidimensional, and
perhaps less defined and more difficult to cross than
language-translation barriers. Nonetheless, to define the
challenge is to establish it as an entity that can be
conquered conceptually and''/eventually, in reality.
To regain perspective within this study, we have
attempted to survey briefly those areas of difficulty that
19
might be encountered when one seeks to create instructional
materials and programs suitable for a global classroom.
Our concern has been with the handling of the information
that is likely to form the core of a global curriculum.
A second set of key questions focuses on the
characteristics of the student who might use such materials
or seek such information.
The Global Student Body
What are the characteristics of students who might
become the consumers of "global core curriculum"
information?
The most obvious response would no doubt be that these
students, at minimum, might represent highly diverse
cultures, many nations, every major race, both sexes,
various age levels, and different socioeconomic status (SES)
levels. The impact of these six factors on the educational
process has often polarized educators.
For example, Coleman (1966), Jensen (1968), Piaget
(1.961) f and Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) are just a few of the
more notable researchers who have concluded that SES, race,
age, and sex factors are directly related to school
performance in America--not without, of course, an array of
opponents who argue that pretest, posttest difference
scores can be achieved independently of these factors.
Let us assume at this point that differences in sex.
20
age, SES, and race also exist pn the global scale and may
have impact on achievement. That assumption is subject to
further verification. Let us also ass^mp>that whatever
impact these factors may have on achievement, such impact
can be counteracted, enhanced, or prevented by some means
through improvêd instructional design.
These assumptions are not made to dismiss backhandedly
the seriousness of these factors, but rather to project a
belief that we as educators are capable of one day creating
a positive antidote for the deleterious effects thay may
foster. In the main, these factors arc not related
directly to this study.
Far less research has been aimed at the impact of
nationality and culture on individual student achievement.
The foremost influence of nationality is most likely to be
found in the structure and function of school systems as
they vary from one political system to another. To
determine the impact of nationality upon student achievement
one must ask questions such as "Does the French method of
schooling produce an intellectually superior or functionally
more adept adult in comparison to the America...or Russian
or Brazilian or Chinese...method of schooling?"
A great deal of school-system comparison has been
documented by educational anthropologists, but few, if any,
have pursued research studies designed to determine the
overall superiority of one system over another. Major
21
obstacles would exist fpr such studies : defining the
different purposes for education in various nations,
determining an agreed-upon criteria or formula for
comparing one set of objectives with another, and isolating
agreed-upon measures of achievement--whether it be improved
gross national product, increased life span, higher level
of functional use of school^learned skills, or some other
measure. In addition, one would have to achieve some
method for neutralizing political and economic biases--as
well as the personal national preferences of the researchers
and theorists,
A conservative summary of this area of research at this
point might be this : We know that school systems vary from
nation to nation, that students within these systems are
subject to different methods for achieving different sets of
educational objectives, and these different systems and
methods are likely to exert some degree of influence upon
the achievement, efficiency, and affective dimensions of
If one takes a long-view look at school systems,
however, it seems that most are organized ^to teach a set of
subject^matter topics over a priod of time, be it semesters,
months, or years. The length of courses, the number of
courses, and the topics taught actually vary little. The
crucial differences lie in the sociopolitical means of
selecting students tp enter various courses and levels of
22
instruction. Since these decisions lie outside the purpose
of instructional design, one is led to conclude that for all
practical purposes, a global core curriculum can be
implemented with equal or nearrequal results in many
different nations with many different systems of school
organization. If such is not possible, then we as
instructional designers are rather doomed to await the
formation of a one^world sociopolitical system. For now--
and until proven otherwise--let us again assume that
national differences--will have minimal impact on
achievement, and that this impact can be circumvented,
compensated for, or shielded against by instructional design
improvements over time,
A sixth factor--and the one of primary concern to this
' ■ ' V .
Study— is the cultural orientation of students in the global
student body. Apart from differences in nationality,
global-core-curriculum students will have differences in
culture.
Two main schools of thought have emerged in relation
ship to the cultural factor. One body of educators seems to
hold to the opinion that cognition is virtually culture-
free, In many ways, these educators favor a nature (versus
nurture) approach to mental function. The reasoning seems
to Ipllow this line: The biological brain develops according
to predestined patterns much the same as any other physical
organ develops according to prescribed genetic code. By
23
means of analogy, the stomach of a Chinese child varies
little in biological structure or function from that of his
American counterpart, although the two children might
consume vastly different quantities and types of food. In
like manner, the brain of the Chinese child is an electro
chemical tissue mass that is structurally similar to the
brain of an American child. The brains are simply used to
compute different quantities and types of "input data."
If given the same data, the brains would function
identically. Thus, the concern of educators should lie in ^
seeking to understand the biological nature of the brain,
its development patterns, and the types of data most
effectively fed into the brain at any one stage of
physiological development.
Those who hold this conviction see culture as largely
a social phenomenon--one that leads to the development of
products and social organizational patterns but which has
little to do with cognitive processes. Many of the well-
known educators of this century appear to have adopted this
perspective, most notably Bruner and Piaget.
There are those who disagree with equal fervor,
although they are generally less well known and less
unified in their reasoning. As a group, however, they see
cognition as culture bound. While not denying totally the
basic biological and functional similarity of students'
brains, they do see culture as providing the primary or base
24
programming of brain neurons. The outcome is such that a
student in culture A does not process information in the
same way as does a student in culture B, In computer
terms, the student in culture A might have been programmed
to handle data in a "language" quite apart from that common
to culture B, And just as a programmer who is adept in
COBOL might not understand or be able to compute data in
PILOT without additional training and practice, so the
Chinese student will neither perceive the same environment
nor deduce the same meanings as the American student
without compensating cognitive activities.
When this argument is couched in instructional-design
terms, one concludes that just as raw data would need to
be adapted before it could be computed equally by two
different programs, so instructional materials might need
to be adapted to fit the cultural bias of students.
Few research studies have been pursued to validate
these claims, but those that have been conducted provide a
direct and strong challenge to the nature-not-culture
educators.
Focusing specifically on culture, the culture-not-
nature researchers have taken several approaches to
defining the factors of culture, to describing the
enculturation process, and to citing the relationships
among cultures on a global scale. These various approaches
will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter II, but let
25
it suffice at this ppint to isolate one concern; if culture
does impact cognition in someway, and if culture and
cognition are both terms that have many component concepts,
then it seems important in the area of instructional design
to determine just which aspects of culture impinge directly
upon which processes of cognition. Central to that concern
is a description of the component concepts of each term,
and especially of culture.
Although of somewhat lesser concern in this discussion
of global student-body traits, a factor in nearly all the
research about SES, age, race, sex, nationality, and
culture is the fact that the subjects used were
preadolescents in American school systems. The information
About the influence of these six factors upon the adult
learner or the learner in other cultures is sparse.
An assumption at this point might be that adult
learners represent the final "development stage" of both thg
physical body and the base neural programming of the brain.
In comparison to the preadolescent student, the adult
learner is older, more enculturated, more sexually
developed, and also more sexually, racially, and culturally
"aware." The adult is also more aware of socioeconomic
status and more familiar with the objects associated with
status, as well as more aware of national politics and
their influence upon schooling.
However, one appears to be on tenuous ground if one
26
assumes further that the differences between the pre
adolescent and the adult learner are only in quantity and
awareness. Quality differences may well exist.
For example, hemispheric brain development does not
appear to develop until a child reaches the age of 9-10
(Barroso, 1976). Left-brain, right-brain differences
appear, however, to be in effect throughout an adult's
*
life unless the person encounters disease or injury. The
inference drawn here from the research is that pre
adolescents are developing and adults are accommodating
these neurological and chemical hemispheric differences.
Little research has been reported as to the differences in
learning patterns that may exist between adult and child
learners owing to these left-brain, right-brain effects.
As educators, we have also been more concerned with
subjects in American schools. Studies of subjects in other
nations and cultures are relatively few. No doubt these
studies will increase as intercultural awareness grows and
educational researchers will begin to explore and isolate
new relationships or substantiate existing research in the
six areas cited here.
The Consumption of a Global Curriculum
A third key question related to the activity of global
education is: How can global curriculum materials be
consumed most effectively and efficiently?^
27
The answer to this question might eventually and
ultimately be an established set of theories or formulas
that enjoy a high degree of universal acceptance and which
cover two processes; 1) the design of curricula and
materials, and 2) the processes whereby global education
programs might be selected and implemented. The latter
process will no doubt include many international political,
economic, and modernization factors*— all of which are
outside the parameters of this paper. The former process,
however, must be predicated upon research that takes into
consideration all of the global curriculum and global-
student-body factors discussed previously. It may be useful
at this point to summarize the factors discussed thus far.
See Figure 2.
Global-Instruction Factors Gjobal Studejit-Bpc^y Factors
- Age
Culture
Perceptual
Definitional
Grammatical ^ .
Cultural Nationality
Formatting-- Race
Sex
Textual
Media
Student-Response ^ ^ ^
Environmental: Socioeconomic status (SES)
interpersonal
physical
Figure 2. A summary of global-
education factors noted in
the introduction of this
study.
28
A one-to-one comparison of factors in columns A and B
of Figure 2 would yield some 54 studies (e.g., age compared
to the perceptual level of language translation, culture
compared to the textual formatting of materials, and so
forth.) Such a thorough analysis would no doubt provide a
strong foundation for more specific studies aimed at ranking
and proportioning these factors. The concern of this study,
however, is to provide an introduction to just one of these
dyads. The study will focus primarily on:
Global-Instruction Factor Global Study-Body Factor
Formatting— Culture
environmental :
interpersonal
The term primarily must be included because no one
study can isolate two factors totally apart from all others.
Some differences in text and media formatting must occur by
necessity when one places students in various interpersonal
environments. A lecture cannot be duplicated exactly as a
small-group exercise or as a seIf-instructional unit. The
communication processes are different and therefore, some
media differences are warranted. The greatest possible
attempt, however, can be made to make all other factors
uniform or proportionately uniform across the subject groups
and thus tighten the focus on these factors.
29
The Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to discover whether
performance varies according to level of agreement with a
cultural-value orientation in different interpersonal
learning environmentsspecifically lecture, small-group,
and self-study.
Stated another way, the key questions are these: do
subjects with a high level of agreement with a cultural-
value orientation perform better in a particular inter
personal learning environment? Do subjects with a low level
of agreement within a cultural-value orientation perform
better in a particular interpersonal learning environment?
Do subjects with a high level of agreement with a cultural-
value orientation perform the same as those with low
cultural-value orientation agreement? Do the performance
levels in these interpersonal learning environments hold
for both concept and procedure learning?
In order to answer these questions, an instrument must
be designed for measuring cultural-value orientation. A
learning unit must be constructed that includes both
concept and procedure components. The learning unit must be
adaptable to three formats: lecture, self-study, and small-
group. This study provides both a measuring instrument
and a multifaceted learning unit.
30
Assumptions
1. A value-classification scheme (specifically that of
Condon and Yousef, 1975) is a suitable scheme to be modified
into a test instrument useful for defining individual
cultural-value orientations.
2. The Likert Scale technique is an adequate approach
for modifying a value-classification scheme into a test
instrument that can be used for assessing a subject's
attitudes toward cultural-value statements.
3. Subjects will respond to the questionnaire
accurately and will give an honest self-report.
4. Subjects will have developed their own cultural-
value orientations and will be responding from their own
convictions.
5. The manipulation of good-writing indices and the
learning of concepts underlying them (i.e., the "Fog" and
"Interest" indices developed by Rudolf Flesch) comprise a
suitable learning unit that reflects both concept learning
and procedure learning.
Hypotheses
1. A relationship will exist between the level of a
student's agreement with a cultural-value orientation and
performance on a specified learning task. Specifically,
31
a) students indicating high agreement with a cultural-value
orientation will perform better in an independent or lecture
learning format than in a small-group format, and
b) subjects indicating low agreement with a group's
cultural-value orientation will perform better in a small-
group learning environment than in a lecture or independent
learning environment.
2. These performance differences will not vary
according to whether the learning unit involves concept or
iprocedure learning.
Definition of Terms
In this study, these terms are defined in the
following ways :
Value : a deeply held, consistently expressed evaluation
of human relationships and artifacts. A value differs from
an attitude or a belief in the following ways.
An attitude is primarily a cognitive appraisal of an
object, person, or event in a given situation and in a given
time frame. A belief is primarily a statement of
probability about an object— generally on a good-bad or
positive-negative continuum. It may be considered a
"primal attitude set" towards a class, category, or group of
persons, objects, or events. It exhibits little variation
either affectively or cognitively over time or according to
32
circumstance;, it is generally highly polarized toward the
positive on any one central life issue--and operates as a
7
standard for behavior.
The establishing of a value includes the creation of
category systems that define, segment, polarize, and
proportion incoming perceptions and result in minor
readjustments of existing mental constructs.
As Knel.ler (1965) succinctly states ; "a culture's
values are its ideas of what is worth striving for" (page
115) .
Value Orientation: a composite set of values held by
one individual op gpoup of individuals.
Cultural Values : values held about the central issues
a particular culture. In this study, these central
issues are defined to be self, family y society, human
nature, nature (including objects), and the supernatural.
Cultural-Value Orientation ; a composite set of cultural
values hold by OAe person or a group.
Inteppersqna1 Learning Environment : the relationship
among students end between teacher and student(s) as
established for the purpose 1) of completing a task in
which learning is iavolved, or 2) of achieving a goal for
which learning behavior is required. A physical learning
environment, by contrast, is the relationship between the
physical factors of the learning environmentr-Tpr classroom
setting--and the teacher and students. An interpersonal
33
learning environment has an pdeAtifiable commun1cation
pattern, a limitation by size, and an established definition
of roles for teacher and student(s).
Cognitive Processes; the mental processes of perceiv
ing, forming conceptual linkages, and remembering.
Concept Learning; the difference between pretest and
posttest scores on material that teaches facts, concepts, or
jprinciples.
Procedure Learning; the difference between pretest and'
Iposttest scores on material that teaches procedures, rules,
;or formulas.
Limitations
1. This study involves the identification of a
cultural-value orientation for one group of students. The
I
results cannot be considered statistically representative of
I
all American or all western-culture subjects. The sample of
I
jsubjects should be considered, however, to reflect one set
of values at work in the American culture,
2. The study is concerned with only one cross-section
of educational factors--specifically, those factors
associated with formatting an interpersonal learning
i
environment.
3. The subjects are adults with relatively high socio
economic status and educational background. The results
I 3 4
cannot be generalized to children or to those with low SES
i
and educational background.
I
, 4. The study will yield results for comparison. These
results are not intended to indicate a true cause-effect
relationship,
The Organization of the Remainder of
this Dissertation
The remainder of this study will be organized into
i
four chapters, a bibliography, and an appendix. Notes are
^grouped after the final chapter and before the bibliography,
j Chapter II contains a review, summary, and interpréta-
jtion of pertinent literature about the relationship between
I
'culture and cognition, the components of cultural-value
'orientations, and the formatting of interpersonal learning
I
environments.
Chapter III explains the methodology of the study in
detail, including the construction of the cultural-value
test instrument.
Chapter IV presents and explains the results of the
study.
Chapter V offers conclusions and recommendations based
on these results.
35
CHAPTER II
A Review of the Research
Three topics of theoretical and research concern have
direct bearing^ on this study:
1) Culture and Cognition
2) Cultural-Value Orientations
3) Interpersonal Learning Environments
Culture and Cognition
The large body of scholarship related to the general
area of culture and cognition encompasses a number of
arguments and approaches. Two major lines of argument are
these: one school of thought holds that values and category
systems have little impact upon thought processes, or
cognition. Value systems are seen as useful in creating
different expressions of behavior, but they are not viewed
as being based upon or giving rise to different cognitive
constructs. The opposing school of thought maintains that
values and category systems arise f-rom and crive birth to
differing thought processes.
The former school, for purposes of concise
communication, might be labeled the Psychological School
since this group holds, in the main, that cognition is the
universal psychological function of every mentally
unimpaired individual. These scholars focus on the mental
processes of the individual student, with various social
influences viewed as factors that might impinge upon,
mediate, or enhance the products but which do not create
or define the process.
The latter school--labeled here as Anthropological--
holds that group phenomena override the cognitive abilities
of the individual. This group influence operates in such a
way that the individuals within the group are incapable of
independent cognitive processing. Further, these scholars
hold that one cultural grouping of individuals can be shown
to hold similar cognitivè-processing,patterns, and further,
that these patterns are quite dissimilar to those of
another group.
These schools of thought, of course, are broadly
stroked in the descriptions given above and a great deal of
variety exists under each umbrella. The place of conver
gence between the two schools of thought appears to be at
this fulcrum; culture and psyche de interrelate in some way
and to some degree.
Three distinct approaches have been taken in analyzing
the convergence between cognition and culture.
The Taxonomic Approach, Those taking this approach
have attempted as their foremost objective to document the
ways in which culture and school performance are correlated
37
One of the larger bodies of research in this area has
involved what may be termed a "subculture" of the American
culture (or which may be regarded as a true cultural
grouping, depending on philosophical orientation). This
subculture is that of black or Afro students. Examples of
the research findings are given here as a mean of
illustrating the taxonomic approach:
•Hilliard (1976) concluded that Afro
students differ from European-extract students
in five ways : Afros tended to view wholes rather
than parts ; they relied more on intuitive
reasoning (as opposed to deductive-inductive
reasoning); they tended to approximate"rather
than seek accuracy; they relied more on
nonverbal communication; and they preferred
human stimuli over object stimuli,
• Halpern (1973) and White (1980) concluded
that black students generally faced their
circumstances with a posture of "distrust"
owing to a basic cultural consensus about the
concept of "trustworthiness" and that this
tendency aftered perception in a way that affected
school relationships and academic performance.
• Hall (1966) and Connally (1974) both noted
that blacks sought closer "social distance" than
Euro-Americans--a finding that may have
38
implications on performance in varying types
of interpersonal learning environments.
•In a semantic-differential study, Landes,
McGrew, Day, Savage, and Serai (1976) noted
that Afros placed greater value than whites on
such words as progress, success, future, and
money, while Euro-Amerleans favored marriage,
work, and hope. (In cognitive processing
terms, the cognitive space allotted these words
was increased and future perceptions would be
affected by the enhanced size of these constructs.)
• St. John (1971) concluded that the Afro-
American child behaved better, attended school
more regularly, and had greater confidence in
the teacher if the teacher exhibited kindliness,
optimism, understanding, ability, and warmth--
again, the inference being drawn that these
value-laden concepts acted as gatekeepers for
cognitive processing.
Now the above are only five conclusions that have been
drawn about the relationship between students of the Afro-
American subculture and school-related performance. The
Hilliard study deals with reasoning patterns--an integral
aspect of cognition. The Halpern and White studies show
the impact of concepts upon school relationships and
indicate a social-mediating relationship between cognition
39
and performance in the classroom. The Hall and Connalfy
studies indicate a cultural bias toward interpersonal
learning environments. The Landes et al, study indicates
that cognitive clustering of concepts differs according to
cultures. The St. John study indicates that culture
influences perception--i,e., that black students focus on
different environmental cues and that this focus, in turn,
affects school behavior.
Again, these are only five conclusions drawn from an
extensive research pool. The ultimate conclusion being
drawn here is that these studies, as a composite, are an
example of one approach to cognition-culture convergence
that might be labeled "taxonomic." For the most part, these
researchers are not concerned with the cause of, the
amelioration of, or the accommodation of cultural factors.
The emphasis is solely upon naming those factors and
grouping them together into classifications.
Other researchers have taken a similar approach in
naming the cognitive patterns of Oriental students (Yao,
1979), Puerto Rican students (Wurzel, 1981), and of
comparing cognitive traits across cultural groups (e.g.,
Rosen.zweig, 1961) ,
In a landmark study in this area. Lesser, Fifer, and
Clark (1965) studied four ethnic groups and found that each
displayed a distinct pattern of performance in verbal
memory, concept formation, numerical memory, and spatial
40
relationship tasks. A similar study by Leifer (1972) also
noted differences among ethnic groups.
The general conclusion of the taxonomists seems to be
that different cultures do appear to exhibit different
classroom behaviors, some of which are cognitive. The
danger of the approach, of course, is in stereotyping—
creating the impression that all students of a culture
behave in like fashion. And in fairness to the taxonomists,
most of them do acknowledge that danger in their
conclusions.
The taxonomists skirt the issues raised by the
Psychological and Anthropological theorists. They are
primarily empirical in their orientation and give little
space to explaining phenomena or prescribing practical
responses to the data.
The Process Approach. A second approach has been that
which attempts to document cause and effect, degrees of
change possible, and the direction of change in the
convergence of culture and cognition.
The foremost questions have been these : 1) Is the
relationship between culture and cognition fixed? 2) Can
the relationship be altered? 3) If the relationship can be
altered, in what ways and to what extent might it be
altered?
Theorists such as Lumsden and Wilson (1981) hold the
position that culture influences future genetic makeup. The
41
pattern is that of a spiral: genetic makeup displays itself
in cultural variety, including factors that determine the
surviva1 of one segment of the cultural grouping, and as
the survivors procreate, patterns are altered for future
generations. Groups of people thereby have pushed forward
through the generations toward greater cultural diversity
(i.e., more ways to enhance survivability) and greater
biological efficiency (i.e., adaptability). Stated another
way: cufture provides a type of defense mechanism (akin to
a social-group cave) that protects and nurtures those who
dwell within its boundaries. Those who live in tight
alignment with the group norms become those who live longer
and better, and it is their progeny who carry the core
values of the culture on to the next generation. Since the
group seeks to defend itself by its own strength of
association, it constantly seeks new protective measures
fpr the group--including enhanced identifying insignia and
customs to form a rallying point for group coalescence.
The genetic makeup component of the theory assumes
genetic adaptation pf various mental processes. Components
of mental, activity (memory, sense perception, and so forth)
arc enhanced through use by many generations. A person born
in,tp the group thus has a genetically induced biological
predisposition to exhibit certain types of mental behavior.
The end of this theoretical path seems to be at a
position that would claim one's cognitive processing pattern
42
to be a "given" of nature. The patterns are virtually un
changeable within a single individual in a specified
generation. At best, one might hope to mediate, compensate,
or circumvent cognitive-processing obstacles that are
inherited and inherant. And should one hope to alter the
process in ways outside the natural-selection methods, one
would need to engage actively in social engineering.
Although the Lumsden and Wilson approach represents a
rather extreme view, it is not all that far afield from the
position held by a number of Darwin-influenced educators at
the turn of this century, such as Chamberlain (1901) and
Miller (1928), Miller asserted that tribal children were
initially precocious but that the cultures in which they
were raised "arrested" their cognitive development in
certain areas^ generally at puberty. Thus, a cultural
pattern inhibited cognitive growth generation after
generation in these tribes. In comparison, westernized
cultures encouraged cognitive growth and the outcome after
many generatlpns was increased diversity and modernization.
Chamberlain expressed the same general premise,
hypothesizing that mental development was found in civilized
people because of "the great number of learnable things
which the environment of civilized peoples provides" (page
4 56), In essence, Chamberlain asserted that the more
objects and perceptual, stimuli provided by a culture, the
greater the cpgnitiye development of its members.
43
Werner (1948) agreed with Chamberlain and Miller. His
general thesis is that cognitive development implies
qualitative changes in both structure and behavior.
Structurally, the organism shows greater differentiation as
it develops. This differentiation, he claims, results in
elaborate hierarchies and behavior tends to become more
flexible, stable, and articulate. Culture provides the
framework or structural guidelines for differentiation and
also regulates, to a certain degree, the volume of stimuli
involved. The quantity of stimuli, however, is a pre
requisite to the need for differentiation and therefore, one
might create cultural advancement by providing greater
stimuli.
Although Chamberlain, Miller, and Werner do not cite a
biological link, the Darwinian theoretical foundation for
their work allows a plausible inference : brain tissue is a
physical trait that can be enhanced over generations, just
as body size and shape have been altered and enlarged.
These theorists as a whole seem to conclude that
cultures tend to "shut down" their own cognitive advance
ment at the point where they shut down their cultural
diversity and inhibit exploration of new combinations of
objects, thoughts, and relationships. When "new things"
become no longer acceptable to the most powerful factions of
the group, the individual person's cultural mindset tends to
become established and the outer parameters of cognitive
44
development are fixed. The point of fixation across all
individuals becomes a cultural norm that is modified only
slightly over the centuries.
The best hope that an educator might have in such a
situation is to nudge various persons in the culture forward
a notch toward accepting innovation and invention, and then
trust that they will continue that process with the next
generation. The masses are not generally perceived as being
capable of accepting increased cultural diversity.
Although the approach toward process discussed thus far
is more prevalent among anthropologists than psychologists,
the psychologists do have a similar generational approach
toward the ways in which cultures influence cognitive
ability.
In two studies, Cloninger (1983) holds that children
born to parents who are alcoholics, and to those who are
petty criminals, inherit a tendency toward antisocial
behavior. The implication here is that behavior becomes a
part of the memory and that memory is a cognitive construct
Lubject to genetic coding (perhaps at deep levels not
readily recognized). Thus, offspring might inherit a
memory construct predisposed to closed social behavior.
Whereas Lumsden, Wilson, Chamberlain, and Miller provide
Lxamples of those who advocate an influence of culture upon
cognition, Cloninger picks up the cycle with social-behavior
manifestations that influence cognition, and in turn, create
45
biological mutation. Cloninger claims that the genetic flaw
is less likely to exhibit itself if the child is adopted
and raised by others--implying that an educational process
can be used to influence biology, and thereby, the presence
of certain behaviors within a culture.
All of the above examples, however, point toward a
rather fixed process existing between culture and
cognition--certainly a process that changes slowly over the
generations and that involves a rather complicated set of
biological, cognitive, and cultural variables.
There are those who have theorized ways in which to
accelerate or enhance the process, however, during a
specified period.
Goodnow (1969), Price-Williams, Gordon, and Ramirez
(1969) are among those who have tried to identify ways in
which cultures seem to accelerate or "push" cognitive
development in certain persons. Price-Williams and his
colleagues showed that acceleration occurred when children
were already aware of some aspects of their environment.
As an example, they cited potters' children who were
"accelerated" in their abilities to estimate quantities of
clay, even though they had not estimated quantities prior to
formal training and had not worked with clay in a formal
sense. Cognitive development (especially perception
development) seemed to be "pushed forward" for these
persons owing to a cultural condition.
46
Others, such as psychplggist Witkin (19 67) spe culture
as directly impacting "psychological differentiation." In
his study, certain sociocultural traits are linked to
degrees of cognitive functioning. For example, a strict
directive upbringing is correlated to less analytical and
less articulate cognitive ability. A change in the social
environment of the home is hypothesized as a means of
enhancing a person's cognitive abilities.
An interesting ethnographic study led to these same
conclusions. Cohen (1981) studied a housing estate in
South London and determined that the behavior of the non
working middle class wives directly influenced the
curriculum and the psychosocial environment of the school,
thereby perpetuating the values of the estate residents
and securing performance quality and quantity that would
foster accelerated cognitive ability and social mobility for
their children, A move to the housing estate, in essence,
altered one's cultural values (especially those related to
mobility, schooling, and social interaction) and resulted
indirectly in greater school achievement.
In educational techniques, the arguments seem to be
that schooling (Greenfield and Bruner, 1966) , acculturation
(Dopb, 1960), and literacy (Goody and Watt, 1962) are
suitable "methods" for providing new cognitive processes and
abilities, Greenfield and Bruner concluded that the
cultural prpcess of schooling itself--or "training— is
47
directly responsible for moving a person beyond "concrete
thought" into higher levels of cognitive ability. According
to Doob, new technical challenges, as a factor of
acculturation, provide increased stimuli and thereby enhance
the cognitive development of students. Literacy programs^-
when acceptable as a cultural norm^-make analytical thinking
possible, in the opinion of Goody and Watt,
The conclusion of this line of reasoning, at least in
functional terms for the educational designer, might be thaf
a change of environment may enhance cognitive development
over time. The studies do not promise immediate remedia
tion, but do hold out hope that a person might overcome the
influence of a stimulus-deficient, technologically poor,
schooling deprived cultural environment by relocating to a
new environment richer in stimuli, objects, and training
opportunities. To these theorists, the process is fixed
only when it is not actively manipulated.^
The Accommodation Appraoch. A third group of educators
has sidestepped the arguments about the processes whereby
culture and cognition interrelate and the ways in which
those processes might be altered. They favor what might be
termed a "coping" stance within the schooling process.
For the most part, scholars who take this approach
assume that taxonomic differences do exist and a
significant part of their research is aimed at documenting
those differences. Their purpose and final conclusions.
48
however, go beyond mere classification. They hold a
position that educators can make the best use of their time
and energy by accommodating or ameliorating cultural
differences rather than by attempting to change them.
Several notable examples can be cited to document this
approach,
Cole, Gay, Glick, and Sharp (1971) drew two main
conclusions fpom their work in Liberia. First, Cole and his
associates concluded that children in the Kpelle tribe do
not respond to westernized methods of teaching mathematics
because Kpelle children do not use the same cognitive
processing skills as westernized children. The Kpelle
children performed quite differently from the way their
American counterparts did on tasks such as free recall,
similarities mediation, concept discrimination, transposi
tion, and verbal logic problems, They were quick to qualify
this difference: "Cultural differences in cognition reside
more in the situations to which particular cognitive
processes are applied than in the existence of a process in
the cultural group and its absence in another" (page 233).
However, because "situations" are an inseparable part of
culture and because this particular culture appears at near
Stasis, the cognitive processes are also highly stable and
the differences between the cognitive processing of Kpelle
children and American children remain pronounced.
Second, in order to circumvent this condition. Cole and
49
his colleagues prepared new "situations" as part of the
schooling process and their second conclusion was that
schools could, and often did, mediate the differences.
Third, Cole and his associates concluded that the goal
is to "provide an effective education for everyone.,.our
task must be to determine the conditions under which various
processes are manifested and to develop techniques for :
seeing that these conditions occur in the most appropriate
educational setting" (page 233).
Cole and his associates clearly favor a compensatory
strategy that enlarges individual abilities.
Chen and Fresko (1978), in studying subjects of
differing cultural backgrounds at an Israeli school,
concluded that European-American students were more
successful than their Asian-African colleagues in those
schools that had a "contest mobility" climate. Contest
mobility school environments were defined as those having
more person-to-person competition among a heterogenous mix
of abilities and cultures; early-ability grouping was not
practiced in these schools. Chen and Fresko attributed the
European-American student success to a cultural orientation
that favored competition. Their conclusion was that Asian-
Af rican children should be taught in less competitive
environments.
The Chen and Fresko approach might be labeled
"accommodating" since they seek no change in individual
50
abilities but rather, suggest that the school itself adapt
to existing student traits,
Building on a conclusion that continuity between home
and school psychosocial environments'-promotes greater
learning (Minchowitz, 1977 and Menuchen, 1969), Harrison,
Strauss, and Glaubman (1980) compared socioeconomic groups
and interpersonal learning environments and found those who
came from low SES backgrounds benefited more from open
classes whereas high socioeconomic pupils achieved better
in traditional full-class lecture environments.^
The inference in their conclusions is that more open-
class formats should be employed since the majority of
students come from lower SES environments, Again, the call
is for school adaptation to existing student traits.
In summary, the accommodation approach accepts cultural
differences as givens and in the light of these differences,
seeks ways to adapt instructional methods or environments
rather than to change cultural norms.
For the most part, the studies in each of the three
approaches discussed here--taxonomic, process, and
accommodâtion--have used preadolescents as subjects. This
leaves the question unanswered about the relationship
between cultural influences and adult-learner cognitive
processing. One may assume from the taxonomic area of
research that if differences exist owing to culture at the
lower level, those differences may well carry over to the
adult level,, By adultihpod^ the encu 11ura,tipn process of
schopling shpuld have reached the zenith of its effect. On
the other hand^ an equal assumption might be drawn that
values held in childhood are essentially those of parents
and adult relatives, friends, and teachers. Values may
actually be more subject to influence and change at an adult!
level.
Furthermore, the biological development process may
create differences between preadolescent and adult learners
Most foundation structures, especially those that are
neurological, will already have been laid by adulthood.
Efforts to change one's cultural orientation by evoking more
stimuli, or more diversification, may have less impact upon
adult learners than preadolescent learners, at least on the
deep levels of cognitive processing. On the other hand,
adult learners will have more meaning attached to certain
objects, events, and circumstances and meaning may act as an
intermediary for bridging and reclassifying concepts; in
addition, adult experiences may actually impinge uppn
existing structures in ways that destroy previous synapses
and neurolpgical pathways (e.g., in the case of alcoholism).
Memory impairment, especially, may be a factor in the rela
tionship between culture and cognition at later stages of
life.
These sets pf factprs— cultural and biolpgical-r-have not
been well documented by empirical research in education.
52
Piaget ends his development staging at the adolescent
level and provides sketchy definitions for those beyond the
age of 11 years. Other developmental psychologists,
including Kohlberg, seem to have followed his lead. At
present, the assumption drawn from the literature appears to
be that cognitive development reaches maximal construct
formation at adolescence and the adult learner is adding
quantity and quality to existing constructs rather than
creating new ones. By the same reasoning, values— as
cognitively held constructs— are also assumed to be less
changeable. Therefore, efforts to change adult-learner
values or cognitive processes are not likely to score major
success.
Until further research is conducted, however, one
appears to be on safe ground in assuming that values are
always subject to some degree of change and that the
relationship between cognition and culture continues to be
one of unfixed boundaries throughout one's life--although
the boundaries may fluctuate only slightly.
When one looks at the three approaches from the stance
|of educational design, the only viable option appears to be
the "accommodation" approach. Simply to classify cultural
differences is of "minimal impact unless one goes further and
defines how those differences can be resolved. In addition,
a recognition of "process" is useful, but not fully
satisfactory unless one is willing to add direction.
53
procedures, and time constraints for influencing the
process. The goal of the educational designer, at least in
part, is to seek out those methods that accommodate,
remediate, or circumvent learning obstacles and overcome
learning differences.
It might also be pointed out that neither the taxonomiq
nor process approach lends itself to global-curriculum or
cross-cultural curriculum development. Simply to know that
differences exist between cultures A and B is most useful
when one is writing materials specifically aimed at culture
A or culture B, or in translating materials from one
culture to the other. A classification of differences is
not particularly helpful in the creation of materials that
are to be used in both cultures, or many cultures,
simultaneously.
The process approach generally assumes that a change
in culture will result in a change in school performance--op
vice versa--over one or more generations. On a global
scale, "change of cultures" is not a readily accepted goal.
Any suggestion that a tribal group change its culture in
order to consume global-curriculum training materials (or
any other type of materials, for that matter I) is likely to
be met with distrust or hostility, and ultimately,
rej ection.
The accommodation approach appears to be the only
economically and politically suitable option for the
54
development of global-curriculum materials.
The concern becomes twofold at this point :
First, what differences in cultures exist and how
might those differences be measured?
And second, what accommodation strategies might be
employed?
One approach to isolating and measuring cultural
differences is a "cultural orientation" scale, which brings
us to our next area of theoretical and research concern.
Cultural-Value Orientations
A definition of "culture" seems a preliminary step to
any discussion of cultural value orientations. The
definition adopted for this paper is that of Kneller (1965) :
"Culture is the learned and shared behavior (thoughts, acts
and feelings) of a certain people together with their
artifacts" (page 4). Implicit in this definition is the
conclusion that one vital ingredient of culture is "the
values and beliefs" we hold,
A cultural value orientation, therefore, is the
particular strain of values held in common by members of the
culture. As stated in Chapter I, these values are at the
conceptual (cognitive) and emotional (affective) core of a
culture's conscience.
As in the case of culture and cognition, several
approaches have been taken by scholars interested in
55
isolating and measuring cultural values, The forernqst
approach for the purposes outlined in this study is the
value-orientation classification scheme approach.
In 1949, Clyde Kluckhohn defined a "value orientation"
as a set of generalized and organized conceptions
influencing behavior within a culture. Two words stand out
in this definition: generalized and organized. Value
orientations were assumed to be least-common-denominator
belief systems--those core values for a group of people
that, as a set, are broad enough to include all in the • :
group but are distinct enough to exclude those from other
groups. Value orientations were assumed to have cohesion
and hierarchy. Certain values were held to be more central
than others for any particular cultural group.
Florence Kluckhohn and her Harvard University
associates built upon this original definition in the
19 60's. They assumed that generalized, least-common-
denominator values were those that arose from universal
"common human problems." Their basic assumption was that
all men and women in all societies face a limited number of
universal problems, which in turn have a limited number of
solutions. Specifically, they cited five problem areas:
human nature, time, activity, man-nature, and relational.
They further identified three problem-solving approaches for
each of these areas to create a 15-cell classification
scheme.
56
They then theorized that a group of people could be
questioned as to the ways in which they would solve a
problem in each area and that the resulting answers could be
categorized into dominant and minority value orientations
for that particular group.
Since the values of concern dealt with cultural
problems and the classification schemes were used for
identifying specific cultural variations, they were also
called "cultural value orientations." It should be noted
that these studies were aimed at group classification and
definition, not for individual analysis or for the purpose
of placing an individual within a group.
The Kluckhohn approach was taxonomic rather than
prescriptive. The classification scheme has been used
subsequently by a number of anthropologists for classifica
tion purposes. The scheme was neither intended for, nor
used for, amelioration of orientations or for prescribing
techniques and methods to school personnel.
Condon and Yousef (196 5) built upon Kluckhohn's work.
They recategorized the five common-problem topics under new
and broader headings: nature, self, and society. They also
theorized that the intersection of these concepts created
three additional areas common to all cultural groupings:
human nature (the intersect of nature and society), family
(the intersect of self and society), and supernatural (the
intersect of nature and self). The Condon and Yousef model
57
is provided, in Figure 3.
SELF
Family
Super-
NaturaL
SOCIETY
uman
Nature
NATURE
Figure 3. The Condon and Yousef
model of common
human experiences.
Under each of the six headings, they added subitems to
further define the main areas of cultural commonality. Thus,
they derived 25 cultural categories that might be used to
define a "cultural value orientation."
Condon and Yousef maintained Kluckhohn's three alter
natives for each category. The variations provided were
assumed to cover the spectrum of available cultural
responses but the responses were no longer couched in
Kluckhohn's problem-solving terms. Instead, Condon and
Yousef presented the categories and their variations in a
58
straightforward definitional way and chose to rely upon a
person's self-appraisal and choice of variation as the
appropriate means for determining the individual's value
orientation.
The ultimate concern, however, of the Condon and Yousef
classification was not to identify individual preferences
but rather, to provide a broad definition of cultural
orientations that might be used for isolating communication
problems between one or more cultures. Condon and Yousef
made no application to the individual level, nor did they
use the scheme for measurement purposes,
While admitting that the 75 cells in their value-
orientation classification scheme were somewhat artificial,
Condon and Yousef also advocated that their approach was
more thorough and provided for more variation and detail.
They also foresaw that the matrix and the results it genera
ted might be used in a practical way on an intercultural or
global basis. Whereas Kluckhohn and her associates set out
to develop a taxonomy for comparing cultures, Condon and
Yousef sought to develop an overlay that could be used for
pinpointing potential intercultural communication problems
and for solving those problems. The 7 5 cells provided much
greater specificity for isolating instances of mis-
communication.
The Condon and Yousef classification scheme is
presented in Figure 4 on the next three pages.
59^
Condon and Yousef
Value-Classification Scheme
SELF
Individualism-Interdependence
Individualism Individuality
Age
Sex
Youth
Equality of
Sexes
Activity
Doing
Middle Years
Female
Superiority
Being-in-
Becoming
FAMILY
Relational Orientation
Individualistic Collateral
Authority
Democratic
Positional Role Behavior
Authority-
Centered
Interdependence
Old Age
Male
Superiority
Being
Lineal
Authoritarian
Open General Specific
Figure 4. The Condon and Yousef value
classification scheme covering
areas of universal human
experience.
Mobility
High
Mobility
SOCIETY
Social Reciprocity
Independence
Group Membership
Many groups,
brief
identification
Intermediaries
None
Formality
Informality
Property
Private
Phasic
Mobility
Symmetrical-
Obligatory
Mixed
Specialist
Selective
Formality
Utilitarian
60"
Low
Mobility (stasis)!
Complementary-
Obligatory
Few groups,
long
identification
Essential
Pervasive
Formality
Community
HUMAN NATURE
Rationality
Rational
Good and Evil
Good
Happiness/Pleasure
Happiness is
Goal
Intuitive
Mixed
Inextricable
Bond of
Happiness/
Sadness
Irrational
Evil
Life is
Mostly Sad
Figure 4 continued
Mutability
61
1 Change,
1 Growth,
1 Learning
Some change Unchanging
NATURE
Man/Nature Relationship
Man Dominates
1 Nature
Man in Harmony
with Nature
Nature
Dominates Man
Ways of Knowing Nature
Abstract
1
Induction-
Déduction Cycle
Specific
1
Structure of Nature
Mechanistic Spiritual Organic
Concept of Time
Future Present Past
SUPERNATURAL
Man/Supernatural Relationship
Man as God Pantheism Supernatural
Controls Man
Meaning of Life
Physical and
Material Goals
Intellectual
Goals
Spiritual
Goals
Providence
Unlimited Good
in Life
Balance of Good
and Misfortune
Limited Good
in Life
Knowledge of Cosmic Order
Order is
Comprehensible
Faith and
Reason
Mysterious
and Unknowable
Figure 4 continued.
62
The theoretical procedural use of the matrix remained
essentially the same as that advocated by Kluckhohn, By
choosing values from the classification scheme, a person
defined his or her personal cultural value orientation. The
composite results of a group of persons from the same
society formed the corporate "cultural value orientation."
As stated previously, the Condon and Yousef scheme was
developed to map communication between cultures, not to
isolate differences or define differences among persons
within one society. Given that disclaimer, however, Condon
and Yousef did predict that persons selecting variables
from Column 1 under "Self" were more likely to select
variables from Column 1 under the other five categories.
Although they made no explicit,predictions about.the
vertical or columnar selection patterns for Columns 2 and 3,
it is logical to assume that such patterns might emerge
since these columns are intended to reflect rather universal
cultural-orientation strains.
At minimum, then, Condon and Yousef predicted three
distinct cultural orientations that might be isolated using
their classification scheme, but many more are inferred to
be possible should a consistent vertical pattern fail to
hold true for any one column.
It should perhaps.be pointed out that both the
Kluckhohn model and the Condon and Yousef classification
scheme arose from the anthropological field. They are
63
predicated on the general assumption that cultural
differences do exist, and in the opinion of Condon and
Yousef, those cultural differences have a direct bearing on
communication patterns. Neither Kluckhohn nor Condon and
Yousef were directly concerned with the impact that cultural
differences might have upon schooling, learning, or
cognitive processing.
It should also be recognized that Condon and Yousef
have not been the only theorists interested in value
classification schemes. At least two other approaches have
been taken, both of which will be considered only briefly
in this study.
Mutability of Values. Rich and Ogawa (1971) have taken
a position that might be labeled "anthropological process"
in its orientation. They are specifically concerned with
the impact of modernization upon value orientations. The
premise of their theory is that value orientations are
directly linked to socioeconomic status and that persons of
high SES in Culture A communicate more efficiently with
persons of high SES in Culture B than with persons of low
SES in their own or other cultures. One might say that Rich'
and Ogawa advocate the existence of "rich speak" and "poor
speak" on a global scale. The assumption might also be
drawn that possessions (or artifacts) and values may also be
aligned according to economic development.
The approach of Rich and Ogawa is considered here
64
because it assumes a mutability of cultural values. As
nations modernize, and socioeconomic levels fluctuater-r-
individually or by classes--values, artifacts, and communi
cation patterns are subject to change. Neither Kluckhohn
nor Condon and Yousef recognized changeability as a facet of
cultural value orientations. The argument might be drawn
that such change could be measured by conducting a series of
taxonomic cultural value orientation studies for the same
population over a period of time. However, a change of
values was not a direct consideration of the taxonomists
cited.
Rich and Ogawa, however, not only point out that socio
economic conditions might alter values and effect social
processes (i.e., communication), but that variations might
exist within any one cultural grouping. The Kluckhohn and
Condon and Yousef taxonomies provide no mechanism for
isolating such variation. The taxonomic procedure they
employed in deriving cultural-value orientations has been
strictly suimnative--encompassing the entire spectrum of
variations on a sum-total basis for a group.
To its detriment, the Rich and Ogawa theory has, as
yet, no operational dimension--neither precise definitions
for each category and process nor hypotheses that might form
the foundation for the development of test instruments.
Indeed, it appears that any data-gathering instrument that
might be derived from the Rich and Ogawa theory must first
6,5
be taxonomic. A taxonomy would reveal rich and poop value
orientations, and thus provide for a comparison of these
orientations across cultures and over time. The Condon and
Yousef classification scheme may actually be amenable to
such a purpose.
Inventories of Beliefs. This approach to values
classification has been most common among social-science
researchers, especially psychologists, and among educators
interested in values clarification and moral education.
(See Superka, 19 76 for a rather comprehensive bibliography
of these types of value-related inventories,)
For the most part, these classification schemes have
been created by researchers for the purpose of isolating
distinct psychological variables and their impact upon
various aspects of the educational process. In the main,
the schemes are distinctly "American" and a strong match is
generally assumed between the index and the subjects, or at
minimum, a strong match between the cultural values of the
index and the researcher.
Most of these indices are predicated on an assumption
that psychological constructs are somewhat fixed--at least
for any one culture and for any one instructional session.
The scales have not been used generally to measure the
mutability of belief systems. Neither has an attempt been
made to align the belief statements with cultural defini
tions or universal human needs.
66
Again, this type of value classification scheme is
considered here because it assumes a variation of values
present within any one cultural group and it assumes that
these variations influence classroom processes (and in some
cases, cognitive processes).
Overall, the Condon and Yousef classification scheme
appears the most suitable for adaptation to a value-
measuring device because it 1) is concerned with values that;
are theorized to exist on a worldwide basis, 2) it provides
depth of detail, 3) it can be modified to measure variations
in orientation strains or mutability of values, and 4) it is
predicated on an assumption that such taxonomies are to be
used in solving intercultural problems.
The Adaptation of the Condon and Yousef Classification
Scheme. In adapting the Condon and Yousef model to a dâta-
gathering instrument, several challenges arise. The first
and foremost challenge is a decision about calibration,
The Kluckhohn method of value selection was strictly
nominal. One selected a solution from three choices
provided by the theorist. These choices were generally in
"answer" form to a question paraphrased as "what would you
do?"
Although Condon and Yousef dropped the problem-solving
orientation, they retained the nominal method of value
selection. One goes to their chart and selects one
definition (of three) from each of the 25 categories.
67
At least three major problems are readily identifiable
with this approach.
First, the problem of value context. The problem
solving method provided subjects with a limited context--
generally one specific instance or circumstance. For
example, Wurzel (1981) used this item to gauge "lineality
vs. individuality" in a Kluckhohn-based problem-solving
value orientation questionnaire:
"In a store there are some grown-ups
and some children. They are all
waiting their turn to be served by
the salesperson. Two things could
happen :
a) The grown-ups could be
served first because they are older.
b) Children could be served the
same way as grown-ups."
Several questions arise immediately. What type of
store? Would a change in type of store result in a
different response? Would children in a grocery store be
served differently from children in a comic-book-and-candy
store? Why only those two answers? Is there a culture
where the children might be served first because they are
children? Is it possible that age might not be a factor at
all in determining who is to be served first? And above
all, is this example a readily accepted example for gauging
"lineality vs. individuality" in many cultures? Is it the
best example?
The question appears context bound, with no means of
68
gauging whether the subjects are truly expressing a value
orientation about tradition, genealogy, heritage, or respect
for the elderly in the culture; whether they are evaluating
social norms regarding age, the passing down of cultural
values, or the conducting of business; and whether they are
expressing values or simply the protocol or behavior most
common in the culture. "Should" statements might tend to
reflect values more than "could" statements.
A similar problem gf context exists in word^rde finit ion
classification scjiemes. îïowevep^ tbe concern is more with
lack of context, Th,eqrist-provided definitions and examples;
notwithstanding ^ a subject might hold a "supradefinition"
acquired through experiences that oye;rshadpws the one
provided lot the. value words, Fot example, one might define
"individuality" as "aloheness"-^a much more general
IT
definition than the one provided by Condon and Yousef.
That same person might want aloneness in choosing where to
\ ■ ■ ■ ’■ \
jWOnk, live, and attend church but not want aloneness in
carrying out the tasks of work, community, home, and church
In othon words, I may want a great deal of individuality in
choosing a lot on which to build my new home, but I might
also want a gpeat deal of interdependence in completing a
project at wotk. In this case, I value independence of
thought and also value interdependence in task completion—
siniultaneQ^^-Y &hd without value conflict. The terms
Individuality and interdependence fall into different cells
69
on the Condon and Yousef classification scheme. A lack of
context not only makes my choice of terms difficult, but
also makes the agreement between my definitions and those of
Condon and Yousef less precise.
A possible way to avoid this dilemma is to provide
statements of definition^-^with a certain degree of context--
rather than to provide the words alone. These statements
might have as broad a context as possible and yet be more
limited than a concept^only definition,
A second problem concerns value strength, The
nominal approach assumes a zero value for the two variations
not selected. It is difficult in real life, however, to
assume that a person might ever be void of a value or belief
structure related to a statement or concept. By way of
analogy: given colors blue, red, and green, one might
select red as a favorite. This does not necessarily mean
that the person choosing red has n^ opinion about blue and
green, likes blue and green equally well, or even that the
person dislikes them in relationship to red. We know only
that the evaluator preferred red over the other two choices.
When the words alone are provided, we do not know if the
subject prefers red for a house...or a dress...or a color in
a flag. These same difficulties apply to many of the value
categories provided by Condon and Yousef. For example, in
choosing whether property should be owned privately, on a
utilitarian basis, or on a community basis, a number of
70
questions might arise. Could the community property indeed
be privately owned? Are we gauging the value of economics
or of social relationships? Would the same choice be made
if the subject was told that the property was to be shared,
used, or segmented among persons with highly diverse social
and religious customs? (I might favor utilitarian owner
ship of property with others whom I trust and regard
highly, but not with those whom I mistrust or hold in no
esteem,)
An alternate approach would be to have the adult
learner rate each of the three value-statement alternatives
on a scale of 1-10, This would provide a clearep assessment-
of the subject's value strength and the relationship among
value choices for any one category,
A related problem arises when one attempts to analyze
the cumulative strength of the values selected-^that is,
when one adds the power of individual values together to
create a total numerical score for the cultural value
orientation one holds.
Again, a 1-10 evaluation scale for each item would
provide an, indication of comparative strength both among
values within a single column and also across category
variations--both on a value-to-value basis within a category
and among strains of cultural orientation that appear
secondary and tertiary.
As the nominal approach has been employed by Condon and
71:
Yousef, the researcher is left with the assumption that all
25 of the categories in a vertical column hold equal weight,
and that all value variations within a category are equal.
That may not be accurate. For example, a person's value
structure about "family" might be more greatly elaborated
and more central to the person's value system than the
values held about "age" or "mobility."
The 1-10 scale for each item allows the researcher to
isolate those values that carry greater weight in forming
the overall value orientation for the group. Such results
should be valuable in refining the Condon and Yousef
classification scheme and ultimately in simplifying value-
orientation questionnaires.
A third major problem with the Condon and Yousef
classification scheme lies with the origin of:the'value
statements--be they problems, words, or definition
statements.
Both Kluckhohn and Condon and Yousef composed their own
taxonomies and problems or definition statements, While the
appropriateness of having "experts" originate taxonomies is
not being challenged here, the appropriateness of expert^-
origination for problems and definition statements related
to values is questioned. It would seem that those within a
society or cultural grouping might provide a more accurate
definition statement for a value than would a researcher,
especially one who might be outside the specific society
72
being queried. At minimum, statements originated by the
subjects themselves would seem to be equally valid'and
effective--and therefore, in this study, a random-sample
pool of subjects is asked to originate definitional state
ments for each cell in the classification scheme.
One value-assessing method that seems to address all
three areas of concern--i.e., context of values, calibra
tion and measurement of value responses, and origination of
value statements--is the Likert Scale technique.
The Likert method requires opinion statements to be
originated by a random sample of the population being
studied. The method also calls for each statement to be
rated on an interval scale, generally 1-10. The assumption
is made that for each statement in the questionnaire, some
response will be generated, and therefore a "zero score" is
not useful.
Interpersonal Learning Environments
A third major area of theory and research that has
bearing on this study is that of interpersonal learning
environments.
Each word of the phrase "interpersonal learning
environment" warrants description. Let us begin with the
last word and move backward in the phrase.
"Environments." Educators seem to have become
increasingly concerned--and especially in the last three
73
decadQs--with the importance that the environment has upon
the individual student. Environment has come to mean any
factor that impinges upon the senses of the individual
student, The linkage between the "internal" and the
"external" wo??l^ has been shown to be extensive and to have
great\impact pn the learhing process, especially in the
areas of sense perception, motivation, and attention,
"hearuing," A concern with a "learning environment"
dpaws attention speoificaily to those factors that inhibit
or enhance the learniug process and the achievement of
learning objectives. Although it might be argued that all
factors ip an environment have bearing on cognitive
prpcessing, the concern is focused on discovering those
factors that seem to have statistically significant bearing
upon the learning process and those which can be controlled
in some way by the school--whether by teachers, administra
tors ^ or students. pet's consider an example, A student's
clothipg--a factor considered a part of the student's
enyironment--might have a great impact upon a student's
physical comfort^ self-esteem, peer relationships, and
habits, However, student dress^-for the most part--is not a
factor that is controlled by the school. it is a factor
generally ignored by environmental research. Also as an
example, the cleanliness of an enyironment--a factor that
can be controlled by the school, does not appear in the
research as a factor significantly related to learning--
74
although temperature, color, proxemics, comfort level of
chairs, and many other controllable factors have been
isolated as influencing learning in a specific way.
As might be inferred from the preceding paragraph, much'
of the environmental research is focused on factors in the
physical environment. (One of those factors, proxemics,
is indirectly related to the specific area of concern for
this paper.)
"Interpersonal." The concern at this point goes beyond]
the physical configuration of human beings in a space (one
aspect of proxemics) to a concern with the communication
patterns and the interpersonal relations within those
established groupings.
Three types of interpersonal learning environments
have emerged as the primary environments in the research :
competitive, cooperative, and individualistic.
These three terms have been applied, however, more to
goal orientations than to group patterning. The central
question has been: Shall we compete of cooperate? At issue
ihave been report cards, mastery of basic skills (or lack of
it), a shortage of scholarship money, and a worldwide
concern with increasing populations and decreasing
resources. Both philosophers and technicians have raised
the question, and both theorists and empirical researchers
have attempted to answer it.
Specifically, the terms "competitive," "cooperative,"
75
and "individualistic" have been used to describe the rela
tionship among students as they work on a task toward a
particular teacher-defined goal.
Several facets of this approach seem worthy of further
explanation. In summary, the discussion appears to have
developed along these lines:
Students and teachers alike have goals. Generally, the
goal in the classroom is the completion of an assignment,
the mastery of a skill, or the manifestation of a student
behavior that is matched in some way to a teacher's
objectives. Ideally, students and teachers agree upon the
goal for any one particular task. Strategies (also termed
"goal structures" in the literature) are created to define
the working relationship that students will have as they
complete their goal-directed tasks.
In John and Johnson (1974) terms, cooperation involves
"positive goal interdependence." Students can obtain their
goals if, and only if, all other students also obtain their
goals. This is the "we're-all-in-this-ship-tpgether"
approach.
Competition involves "negative goal interdependence."
Some students may obtain their goals only if all other
students do not. This is the "best-man-wins-and-only-one-
person-can-be-number-one" approach.
The individualistic approach is generally perceived by
these goal-structure researchers as having no goal
76
interdependence. A student's attainment of a goal is unre
lated to the actions of other students. This is the "every-
man-for-himself" approach.
Competition also implies a set number of identifiable
rewards. For one person to win, others must lose.
jCooperation and individualization have no set limits on the
numbers and kinds of rewards.
As defined by most researchers in this area— group
competition is actually an instance of individual coopera
tion. The immediate learning environment is one marked by
intensive cooperative effort, although competition may exist
in the larger sense of comparisons against national norms,
the scores of students at a rival school, or performance of
opposing teams in classroom tournaments.
The researchers also draw a line of distinction between
goals and strategies. For example, students may have an
bverall goal of cooperation but select a competitive
strategy for achieving it. A school bully may have every
intention of one day cooperating fully with the new kid in
school as a fellow player on the football squad— but will
choose to compete viciously on an interim basis prior to
attaining that goal. This same method often holds true for
debaters prior to leaving the hallowed halls of their own
squad rooms for interschool competition. Vice versa, a
group of students might exhibit behavior that appears to be
cooperative on the surface, but which will erupt in intense
77
competition at exam time--for example, the cooperative
classroom behavior of Japanese students during their
elementary and secondary years as compared to the intense
rivalry among students during the "week of hell" exams for
college entrance. Generally, researchers advocate that
goals and strategies work best when they are alike—
cooperative strategies leading toward cooperation goals and
competitive strategies leading toward rank-order competi
tion.
It is at the point of matching strategies and goals
that the issue appears to become somewhat clouded. Certain
strategies appear to have become defined solely as
competitive, cooperative, or neutral. Specifically, the
traditional lecture format has been linked to competition,
the small-group format has been linked to cooperation (even
if groups compete), and individualistic self-study methods
{have been assigned a neutral position.
On the basis of this delineation, a number of
conclusions about achievement have been reached:
#"Interpersonal competition is more effective
than cooperation or intergroup competition in
strengthening academic performance and quality
of performance on math and reading tasks and in
increasing quantity of exercises in laboratory
experiments" (DeCharms, 1957; Julian and Percy,
1967) .
78
• Cooperation pesults in higher or equally
as high academic achievement for all levels of
student ability (Deutsch, 1949),
• Cooperation results in greater group
productivity and greater individual memory
(Smith, Madden and Sobel, 1957).
# Cooperative structure results in
increased knowledge, calculation, and
application of principles--if the cooperative
effort is structured, focused, well rewarded,
and the individual is accountable to the
group (Slavin, 1980),
# Members pf a cooperative group are more
interested in further study of a subject
(Gunderson and Jphnspn, 19 78) ,
• Membeps of a cooperative group show
greater ability in ppoblem solving, sequencing,
comparison pf attributes, and knowledger^
retention pf general concepts (Johnson and
Johnson, 1974),
# Mastery, retention, and transfer of
concepts, rules, and principles are higher in
cooperatively structured learning (Johnson and
Johnson, 19 74),
# In areas of drill and mechanistic
behavior, individual^to-individual competition
79
results in greater achievement than in
individual-to-criterion competition among
groups (Michaels, 1977).
# Competition is more easily learned
than cooperation (Kelley and Stahilski, 1970).
# Competition also ceases to be motivating
or to result in improved achievement if the
reward is too great or too little in
relationship to the task (Slavin, 1980).
As one might conclude from this limited representative
set of research conclusion, the findings are mixed. Several
general conclusions might be drawn, however, from this body
of study.
First, researchers have overwhelmingly favored the
cooperative approach for most subject areas and goals. Rote
learning and memorization of facts appear to be the only
areas in which competition appears to hold preeminence as a
method.
The tendency to favor cooperation as a method also
appears in studies that have appraised student psychological
health and student affect for schools, teachers, and peers
(see especially Slavin, 1980; DeVries and Slavin, 1978;
Johnson and Johnson, 1974; and Cook, 1978).
Second, the research has now moved toward a comparison
of classroom methods or techniques for achieving coopera
tion. Four of the key methods appear to be the TEAMS-GAMES-
8 ' c r
TOURNAMENTS (TGT) and STUDENT TEAMS AND ACHIEVEMENT
DIVISIONS (STAD) techniques developed by Slavin, the GROUP-
INVESTIGATION MODEL (GI) of Sharan, and the JIGSAW approach
of Aronson. Whereas the first two methods have an inter
group competitive feature, the Aronson and Sharan technique^
are void of competition.
Others have focused on studies to determine the optimun
size of groups (Petersen and Janicki, 1979), the composition
of groups--especially the mix of high-ability and low-
ability students (Laughlin, 1978), the amount of teacher
control for groups ' (Morrison, 197 9) , and the configuration
of groups in a classroom (Downing and Bothwell, 1979).
Third, as the studies have multiplied and grown more
diverse, attention has also turned to the achievement levels
of various ethnic and cultural groups within the various
strategies.
In a study with Japanese, Greek, American, and Belgian
students, McClintock (1978) found that Japanese students
were the most competitive when they saw their own results
compared with those of students from other cultures. When
they saw only their own results, they were equally as
competitive as American children. In a related study,
'Mexican-American children were found to be far less
competitive than any of the other children (again, in four
ethnic groups)— even when they were aware that children froir
other cultures were recording superior scores.
81
Thomas (1978) reported that cooperation was not
achieved easily in Polynesian and New Zealand children until
the ages of 11-12, even though cooperation was considered an
important social behavior in both cultures— whereas American
children seemed capable of cooperative behavior by the time
they were 6 years old.
Downing and Bothwell (1979) concluded that whites tend
to compete more in social and interpersonal activities than
in task relationships.
It should also be noted that a large body of research
exists in the area of "group behavior" apart from classroom
groups. These groups might be called interpersonal
environments with any of several words substituted for
"learning"--words such as "business," "social," "therapy,"
"problem-solving," "decision-making" and so forth. In
these groups, tasks are not directed to subject-matter
facts, concepts, principles, or procedures, nor are they
aimed at reaching academically oriented objectives ' '
(especially cognitive objectives)--although concepts and
values are often central to the communication.
This lack of learning orientation in these groups does
not, however, totally preclude them from our concern. In
many ways, the findings of these noneducational group
researchers are more generalized and the principles more
12
far-reaching and all-encompassing.
In addition to group-product variables (e.g., learning.
8 2
decisions, solutions, mental health), the following four
variables seem to be at the forefront of group research :
Group Definition. Jennings (1950), for example,
differentiates between psyche groups (those in which
persons have sought and maintained membership because they
are attracted to the other members), and socio groups
(those in which persons in the group have maintained
membership because they are interested in the task goals
of the group). Determining who is and who isn't in a group
has been primarily a theoretical concern rather than an
empirical one.
This concern with group definition spills over some
what into the field of education among those philosophers
and theorists who are concerned about the presence of
clique groups within schools— and the impact that such
groups might have upon a student's school behavior and
academic achievement.
While such a concern with group definition might have
little relevence to public-school classroom groups at the
elementary 1eve1--where most task groups are defined by
the teacher with little opportunity for self-direction on
the part of the individual student, the issue of "group
definition" may become more important when one deals with
adult learners and global curriculums that are specialized
for them.
Group Structures. The foremost concerns here have
83
been with mapping out structures (e.g., by using socio
matrices and socipgrams) and in defining communication
networks, The theories of Bayelas (1948, 1950) have given
rise to a number pf studies, notably those of Leavitt
(1951), Shaw (1964), and Bales (1949) as well as others who
have been concerned with defining the directional flow of
messages, the centrality of position, the relationship pf
the individual to the group, and optimal group size. (See
Davis, 1969', fpr a summary of this research, )
These studies are noteworthy here because they turn
attention away frpm the "goaf-structure orientations" of
groups to what might be termed "simple structure," This
orientatipn toward structure alone provides a potential
bridge between education and anthropology, a bridge that
we will discuss further on later pages.
Group Cpmppsition, Both general (e.g., intelligence)
and; specific abilities (e.g., communication skills) have
been refa-bed to group performance. Olson and Davis (1964)
showed that heterogeneity of abilities did not facilitate
group achievement--hpwever, homogeneity of traits without
cohesion was equally unproductive, McGrath and Altman
(1966) are among many whp have discounted personality
variables as affecting gpoup performance--except as such
factors relate to cohesiveness. In general, cohesion has
emerged as the important quality in the group composition
and the description of strategies for achieving cohesion has
84
become the paramount activity for researchers in this area.
The focus of cohesiveness is important to us here for
several reasons. First, the studies virtüàlly discount
cultural differences as being insurmountable barriers to
cohesion. On the contrary, cohesion is viewed as possible
apart from virtually all individual differences.
Second, three factors emerge as vital to cohesion;
jproximity, lack of distracting interaction (Davis, page 79),
and cooperation among members (Deutsch, 19 68) . Each of
these factors is achievable--at least in theory--as one
develops global student body subgroups. A finding that
cohesion was dependent upon likeness of group members would
be discouraging, indeed.
Group Results, Finally, group research has focused on
group resuits--both on performance levels among groups of
various types and on comparisons of group and individual
performance (i,e,, "group versus individual learning"
scores).
Most of the studies in this area have involved problem
solving groups rather than learning groups. However,
Gurnee (19 37, 1939) found that students who learned in
groups tended to make fewer errors than those who learned
jthe material individually, and that the group-1earning
Subjects reached the learning criterion in a shorter time.
Perlmetter and de Montmollin (1952) also found that group-
learning subjects performed better than individuals over
?85
five trials.
Such studies point to the possibility that group
structure alone, apart from cooperation and competition,
might account for learning differences.
When one steps back from the extensive labyrinth of
research results in this broad area labeled "interpersonal
learning environments," several issues seem to be more
clearly identifiable.
First, virtually all of the educational studies have
used preadolescents as subjects. Much of the general group
research, on the other hand, has been based on adult subject
pools. A crossover of variables and research concerns
appears minimal. This is not to dismiss either set of
results summarily, but rather to raise the question once
again : "do children perform in groups similar to the ways in
which adults perform in groups--apart from tasks, goal
orientations, or media formats?"
Second, the studies in the "interpersonal learning
environment" field consistently equate group processes with
cooperation and equate individual strategies with competi
tion or neutrality. This approach seems questionable.
A simple plot plan, concerned only with proxemics and
communication flow, might serve to illustrate three types of
interpersonal classroom groups in a different way.
Lecture. The students in a lecture setting have a
primary relationship with one central figure (the
86
"teacher") and a secondary relationship with one anpther,
See Figure 5.
Q Teacher
Q Student
Figure 5
— Primary Communication
——- Secondary Communicaton
The structural"and
communication patterns
of a typical lecture
learning environment.
From time to time, the reK^tipriship between, materials
and teacher might, vacillate, Fpr example, attention might
be focused on a textbook page or upon an, pyerhead prpjectpr.
In nearly all instances, hpweyer, the teacher and teaching
materials may be considered synonymous.
Small Group. The students in a small group setting
have a primary relationship with one anpther and a secondary
re1ationship with the teacher, who may or may not have a
direct part in establishing group structure or regulating
group process. See Figure 6 on the next page,
87
n Teacher
Q Student
Figure 6
— Primary Communication
—, Secondary Communication
The structural and,
communication patterns
of a typical small-group
learning environment.
Individual SelfrStudy. In the individualized approach
(independent, self-study, or personalized), the student has
bnly a secondary relationship with all others in the
Learning environment and a primary relationship with the
teaching materials. Again, the "teacher" might be
synonymous with the teaching materials— since the student is
likely to be working on a one-to-one basis with the text-
teacher or the human-teacher at all times under this format.
See Figure 7 on the next page.
Now these distinctions appear to exist quite apart
from the goal-orientations of competitive, cooperative, or
neutral. They are structural interpersonal relational
88
differences that can be isolated independently of pewapds
and goals. Furthermore^ the comniunication patterns ya.py
little accprding to goal-orientation,
D Teacher
Q Student
Figure 7.
— Primary Communication
Secondary Communication
The structural and
communicatipn patterns
of a typical self-study
learning environment.
A more acceptable matrix fpr eyaiuating interpersonal
jl earn in g environments might be the one illustrated in
Figure 8,
It is fairly easy to conceive of a lecture enyirpnment
that has no directly related quiz--an environment in which
cooperation seems far more preyalent an atmosphere than
competition. It is also easy to imagine persons working
alone in either competitive or cooperative modes (e.g.,
students cramming on an individual basis in preparation for
89
Group Structure
One-to-many
"lecture"
Small One
Alone
Goal
Orientation
Competitive
Cooperative
Figure 8. A proposed research grid
that compares goal
orientation with group
structure.
medical-school entrance examinations, or basketball players
working individually for long hours on shooting skills that
will eventually be used as part of a cooperative effort).
The conclusion drawn,here, then, is that we may do well
to reidentify interpersonal learning environments as being
lecture, small group, and. self-study (rather than
competitive, cooperative, individualistic) and then use this
three-fold structural classification as an independent
measure against which we can eyaluate other sets of
variables--such as compétition-coopération, age, sex, and
so forth. Our immediate concern, of course, is to compare
these interpersonal learning environments with culture, and
specifically with value orientations.
It is also germane to recognize at this point that not
90
all studies cited above compared all three interpersonal
learning environments. Many compared only lecture and *
small-group formats. Others compared lecture and self-study
formats. Indeed, it seems that the popularity of
individualized learning formats gave rise to the three-fold
concern, rather than with researchers identifying all
possible classroom relationships and then comparing them for
optimal performance.
This study aims at a threefold comparison based solely
on group structure, and as such, should provide at least
preliminary information for other researchers interested in
further exploration of the relationship between inter- -
personal learning environments and other variables.
iThe Convergence of Culture
land Learning Environments
The convergence of research that involves culture (and
cultural-value orientations) and interpersonal learning
environments seems to lie at the point of "structure
specifically the structure of human relationships as
modeled in Figure 9 on the next page.
What are the elements involved in a study of the
structure of human relationships?
One of the foremost elements that might be considered
|vould be focus of leadership or authority. Both anthro
pologists and educators have long been concerned with the
91
issue of authority.
From the purely educational perspective, the concern
has been primarily with teacher training and the instilling
of appropriate leadership traits in teachers. With the
increased advocacy of group-centered education, the nature
of student group leaders has begun to receive more
attention (e.g., Bartlett, 1959 and Stephens, 1966).
In anthropology, the concern begins with various over
all structures (e.g., political, economic, social) and the
identification of both formal and informal leaders within
those structures.
interpersona: CULTURAL
tructurei LEARNING VALUE
ENVIRONMENT ORIENTATION
Figure 9. The overlap of variables
in Cultural Value Orientation
and Interpersonal Learning
Environments.
92
In the domain of educational anthropology, we see a
concern with the structure of school systems and the nature
of principals and teachers as culture-bearing authority
figures. (See Kneller, 1965, pages 157-1601)
In each arena, terms such as "hierarchy," "role,"
"network," "position," "authority," and "leadership^' appear
frequently.
Three kernels of paramount interest may be sifted out
from the rather vast mass of theories and studies related tc
structure.
First, Condon and Yousef choose to address the issue of
cultural authority within the FAMILY category of their
classification scheme (refer to Figure 4) although they
readily assert "the establishment and maintenance of
authority exists in all societies and throughout nearly
every institution in society" (page 73). The FAMILY
designation is chosen for its "primal impact" on other
social organizations. The theoretical premise here is that
other structures are patterned after the one that is most
universal^-i.e., the FAMILY structure mirrors the structures
of the society as a whole, and vice versa,
The three variations for the FAMILY category of
authority are listed and defined by Condon and Yousef as
presented below:
Democratic — "ideally the authority figure
is obliged to solicit the opinions of all
93
members and act according to their wishes."
Aùthority Centered--"actual authority
does not reside in an individual but rather
in some more abstract or general form."
Authoritarian— "an individual makes the
important decisions and the others are
expected to obey; the authority role is by
ascription and thus there is nobody else who
can adequately serve as the authority."
(Condon and Yousef, page 76)
In other terms, the democratic structure might be
considered "diffused authority." The authority-centered
structure might be considered "focused authority" and the
authoritarian structure as "personified authority" or as
"highly focused authority."
In perusing the 25 Condon and Yousef categories, one
might see examples of other "authority" continuums.
Certainly the informal-pervasive formality range for
FORMALITY implies a degree of rigidity and structure of
social events. The open-specific range for POSITIONAL ROLE
BEHAVIOR, the high-mobility-stasis range for MOBILITY, the
change-unchanging range for MUTABILITY, the man-as-god
versus man-controlled-by-the-supernatural range for MAN/
SUPERNATURAL, and the abstrajet-specific range for WAYS OF
KNOWING NATURE all hint of degrees of rigidity, autonomy,
control, focus, structure, or "locus of authority^^
94
Second, the three "interpersonal Iqarnin^ environments"
may also be viewed as creating a spectrum of author’ity^-froin
diffuse to highly focused and personified.
Within the classroom, the independent (individualized,
self-study) approach comes very close to fitting the Condon
and Yousef definition of democratic, and especially so for
those self-study programs that involve contracting and
student-teacher negotiating.
The small-group structure certainly focuses authority
but does not place authority as resident in one individual.
The teacher in a lecture format, while he or she may not be
authoritarian in personality, occupies an authority-
personified highly focused role in classroom structure. See
Figure 10.
Cultural-Value
Orientation.
Democratic
Authority-
centered
Authoritarian
Figure 10.
Interpersonal
Learning Environment
Self-Study
Small Groups
Lecture
A comparison of
Condon and Yousef FAMILY
structure variations and
classroom-structure
variations.
95
Another feature of structure that should be addressed
here is the matter of "positional rigidity" within the
group. Rigidity here refers to how mobile or "open" the
individual point is within the structural network. Very
often, this can be measured in terms of communication
actiVity--bpth the opportunity for communication and the
direction of the communication flow. It seems the term
"authoritarian'' has come to imply top-down periodically
issued messages whe;ceas "democratic" implies both an
abundance of messages and a tworway flow. This need not
necessarily be the case, A lecturer may be open to frequent
student interruptions (e,g ,^ questions, comments) and at the
opposite end of the continuum, a "democratic" self-
instructional classroom might be a rigid place indeed, with
little teacher-student or student-student interchange or
mobility,
For this study, it seems critical that the "rigidity"
patterns in communication be held as constant as possible
across all treatments--and preferably at the "open" end of
the spectrum. Therefore, in the lecture treatment, informal
seating attangements and questions and comments are to be
encourcLgcd, Small giro ups are encouraged to seek their own
physical configurations, communication patterns, and
processes, Those in independent groups should be permitted
to seek t.hoir own places for study (within general limits)
and be encouraged to communicate as necessary with the
96
resident expert. As much two-way communication as possible
should be encouraged.
This "open" stance should not be inferred as reaching
equality across conditions, however. The very formats them
selves preclude opportunity for equal frequency of
15
utterance. At best, we can attempt to create an
orientation toward openness across all formats. To help
ensure this, one instructor (i,e., this researcher) will
assume the "teacher" or "resident expert" role in all
formats for all subjects.
Third, the process of enculturation may also be
related to structural factors. Encu1turation--"the
learning of a culture"--implies by definition both a process
and an end product.^^ Let us assume that as a person adopts
or learns more and more of the prevailing cultural norms, it
is likely that the person's set of cultural values takes on
more structure and becomes more "set" or rigid--both in
terms of conceptual space centrality and memory. It would
also seem likely that a person having a high level of
agreement with the prevailing culturalr-value orientation
would respond more favorably to the recognized leaders and
leading methods prevalent in that cultural-value orienta
tion, since those "leaders" have acquired a similar set and
structure of values. For example: if the prevailing culture
places high value on monogamy and high value on focused
leadership, it seems likely that the highly encultured
97
individual will also place high value on monogamy and upon
direct learning or reinforcement from a person who is
monogamous.
In closing this discussion, we might review the
foremost implications of the literature as they relate to
this study :
1) Our concern here is with accommodating cultural
values within the adult learner population studied. We
hope to identify a relationship between existing values and
performance that might lead to compensatory measures. The
purpose is not merely to define values for a group nor is
an attempt made to alter existing values,
V
2) Our concern is with allowing the subjects themselves
to provide value definition statements--rather than to have
I
Ithe researcher impose such statements, words, definitions,
i
or problems.
3) Our concern is with measuring values in such a way
that it is possible to compare value strength within one
orientation and across orientations--for both individuals
and groups--rather than to provide only a nominal
description of individual or group orientations,
4) Our concern is that values be defined by context-
directed value statements that provide more context than a
word definition and yet are less context-bound than a
specific problem-solution statement.
5) Our concern here is with comparing performance in
98
interpersonal learning environments defined as lecture,
small-group, and self-study--as opposed to competitive-
cooperative learning environments or nonlearning group
environments.
5) Our concern is ultimately with a comparison of
levels of agreement with cultural-value orientations and
performance in various learning environments
The hypotheses for this study fall mainly out of the
last two statements. The overriding premise of this study
is that persons with a greater agreement with a cultural-
value orientation will perform better in authority-laden
classroom environments. Those who have less agreement with
a cultural-value orientation will perform better in learning
environments in which authority is more diffuse.
99
CHAPTER HI
Methodology
Subject Pool
The subject pool for this study was the 550 students
enrolled in English 101 classes (freshman English) at Oral
Roberts University in Tulsa, Oklahoma.
Oral Roberts University (ORU) is a private university
with some 4,500 undergraduate and graduate students enrolled
in one of seven schools : arts and sciences (undergraduate),
medicine, dentistry, nursing, law, theology, business, or
I
education. The students as a whole represent every state,
jSome 45 countries, a fairly middle-class socioeconomic
background, and affiliation with more than 30 religious
“ denominations.
ORU is perhaps best classified as a Christian non
sectarian institution. It requires each student to sign,
annually, a Code of Honor Pledge that encompasses a dress
code, regular attendance at class and biweekly chapel
sessions, participation in a campus-wide aerobics fitness
program, and for most, residency in university dormitories
Dr apartments.
100
Mainstream Christian principles are pepyasiye and the
campus regulations include restrictions against alcohol,
tobacco, drug use, illicit sexual relationships ^ and other
manifestations of what might be termed "deyiant behavior"
according to biblical standards, ORU leaders are bold in
stating that the university offers a "Christian life-style"
that has an academic degree-earning component.
A certain degree of homogeneity of values is implicit
at ORU since all students are required to sign the Code of
Honor Pledge prior to matriculation. At least on the
surface, the selected subject pool would seem to hold a high
degree of uniformity in cultural-value orientation, unlike
many other institutions offering degree programs across such
a broad range. At the same time, the students exhibit
greater geographic, denominational, and academic diversity
than students at many private or religiously oriented
schools,
Freshmen students are assumed in this study to be adult
learners, with their value orientations fairly well
lestablished. On the other hand, they have not yet undergone
the eyen stricter "enculturation" process that seems to
exist at ORU, (Comparative senior-freshmen studies at ORU
layo consistently shown a shift in values to an even more
conseryatiye stance over the 4 or more years of residency
there,)
The 35 sections of English 101 were selected
101
specifically as a subject pool because of the task selected
for the study.
Learning Task
A task was desired that would have both concept-
learning and procedure-learning dimensions— in other words,
a task that would require some type of rule manipulation as
well as an understanding of concepts underlying those rules.
Such a task seems to be the type that might be required for
many global curriculum units, such as irrigation and
drainage concepts coupled with the actual placement of
pumps and pipe or the basic principles of sanitation
j
coupled with sterilizing procedures.
The selected task involved the manipulation of two
indices that have been used for several decades to evaluate
good writing. Both were designed by Rudolf Flesch (1960):
|"The Fog Index" and "The Interest Index." Both indices
require manipulation of formulas and are based on tightly
conceived concepts of what good writing should be. See
Figures 11 and 12 on the following two pages.
Construction of the
iValues Test Instrument
The construction of the cultural-value-orientation
questionnaire required several steps.
First, a group of six freshmen students was given a
102
The Fog Index
Reading
Ease
Score
Syllables
Per 10 0
Words
VERY.
EASY
EASY'
Words Per PAIRLY
Sentence EASY
5-r5
10--10
15
35'
STANDARD.
FAIRLY,
DIFFICULT
15
DIFFICULT"
20*-20
25
30-- 30
VERY
difficult'
35
100
95
90
80
75
70
65
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
25
2 0
15 +
10..
5- -
0*"
..75
..70
40-.
IOOj
95 VvERY
9 0 JeASY
80
EASY
"FAIRLY
55 \ EASY
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
J
STANDARD
FAIRLY
DIFFICULT
DIFFICULT
VERY
DIFFICULT
140
145
150
155
160
165
170
175
180
185
190
195
200.
--140
.■145
.150
155
160
165
170
175
180
185
190
195
200
Figure 11, The Fog Index as
developed by
Rudolf Flesch.
103
Percent of
Personal
Words
25T25
24
23
22
21
20--20
19.
18
17
16
15
14" 14
13
12
24
23
22
21
19
18
17
16
15
13
12
11--11
10,.10
9 -- 9
8-, 8
7-- 7
6 • • 6
5-- 5
4 4
DRAMATIC
VERY
INTERESTING
INTERESTING
1-- 1
MILDLY
INTERESTING
DULL
The Interest Index
Human
Interest
Score
100-r 100
90..90
-DRAMATIC
804-80
70
60,
50
40'
30.
20-
10.
0*+ 0
,VERY
INTERESTING
INTERESTING
MILDLY
INTERESTING
DULL
Percent of
Action
Sentences
1003irlOO
90 --90
80 _.8 0
70 .-7 0
60 -.60
50 ..50
40 ..40
30 ..30
20 ..2 0
10. .10
0 ..0
Figure 12, The Interest Index:
as developed by
Rudolf Flesch.
i 104
brief description of the Condon and Yousef classification
scheme and concepts in each cell of the scheme were defined
for them per the Condon and Yousef definitions. Students
were then asked to write a triple set of descriptive
statements for each category--one statement per yariation--
and to bear in mind that the statements should provide as
much conceptual diversity as possible while still maintain
ing the integrity of the category, the variations, and the
definitions given by Condon and Yousef, The statements from
each student were then relisted in random order to become
prototype questionnaires.
Second, 35 students from the subject pool were selected
to receive one of the six questionnaires. This group was
composed of two English 101 sections selected on a random
basis from the entire listing of English 101 sections.
The students completed the questionnaires during one
jcla.ss period and the results were analyzed. Those sets of
responses per item that indicated the greatest amount of
yariance (per ANOVA statistical analysis) were selected as
items for the final questionnaire.
In addition to the values section of the questionnaire,
two other sections were added : a demographic questionnaire
asking for information about the subject's age, socio-
economic status, family background, home state, and prior
academic recprd; and two sets of statements about inter
personal learning environments that were constructed bv the
105
researcher, written in the style of the values questionnaire
and inserted into the values questionnaire on a random
basis. (See Appendix A for the cultural-value-
orientation questionnaire.)
Third, the final questionnaires were made available to
all remaining English 101 instructors with an explanation
and a request that the students complete the forms during a
10-day period, preferably in a regularly scheduled class
session or as an overnight homework assignment. Participa
tion by the instructors was on a voluntary basis and most
who chose to participate required completion of the
questionnaires within a 48-hour turnaround period. Subjects
completing questionnaires for the study numbered 217.
In evaluating the cultural-value statements on the
questionnaire, subjects rated each of the 75 items with a
score of 1-10, 10 showing the maximum level of agreement.
Fourth, sums for each value statement (e.g., each cell
in the Condon and Yousef model) were taken across the 217-
subject group. The results are shown in Figure 13, with the
superior value highlighted within each category. The strain
of values derived by selecting the most favored value
statement for each category— whether from column I, II or
III— is hereafter referred to as the ORU Cultural-Value
Orientation. A summary of the ORU orientation is provided
in Figure 14. The value statements have been listed in the
order of the total evaluation score per item--the most " i "
106
Value Variations
iCondon and Yousef
Value Categories II III
SELF
Individualism Individualism Individuality Interdependence
1216 1330
Age
Sex
1044
Youth
1295
Equality
1080
Middle Years Old Age
1147
Female
Superiority
718
849
Male
Superiority
13 56
Activity
FAMILY
Doing
1226
Being-in-
Becoming
1686
Being
989
Relational Individual
istic
1235
Collateral
1203
Lineal
1329
Authority
Positional
Roles
Democratic
628
Open
1025
Authority-
centered
1609
General
935
Authoritarian
846
Specific
1319
Mobility
SOCIETY
High
1360
Phasic
1106
Low (Stasis)
699
Reciprocity Independence Symmetrical-
1633 Obligatory
1173
Complementary
Obligatory
1024
Membership Many groups, Mixed
brief 1425
association
877
Few groups,
long
association
1354
Figure 13. Value totals for the ORU
subjects— key values underlined.
Value Variations continued
107
1477
Intermediaries None
Formality Informal
1495
Specialist
1087
Selective
Formality
1801
Essential
755
Pervasive
Formality
1146
Property Private
1406
Utilitarian
1581
Community
732
HUMAN NATURE
Rationality
Good/Evil
Happiness
Mutability
Rational
1654
Good
750
Happiness
is Goal
TÎT2
Change,
Growth and
Learning
1611
Intuitive
1652
Mixed
1281
Inextricable
Bond of
Happiness/
Sadness
988
Some Change
1258
Irrational
1148
Evil
1365
Life is
Mostly Sad
542
Unchanging
1330
NATURE
Man/Nature
Ways of
Knowing
Man Dominates Man in Harmony Nature
Nature
1307
Abstract
914
with Nature
1084
Induction/
Deduction
14 25
Dominates Man
1139
Specific
1188
Structure Mechanistic
1253
Spiritual
1220
Organic
1649
Time Future
1339
Present
877
Past
730
Figure 13 continued.
108
Value Variations continued
SUPERNATURAL
Man/
Supernatural
Man as
God
1200
Providence
Knowledge of
Cosmo s
N=217
Unlimited
Good
1721
Order is
Compre
hensible
860
Pantheism
776
Supernatural
Controls Man
1632
Meaning of Life Physical/
I Material
; Goods
1029
Intellectual Spiritual
Goals
877
Balance of
Good and
Misfortune
560
Faith and
Reason
678
Goals
1823
Limited Good
721
Mysterious and
Unknowable
1164
Figure 13 continued
highly valued statement placed first and the least valued
I
statement placed last.
Individual questionnaires were evaluated to derive an
jORU Cultural-Value Orientation score for each subject. (The
Individual's cell scores for each of the preferred ORU
choices were totalled.) Subjects with the highest total
scores were assumed to be those in closest agreement with
jthe ORU Cultural-Value Orientation. Conversely, those with
the lowest scores were assumed to have least agreement.
ORU Value Orientation
109
Category and
Variation
Choice
1. SUPERNATURAL Spiritual
Meaning of Goals
Life
Total
Score
(N=217)
1823
2. SOCIETY
Formality
Selective
3. SUPERNATURAL Unlimited Good
Providence
I 4. SELF
i Activity
: 5. HUMAN NATURE Rational
Rationality
6. NATURE
Structure
7. SOCIETY
Reciprocity
1801
1721
Being-in-Becoming 1686
1654
Organic
Independence
8. SUPERNATURAL Supernatural
Man/
Supernatural
Contr-ls Man
9. HUMAN NATURE Change, Growth
Mutability and Learning
10. FAMILY
I Authority
I
11. SOCIETY
I Property
12. SOCIETY
j Intermediaries
II 3. NATURE
I Ways of
I Knowing
Authority-
centered
Utilitarian
None
Induction/
Deduction Cycle
1649
1633
1632
1611
1609
1581
1477
1426
Mean
Value
Strength
8.40
8.30
7.93
7.77
7. 62
7. 60
7. 53
7. 52
7. 42
7.41
7.29
6. 81
6. 57
Figure 14. ORU value choices ranked
according to total strength.
lio
ORU Value Orientation continued
14. SOCIETY
Membership
15. HUMAN NATURE
Happiness
16. HUMAN NATURE
Good/Evil
17. FAMILY
j Mobility
|l8. SELF
I Sex
19. NATURE
Time
20. SELF
! Individualism
I
21. FAMILY
Relational
22. FAMILY
' Positional
1 Roles
1
23. NATURE
Man/Nature
24. SELF
j A g e
2 5. SUPERNATURAL
Knowledge of
Cosmos
Mixed 1425 6.57
Happiness is 1412 6.51
Goal
Evil 1365 6.29
High 1360 6.27
Male Superiority 1356 6.25
Future 1339 6.17
Interdependence 13 30 6.13
Lineal 132 9 6.12
Specific 1319 6.08
Man Dominates 13 07 6.02
Nature
Youth 1295 5.97
Mysterious and 1164 5.3 6
Unknowable
Figure 14 continued.
The Experiment
Approximately 6 weeks after the cultural-value-
orientation questionnaires were completed, English 101
j ^ ' 111
instructors were again approached with a request that this
researcher be allowed to teach the Flesch indices on a guest
lecture basis during an upcoming class session. Eighteen
instructors volunteered 24 sections of English 101.
During a 9-day period, these 24 sections each received
ja pretest, the presentation of a unit of instruction, and a
posttest during a regularly scheduled 50-minute class
session. All sections were "taught" personally by this
researcher and in all but two instances, the full-time
instructor was not present.
The unit of instruction was formatted in three ways:
1) lecture presentation accompanied by overhead-transparency
projections, 2) smal1-group instructional kit, and 3) self-
|instructional packets. The instructional content is found
in Appendix B.
The presentations were designed to provide as much
similarity of content as possible. Each class presentation
jfollowed this schedule: an introduction to the class
session, the administration of the pretest, presentation of
jthe instructional unit, and administration of a posttest.
Pretests and posttests were allotted 10 minutes each of the
50-minute class session.
Each instructional unit— be it lecture or kit— provided
'concept statements with examples, opportunities to practice
the formulas, and feedback sections for those desiring
additional information or requiring remediation. Students
112
were allowed to take the posttest only after they had
registered their own satisfaction-r-as individuals in the
lecture and independent formats and as groups in the small-
group format--that they had learned the concepts and were
able to calculate "fog" and "interest" scores for a sample
of writing.
Again, subjects were asked to provide voluntarily a
Social Security number as an identifying referent on both
the pretest and poèttest. This made correlation possible
between pretests and posttests for each subject, and also
made possible the correlation of test scores with
previously completed cultural-value-orientation
17
questionnaires.
A set of presentations (lecture, small-group, self-
study) was made available to each instructor participating
in the study, as was a summary of the findings.
The 217 subjects received instruction according to the
following instructional-format groupings :
Lecture format 7 0 subjects
Small-group format 6 5 subjects
Self-study format 82 subjects
Within each format, the 20 subjects with the highest
ORU Cultural-Value-Orientation scores were selected, as were
the 20 subjects with the lowest scores. These 120 subjects
113
in 6 categories comprised the stratified subject pools for
analysis.
The comparisons of unit learning (e.g., pretest, post
test difference scores) were made between high-agreement
and low-agreement subjects across the three learning formats
in a design modeled in Figure 15 below.
SUBJECTS
High-
Agreement
Low-
Agreement
Lecture
FORMAT
Self-Study Small-Group
Figure 15. Experimental design.
114
CHAPTER IV
Analysis of the Results
Demographic Analysis of
the Subject Pool
The results of the demographic portion of the values
questionnaire are summarized in Figure 16 on the next two
pages,
Of these itemsf the last four in particular seem to be
worthy of special comment,
A great majority (75 percent) of the subjects
indicated that their parents were neither "authoritarian"
nor "democratic," according to Condon and Yousef
definitions, The middle cell of the Condon and Yousef
classification scheme calls for "authority-centered" to
represent a focus of authority that is hot resident in a
person. This definition does not allow, therefore, for a
direct comparison between the authority continuum on the
Condon and Yousef taxonomy and the authority statements in
the demographic question about parents but the response
does indicate a tendency toward a focused but not rigid
locus of authority.
The second result to be considered here is that of
115
Results of Pempgraphic Survey
Age
Under 17
17-19
20-21
Over 21
2 subjects
197
7
11
2, States
(Total Represented; 37)
From Northeast 35 subjects
From Midwest 66
From South 28
From Northwest/West 9 8
3, Annual Family Income
Under $15^000 3 4 subjects
$15,QQQ-$4Q,0Q0 108
More than $40^000 52
No answer 23
4, Nejghborhopd Classification
innet city
Suburb
Small Town
No answer
5, Children in Family
1-2
3-4
5 or more
No answer
6, Rank Among Siblings
27
95
39
49
7
71
104
39
7
ects
subjects
Firstborn or only 79
Secondborn
73
Thirdborn
36
Fourthborn
15
Fifthborn 5
Other
8
No answer 3
subjects
Figure 16. Results of the demographic
portion of the values
questionnaire.
116
Results of Demographic Survey continued
7, High School Grade-ppint Average
3,5 dr better 101 subjects
3,0-3,5 77
2,5-3,0 30
Under 2,5 2
No answer 7
8, Description of Parents
Easygoingf extremely democratic 40 subjects
Strict but fair, open to c'
suggestion 16 3
Very strict, make all decisions 8
No answer 6
9, Classification of Sibling Relationships
Fairly competitive^ 12 subjects
Strongly cooperative , 74
Both competitive and cooperative 114
Only child 14
No answer 3
10, Description qf Family Relationships
Each person fairly independent 23 subjects
Some reliance but different
activiti e s 101
Very closeknit 87
No answer 6
11, Description of Home Atmosphere
Christian 178 subjects
Moral-ethical but not necessarily
Christian 25
Non-Christian, mixed values 7
Figure 16 continued.
117
sibling relationships. In breaking down the results in
comparison to parental description, we find no
significant trends. See Figure 17,
PARENTS
Easygoing, Strict, but Very No
Extremely Fair--Open Strict Reply
Democratic to Suggestion
SIBLING
RELATIONSHIPS
Competitive 2 9 1 0
Cooperative 15 56 3 0
Mix of
Competitive
and , 19 9 0 4 0
Cooperative
N=199 (No response : 18)
x^=l,02 Significant at ,01 level
Figure 17, A comparison of parent
classification and the
classification of siblings.
Apparently the focus of authority in these homes did
not automatically result in either a competitive or
cooperative atmosphere, Similar proportions are maintained
among the cpmpetitive-cooperative categories regardless of
parent classification. This raises further questions about
the rather automatic assumption among some interpersonal
learning environment educators that the traditional lecture^
1-18
foiumat classroom is inherently compétitive and that the
small^proupf more democratically structured classrooms are
automatically more cooperative.
In comparing the classification of parents with the
dependency manifested among family members, we also find
mixed results with no significant trends, Overall, however,
it should be noted that family life was skewed more toward
closeknit interdependence than toward independenco for
these subjects^ as shown in Figure 18,
PARENTS
Strictf but Very
Fair-tèpen strict
Democratic to Suggestion
No
HQMELIFE
Independence
Some Inter
dependence
(reliance but
different
activities)
18
Interdependence 15
N=211 (No response: 6)
2
X =26.77 No significance.
11
83
69
Figure 18. A comparison of parent
classification and the
classification of homelife.
A strong focal point for authority does not necessarily
indicate a strong bonding of family relationships. This
119
finding is in keeping with small-group studies that have
failed to find a direct link between one type of leadership
style and group cohesion (see Shaw, pages 171-173) . ’ . : •
Whereas a strong leader might be of benefit in raising
overall group performance on a task, and strong cohesive
ness within a group might also increase overall group
performance, there appears to be little justification for
assuming that strong leadership creates cohesiveness or
that a cohesive group compels strong leadership. Groups
seem to work equally well with either strong leadership or
cohesion. And while this finding does not have direct
impact on this study, it does imply somewhat that a person
may value authority without valuing cohesion within the
group where that authority is manifest.
Finally, the great majority (92,6 percent) of the
subjects classified their pre-ORU homes as having been
based on Christian values— indicating a fairly homogeneous
value system present among the subjects during their
growing-up years, A disclaimer must be added, however, at
this point. No definition of "Christian" was provided to
the subjects so it is not accurate to assume fully that all
subjects in the pool define Christianity in exactly the same
way or that the value structure at work in their childhood
homes manifested itself in the same way.
What may be assumed is that all students pledged their
agreement to a document that defines the Oral Roberts
120
University "Christian" life-style (see Code of Honor Pledge
in Appendix C) not more than 8 weeks prior to completing the
values questionnaire. It is on this basis that we assume a
fairly homogeneous definition of "Christian" might exist for
these subjects.
Other demographic results appear within normal ranges
of expectation. For the most part the subjects were 17-19
years old, came from suburban middle-class backgrounds, were
from normal-sized families, and had a fairly high record of
past academic achievement.
Analysis of the
Instructional Formats
A summary of the overall quiz results is given in
Figure 19 below.
Format N Mean
Pretest
Score
Lecture 70 3.97
Small Group 65 3,6 5
Self-Study 82 4,24
TOTAL 217 3,98
F=,63 No significance.
Figure 19
Mean
Posttest
Score
8.47
8.18
8.59
8.41
Mean of
Individual
Difference
Scores
4.50
4. 54
4.22
4.41
Pretest and posttest
results for thetthree
learning-environment
formats,
121
Perhaps the foremost conclusion to be drawn from
19
Figure 19 is that the instruction worked.""' Most teachers
would be delighted to see an 8 4.1 percent mean posttest
score for any instructional unit.
Those receiving the small-group instructional format
recorded the greatest gains. The differences among formats,
however, were not statistically significant.
In breaking down the overall mean difference scores
for concept and procedure questions, the lecture format
appears to hold the edge on procedure learning for the
group as a whole, although the small-group format recorded
the best gains in concept learning. See Figure 20.
Format
Lecture
Small Group
Self-Study
TOTAL
Procedure
Questions
(2 questions)
.83
.80
.76
.79
Concept
Questions
(8 questions)
3.71
3.72
3.45
3.62
Figure 20. The mean of individual
difference scores for
procedure and concept
items compared to learning
environment formats.
When one breaks down the results according to the high-
agreement and low-agreement stratified samples, the
conclusions are markedly different. Those who are in high
agreement with the group's cultural value orientation
performed significantly better in the lecture format, Lowr-
agreement subjects performed significantly better in the
small-group format. See Figure 21.
Lecture Self-Study Small Group
High
Agreement* 5.10 4.25 4.20
Low
Agreement** 3,55 4.30 4.90
N in each cell: 20 subjects
*F=4,12 High-Agreement subjects
significant at ,05,
**F=4,69 Low-Agreement subjects,
significant at .05.
Figure 21. Mean of individual
difference scores for
stratified samples across
three learning-environment
formats,
This finding is mirrored, and with increasing
significance, .^when. only concept learning is evaluated, as
shown in Figure 2 2 on the next page.
When one looks at the results of procedure learning,
however, the preferred format appears to be the self-study
Iformat, as indicated in Figure 23— also on the next page.
12 3
Learning of Concepts
(8 of 10 items)
Lecture Self-Study Small Group
High
Agreement* 4.55 3.40 3,50
Low
Agreement** 2,90 3.45 4,25
N in each cell: 20 subjects
*F=4.38, significant at .05.
**F=4,82, significant at .05.
Figure 22. Mean of individual
difference scores in
concept learning for
stratified samples across
three learning-environment
■formats.
Learning of Procedures
(2 of 10 items)
Lecture Self-Study Small Group
High
Agreement .60 .85 .65
Low
Agreement .70 .85 .65
N in each cells : 20 subjects
Differences not significant.
Figure 23. Mean of individual
difference scores in
procedure learning for
stratified samples across
three learning-environment
formats.
224^
High-Agreement and
Low-Agreement Subjects
When one looks at the characteristics of the high-
agreement and low-agreement samples, no significant trends
emerge. More low-agreement subjects were from rural
environments, affluent families, less authoritative parents,
and Christian homes, but the margins of difference across
all categories were narrow, indeed. Figure 24 presents the
complete demographic profile of the two groups for
comparison.
Demographic Comparison of Samples
High- Low-
Agreement Agreement
- Subjects Subjects
N=60 N=60
Age: 17-19 52 55
Other 8 5
Income: Under $15,000 13 9
$15,000-$40,000 28 29
$4Q',000 plus 11 17
No response 8 5
Neighborhood: City 8 8
Suburb 24 2 2
Rural 8 17
No response 4 0
Children in Family: 1-2 19 24
3-4 28 26
5+ 11 10
No response 2 0
Figure 24. Sample group demographic
profiles for comparison.
1,25
High- Low-
Agreement Agreement
Subj ects Subjects
Parents: Easy-going 8 14
Strict, fair 48 42
Very strict 1 3
No response 3 1
Homelife: Christian 47 54
Moral/ethical 8 5
Non-Christian 2 1
No response 3 0
Family: Independence 4 8
Some reliance 26 24
Very closeknit 2 6 27
No response 4 1
Siblings: Competitive 4 5
Cooperative 21 19
Mixed 29 33
No response 6 3
GPA (high school): 3.5+ 26 30
3.0-3 .5 21 19
2.5-3 . 0 9 9
-2.5 1 1
No reply 3 1
States Represented: 26 23
Rank of birth: 1st born 25 20
2nd born 16 21
3rd born. IL 12
Other 8 7
Figure 2 4 continued.
When one compares subjects' preferences for learning
environments, preference and performance do not appear to
correlate. Low-agreement subjects who performed best in
the small-group format rated group learning lower than
high-agreement subjects who performed best in the lecture
format. See Figure 2 5 on the next page.
126
Ratings of Group Learning
High-Agr eement Low-Ag re ernent
Subjects Subjects
N=60 N=60
Value of Studying
in Small Groups 5.98* 5,53
Value of Classroom
Work in Small
Groups 5,63 4,92
*Mean value on scale of 1-10,
with 10 being highest level of
agreement.
Differences are not significant.
Figure 25. Comparison of mean
evaluation scores on
group-learning items
for high-agreement and
low-agreement subjects.
From the data gathered here, one is led to conclude
that agreement with the cultural-value orientation is the
foremost factor accounting for the difference in
performance among instructional formats.
Summary of the Findings
The findings detailed in this chapter point toward
acceptance of the first hypothesis and rejection of the
second hypothesis as set forth in the first chapter,
1. Students indicating high agreement with a cultural-
value orientation will perform better in an independent or
lecture learning format than in a small-group format, and
b) subjects indicating low agreement with a group's
cultural-value orientation will perform better in a small-
group format than in a lecture or independent learning
environment. Subjects in this study who were in high
agreement with the prevailing cultural-value orientation
did perform significantly better in the lecture format
while subjects in low agreement performed significantly
better in the small-group format. However, lecture and
independent formats did not yield similar performance
levels as predicted.
2. These performancendifferences will not vary
according to whether the learning unit involves concept or
procedure learning. Subjects in this study who were in
high agreement with the prevailing cultural-value
orientation learned concepts significantly better in the
lecture format. Subjects in low-agreement with the
cultural-value orientation learned concepts significantly
better in the small-group format, However, subjects of
both high and low levels of agreement with the cultural-
value orientation learned procedures better in the self-
study format, although the differences were not
statistically significant.
128
CHAPTER V
Conclusions and Implications
Five aspects of this study appear to warrant discussion
and possibly to warrant further empirical investigation:
1) the possibility of a "Charismatic Christian" value
orientation that might exist on a worldwide scale, 2) the
relative failure of the independent-study format for high-
agreement and low-agreement subject segments, 3) the value
of varying instructional formats according to degree of
enculturation, 4) the variation of value structures within
a homogeneous population, and 5) the need for refinement of
a values questionnaire that can be used on an international
intercultural basis.
A "Charismatic Christian"
Value Orientation
In this study, we have referred to the predominant
value orientation for this population as one that may be
peculiar to Oral Roberts University. This group of sub
jects, however, reflects a distinctive group that may exist
on a worldwide scale--that of those persons aligned with
the Christian faith, and in particular the Charismatic
129
^ ■ u • • 2 0
Christian experience.
A survey conducted subsequent to andi- independent of
this study indicated that nearly 9 0 percent of the ORU
population claimed agreement with the ideals of the
Charismatic Renewal (an internationally recognized "code
name" for those Christians who align themselves with the
21
Charismatic experience.)
The Charismatic Christian movement, most notably
during the last 2 0 years, has been characterized by five
outstanding features.
First, the Charismatic Christian movement has been
strongly communal. This is not to imply thatppersons
aligned with this movement have become separatist or have
lived in communes, but rather, that a group orientation has
dominated the:-worship services as well as the nonworship
gatherings and relationships. Charismatic groups assume
the posture that each person present at a worship service
is a bearer of a "gift"--be it a song, scripture, divinely
inspired utterance, or a message of consolation, education,
encouragement, or admonishment. Group worship meetings are
perceived, therefore, to be convened for the expression of
these individual gifts and each person is granted the
freedom--although at times that freedom is assumed as an
ideal more than manifested as a reality--to express his or
her spiritual contribution. These groups have been marked
by a general lack of social, racial, economic, or
130
denominational prejudice--at least at the outset of their
creation. A certain degree of spiritual prejudice exists,
however, against those who might denounce or thwart such
Charismatic worship gatherings.
Aside from regularly scheduled worship services, the
Charismatic Christian movement has advocated strong
fellowship among its adherents apart from a formal church
structure. "Home meetings," "cell groups," "spiritual
retreat weekends," and "independent prayer groups" are just
four examples of the types of informal gatherings most
commonly associated with the Charismatic Renewal,
Since the great majority of ORU students express
agreement with the Charismatic Renewal, it is logical to
assume that most have experienced this strong group
orientation and are in favor of it. Thus, it is not
surprising to find this group of subjects placing value on
the use of groups both as a goal-orientation technique in
classrooms, as a task-completion technique, or as a study
method.
Second, the Charismatic Christian movement has
traditionally advocated strong person-centered leadership.
Many of the Charismatic groups are organized independently
of a major Christian denomination. In addition, the groups
tend to reject the organizational patterns most prevalent
in the main-line denominations--such as the episcopacy,
presbytery, or superintendency structures. These
131
Charismatic groups tend rather to be led by strong leaders
who are able communicators, who are sensitive to individual
human needs, and who are adept at handling large audiences.
In these groups, "person" is equal to or more important
than "position." (That is. Brother or Sister So-and-So is
more crucial to the success of the group process than the
"office" of priest, pastor, or deacon.) The resulting
management style and organizational structure tend to be
rather monolithic.
However, it should be pointed out that leaders in the
Charismatic Christian movement tend to be selected for their
perceived spiritual prowess. Ordination procedures are far
from defined. The person "in charge" at any Charismatic
gathering is the one who virtually "takes charge." Should
the same person take charge time after time, that person is
likely to become the recognized leader of an entire body,
provided of course that the group accepts the leadership as
genuine and spiritually adequate. Many times the group will
act rather quickly to establish its own building, programs,
and structures apart from the original parent group. Thus,
authority is centered and highly personified, but it is not
absolute. Many align themselves with a particular group
only as long as they perceive spiritual strength in the
leader; it is not uncommon to find members of Charismatic
groups who have attended a wide variety of services, led by
many ih:dividuals, and who may have even "joined" several
132
different groups during a 24-month period.
At the same time, it should be pointed out that many
who participate in Charismatic groups retain their member
ship in main-line traditional, or evangelical Christian
denominations. The Charismatic group is joined as an
additional spiritual-group membership--one that is often
less formal than the primary membership.
Given this group orientation that is fluid, personality
centered, and less formal in its organizational structure-^
and given the expressed general acceptance of the
Charismatic Renewal by the subject pool--it is not
particularly surprising to find ORU subjects placing high
value on "selective""formality, "authority-centered"
groups, and "mixed" social memberships.
Third, the Charismatic Christian movement places high
priority on personal spiritual development. Phrases such
as "grow in Christ," "grow the fruits of the Spirit," and
"mature in the Lord" are nearly universal phrases in the
2 2
Charismatic communities. It should be noted that one
hallmark of the Charismatic Renewal is a belief that man
does not have absolute control over his life. As much as
one might become similar to Jesus Christ in personality
traits, one can never assume the power or control that is
accorded to Jesus Christ. The goal, however, remains to
become as much like Christ as is possible.
Related to personal spiritual development is the
133
belief that one becomes better (and life in general
becomes better) the more one is like Christ, Miracles,
positive sovereign intervention into human affairs, are
more likely to occur. Happiness is attainable--in a future
heaven, if not on earth.
Above all, the Charismatic Renewal stands for the
belief that it is possible for man to become like Jesus
Christ. Man is perceived as capable of change, of growth,
of changing his evil nature into something better, of
becoming as he was originally created--a person fully
rational, fully dominating and, controlling nature, fully
loving, and fully reliant upon God,
Given the spiritual-development emphasis of the
Charismatic Renewal, it is not particularly surprising to
find ORU subjects placing highest value on the achievement
of spiritual goals as the supreme goal of life. Likewise,
these ORU choices may all be explained as logical value
choices given a supraorientation of Charismatic Christian:
"unlimited providential good," "supernatural control of
man," "the mutability of human nature in growth, learning,
and change," and "the possibility for happiness." The
initial state of man as being "evil" and the "future" time
orientation may also be linked to the concepts of original
sin and heaven as held by these subjects.
Indeed, virtually all of the ORU cultural-value
orientation category choices are understandable in the light
134
of Charismatic Christian theology. In addition to the four
major characteristics cited above. Charismatic groups tend
to place high value on traditional moral standards and
family structures, tend to be youth-oriented, and tend to
have male leadership. ORU value choices related to family,
age, sex, and specific positional roles in the family are
in keeping with Christian values at large.
At the same time. Charismatic groups do not seek to
include the world at large. Generosity among peer members
is great but concern for remedying social ills is less than
ardent. The ORU value choices of independent social
reciprocity, utilitarian property, and interdependence of
self are perhaps better understood by understanding this
theological limitation.
A fifth characteristic of the Charismatic Renewal--one
not directly tied to value choices but one definitely of
concern to this study--is that the Charismatic groups exist
around the world. The Charismatic Renewal has been a global
phenomenon— cutting across virtually all cultural
j
boundaries. In traveling to more than 25 nations, this
researcher has personally encountered Charismatic groups
singing the same songs, manifesting the same group
characteristics, reading the same books, focusing on the
same issues, conducting themselves in very similar manner,
and using the same "catch phrases." This similarity in
group process exists whether the group is meeting in a large
135
cathedral or a dung-and-mud hut, in spite of the native
language, and apart from the cultural boundaries of the
host culture.
While it is not the intent of this study either to
document the Charismatic Renewal or to advocate the creation
of globaltcurriculums to match the value orientation of the
Charismatic Christian groups, the phenomenon of a specific
Charismatic Christian value orientation seems to warrant
further investigation and definition on at least three
grounds,
First, the movement is global. It is one value
orientation that appears to be worldwide. Indeed, it may
qualify as a type of "supraculture." As such, the
Charismatic Christian cultural-value orientation may well
transcend some of the more traditional "cultural
orientations" in a way that would allow for greater
assimilation of global information. Also, by understanding
this supracultural orientation, one might be better able to
recognize, create, or accommodate other such "supravalue
orientations"--be they based on economics, theology,
politics, or some other foundation.
Second, the Charismatic Renewal, in and of itself as a
movement, is likely to become a market for certain global-
curriculum materials. As stated in the first chapter of
this studyf a global curriculum is conceived to be one that
cuts across geographic and political boundaries for one
Ls'
'particular demographic group in order to meet particular
jinformation requirements of that group. No doubt those who
participate in the Charismatic Renewal face certain informa
tion needs. Although the information might be primarily
theological or Bible-related, the body of information is
likely to have core requisites and adaptive electives.
Charismatic groups may provide the fertile ground for
developing and testing cross-cultural information systems,
international marketing plans, and global instructional
strategies.
Third, the Charismatic Renewal--as defined in its very
value structure--is a movement noted for innovation and
fluidity. As such. Charismatic groups might provide a test
ground for monitoring--in perhaps a longitudinal way--the
change of value structures across circumstances and time.
Since this specific movement is only some 2 0 years old, the
value-structure currently in predominance may well be
classified as "emergent," Because many of the structures
are still fluid, groups in the Charismatic Renewal movement
might be more amenable to experimentation and innovation.
These characteristicsseem to separate the Charismatic
Renewal from many other religious orientations that may also
exist on a global basis.
The Diminished Return from Self-Study Formatting
Both lecture and small-group formats consistently
137
yielded higher results than the self-study format in this
study, with the possible exception of procedure learning
for the stratified samples. These results are somewhat
disturbing for two main reasons.
First, the ORU educational strategy--across all
schools and at both undergraduate and graduate levels—
places great emphasis on independent self-study methods.
Programmed texts, the use of syllabi that specify self-
instructional strategies, and the segmenting of courses into
modules for independent pacing are all common instructional
techniques employed at the university. A campus-wide
closed-circuit television system that broadcasts information
modules, open library stacks, and personal study carrels
are characteristic of ORU's approach.
The premise for the creation and use of these systems
at ORU has long been that students learned factual material
equally as well or better with self-instructional
strategies (and, it might be added, at overall less cost
to the university.) ORU has been hardware and software
intensive in the area of information conveyance; professor
time has been channeled into small-group interaction that
has been championed as an opportunity for discussion and
elaboration of course concepts--not as the occasion for
providing facts, definitions, or procedural explanations.
The subjects in this study, however, achieved greater
gains in concept learning by methods other than the self-
138
instructional method. The self-study method was preferred
for procedure learning.
Further studies should be conducted to determine if
this trend is valid across various subject-matter topics,
for various academic levels (e.g., graduate and under
graduate), and for entire courses. This study should not
be limited to Oral Roberts University. Other training
schools and higher-education institutions might also benefit
from such studies— especially those that have students
that reflect a cultural-value orientation similar to that of
ORU subjects.
Second, the finding is disturbing because much of
Charismatic Christian education at lower levels is currently
being conducted on a seIf-instructional basis. The two
most popular curriculums currently being used at
Charismatic Christian schools--as determined by sales
volume— are the Accelerated Christian Education (ACE) and
A Beka curriculums--both of which place heavy emphasis on
individual student-paced completion of information
modules.
Although a limitation placed on this study— as
specified in the first chapter— is that the findings of
this study cannot be extended to lower grade levels,
questions do arise about the appropriateness of using such
self-instructional formats at Charismatic Christian
elementary and high schools that are established on the
139
same cultural-value orientation foundation as Oral Roberts
University.
Several specific questions arise for future research;
Is this relative failure of the self-instructional method
limited to groups with a Charismatic Christian cultural-
value orientation? If so, why? If not, what might have
influenced this finding at ORU (e.g., length of the unit of
instruction, size of groups, design characteristics of the
self-instructional materials)? What inferences might be
drawn for the use of self-instructional formats on a global
scale?
The statement was made in the first chapter that
education is primarily a human-relating experience. Perhaps
the degree to which "human relations" is perceived as
integral to the learning process is directly related to
effectiveness of learning in different interpersonal
learning environments. In a group such as that encountered
at ORU, "person" characteristics might be considered a vital
element of educational activity. Perhaps different results
would be discovered in groups where personal characteristics
and human-to-human relating are valued less.
Certainly if Charismatic Christian groups as a whole
are found to achieve greater gains by means of lecture and
small-group formats for significant sections of their
populations. Charismatic Christian education as currently
practiced in elementary and secondary schools, institutes,
140
training schools, and religious-education programs might be
subject to some modification.
A second set of questions arises if the research bears
out a relationship between Charismatic Christian value
orientations and the supremacy of lecture and small-group
formats as learning environments for major segments of the
population. Are seIf-instructional programs in some way
detrimental to the acquisition of group-related values held
to be important to Charismatic Christians? In other words,
if an incongruity exists between nongroup self-instructional
‘ methods and educational goals that place high value on group
processes, how might that incongruity affect the acquisition
of values, achievement in learning tasks, or both?
Certainly a major question that arises is this; why
does the seIf-instructional format appear to work better for
both high-agreement and low-agreement subjects in procedure
learning? The most obvious conclusion appears to be that
different types of learning might be benefitted by
different types of interpersonal formatting. To what
extent these results are task-bound is also subject to
question.
This study, of course— as all studies— is limited to a
set of conclusions drawn for one subject pool on one task
at a particular time. The implication of the results is
that students currently in low agreement with the pervasive
cultural-value orientation perform better in a small-group
141
format when they are learning concepts, a,nd better in a
self-study format when they are learning procedures. But
what happens to these subjects as they "grow" into greater
agreement with the group's cultural-value orientation? And
indeed, do they grow in agreement? How might an educator
tell when a subject has crossed a learning-format threshold
and might be better taught by another format. These are
questions demanding longitudinal studies.
Findings from such research may be generalizable to
other supraculture value orientations that place high value
on group processes and socialization.
Instructional Formats and
Degrees of Enculturation
The statement was made earlier in this study that
enculturation is both a learning process and product. One
might thus infer that enculturation occurs by degree, in
stages, and at different levels similar to other categories
of learning (such as cognitive, affective,"psychomotor
categories),
In this study, subjects who appear to be less
enculturatedf i.e., those who have lesser agreement with the
prevailing cultural-value orientâtion--appear to benefit
more from peer involvement and a more diffused"'locus .of
authority. Those subjects-showing indications of greater .
enculturation appear to achieve greater learning gains in a
142
lecture format. These two groups--high-agreement or high-
enculturation and low-agreement or low-enculturation--may
reflect two distinct stages of the enculturation process,
each of which has an optimal interpersonal learning
environment that mirrors that stage of enculturation. Othe^
"groups" might also emerge as "transitional" stages between
high and low agreement, assuming at this point that those
adults low in agreement might continue to progress to
greater levels of conformity with group values. In that
case, we may discover a continuum of enculturation stages
and corresponding learning formats.
For students entering a new culture, those reevaluating
or determining their own personal adult value orientations,
or perh,a.ps those entering a new socioeconomic class with
differing cultural values--group processes may well be the
most appropriate format for both achievement and
socialization. For those well established within a
culture, a lecture format may be the most efficient— if not
most preferred--learn,ing environment.
The implication made here is that some type of
"socialization" in the learning process is related to the
acguisition of information content. Socialization does not
appear to be limited to the acquisition of group roles and
status,
The possible practical applications for teachers, of
course, are numerous, A teacher may use more small-group
143
formats at the beginning of a term or sch^ool year and shift
to lectures as the "classroom culture" becomes more ?
established. "Teachers" in churches and social groups may
want to place greater emphasis on group processes for new
members. Teachers in multiculture classrooms, and
especially those classrooms with a high percentage of
immigrant children, may find group processes of greater
benefit than lecture or self-study formats.
On the other hand, the results noted here may not hold
for heterogenous groups, especially if no one culture :
appears predominant in either numbers of persons or
perceived desirability. The ORU subject pool was
demographically quite homogeneous. Studies that compare
subjects of other cultural-value orientations--both those
that isolate subjects of other orientations for learning
tasks exclusively among themselves and those that mix
cultural-value orientations for completion of learning
tasks--would be useful in addressing this possibility.
Several other questions in this area warrant answers:
1) At what point does the preferred learning format
switch from small groups to lecture? Can a parallel
state of enculturation be identified? This question was
asked previously of ORU and Charismatic Christian subjects.
It might also be asked for various other orientations.
2) What percentage of a small group should be composed
of peers for maximum enculturation or learning or both?
144
Does the peer group for adult learners include all age
groups labeled "adult"--e.g., those older than 11 or 12?
3) To what extent might the phenomenon noted in this
study be "culture bound" for this particular group of
students, for whom "group involvement" and "personified
leaders" are both given high value? Would a highly paternal
culture or one with rigid values related to lineality
reflect the same segmentation and learning results?
4) To what extent might this phenomenon be content
bound? Would students learn science and math, philosophy,
or agricultural concepts in similar fashion to the good-
writing concepts of this exercise?
5) Are procedures that require more than one person
appropriately learned in a small^group format? The task in
this study was designed for completion by each student
working independently. Group-learning or lecture-learning
of procedure may have been less effective due to the very
nature of the task.
Variation of Value Structures
Within Homogeneous Populations
The study reveals a distinct variation in the strength
of values held by members of a demographically homogeneous
group. Several research questions might arise from this
finding.
First, one might ask, "What variations in value
145
orientation might be found, in an even more homogeneous
group (e.g., Mexican-American Catholics)?" "What variations
might exist in a more heterogeneous group still labeled
'American adult?'" And further, "What other value orienta
tions might emerge for non-American groups found both within
the United States and in other countries?" The research
required to answer these questions would no doubt create,
eventually, a rather complex and elaborate collection of
possible cultural-value orientation "strains" around the
world. These may or may not be aligned according to basic
human needs and problems as Kluckhohn and Condon and Yousef
classification schemes have been. However, such a cultural-
yalue compendium would no doubt reveal those areas of
;greatest similarity among cultures as well as those areas
of greatest difference^— both important sets of information
for those designing and administering global-information
programs.
Second, one might ask, "What changes in cultural-value
orientation might exist over time for any one cultural
group?" If Rich and Ogawa are correct in their theory that
values and communication patterns are subject to variation
according to modernization factors, then global curriculum
development may require more than an anatomy-like map of
cultural differences. It may also require a physiology-like
set of laws governing change and motion. Such laws might
include economic factors, as well as temporal, geographic.
146
and political factors.
One of the findings of this study was that persons with
less alignment with the mainstream cultural-value orienta
tion held less appreciation for group processes but
benefited from them more. The relationship of group
processes to the emergence or the change of cultural-value
orientations appears to be a fertile area for future
research, Formats not requiring group process might be
more acceptable to those with cultural values fully intact.
Vice versa, persons in groups with emerging values (such as
elementary schools) or in groups in which values are under
going a great deal of change (such as in training programs
for students in modernizing nations), might benefit more
from small-group formats.
Third, one might ask, "In what ways are values and
methods interrelated on a broader scale?" This study
focused only on values and three types of learning environ-
jments. What other more generalized areas of society might
be subject to investigation? Does the method used in doing
a task have a bearing on the acquisition of values ? More
specifically, does the very process used to achieve
behavioral objectives in the cognitive and psychomotor
areas influence the acquisition of affective objectives? Is
it possible that the interpersonal learning environments
that we construct might negate some of the values that we as
educators are hoping to develop? How important is congruity
147
between methods and value objectives?
It seems that much of instructional technology research
assumes that methods are value-free--i,e., that any method
which results in cost-effective achievement of an objective
is to be preferred over one that is less cost-effective or
that results in lower achievement. However, schools as an
entity are not "value free" institutions. Indeed, they
exist partially as institutions that enculturate future
generations and that emphasize certain value positions. By
addressing the issue of values and specifically the ways in
which they are related to instructional methods, educational
technologists might find themselves being even more
effective in designing total educational systems that meet
all types of objectives (cognitive, psychomotor, and
affective) with increased efficiency.
Refinement of a Values Questionnaire
This study leads to several major questions about the
usefulness of the Condon and Yousef classification scheme,
especially the appropriateness of the scheme in creating a
value-measuring instrument, and in a more general way^ to
questions about the possible creation of a valid, reliable
value-assessment tool for global use.
In tabulating responses to determing the prevalent ORU
Culural-Value Orientation, several noteworthy trends
emerged quickly.
148
First, not all categories set forth by Condon and
Yousef appear to evoke the same level of subject responses.
For example, the responses to the final category, "Knowiedgë
of the Cosmos" (SUPERNATURAL), totaled fewer than 1200 for
each of the variations whereas the "Relational" (FAMILY)
category evoked a response that totaled more than 1200 for
each of the three variations. See Figure 26.
Condon and Yousef Orientations
Cateogires I II III
FAMILY
"Relational" 1235 1203 1329
SUPERNATURAL
"Knowledge 860 678 1164
of the Cosmos
Figure 26. A sample of the variation
in total value scores.
Regardless of final value choice, subjects apparently
felt more favorable toward the category of FAMILY
"Relational" than they did to SUPERNATURAL "Knowledge of
the Cosmos." It might be inferred that the beliefs aboiit
FAMILY "Relational" run deeper or are more central to the
subjects' overall value structure than those dealing with a
"Knowledge of the Cosmos,"
Second, not all categories showed a marked difference
between variations (or orientations) for any one category.
For example, the difference between the high and low totals
149
for the category SUPERNATURAL "Man/Supernatural" is 856
points, with the middle total close to being equidistant
between the high and low totals. See Figure 27 below. As
a contrast, the difference between the extremes in the SELF
"Individualism" category is only 286.
Categories
SUPERNATURAL
Man/Supernatural
SELF
Individualism
Figure 27,
Condon and Yousef Orientations
I II III
1200 776 1632
424 856
432
1044 1216 1330
172 114
286
A sample of the variation
in the position of values
along continuums per total
value scores.
In some cases, one orientation appears dominant to the
eclipse of the other two. See FAMILY "Authority'," NATURE
"Time," and SUPERNATURAL "Providence" as examples. In
other categories, the response is much more uniform across
the three categories. See FAMILY "Relational" as an
example. (Refer to Figure 13.)
The conclusion drawn at this point is that value cells
on the Condon and Yousef classification scheme are not
: 150
equal. The values do not lie equidistant from one another
on either vertical or horizontal lines. Rather, values seen
to occur in a hierarchy, with perhaps something of a nesting
effect.
Third, no columnar relationship appeared for the Condon
and Yousef orientations. Although Condon and Yousef had
predicted that American students were likely to reflect
Orientation I in a cohesive columnar way, the ORU subjects,
at least, did not "line up," This result may be due to the
religious nature of the subjects. It might also be a
definitional error on the part of Condon and Yousef,
iFurther studies would be required to determine more clearly
the probable cause or possible alternative categories to
those proposed by Condon and Yousef, Consideration should
be given to the possible omission of some value categories
that have little bearing on the educational process, and
iperhaps replacing them with others more pertinent.
This is not to say that the Condon and Yousef classi
fication scheme has no use, nor that it is theoretically
unsound. To Condon and Yousef's defense, the classification
scheme was not designed to become a value-measuring device
nor was it designed to be used in developing instructional
strategies. It was created as a theoretical model for
assessing intercultural communication patterns. What might
be concluded from this study, however, is that the classi
fication scheme requires refinement in order for it to be
151
used accurately as a measurement tool for educational
design.
Below are some prelim^inary conclusions that might
serve as initial directives for the refinement of such an
instrument.
First, all value concepts should be defined in general
terms with examples and nonexamples adapted to various
cultures. The general terms should be as "global" as
possible--based upon concrete référants whenever possible.
Specific value statements might eventually become uniform,
but in initial instrument formation, value statements
should be created by subjects representative of the
populations being tested. In addition, multiple value
statements, for.each concept■should perhaps be created in
order to provide a composite numerical score for each
concept.
Second, value concepts should be initiated by the
subjects representative of various cultural groups. These
concepts should then be compared with those on the Condon
and Yousef classification scheme. Value concepts should be
included that relate to educational processes, such as
categories that call for evaluation of schools, teachers,
interpersonal learning environments, instructional
strategies and formats, fellow students, and educational
objectives. More general value categories might also be
created that would have direct implications upon the
152
educational process. These might include values related to
group processes and structures, need for information,
educational tasks and rewards, and learning strategies.
This process of selecting the most appropriate sets of
values--a set covering the breadth of educational applica
tion with the individual values equidistant or equal in
strength--would no doubt require a fairly extensive series
of studies.
Third, the resulting measuring device should be used
to determine cultural-value orientations for a number of
populations around the world. This would provide some
measure of validity and reliability on a global scale.
This would also help refine the instrument for global use--
isolating what might be termed "critical" values so that the
test instrument itself might become as lean, efficient, and
easy-to-use as possible.
Conclusion: Instructional
Technology on a Global Scale
In conclusion, this study should be viewed as one very
small step toward the accomplishment of a very large goal:
the creation of efficient effective global-curriculum
materials that are based on solid research findings and
that are developed as efficiently as possible.
Several assumptions underly that statement. First and
foremost is the assumption by this writer that global-
153
curriculum development is both desirable and inevitable.
The question is not "Will we one day have global
instruction?" but rather, "What will be the characteristics
of that instruction? What topics will be included in the
global school catalog? How efficient and effective will
the materials be? How quickly and upon what empirical
findings will they be based? What will the standards of
quality be?"
In the opinion of this writer, instructional technolo
gists are in an excellent position to lead the way toward
answers to these questions— along both philosophical and
empirical avenues. The systems approaches for instructional
design, a concern for accurate methodologies and empirical
research, involvement with technical training programs that
'are already used on an international scale in many areas,
and a concern for cost-effectiveness and marketability, are
Lnly four of the qualities that make instructional
technologists suitable leaders for such a global under4= "
taking.
A second assumption of this writer is that diversity
among cultures is both desirable and inevitable. There
appears to be little impetus toward and even less evidence
for a "one-world culture" in the world today. Cultural
Lifferences may become more subtle in the generations ahead,
out subtlety only underscores the need for materials that
are sensitive to cultural distinctives and to the nuances
154
of cultural change.
The third assumption of this writer is that global-
curriculum materials that accommodate diversity of culture
are desirable, but not necessarily inevitable. Such
materials will not be created without some means of
determining the relationship between cultural values and
educational processes and then accommodating value-oriental
tion differences as they are recognized. That is the
challenge at hand.
155
NOTES
1 Studies dealing with student attitudes have tended
to focus on student attitudes about teachers and
subject matter. In teacher-rating studies, student
"liking" for a teacher (based to a great extent on
personality traits) does not appear to correlate
with achievement. It appears, however, that these
studies look at student attitudes far more than
teacher attitudes. The appraisal of student-teacher
relationships (both sets of attitudes) has not
drawn significant attention. See Galej s and
Hegland (1982) and Thomas, White and Morgan (1982).
Studies concerning student attitudes about
subject matter nearly always provide correlations
between attitudes and achievement or cite
changes in attitudes over the lifespan of a
specific task or experience. It is unclear
whether student attitudes influence success with
a task or student success with a task generates
a positive attitude. In most of these studies,
attitudes are used as a means of appraising the
way things "are"— whereas values are generally
directed more toward the way things "ought to
be. "
i2 See MacDonald-Ross and Smith (19 77) for a thorough
bibliography of graphics research.
|3 "Cost" in this usage is determined by comparing
I three items: total cost of production and
distribution for an instructional unit, total
audience use, and total degrees of student
achievement. A cheaply produced product used
by millions with no results is considered an
expensive waste.
4 See Chein (1954) , Pierce (1968) , Sommer (1969) ,
David and Wright (1974) and Metzger et al. (1979)
for examples of studies in this area.
See Knirk (1979) and Weinstein (1979) for
examples of studies in this area.
156
"Effectiveness" as used here refers to the
greatest quantity with the fewest errors.
"Efficiency" refers to the maximal use of
time, motion, energy, and financial
resources in the process of producing an
item or meeting an objective.
Many different concepts of "attitude" have been
stressed in definitions put forth by various
authors, To some it is a "set" of the organism
toward an object or situation that calls for
adjustnient (Lundber, 1929). To others,
"attitude" is a "readiness to act" (Warren, 1934),
an evaluation tendency (Bogardus, 1931; Fishbein
and Ajzen, 1972), or an enduring state of mental
organization (Centril, 1934). Each of these
definitions is stated fully in Allport (1935)
and the definition used in ttiis study is based
on Allport's own comprehensive definition :
"An attitude is a mental or neural state of
readiness, organized through experience,
exerting,a directive or dynamic influence upon
the individual's response to all objects and
situations with which it is related" (Allport,
1935). An attitude is generally regarded as
having three components: cognitive, affective,,
and behavioral, but in most cases, the cognitive
dimension is emphasized as a precursor to
behavior. A value as defined by Oskamp (1977)
is an "important life-goal or standard.,.
toward,which the individual has a strong
positive attitude. ...Values are the most
important and central elements in a person's
system of attitudes and beliefs" (page 13).
Time appears to be the key factor in the
process approach. Those who see change
occurring over generations may be regarded as
those who see little possibility for within-
generation remediation or compensation. Those
who see change possible within a generation
tend to pursue active means for achieving change.
Both high and low SES stratified groupings
received instruction in full-classT-lecture,
small-girpup, and individualized instructional
formats. The individualized instructional format
was defined as an "open class."
|lO It should also be noted that Condon and Yousef
made no claims that their classification scheme
157
was aither definitive or exhaustive, nor did
they claim that any one vertical or columnar
orientation was mutaally exclusive. They
allQwed; theoretical room for many variations
in value Qrientatipn (i.e., different
combinations of values).
11 According to Condon and Yousef, "individualism"
is based on the concept of "identical
representation in the field." Each person
perceives he or she has a "separate but equal
place in society." "Individuality," as a
distinct concept, exists when each person
perceives he or she has the freedom "to act
differently within the limits set by the social
structure" (page 65). Individualism appears
to be related to the "freedom to be alone,"
whereas individuality appears to be related to
a "freedom to be unique."
12 Bany and Johnson (1964) cite five properties
for groups: communication, structure, norms,
cohesiveness, and goals. "Goal orientations"
might be considered a subgroup of the fifth
property (see pages 33-39).
13 According to Cave and Chesler (1974): "Structure
is the composition, arrangement, and balance of
components or units...the idea of structure is
important for many of the same reasons that
regularity in social life is important--people
do not behave in accidental, random ways but
in certain observable patterns and forms of
relationships" (page 14). Cole and Scribner
(1974) note that "perception, memory, and
thinking all develop as part of the general
socialization of a child and are inseparably
bound up with the patterns of activity,
communication, and social relations into which
he enters" (page 8).
14 The question may arise as to how authority
structures relate to "locus of control," a
psychological construct that pertains to how
an individual perceives the link between his
personality and behavior and the consequences
of that behavior— i.e., whether he accepts
responsibility for his actions. An "external"
person believes he has little control over his
fate and fails to perceive a cause-and-effect
relationship between his behavior and subsequent
158
conseguénçes. An "internal" person, sees a
high correlation between his effort and rewards
or punishments and believes he or she is a
master of his or her own fate. See Rotter
(1966). Locus of control effects are possible
in both rigidly structured and loosely structured
environments. Locus of control assigns blame;
it,does not indicate preference for a learning
environment, Locus of authority, a much broader
concept, indicates the focus of control in the
learning environment for the defining of tasks,
the establishing of rewards, the setting of
goals, and the delineation of communication
patterns for task groups. Locus of authority
is directly related to decision making within
a group.
15 For example, a student in a small group of four
persons has a statistically ideal opportunity
to speak every fourth utterance in the group
process. In a situation where one teacher is
engaged in communication with 28 students, each
student has only one seventh the communication
opportunity as his small-group counterpart.
Bales (1949) provided a means of statistically
charting communication flow in terms of volume
and frequency of utterances per person in a
group--a method labeled "interaction process
analysis." Each of the learning environment
formats cited in this chapter could also be
subjected to this type of proportional analysis
as a part of identifying communication flow.
16 Says Kneller, "Culture is at'.once the creation
of man and the condition of human living"
(page 42). He defines enculturation as the
"internalization of culture"--a process that
goes beyond socialization to encompass an
unconscious or conscious conditioning exercised
within the limits of a given body of custom.
The educational process is both direct and
indirect, explicit and implicit, and can occur
in the assimilation of a young person to the
adult stage of a culture or in the assimilation
of a new adult to the culture.
17 Unknown to the researcher, a campusr-newspaper
editorial published the previous week had
called into question the use of Social Security
numbers as part of the academic testing process.
Some 35 students chose to provide only the first
159
five digits of their Social Secgrity numbers
and in all cases these could be matched with
the previously completed cultural-yalue-
orientation questionnaires.
18 Six of the sections receiving the presentation
had not completed the values questionnaires
but these classes were taught nevertheless as
a matter of goodwill with the English
Department. Of the 18 sections that participated
in both parts of the study, incomplete forms due
to absenteeism, either on the questionnaire day
or queSt-instruetion day accounted for the
elimination of subjects from the subject pool.
In addition, students from other countries (as
indicated by the home-state demographic question)
were eliminated.
19 It was somewhat surprising to this researcher to
find that the mean pretest score was 3.98,
Thinking perhaps that a completely different
definition of "good writing" had been taught
to the English 101 students, I conducted an item
analysis for the pretest concept questions. The
results indicated that the students held no
agreement on the qualities of good writing at
the time they took the pretest. Errors were
distributed almost evenly among the alternative
answers to seven of the eight questions. For
the remaining concept question, errors were
almost evenly divided between two of the four
answer choices. In breaking down the error
frequencies by concept (questions 1-7 and 10)
and procedure (questions 8 and 9), I found
concept error at 55,87 percent and procedure
error at 77,42 percent, I concluded that the
great majority of the students were unfamiliar
with the Flesch scales and that they were only
in marginal agreement with the Flesch concepts
about good writing. This appeared to be an
encouraging situation for the study, although
perhaps a disparaging conclusion for English 101
instructors,
20 "Charismatic" generally refers to a perceived
personal experience with the Holy Spirit, the
third member of the Trinity in the Christian
faith (i.e.. Father, Son, and Holy Spirit),
From its foundation. Oral Roberts University has
advocated a life-style that encourages mani
festations generally accorded to the Holy Spirit :
160
value traits known as, "fruits of the Spirit/'
and the operation of various "gifts" of the
Holy Spirit, most notably the working of
miracles, inspired utterances, and supernatural
acts of deliverance,
21 This study was conducted by the ORU Office of
Student Services, Some 35 percent of the students
indicated that the Charismatic tenor of ORU's
life-style was the foremost factor in their
decision to attend the university. (Based on
1982 findings.)
22 The fruits of the Holy Spirit are specifically
listed as character traits of love, joy, peace,
longsuffering, goodness, meekness, temperance,
gentleness, and faith in Galatians 5:22 of the
King James Version of the Bible.
23 Accelerated Christian Education, Inc., is
located at 25000 Ace Lane, Lewisville, TX
75067. A Beka Publications is an outgrowth of
Pensacola Christian College, 12 5 St, John
Street, Pensacola, FL 32503.
161
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177
APPENDIX A
The Values Questionnaire
178
SOCIAL SECURITY NUMBER _______ ________ _
IThe following questionnaire is part of a research study that
|wiil help ORU faculty and staff to create materials for use '
by healing teams, It concerns your opinions and values,
Please give it ypur sincere attention and effort. The
questionnaire will require about 1/2 hour. Your responses
will be kept in strict confidence.
Evaluate each statement with a number from 1 to 10,
1 yirtually go agreement with the statement,
10 - very strong agreement with the statement.
Please use whole numbers from 1 to 10. Thank you for your
help and opinions !
Level of
Agreement
1, I think it ' s important to develop relationships
within a conununity so that everybody must rely
on others to some degree,
2, The ideal way for a society to operate would
be if each person could be mostly self-
sufficient and not a burden to others,
3, Doing is more important than "being,"
4, When I have a family of my own, I expect the
roles to be traditional according to sex and
age: husband/ wife, children,
5, Being young (under 30) has more advantages
than being older.
6, Men and women have equal advantages and
responsibilities in our society,
7, Authority in a family should reside equally
with each person.
8, The best way for a society to,operate is for
each person to have an identity but the group
should be more important than any one person,
9, I enjoy academic competition with each person
working alone,
10, Man will eyentually be able to understand all
179
^aspects ofnature.
11. Being is more important than "doing."
12. Being older (over 50) has more advantages than
being younger.
|l3. When I have a family of my own, I want each
person to be regarded as a unique, independent
person with no set roles.
|14. I like it best when I am part of a small group
working on school assignments.
|l5. The order of everything in the universe is
within our ability to grasp.
il6. Women have more advantages and responsibili
ties than men in our society.
|17. In most cases, man dominates nature and uses
it for his own purposes.
18. Authority in a family should reside with the
oldest person.
il9. Studying with an older, more experienced tutor
is the most productive method for most people.
20. I believe most property should be privately
owned and controlled.
21. The basics of human nature never change.
22. I usually think about and plan what I'm going
I to do.
23. My favorite social situations are informal
and spontaneous.
|24. Sometimes I like to use intermediaries (go-
betweens) in social and business relationships,
25. Nature is generally something specific and
concrete that confronts me at all times.
26. I think more about the future than the past
or present.
27. The supernatural controls the natural.
180
28. We acquire meaniug in life according tP put
spiritual depth.
29. The nature Pf man is gpod,
30. Host people have equal moments of happiness and
sadness,
31. I like to belong to Ipts of groups--generally
for a shout time in each group,
32. Being middle-aged (30-50) has more advantages
than being young pr old,
33. Men have more advantages and responsibilities
than women in our society.
34. When I have a family of my own, 1 want each
person to have a fairly permanent well-defined
role,
35. I like it best when I can work on a subject
alone and at my own pace, with no competition,
36. Authority in a family should reside with a
designated person,
37. Studying alone is the most productive method
for most people,
38. The universe is a great mystery and we will
never have more than a few clues,
39. Showing progress is more important than where
you begin qr end,
40. Nature runs like a giant machine with clock
work precision,
41. My favorite social situations are those that
are planned and well ordered--more formal in
nature,
42. The best order for society is giving and
receiving continuously with every person
involved,
43. I usually use common sense as a basis for my
actions.
44. In most cases, man lives in harmony with nature.
181
45. There is a limit to the amount of potential
good in life.
46. I try always,to use good intermediaries in
social and business dealings.
47. I usually react instinctively and intuitively
to situations as they happen--without much
forethought,
48. The best way to organize a family is to change
roles as circumstances arise.
49. I don't enjoy moving unless circumstances
dictate a move is necessary,
50. Nature is a rhythm of growing and dying seasons
that are never entirely predictable.
51. My favorite social situations are sometimes
informal, sometimes formal--depending on my
mood and the activity,
52. In most cases, nature ultimately rules over
man.
53. Studying with a group is the most productive
method for most people,
54. Nature is only a reflection of an unseen
spiritual reality.
55. The best order for society is giving and taking
spontaneously without prescribed rules,
depending on need.
56. I like to belong to just a few groups for a long
period of membership in each group,
57. I believe most property should be owned by the
community as a whole,
58. The nature of man is evil.
59. Most of life is sad with a few bright moments.
60. Some aspects of human nature are fixed,
61. Nature is generally something abstract that I
don't think about very much.
182
62. The best order for society is giving and
I receiving along well-ordered lines from
I the have's to the have-not's.
I
63. I never like to use intermediaries (go-
I betweens) in social and business
j relationships.
|64. I think more about the past than the present
I or future.
65. Man has the power to forge his own life.
66. We acquire meaning in life according to our
i mental ability.
pi. The best way to organize a family is in
general terms according to age and sex of
the person.
!
68. I enjoy changing locations from time to time
69. Life has unlimited potential for good.
[ 7 0. I like to have both short-term and long-term
I memberships in groups-— sometimes many groups
I at a time and sometimes only a few.
|71. I believe property useful to the community
j should be owned by the community and the rest
I owned privately.
i72. The nature of man is a mix of good and evil.
j73. Most of life is happy with a few sad moments.
I
[74. A person's nature is always changing and
; growing.
75. Nature is something I study consciously and
I yet experience without studying it at all.
i
76. I think about the present and tend to ignore
the past and future.
i
77. Unregulated circumstances throughout the
I universe ultimately control man's destiny.
I
78. We acquire meaning in life through our physical
senses and experiences.
183
'7 9. Life is always an equal mix of good luck and;
j bad luck.
Iso. I don't like moving at all and would do
I anything to avoid it.
|81. The best way to organize a family is to forn/'^
I each :person to have a fairly permanent well-
I defined role.
PLEASE MARK AN "X" IN THE APPROPRIATE BOX, AGAIN, YOUR
RESPONSES WILL BE KEPT CONFIDENTIAL.
|82. AGE: £1 17-19 T j 20-21 £ 1 over 21 £ £ / under 17
83. FAMILY INCOME LEVEL: f~~J under $15,000 per year
/ / $15,000-$40,000 per year
J J more than $40,000 per year
/ / inner city
/ / suburb
/ / countryside
/ / small town
,85. THE NUMBER OF CHILDREN IN MY FAMILY (including myself): j
i / / 1-2 / / 3-4 / / 5 or more
!
- * 8 6
/ /
1st born
/ / 2nd born
/ /
3rd born
/ /
4 th born
/ /
5 th born
/ /
other
87, MY HOME STATE OR NATION IS:
88. I WOULD CLASSIFY MY PARENTS AS: j
/_/ easy-going, extremely democratic i
' / / strict but fair--open to suggestions !
I /_/ very strict, make all decisions |
I j
89. I WOULD CLASSIFY MY HOMELIFE AS A CHILD AS: !
j
I / 7 Christian |
I ____/_/ moral-ethical but not Christian i
1 / / non-Christian and mixed in values I
I 184
!
|90. I WOULD CLASSIFY MY RAMILY AS:
I / / each person fairly independent
I /__/ some, reliance on one another but; different
activities
/ / very closeknit
92, MY RELATIONSHIPS WITH MY BROTHERS AND SISTERS CAN BE
DESCRIBED AS:
airly competitive /~~7 only child
/ /
r_/
MY .
/ /
/ /
/ /
93. MY AVERAGE GRADE-POINT AVERAGE IN HIGH SCHOOL:
2.5-3.0
/ / under 2.5
Again, thank you for your cooperation. The results of the
overall survey will be shared with you at a later date.
185
APPENDIX B
The Instrqçtional Unit;
Pretest, Instructional
Content, and Posttest
186
'NAME____________ GOOD WRITING
MODULE #4
ISOCIAL SECURITY NUMBER
QUIZ
Choose the answer and write the letter in the space
jprovided to the left,
1______1. Good college-level writing is generally
j characterized by
1 a, longer sentences with shorter words
! b, longer sentences with longer words
j c, shorter sentences with shorter words
; d. shorter sentences with longer words
I
I______2. The hallmarks of good writing are
I a. the writing is as objective as possible
: b, the writing is equal to the reader's ability
Lto read
{ c, the writing is concerned with an important
I subject
d, the writing is easy to read and interesting
to read
3, The difficulty of a passage is most directly
related to
a. the length of words and sentences
b. the topic under discussion
c, àI lack of early training in reading
d, the degree of education of the writer
___4, A way to infuse interest in a college-level
writing style is
a, use many personalized words
b, maintain strict third-person objectivity
c. use a vocabulary befitting a highly educated
person
d. avoid dialog and use of questions
187
5. Good college-level writing is generally written at
a. grade 6 or below
b. grade 6-12
c. grade 13 or above
d. whatever grade the writer chooses
6. When it comes to evaluating whether writing is
interesting
a. interest is something that can rarely be
evaluated
b. interest really doesn’t matter as long as
the passage communicates
c. interest is determined by the reader and
his or her interests
d. interest is determined by the writer and
his or her interests
7. Good college-level writing is generally
a. subjective and detailed
b. depersonalized and objective
c. explanatory and third-person
d. personal and reader-involving
______8, Techniques that a writer can use to evoke mental
action in a reader include :
a, making sentences long so as to cause
concentration
b, interspersing quizzes in the text of
the passage
c, asking questions and using dialog
d, using many headlines and subheads
The final two questions pertain to the following sample
of writing.
This brings us to the question of differing
theological interpretations. As to the rules, we
should expect differing interpretations and
applications because the rules are relative to
our individual situation and calling. For
example, we are commanded, "Judge not'" This
commandment applies differently to a Christian
who is an elder or deacon in a local church body
with authority to discipline a church member who
is openly living in sin as contrasted with a
Christian who is not a member of that church body,
Christian liberty allows relative application of
188 1
rules. As to the foundational principle, however^
we must never be satisfied with less than oneness
of mind. With great humility we must each
continuously seek a better understanding of God's
principles so that the Church Universal can have
the mind of Christ, without division, as to the
absolute truths, even though our relative
applications in the practical rules for everyday
living may differ.
For example, Christians may differ on how
the absolute principle against adultery applies
to divorce. As long as we argue at the rules
and conduct level, we probably will continue to
be divided by our disagreement and not work
together effectively to strengthen marriages in
order to prevent divorce.
(From an article in
the Journal of
Christian Jurisprudence)
9. The fog index for the above passage would be
approximately.
a. moderately easy
b. difficult
c. extremely difficult
d. don't know
10. The interest index score for the above passage
would be approximately
a. dramatic
b. interesting
c. dull
d. don't know
ANSWER KEY TOPPOSTTEST QUIZ
1. c 6. C
2. D 7. D
3. A 8. C
4. A 9. B
5. B 10. B
189
GOOP WRITING
MODULE, #4
How to Make Your Writing
FOG-FREE AND INTERESTING
In this English course, you have been concentrating on
your writing skills. Two characteristics of good writing
are these :
1) Good writing is easy to,read,
i 2) Good writing is interesting to read.
I
I Contrary to what many students think, well-crafted
(papers don’t need to be--and shouldn’t be--dull or difficult!
to understand. They don't need to be filled with big words
or stiff phrases. In fact, big words and stilted language
should be avoidedI
But how do you know if your.writing is easy to read?
How can you tell if its fun to read for others?
Those are questions we're going to tackle today.
If you were planning to build a cabinet or sew a dress,
you'd be concerned about measurements. Chances are you'd
use a 12-inch rule as a measurement gauge. If you were
measuring ingredients for a cake or chemical proportions in
ja lab, you'd use a volume measure such as "ounces" or
I'cups."
I In writing, we also have measuring devices. One gauge
iis called the FOG INDEX, It is used to measure how
, difficult it is to see through your writing. The more
(difficult your writing, the foggier it is.
i The other gauge is the INTEREST INDEX, As the name
indicates, this gauge is used to tell how interesting your
writing is to others.
I
Both of these indexes were developed by Rudolf Flesch
in 1949. They've been around for awhile I And they've been
,used by many popular magazines and trade publications to
[improve readability, and thereby, increase readership and
circulation. (In case you weren't aware...magazines use
190
gauges such as these to increase their business... so there's
no reason you can't use them to increase your grades.)
These two measuring sticks for writing are tools that
you can use to figure out for yourself whether you are
making progress « in this course. As the weeks go by, you'll
want to work to
decrease the fog
and
increase the interest
'of the papers you write. Here's how to use these tools....
iTHE FOG INDEX
j Fog is the number of syllables and words you have to
^ade through in order to get to the meaning of a sentence,
paragraph, or paper. The more difficult the writing style,
the foggier it is. The easier the writing style, the
^clearer the meaning.
Two factors determine fog:
1) length of sentences
2) average number of syllables per 100 words.
The reasoning is this: the longer the sentence, the
longer it takes to digest mentally and the more difficult
lit is to grab hold of the meaning. The shorter the sentence
I t he quicker and easier it is to understand.
! Secondly, the more syllables for the reader to wade
Ithrough, the longer and more difficult the task of reading
the entire sentence. Long words tend to act as mental road
blocks in a sentence.
j The best writing has plenty of quick ideas... short, |
quick sentences... and short, quick words. I
I I
I Of course you'll want variety in sentence length. Too :
many "SEE JANE RUN" sentences will come across as choppy. •
And sometimes a multisyllable word is necessary for accuracy!
'of meaning. We're talking about overall averages in a paper!
or book. As a general rule, work to keep your average down.
Keep the average sentence length on the short side. Keep
|the average word length on the short side, too.
I
1 The FOG INDEX chart is on the next page. You'll be
referring to it in the exercises that follow.
191
The Fog Index
Reading
Ease
Score
Syllables
Per 100
Words
-'140
•-145
-.150
Words Per
f a i r l y.
EASY
STANDARD
--160
STANDARD
10--10
f a i r l y,
DIFFICULT
40.-
20'"20
20" '
VERY
CULT
200 JL
c 1949 by Rudolf Flesch
Used with publisher
permission.
192
Here's how to use the FOG INDEX:
1. Choose a passage of 100 words from a
paper you have written or from a book,
2. Count the number of sentences. Include
the last sentence even if it isn't
completed within the 100 words.
3. Figure the average sentence length,
100 words divided by the number of
sentences equals the average sentence
length
or
100 words . . T
number of " average sentence length
sentences
4. Count the number of syllables used to
make up the 100 words.
EXAMPLE : I/like/beau/ti/ful/or/na/ments.
= 8 syllables
5. Write down the total number of syllables.
NOW REFER TO THE FOG INDEX SCALE ON THE
PREVIOUS PAGE.
6. Put a dot on the "Words per Sentence"
scale for the number you figured as an
I average sentence length.
j 7. Put a dot on the "Syllables per 100
j words" scale for the number of syllables
you counted.
j
I 8. Connect the two dots (use a rule or
edge of your paper) and see where you
I fall on the "Reading Ease" gauge.
I
This step-by-step formula results in a general ao'\rii-
^appraisal of reading difficulty that is related to grade
llevel in school. See the table below tbesee what level of
jeducation is required for a reader to understand the passage
jof writing you select, __________ _____________________
193
Fog Index Table
Description of Average Average Reading Reading
Writing Style Sentence Nufhber of Ease Grade
Length Syllables
per 100
words
Score Estimate
Very Easy 8 or less 123 or less 90-100 5 th
Easy 11 131 80-90 6 th
Fairly Easy 14 139 70-80 7 th
Standard 17 147 60-70 8th-9th
Fairly Difficult 21 155 50-60 lOth-llth
Difficult 25 167 30-50 college
Very Difficult 29 oremore 192 or more 0-30 grad
By the way, the Bible is written at about "85" (6th-
grade) and most newspapers and popular magazines are aimed
lat 6th to 8th grade levels, as are many novels. Most
writers agree that good writing should require less than
112th grade reading ability. Even the best educated people
|read more of a paper (and get more out of a paper) that is
written at 12th grade level or under.
Let's try an example;
SAMPLE #1
These/find/ings/have/im/por/tant/ 1
im/pli/ca/tions/for/gen/er/al/
pe/di/a/trie/train/ing./The/
res/i/dents /con/sis/ten/tly/high/ ;
ra/tings/on/re/le/vance/sug/gests/
that/they/en/tered/the/train/ing.
pro/gram/with/pos/i/tive/o/pin/ions/
ja/bout /the/rel/e/vance/of/be/ha/vior/ 3.
jand/de/vel/op/ment/con/cepts/to/
ipe/di/a/tric/prac/tice/and/that/
jthey/main/tained/these/con/vie/tions/
>through/out/the/train/ing./ These/ 4.
views/may/be/u/nique/to/this/sam/ple/
of/res/i/dents/and/may,/there/fore,/
be/at/tfi/bu/ted/to/the/ad/mis/sions/
cri/te/ri/a/used/to/se/leet/ap/pli/cants/
to/the/Duke/U/ni/ver/si/ty/Ped/i/a/tric/
Train/ing/Pro/gram./Or/they/may/mean/that/
This passage
100 words.
I S
Note the number
of sentences.
There are FOUR.
The average
sentence length
is 25 words.
The number of
syllables is 196.
194]
jphy/si/cians/at/tract/ed/to/
:ped/i/a/tric/prac/tice/a/gree/
a/bout/the/im/por/tance/of/
be/ha/vior/and/de/vel/op/ment/
train/ing/and/a/bout/its/
pli/ni/cal/u/ti/li/ty.
I REFER TO THE FOG INDEX CHART PAGE.
{ 5. See the "x" for "Words per Sentence"
I (Average sentence length).
6. See the "dot" for number of syllables,
7. When we connect them, we find reading
ease at 13 or "very difficult"
classification.
8. By referring to the table on the
previous page, we see that this piece
of writing is written at COLLEGE
GRADUATE level.'
(The selection used was from an article in
the Journal of Medical Education--a graduate-
level publication.)
Now here's one for you to try. Fill in the blanks
below.
PASSAGE OF WRITING;
Many people come and ask me whether I
have the gift of faith, or the gift of healing.
But I've searched through my heart and so far
I have not found any gift in me. I believe
that is because it is the Holy Spirit who has
the gifts, all nine of them. He dwells within
us, and within me. The Holy Spirit manifests
Himself through me. I do not have any of the
gifts, only the Holy Spirit, and I just obey
Him, and believe in Him.
What kind of gift do I have? I will tell
you the one gift I have--the gift of boldness.
With this gift of boldness we just launch out
by faith. Then the Holy Spirit is going to
follow after us. The Bible does not say that
a sign shall go ahead of you. The Bible says
195
that a sign shall follow you, You must
go ahead so that the sign can follow you.
Abide by the law of incubation, and
throughout your life watch as sign after
sign follows your path of faith.
(This selection is from
the bopk The Fourth
Dimension by Dr. Paul Cho)
1. Count off 100 words. (Use the first 100.)
2. How many sentences are included in the 100
words ?______________
3. What is the average sentence length?
(Note: Divide 100 by the number of sentences,)
4. How many syllables are in the 100 words ?______
5. Refer to the main chart for the FOG INDEX.
6. Mark "Words per sentence."
7. Mark the number of syllables.
8. Connect the two marks,
9. This sample is written at . It is a
"_______________ " writing style and requires a
j reader to have _________ -grade reading ability.
(Turn to the next page to see if your answers match mine.
I If you don't have the same answers, let me make some
(suggestions.
I
I 1) Doublecheck your math.
I 2) Doublecheck your counting of sentences,
I words, and syllables in the passage.
I 3) Review the sample exerciseC'agaihv-
! 4) Try another passage from one of your
textbooks.
196
I ANSWERS TO PREVIOUS EXAMPLE:
i
i Nuniber of sentences: 8
I Average sentence length: 12,5
j Syllables in passage; 119
Written at 90-95, It is a "very essy" writing
style and requires a readier to have 5th-grade
reading ability.
I THE INTEREST INDEX
I Interest is something within the reader, not the
'writer. You might think you’ve written a Pulitzer-prize
■winning manuscript, but if it puts a reader to sleep,
(chances are you won't get the award.
I What are the keys to interesting writing? Two of the
main ones are:
1) Personalized words
2) Sentences that require a reader to
take mental action.
Let's deal with these keys one at a time.
PERSONALIZED WORDS. Everybody likes to be "number
one." It's part of the human ego. Personalized words are
those words that make a reader feel you are talking straight:
to him or her...and that makes the reader feel good. Here
are some examples :
Personalized NOT Personalized
Pronouns : I, me, my The person
you, your. The one
yours The student
Names : Jim, Joe, The girl
Jane, Jean The boy
Nouns : The blonde ■ The woman
The mailman The man
Group Names: The P.T.A. The club
Their church
youth group
The group
197
Your goal as a writer is to communicate, You know from
your everyday communication experiences that you like to be
around people who are warm and, friendly. They are willing
|to talk about details, not just vague generalities. This
same trait of "warm andffriendly" applies to writing. We
like to read about specific people, places, and things.
Work to make your writing as warm as your smile!
MENTAL-ACTION SENTENCES. Keep your reader awake !
pause him or her to respond.
How?
1) Ask the reader questions (that the reader
must answer).
2) Issue commands that call for action.
3) Make requests that force response,
4) Use dialog (that causes anticipation
for the next response),
5) Use exclamation ! (Let the reader know
how you feel if you feel deeply !)
6) Include the reader as part of the
process.
Here are some examples :
Mental Action
Question :
Command
Request :
Dialog :
Are you ready?
Turn the page.
Imagine a dirty
three-legged
dog.
NOT Mental Action
Assuming that the '
reader is ready, the '
writer will now... |
As the reader goes onI
to the next page, he '
will... I
A dirty-three-legged ■
dog is an example
of. . ,
"I'm not going," The girl refused to
Joy said go.
stubbornly.
1981
Mental Action NOT Mental Action
Feeling: Ouch! A person will
experience pain if.
Involvement : Let's move Below the reader
along.., will find...
You'll find the INTEREST INDEX on the next page.
This chart will be used for calculating examples. First,
an explanation about how to use it....
1. Choose a passage of 200 words.
2. Count the number of personal words
(such as those given in the examples
on the previous page and above).
3. Figure the percentage of the total:
^ ^ = percentage of personal
words
4. Count the number of sentences in the
2 00 words.
5. Count the number of ACTION sentences.
6. Again, figure percentage :
t d M r s K - g- egg-iy - = percentage of action
sentences
REFER TO THE INTEREST INDEX ON THE
NEXT PAGE.
7. Mark the percentage of PERSONAL WORDS
on the scale to the left.
8. Mark the percentage of ACTION SENTENCES
on the scale to the right.
9. Connect the dots using a straight-edge rule.
10. Determine the Interest Score.
199
1
Percent of
Personal
Words
25-
24 .
-25
- 24
23.. 23
22 .. 22
21-- 21
20'
19.. 19
18-• 18
17.- 17
16.. 16
15-- 15
14.-14
13-- 13
12-- 12
11.- 11
10-- 10
9-- 9
8.- 8
7--7 ]
6-- 6
5-- 5
4--4 '
3-- 3
2-
1-
0.
“ 1
. 0
DRAMATIC
VERY
INTERESTING
MILDLY
I N T E R E S T I N G
DULL
The Interest Index
Human
Interest
Score
00-- 100
9 ^ .90 /
8CL - 8K (
70.-70
60..60
50--50 J
40-- 40 ^
30-- 30
2 0-- 20 -
10.
i - J
0-- 0 J
'DRAMATIC
.VERY
INTEREST
INTERESTING
MILDLY
INTERESTING
DULL
Percent of
Action
Sentences
100 --100
90 .-90
80 ..80
70 ,.70
s60. .60
-50
40^ L40
30 .-30
20 .-20
10 -
-10
0 .-0
c 194 9 by Rudolf Flesch
Used with publisher
permission
200
The chart below will
score you have calculated,
help you déterminé the interest
Description of
Style
Dull
[Mildly’
I interesting
jinteresting
'Highly
‘ interesting
I
'Dramatic
Interest Index Table
Percent of Percent of
"Personal "Personal
Words"
2 or less
4
7
10
Sentences"
0
5
15
43
177" dr more 58 or more
Human Typical
Interest Magazine
Score
0^10 science
10-20 trade
20^40 digests
40-60 popular
magazines
60-100 fiction
I Your goal in writing is to move your papers into the
interesting" and "highly interesting" categories. Even try
for "dramaticJ" And avoid "dull" at all costs.
j
, Let's try ans amp lie
PASSAGE OF WRITING;
There was now little 1 could do. Hooligans
blocked access to the prayer line and ridiculed
anyone who got through. The mob was out to
get me and they felt their opportunity was at
hand. When the service was finally dismissed,
local ministers feared for my life and advised
me to go by a different route and in a différent
car to mylodging.
As started to leave, 1 looked back and
saw the car 1 normally rode in being rocked
back and forth as the mob sought to turn it over
Suddenly 1 said, "Where is Evelyn?"
When they told me she was in the car they
were attacking, I was furious that I had
201
consented to leave separately, I had thought
surely someone would take care of her,
1 said, "Stop this car' I'm getting
out. Mob or no mob I will not leave wife
alone."
The ministers grabbed arm and one of
them said, "Brother Roberts, they will not
hurt your wife. They are not interested in
her. It is Oral Roberts they want. You must
stay in the car if you value your life I" About
that time one of the mob discovered...,
(From the book The Call
by Oral Roberts)
1. This passage is 2 00 words.
2. The number of personalized words underlined
is 41 .
3. The percentage of personalized words is
therefore 20,5%. (41 divided by 200 is 20.5)
4. The number of sentences is 16 «,
5. The number of action sentences is 7 .
6. The percentage of action sentences is 42.5%.
(7 divided by 16 is 42.5)'
7. Refer to the INTEREST INDEX. ■ <
8. Mark an X for the percentage of personal words
on the chart to the left.
9. Mark a dot for the percentage of action
sentences on the chart to the right.
10, Connect the dots.
11. The results? An interest score of about 90 .
12. According to the table, this passage is
"dramatic." It is typical of the kind of writing
you would find in fiction.
202'
Here is a sample for you to tty ;
PASSAGE OF WRITING;
Where will my piece be printed?
Normally, if your publication is a simple
printing job (1 or 2 colors of ink and without
photos) it will be printed at the OREA Print
I Shop. Whenever a special kind of paper is
j requested, you will be charged extra for
1 ordering that paper. When your job requires
I special touches, your job will be sent to an
I outside printer.
j Plan ahead!
I
Length of time needed for publishing an
item varies with the project. Please
recognize the abundance of projects handled
by University Publications, Graphic Arts,
Photography!/. TRACO, the Print Shop, and outside
printers. Help us establish realistic,
appropriate priorities for projects from your
area.
Where should I take my request for a
printed item?
Please bring your request for printed
items directly to the Office of University
Publications. We will assist you in securing
costs, processing requisitions, and coordinating
the project from beginning to end.
Please do NOT take your request directly
to the CIS Graphic Arts Department unless it
is a non-printing job such as a chart, graph,
sign, illustration, or other similar item.
Also, please do not take or send your
request directly to the Print Shop, unless it
is for an.,.
(From the procedures
manual published by the
Office of University
Publications at Oral
Roberts University, Tulsa)
1. This passage has 200 words.
2. The number of personalized words?
203
3. The percentage of personalized words?
4. The number of sentences?__________
5. The number of action sentences?
5. The percentage of action sentences?_________
7. Refer to the Interest Index
8. Mark an X for the percentage of personal words,
9. Mark a dot for the percentage of action sentences.
10. Connect. The results?
Interest score:_______________
The passage is rated as:__________
Check on the next page to see if you calculated the same
answers as I did;
i
I If your answers are incorrect, let me make some
suggestions :
i
: 1)-Doublecheck your math.
j 2) Doublecheck your counting of sentences
! and 'words.
I 3) Doublecheck your evaluation of
I personalized words and action sentences.
i
I 4) Try another passage from a novel or
: textbook.
REVIEW
! In capsule form, here is how to use the FOG INDEX
and INTEREST INDEX:
I
I
I FOG INDEX : 100 words as a sample.
I Figure average length of sentences.
Total the number of syllables.
Compare sentences to syllables on the
FOG INDEX gauge.
204
(ANSWERS TO SAMPLE ON PREVIOUS PAGE :
> Number of personalized words; 34
I Percentage of personalized words: 17%
J Number of sentences ; 13
I Number of action sentences : 6
' Percentage of action sentences: 46%
I Interest score : about 7 5
Rating : dramatic
I And here is a capsule formula for calculating the
{INTEREST INDEX:
1
J
I INTEREST INDEX: 200 words as sample
: Evaluate personalized words
and figure their percentage
Evaluate action sentences and
I figure their percentage.
I Compare the percentages of the
personalized words and
; action sentences on the ~ "
' gauge.
Your next challenge, of course, is to take passages
of your own themes and term papers and evaluate them for
fog and interest levels. Are you a clear or foggy writer?
Are you dramatic or dull?
Perhaps the most important question: Are you
improving? Check your writing in a few weeks. Is it less
foggy? Is it more interesting? Progress is the important
element in your quest for GOOD WRITING skills.
205
■Name_________________ ___________________ GOOD WRITING
I MODULE #4
Social Security Number________________
QUIZ
jChoQse the answer and write the letter in the space
jppoyided to the left,
! ____ _1. Good college^1eye1 writing is generally
characterized by
a, shorter sentences with shorter words
b, longer sentences with shorter words
c, shorter sentences with longer words
d, longer sentences with longer words
2, Good college-level writing is generally written at
a, grade 13 or above reading level
b, grade 6 or below reading level,
c, grade 6--12 reading level
d, whatever grad® level the writer chooses
3, Good CO1lege^1eye1 writing is generally
a, depersopa.liz.ed and objective
b, personal and reader-involving
c, subjective and detailed
d, ejîplanatory and third-person
A way to infuse interest in a college-level writing
style is
a, use a. vocabulary befitting a highly educated
person
b, use many personalized words
c, maintain strict third-person objectivity
d, avoid dialog and use of questions
When it comes to evaluating whether writing is
intsresting
a, interest neally doesn't matter as long as the
passage communicates
206 I
b. interest is determined, by the writer and
his or her interests
c. interest is determined by the reader and
his or her interests
d. interest is something that can rarely be
evaluated
6. The difficulty of a passage is most directly
related to
a. a lack of early reading training in a person's
life
b. the topic under discussion
c. the length of words and sentences
d. the degree of education of the writer
7. Techniques that a writer can use to evoke mental
action in the reader include:
a. extensive use of headlines and subheads
b. making sentences long so as to cause
concentration
c. asking questions and using dialog
d. interspersing quizzes in the text of the
passage
Questions 8 and 9 pertain to this sample of writing;
I visited Odessa several times and learned
that half of the thousand members in the registered
church were charismatic believers. It was my joy
to meet this group recently. About 100 people were
present.
Then the pastor opened up a time of questions
from the congregation. "What do Pentecostal young
people do?" "What do they wear?" "Why are you
wearing a ring?" "Do Pentecostals own television
sets?" I surely needed wisdom, and I was happy to
find no trace of any bigoted, belligerent attitudes.
Throughout the exchange, there was a wonderful
fraternal atmosphere. I noticed that their
preachers did not wear ties, but all were wearing
long-sleeved shirts. I had on a tie, but a short-
sleeved shirt, so I quickly put my jacket on, and
they all laughed.
Since this Odessa group had registered as
charismatics a year before, fifteen had come to
Jesus and had been baptized in the Black Sea. They
207
had a footwashing service with their monthly
communion service, as do the majority of
Pentecostals in the USSR.
We were one in the Spirit. The pastor,
in closing, said, "This was like being on the
mountain with Jesus." They wanted to build
three tabernacles and remain.
(A passage,from Pentecost
Behind the Iron Curtain
by Dr. Steve Durasoff)
8. The fog index for the above passage would be
approximately
a. difficult
b. extremely difficult
c. moderate
d. don't know
9. The interest index score for the above passage
would be approximately
a. standard interesting
b. dramatic
c. dul1
d. don’t know
10. The hallmarks of good writing are
a. the writing is easy to read and interesting
to read
b. the writing is equal to the reader's ability
to read
c. the writing is concerned with an important
subject
d. the writing is as objective as possible
ANSWER KEY TO PRETEST QUIZ
1. A 6. C
2. C 7. C
3. B 8. C
4. B 9. B
5. C 10. A
208
APPENDIX C
The ORU Code of Honor Pledge
209
The Code of Honor
PLEDGE
One of the objectives of Oral Roberts University
is to maintain a Christian religious ministry.
Compliance with the life-style is an integral part
of its religious ministry.
Recognizing that our Lord and Savior, Jesus
Christ, is the Whole Man, it is my aim to follow
in His footsteps and to develop in the same ways
in which He did: "And Jesus increased in wisdom
and stature, and in favour with God and man"
(Luke 2:52),
I pledge, by the help of God, to work
diligently toward the ideal of the "whole man."
I will apply myself to my studies and endeavor
to develop the full powers of my mind.
I will practice good health habits and
regularly participate in wholesome physical
activities.
I will endeavor to seek the Will of God for
my life and to exemplify Christlike character,
through my daily personal prayer life and study
of the Word of God, and through faithful group
worship on and off campus.
I will yield my personality to the healing
and maturing power of the Holy Spirit and
earnestly strive to manifest God's love toward
my fellowman by following Christ's example to
"do unto others as I would have them do unto me."
I will abide by the rules and regulations
which may from time to time be adopted by the
University Administration. I understand that
attendance at ORU is a privilege and not a right
and that the University reserves the right to
require the withdrawal of a student at any time
if in the judgment of the President of the
University or of the University Discipline
Committee such action be deemed necessary to
210
safeguard the ideals of scholarship or the
moral atmosphere of the University.
I have studied the Code of Honor Pledge
carefully and prayerfully. I understand
I that my signature below is my acceptance of
i the entire Code of Honor and completes a
I contract between me and Oral Roberts
' University which becomes a part of my
permanent file.
Signature: Date:
i
I Print full name

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Asset Metadata

Creator Dargatz, Jan Lynette (author)

Core Title The relationship between cultural-value orientation and achievement in three learning environments: Lecture, small-group, and self-study

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education

Degree Conferral Date 1984-06

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Merrill, M. David (committee chair), McBath, James C. (committee member), Rideout, William O. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c30-270434

Unique identifier UC11227299

Identifier DP24974.pdf (filename),usctheses-c30-270434 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier DP24974.pdf

Dmrecord 270434

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Dargatz, Jan Lynette

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA