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A Comparison Of Female Inmates With And Without Histories Of Prostitution On Selected Psychosocial Variables

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A Comparison Of Female Inmates With And Without Histories Of Prostitution On Selected Psychosocial Variables

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A Beil & Howell Information Company
300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, M l 48106.1346 USA
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A COMPARISON OF FEMALE INMATES WITH AND WITHOUT
HISTORIES OF PROSTITUTION ON SELECTED PSYCHOSOCIAL VARIABLES
by
Michael Arthur Schae£er
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Counseling Psychology)
December 1994
Copyright 1994 Michael Arthur Schaefer
OMI Number: 9601054
Copyright 1994 by
Schaefer, Michael Arthur
All rights reserved.
UMI Microform 9601054
Copyright 1995# by UMI Company. All rights reserved.
This aicrofora edition is protected against unauthorized
copying under Title 17# United States Code.
UMI
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90007
This dissertation, written by
Michael Schaefer
under the direction of k.if. Dissertation
Committee, and approved by all its members,
has been presented to and accepted by The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of re-
quirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Dean of Graduate Studies
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
ii
Acknowledgments
I would first like to acknowledge and thank all the women
at FCI Dublin without whom this study could never have been
performed. Their struggles and strengths continue to inspire
me. I hope this study infuses humanity in a system which at
times looses sight of it.
I would also like to thank and acknowledge the people who
have given me the support and encouragement to complete this
project:
The staff at FCI Dublin demonstrated the utmost
professionalism and provided invaluable support. Dr. Young-
Miller facilitated the implementation of this project and
without her help this project would never have been completed.
Harriet Libowitz was immensely helpful in navigating the
bureaucracy of the Bureau of Prisons. I am indebted to all of
them.
My mentors and role models are deserving of my immense
admiration. Ralph Ihle, Maureen Burris, Cheryl Hennig, and
Camille Clemons-Clayton provided nurturing and support at a
most opportune time. They encouraged my development and
taught me to trust my instincts. Julie DeRose kept me
grounded and believed in me, even when I didn't believe in
myself. David Munoz has been both a personal and professional
inspiration to me. He rekindled in me the passion for
psychology which had become tarnished. I am a better person
for having known them all.
iii
I am immensely grateful to my parents who have supported
me in their own special ways. They encouraged my academic and
professional endeavors wholeheartedly. David Suruki and Kathy
Tatar have always been supportive and encouraging. Max and
Samantha who forewent numerous walks and endured periods of
dissertation neurosis have provided constant unconditional
support.
Finally, I would like to thank my dissertation committee:
Scott Whiteley, Rod Goodyear, and Tim Robertson. Rod Goodyear
and Tim Robertson graciously agreed to join the committee
midway through. Scott provided consistent support throughout
the process and encouraged me to study sexuality even when
others discouraged it.
iv
Table o£ Contents
Acknowledgments............................................ii
List o£ Tables............................. vi
Abstract.................................................. vii
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND REVIEW OF THE
LITERATURE................................................l
Introduction ............... 1
Review of the Literature.............................. 5
Prostitution and Society......................... 5
Theories of Human Sexuality and Prostitution 7
Causes of Female Crime and Prostitution..........31
Impact of Prostitution........................... 46
Statement of the Problem............... 52
Research Questions and Hypotheses..................... 57
CHAPTER TWO: METHOD....................................59
Subjects..............................................59
Selection........................................63
Procedures............................................66
Instrumentation.......................................66
Questionnaire....................................66
Trauma Symptom Inventory......................... 67
Family Environment Scale......................... 69
Tennessee Self-Concept Scale..................... 70
DataAnalysis..........................................72
Research Question One............................ 72
Research Question Two............................ 74
MethodologicalAssumptions............................ 75
Delimitations....................................75
Limitations......................................76
CHAPTER THREE: RESULTS............................... 77
Demographic Characteristics of Subjects................77
Estimated Reliability Coefficients.................... 76
Discriminant Function Analysis........................ 80
Variables by Hypotheses............ 82
Research Question One................... 85
Univariate ANOVAs............................... 89
Research Question Two............................ 90
Selected Additional Findings. ...... .95
Summary..........................................97
CHAPTER FOUR: DISCUSSION............................. 99
Interpretation of Results............................. 99
Research Question One............................ 99
Research Question Two........................... 104
Additional Findings............... 117
V
Limitations, Delimitations, and
Methodological Issues.......................... 118
Theoretical Implications. ....................... 122
Clinical Implications................................ 125
Directions for Future Research........................ 128
References............................................. .131
Appendices
Appendix A: A Written Statement Regarding
Participation in This Research.......... 141
AppendixB: Questionnaire............................ 143
Appendix C: Trauma Symptom Inventory.................148
List o£ Tables
vi
Table
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Marital Status of Subjects by Group
Membership
Ethnicity of Subjects by Group Membership
Differences Between Prostitute and Non-
Prostitute Subjects on Demographic Data
Estimated Reliability Coefficients for
the Trauma Symptom Inventory
Estimated Reliability Coefficients for
the Family Environment Scale
Estimated Reliability Coefficients for
the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale
Variables Included in and Steps Taken to
Formulate the Discriminant Function
Structure Matrix and Standardized &
Unstandardized Canonical Discriminant
Function Coefficients
Mean and Standard Deviations for Prostitute
and Non-Prostitute Groups on Variables
Included in the Questionnaire
Variables Found to Be Statistically
Significant By Univariate ANOVAs
Mean Standard Scores and Standard
Deviations for Prostitute and Non-
Prostitute Groups on the FES
Mean Score and Standard Deviation for
Prostitute and Non-Prostitute Groups on
the TSI
Mean Standard Scores and Standard
Deviations for Prostitute and Non-
Prostitute Groups on the TSCS
Mean and Standard Deviations for Prostitute
and Non-Prostitute Groups on Selected
Psychosocial Variables
Differences Between Prostitute and Non-
Prostitute Groups on Selected Data
Page
61
61
78
79
79
80
84
85
90
91
93
93
94
96
97
vii
Abstract
The causes and consequences of female prostitution have
long been an important area of concern in the areas of
corrections, public policy and psychology. However,
relatively little is known about the female prostitute.
Recent studies estimate that 5 million women in the United
States have engaged in prostitution. Investigators have
hypothesized a relationship between prostitution and negative
educational experiences, poor work history, family
dysfunction, sexual abuse, negative self-concept,
posttraumatic symptomatology, and substance abuse. However,
prior studies have either only measured one variable or did
not adequately control for the effects of extraneous
variables. The purpose of the present study was to
determine what was the optimal set of variables which could be
utilized to predict which female inmates had engaged in
prostitution. Additionally, the study sought to determine
whether significant group differences could be found on
selected psychosocial variables.
Subjects were gathered from the Federal Correctional
Institution, Dublin, California. Two groups of subjects were
formed. One group consisted of subjects with a documented or
Belf-reported history of prostitution, while the second group
consisted of female inmates without such a history. A total
of 62 women agreed to participate in the study: 23 in the
prostitute group and 39 in the non-prostitute group. Subjects
viii
were administered the Trauma Symptom Inventory (Briere, 1991) ,
Family Environment Scale (Moos & Moos, 1986), Tennessee Self-
Concept Scale (Roid & Fitts, 1988) and a demographic and life
events questionnaire designed for this study.
A discriminant function analysis was performed and one
discriminant function was generated which explained
approximately 73% of the variance. The function accurately
predicted group membership 93% of the time. Additionally, the
subjects with a history of prostitution significantly differed
in having completed less education, having been unemployed,
having experienced more family dysfunction, having experienced
more adulthood trauma, having used more drugs, having more
posttraumatic symptomatology, and having a more negative self-
concept than subjects without a history of prostitution.
Additionally, high rates of sexual abuse, physical abuse, and
adulthood domestic violence were reported by members of both
groups. Theoretical and clinical implications are offered as
well as suggestions for future research.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION AND REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction
When people think about crime, many do not think of
women as possible perpetrators of criminal acts. However,
women have been and continue to be incarcerated for a
variety of reasons including murder, robbery, assault, drug
trafficking, and prostitution. To help make sense of this
phenomena (women committing criminal acts), American society
has historically viewed the female offender as a woman gone
bad, attributing her existence to an accident, not a
characterological flaw. The woman was viewed as having been
lead astray by an unscrupulous male (Rasche, 1974). Rasche
(1974) stated that much of female criminal behavior had not
been viewed as "dangerous", but rather "socially offensive"
and as a result ignored. By taking this approach, American
society has, as it has tried to do with male offenders, not
examined what causes women to commit crimes. Additionally
in many cases society has not adequately defined what
constituted "criminal behavior" furthering the confusion
about females who commit crimes. In response to the growing
number of women being incarcerated and the number of violent
crimes being committed by women, society can no longer view
the female offender as a "nuisance" or "woman gone bad". In
order to make sense of the female criminal, society has
employed the paradigm/theory used to explain male
criminality, which views the criminal as having
characterological flaws. This paradigm, although effective
in some cases, has been largely ineffective in explaining
female criminality. The paradigm also does not address some
of the unique needs and issues of the female inmate. In
order to make sense of the female criminal, American society
is now faced with the challenge of first clarifying what
constitutes criminal behavior and then determining what
causes women to engage in these types of behavior(s).
American society continues to define prostitution as a
crime and sanctions it under the law. Funds are spent
policing and enforcing compliance with the law. However,
the prostitute is treated more like a nuisance rather than
"criminal", generally being arrested, booked, then released
without serving significant time in either jail or prison.
It is not uncommon for a prostitute to be arrested several
times in one day. In general, the sanctions for engaging in
prostitution are small fines and "time served". If the
woman continues to be arrested for engaging in prostitution
she may eventually be treated like a "criminal" and be
sentenced to serve time in prison. History has shown that
attempting to eradicate prostitution via legal, punitive
measures is less than effective. Even when harsh
punishments were applied for engaging in prostitution, women
continued to engage in these activities. Yet, American
society continues to utilize police action to attempt to
manage the prostitute. It has yet to be definitively
determined whether prostitution represents criminal
behavior, a "victimless crime", or a symptom of an even
greater psychosocial phenomena.
This dissertation will examine the similarities and
differences between female inmates with and without
histories of prostitution on a variety of psychosocial
measures. An attempt will be made to determine whether the
prostitute exhibits more symptoms of psychological distress
and maladjustment. Additionally, utilizing certain
psychosocial characteristics, this study will attempt to
develop a model to predict those female inmates who have
engaged in prostitution.
WebBter'B New World Dictionary of American.English
(1994) defines prostitution as "the act or practice of
engaging in promiscuous sexual relations especially for
payment". This definition too narrowly defines prostitution
for the purposes of the present study because it does not
specify what constitutes sexual relations, it utilizes the
pejorative term "promiscuous", and it does not clearly
specify what constitutes payment.
The legal definition of prostitution in California can
be found in California Penal Code 647. It defines
prostitution as:
4
a person agrees to engage in an act o£
prostitution when with specific intent to so
engage, he or she manifests an acceptance of
an offer or solicitation to so engage,
regardless of whether the offer or
solicitation was made by a person who also
possessed the specific intent to engage in
prostitution. No agreement to engage in an
act of prostitution shall constitute a
violation of this subdivision unless some
act, besides the agreement, be done within
this state in furtherance of the commission
of an act of prostitution by the person
agreeing to engage in that act. As used in
this subdivision, "prostitution" includes
any lewd act between persons for money or
other consideration (California Penal Code
647) .
This legal definition too does not fully meet the
research needs of the present study. It does not provide a
specific definition of what constitutes prostitution and
relies on subjective judgement as to what constitutes any
lewd act.
This dissertation will use a combination of the two
definitions cited above. A prostitute will be defined as a
person who engages in some form of sexual activity, with any
other person, known or unknown, for immediate or delayed
payment in the form of money or other valuables. The author
realizes that thiB definition, too is quite broad and could
inaccurately include or exclude other forms of sexual
behavior. The definition intentionally does not include any
statement about the etiology of prostitution or its impact
on society.
Review of the Literature
Prostitution and Society
Mankind's earliest writings document that societies
have struggled with the "oldest profession" throughout
history. The Bible and other historical documents make
reference to prostitution and the attempts made to control
this activity. At times throughout history the pendulum has
swung towards the legalization of prostitution, while at
other times, societies have harshly punished prostitutes.
Even under the threat of harsh punishments, however, women
have continued to engage in prostitution and men to utilize
their services, leaving societies unsure of how to handle
the problem (Geer & 0'Donohue, 1988).
A society must determine how it will manage
prostitution. History has suggested the following
approaches as possible options. In one approach, society
makes prostitution a criminal act. Persons who engage in
prostitution are arrested, prosecuted, and jailed. Although
the United States has taken this approach, nearly 35 years
ago the United Nations concluded that prostitution should
not be considered a criminal offense (Rio, 1991).
Historically this approach has been found to be ineffective
in controlling the activity (Rio, 1991). Another approach
is to legalize prostitution and subject it to formal
regulation by the government. The advantages of this
approach are that restrictions such as licensing, location,
c .
advertisement, and health precautions could be taken (Rio,
1991). The disadvantages seen by some are the moral
weakening of the fabric of our society. A final approach is
to decriminalize prostitution and remove it from the
criminal code. This approach overlooks the behavior and
normalizes the activity (Rio, 1991). Prostitutes are no
longer arrested for engaging in this type of activity. The
advantages of this approach are the monetary savings due to
not having to police the activity. Again, the disadvantage
seen by some is the image that the government accepts and
condones this activity.
The evidence used to support the legalization/
decriminalization of prostitution generally relies on
studies which demonstrate the harmlessness of the activity
and the potential benefit to society. Studies in Europe
have attempted to show that the rates of venereal disease
decreased when prostitution was legalized and conversely
increased when it was illegal (Wilcox, 1962). Decker (1979)
reported that the occurrence of violence related to
prostitution decreased when prostitution was legalized; he
concluded that prostitution was not an inherently violence-
related activity. Barber (1969) reported a 149% increase in
the number of rapes after brothels were closed in 1959;
suggesting that prostitution protects other women in
society. For each of these studies which attempted to
demonstrate the harmlessness of prostitution, an equal if
not greater number of studies exist that suggest adverse
effects for the prostitute, the community, and/or society
(for example Janus & Janus, 1993; Jennings, 1976) . Debate
continues about whether prostitution represents a
"victimless crime".
A recent national survey which asked randomly selected
respondents if prostitution should be legalized to help
reduce the spread of AIDS found that 40% of the respondents
felt that prostitution should be legalized (U.S. Department
of Justice, 1993). Other signs demonstrate that society is
becoming more liberal about the legalization and/or
decriminalization of prostitution. An example of this
liberal mindedness is the legalization of prostitution in
Clarke County, Nevada and several European countries. In
making these decisions, however, the government/society had
to consider moral, legal, financial, political, religious,
sociological and psychological factors. Whatever approach
is taken to manage prostitution, identifying the source(s)
of prostitution is paramount.
Theories of Human Sexuality and Prostitution
Many schools of thought have developed theories to
explain the existence of prostitution. In general, these
theories are premised on an explanation of human sexuality
in which prostitution is viewed as an abnormality,
aberration, or flaw in normal sexuality/sexual development.
Four theories and one model will be presented to assist the
reader in placing prostitution into a context. In each
case, the general theory o£ human sexuality will first be
discussed, then the subsequent theory of prostitution will
be presented.
A Theological Explanation of Human Sexuality
The theological explanation of human sexuality is based
on the teachings of the scripture of the religion. The
scripture, however, is open to a variety of interpretations.
Certain groups of people interpret the scripture in a manner
to condemn certain sexual acts. Scripture, in many cases,
has been used to support a particular point of view (Geer &
0'Donohue 1987). This interpretation of the scripture to
govern and evaluate sexual behavior takes place both from
persons within and outside of the church.
Almost every religion has an explanation for the
existence of human sexuality, each taking a slightly
different approach. Acknowledging the diversity of
religions that exists in the United States, this analysis of
the theological approach to human sexuality, however, will
be based on the Western Judeo-Christian perspective.
Several major tenets of Judeo-Christian thinking are
viewed as being integral in the explanation of human
sexuality. The first major tenet important to the
explanation of human sexuality is that "creation is in the
image of God" (Genesis 1:26-27). According to this tenet,
God created man/woman in his own image. This tenet forms
9
the foundation of the presumption that man and woman were
created to make more men/women {Geer & O'Donohue 1987). A
second tenet focuses on the concept of procreation.
According to Judeo-Christian thinking, God commanded pairs
to "be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth"
(Genesis 1: 28). This command is frequently interpreted to
dictate that pairs are to have sex for procreation purposes
only (Geer & 0'Donohue 1987). A third tenet which assists
in the explanation of human sexuality is in reference to the
unity of couples. In the Book of Genesis, man was created
but he was lonely so woman was created out of man so that he
would not be alone. According to scripture, "a man shall
leave his father and mother and cleave to his wife, and they
shall be one flesh" (Genesis 29: 1-12). This scripture has
been interpreted to refer to the family with the assumption
that the union of man and woman would result in reproduction
(Geer & 0'Donohue 1987).
A theological explanation of prostitution. In the
teachings of many perspectives within the Judeo-Christian
tradition, human sexuality was originally viewed as being
for procreation purposes only (Geer & 0'Donohue 1987).
Human sexuality was not for relationship building, needs
attainment, or pleasure seeking. St. Thomas Aquinas stated
that the sin of impurity is the enjoyment of sexual pleasure
that is not for the right reason (Northcote, 1974}.
However, St. Augustine felt that although prostitution was
10
an inherently evil practice, it was a necessary practice for
the orderly running of a community (Decker# 1979). He felt
that if prostitution were eradicated, lust would overthrow
society (Decker# 1979). Although he saw them as necessary
to society, St. Augustine forbid the prostitutes from
entering the church.
Adultery# a sin of impurity# is the only sexual offense
forbidden by the Ten Commandments (Exodus 20:14). Although
many sexual acts are not condoned# only adultery is
specifically forbidden. Prostitution, while not
specifically included in the definition of adultery, is in
many cases considered an adulterous act. The Code of
Holiness in Leviticus called for stern penalties for
adultery# "The adulterer and the adulteress shall surely be
put to death" (Leviticus 18: 20). The fact that a
prostitute engages in sex for other than procreation reasons
is viewed as violating God's will. The prostitute is viewed
aB having low morals and succumbing to temptation (Beale#
1974). The existence of prostitution is attributed to "the
evil exercise of human will" (Beale, 1974). The proponents
of these beliefs feel that with "proper training" the person
would not depart from high moral standards (Beale, 1974) .
The way to cure the prostitute is to purify the soul and
assist in resisting temptation. Christian charity is seen
as the vehicle for change (Cook, 1974).
11
An EvolutJ.onarv_Explanation_ of Human Sexuality
This explanation o£ human sexuality is based on
Darwin's theory of natural selection {Darwin, 1859 / 1871).
In his theory, Darwin proposed that those individuals with
higher reproductive success would produce more progeny. The
goal of existence is to pass on to the next generation as
much genetic material as possible (Symons, 1981). In most
animal species the female's parental investment (in terms of
energy, time, and risk) far surpasses that of the male's
investment. For this reason, selection generally favors
males that engage in sexual acts with multiple female
partners (Oeer & 0'Donohue, 1987). Females do not benefit
from mating with many males. However, they can promote
their reproductive success by mating with the best male(s).
For this reason, selection favors females who can
discriminate male quality or the quality of male territories
(Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987).
A male with only one mate potentially could have four
or five children during their pairing. However, if the male
bears a child with another woman he increases his
reproductive success by 20-25% . If he takes on another
wife, he greatly increases his success because he can now
potentially have eight to ten children, but with the second
wife and the second set of children come added demand for
resources such as food and shelter (Geer & O'Donohue, 1987).
12
For this reason, the male would benefit from procreating
with other females without incurring the excess demands.
The reproductive strategies facing females are quite
different. Because females make large, energy-rich eggs,
while the sperm of males are small and energy-poor, females
make many fewer reproductive cells than males (Symons,
1981). In addition, females typically put more energy into
rearing their offspring. For these reasons, females are
potentially able to make fewer offspring than any male. Due
to the fact that females invest a considerable amount of
time and energy in each offspring, they should be highly
selective in choosing a mate (Symons, 1981). The female
will bear the same number of children whether she copulates
with one or a dozen males. For this reason she benefits
from choosing the genetically best male and ensuring that he
invests in the child (Symons, 1981).
Another important factor used in the explanation of
human sexuality involves the fact that males become sexually
aroused more easily (Geer & 0*Donohue, 1987). The
evolutionary purpose for this sex difference is that a male
can potentially impregnate a female at almost no cost to
himself. Natural selection favors the basic male tendency
to become sexually aroused by the sight of a female, so that
the male can quickly impregnate the female (Symons, 1981).
Human females, on the other hand, invest a substantial
amount of energy and incur serious risks by becoming
pregnant. For this reason, natural selection favors the
basic female tendency to delay sexual activity until she can
determine if the male is fit. A propensity to be sexually
aroused merely by the sight of males would promote random
mating. Females have nothing to gain reproductively and a
great deal to lose from random mating (Geer & O'Donohue,
1987).
Anevolutionaryexplanation of prostitution. From an
evolutionary perspective, prostitution could be defined as
relatively indiscriminate sexual activity for non-
reproductive profit (Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987). Prostituting
females engage in sexual activity with a number of males for
the purpose of acquiring resources or access to them, not to
acquire the males' genetic material. Females who engage in
prostitution lack the intent of bearing offspring and
therefore do not select mates based on their fitness (Geer &
0'Donohue, 1987). Although natural selection genetically
favors females that discriminate among possible mates,
survival favors those females who gain access to resources
such as food and shelter*. Natural selection favors males
that copulate whenever suitable opportunities arise.
(Symons, 1981). Because the costs and benefits of
indiscriminate sexual behavior are considerably different
for the sexes, females are generally less available as
sexual partners than are males. It is this very
14
discrepancy, an imbalance between supply and demand, that
forms one precondition for the existence of prostitution
{Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987}.
Certain qualities of engaging in sex with prostitutes
may be attractive (evolutionarily) to males and therefore
make it possible for prostitutes to obtain more valuable
resources than would normally be provided if they were
courting with the male. Prostitution activities are less
demanding of a male's time than other sexual liaisons, thus
allowing him to procreate with a variety of females.
Additionally, sexual activity with a prostituting female is
likely to be less disruptive to his life, since there is
minimal emotional content in the relationship. Sexual
activity with a prostitute may also be much less dangerous
than mistakenly seducing a married woman, especially for
relatively powerless males in society, since this could lead
to his being killed by her mate (Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987).
A major evolutionary stimulus for visiting prostitutes
is related to the fact that wives and offspring require
considerable resources. Only the evolutionarily most fit
males can afford to maintain more than one mate at a time.
However, there are many males who have more than enough
resources to maintain one mate, but not enough to support
two. Without some means of investing in fractions of
reproductive units (i.e., attempting to have children with a
non-mate) the reproductive success of these males is limited
15
to that of their pairing with their mate (Geer & 0'Donohue,
1987). During certain periods, namely when the mate is
pregnant, in menopause, or already raising too many
offspring, males may benefit from placing extra resources
into low investment, low risk opportunities. Prostitution
potentially can be that opportunity. Prostitution serves as
a mechanism for males to make low-cost reproductive
investments with surplus resources at their disposal (Geer &
0'Donohue, 1987).
One circumstance which can contribute to the female
engaging in prostitution is when she lacks resources and
lacks the potential to obtain such resources. If a female
lacks sufficient resources to survive and she is unable to
find a fit male, she may opt to randomly copulate with an
unfit male in order to survive. By copulating with this
unfit male and gaining access to his resources, she can
promote her existence and therefore increase her chances of
finding a more fit male in the future (Geer & 0'Donohue,
1987) .
Another stimulus which facilitates the existence of
prostitution is the strong expectation, in most societies,
that all females should be married (Symons, 1981). In some
societies, no provisions are made for the unmarried female.
She may be seen as "unnatural" and as an economic burden
(Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987). If the female is seen as
unmarriageable, this might promote her entry into
16
prostitution (Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987). Prostitution
represents the best means for this woman to survive and
therefore potentially pass on her genetic material.
Women may be viewed as unmarriageable for a variety of
reasons. One of the major factors contributing to
unmarriageable status is the male's reluctance to support
offspring that are not his own. The forces of natural
selection strongly disfavor individuals who contribute to
the offspring of non-relatives. Women with children, but no
husband, may find themselves excluded from being considered
marriageable. It may be beneficial for widows, divorcees
and unmarried women with children to turn to prostitution to
support themselves and ensure their offspring's survival
(Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987). Other women that might find it
difficult to marry are the deformed and diseased. These
women are excluded from marriage because they are not
beneficial to the male, either economically or
evolutionarily. To insure their survival and improve the
quality of their lives, they might resort to prostitution
(Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987).
Women who are considered marriageable may nevertheless
choose to engage in prostitution when they perceive that the
activity benefits them more than does marriage. If a female
is better able to support herself and her offspring through
prostitution than she could expect to through marriage, a
biological stimulus for prostitution exists (Geer, &
17
O'Donohue, 1987). Additionally, if the average genetic
quality of her offspring would be as good or better through
random copulation than through union with a particular male,
then another biological stimulus for prostitution exists
(Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987).
It must be remembered that evolution represents a
continual process. What may have been adaptive in past
environments may not be adaptive in the present environment-.
The fact that certain behaviors appear biologically
nonfunctional in a new environment may only indicate that
there has not been enough evolutionary time for sociological
and cultural rules to catch up (Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987).
Because men continue to visit prostitutes even though there
is little possibility of reproductive payoff does not mean
that such gains were not available at some time in the past
(Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987).
A Psychoanalytic Explanatlon_of Human Sexuality
Freud was the first student of human sexuality given
serious attention by his contemporaries. Although Freud
advocated sexual reform, he hypothesized that sexual
repression was inevitable (Freud, 1963). He reported that
humans needed to repress some aspects of sexuality in order
to function as a social animal in society. This need to
repress sexuality lead to Freud's belief in the inevitable
conflict between instinctual life (id) and civilization
(superego) (Freud, 1989). This theory of conflict later
is
became known as Libido theory. Libido theory focuses on
drives and conflicts and seeks to explain the manner by
which an individual's personality relates to childhood
history (Freud, 1989). Freud's libido theory is not only a
theory of sexual development, but one that addresses the
differences in sexual development between the sexes. Freud
viewed libido as the major force in personality development
and hypothesized that sexual conflicts are at the heart of
neuroses and sexual dysfunctions.
Libido, as defined by Freud, is "that force by which
the sexual instinct is represented in the mind" (Freud,
1949). In Freud's theory, a drive is generated within the
body. The person seeks to discharge this drive in any way
possible. This drive and need to discharge the drive are
outside the realm of consciousness and are unconsciously/
subconsciously transformed into a wish. The fulfillment of
the wish leads to the discharge of the drive and thereby
creates pleasure (Freud, 1949).
According to Freud, the goal of the sexual instinct is
• the discharge of tension. In the beginning of life, sexual
manifestations are autoerotic (Freud, 1963). Libido
manifests itself according to a biologically predetermined
schedule. It (libido) seeks gratification by the discharge
of tension. The individual seeks to discharge the drives
via different body organs through a biologically
predetermined order of stages (oral, anal, phallic,
19
genital). During puberty the genitals emerge as the leading
sexual organs for the discharge of drives.
Freud (1963) described two psychological events that
are crucial in the child's sexual development: first, the
child's discovery of the anatomical differences between the
sexes; and second, the ease to which a satisfactory
resolution of the Oedipal complex is obtained.
Freud believed that pre-phallic development was
essentially the same for both boys and girls. Development,
including sexual development, diverged with the child's
discovery of the anatomical differences between the sexes,
the observation that boys have penises whereas girls do not
(Freud, 1963). Freud theorized that the discovery and
subsequent reaction to the discovery had powerful
ramifications in determining the course of future sexual
development.
Freud also believed that the Oedipus complex (for
boys), consisted of a strong phallic striving and attachment
to the mother and a hostile rivalry with the father. This
conflict occurred because the mother had been the boy's
libidinal object since birth and the developing boy feared
that his father would take away the object (the mother). It
was during the Oedipus complex that the boy's earlier
recognition of the sexual differences between the sexes took
on meaning. The boy feared, because of his prior experience
of loss of his mother's breast (during weaning), that his
20
penis might also be taken away. Me £eared that his father
would take away his penis due to the son's libidinal
attachment to the mother (Freud, 1963). The boy chooses the
narcissistic drive discharge o£ his penis over the drive
discharge he obtains with his mother. That is, he would
rather give up his mother than his penis. The boy renounces
his mother and identifies with his father so that he can
still vicariously have his mother as a libidinal object. It
is castration anxiety, the fear of loosing his penis, that
ultimately resolves the Oedipus complex (Freud, 1963).
In contrast, Freud believed that girls responded to the
discovery of the sexual differences with the assumption that
they have been castrated. The girl envies the male due to
his having a penis. Penis envy is the pivotal feature in
her conflict and subsequent Bexual development. Due to her
penis envy, the girl renounces her mother because in her
mind she has also been castrated. The girl turns her
libidinal energy to her father, first in order to acquire a
penis and later to acquire a baby. It is during this phase
that she enters into the Oedipal phase (Freud, 1949). The
girl then realizes that she can not possess her father, so
realigns with her mother in order to vicariously possess the
father.
Freud's pessimism about the possibility of achieving a
well-integrated and happy sexual life is further reflected
in his theories of sexual development (Freud, 1938).
21
Because of the child's horror on discovery of the perceived
castrated condition of women Freud felt that in most cases
children had a sadistic conception of coitus. He felt that
the child anticipated violence as an inevitable part of the
sexual act. The girls' continued shame at her perceived
castration and subsequent penis envy frequently also led to
poor sexual development. In Freud's view, the possibility
for a healthy sexual life is limited.
A psychoanalytic explanation of prostitution. Followers
of the psychoanalytic tradition regard prostitution as a
form of sexual aberration in both the female prostitute and
the male who visits her (Benjamin & Masters, 1964). The
theorized causes of prostitution involve unresolved
intrapsychic conflicts within the individual. The male
customer is generally viewed as having an unresolved Oedipal
complex, still having the desire (impulse) to possess his
mother. He, however, experiences unconscious castration
anxiety because of this unacceptable desire and therefore
the desire is subconsciously altered to a wish to have sex
with multiple females. By having sex with prostitutes he
can symbolically fulfill his desire to possess his mother.
Visiting the prostitute is viewed as a defense mechanism to
keep from consciousness the intrapsychic conflict between
his id and superego.
Several different theorists have offered explanations
of the prostitute's behavior. Glover (1945) stated that the
causes of prostitution were unconscious homosexual desire,
unconscious hatred of men, and unconscious wishes to punish
the mother for her unavailability. Glover theorized that
the prostitute had an unconscious homosexual desire related
to unsatisfactory resolution of the Oedipal complex. This
desire, however, is unacceptable to the superego. The id,
the basic primal part of being, wants to act on this desire.
However, the superego, that part which imparts societal
rules, can not let the girl act on this wish due to its
being contrary to societal rules. The desire, therefore, iB
subconsciously altered (sublimated) into a wish to be with
many men. The prostitute is theorized to have sex with
multiple men in order to subconsciously defend against the
homosexual desire. If she were to not engage in
prostitution the id impulses might bring the homosexual
desire into consciousness, which would cause the woman to
experience the intrapsychic conflict. Prostitution is
viewed as a defense mechanism to repress unconscious
homosexual feelings.
Benjamin & Masters (1964) reported that another goal of
the prostitute was to symbolically castrate the male
customer due to her hatred of men. The prostitute is viewed
as hating men because she assumes they were the ones who
castrated her. She accomplishes this "castration" by
copulating or fellating the customer (removing his penis
from sight). She thus is able to act upon her unconscious
23
desire to castrate men by a more socially acceptable means.
Again prostitution is seen as a defense mechanism utilized
to avoid bringing intrapBychic conflict into consciousness.
Followers of psychoanalytic theory also view the
prostitute's taking of the customer's money as another form
of symbolic castration (Benjamin & Masters, 1964). The
prostitute's defense mechanisms symbolically associate money
with the male's penis. Both money and the penis are, in her
mind, what make men powerful. By taking the man's money,
she symbolically also takes away his penis.
Another explanation within the psychoanalytic school of
thought is that the prostitute's sexual behavior with her
customers represent her unconscious effort to find the love
relationship with a man that she was unable to achieve with
her father (Jolin, 1993). The prostitute is viewed as
having an unresolved or poorly resolved Oedipal complex,
still maintaining the wish to possess her father. She was
unable to resolve this desire during adolescence so she
attempts to possess as many men as possible in adulthood.
Again prostitution is viewed as a defense mechanism utilized
to avoid conscious awareness of the intrapsychic conflict.
A Sociological Explanation of Human Sexuality
The sociological explanation of human sexuality
acknowledges that sexuality has a biological base because
the organs and physiological processes involved in sexual
behavior are biological in nature. At the same time, great
differences can be observed in different cultures and
societies in the expression of sexuality. A sociological
approach attempts to account for these differences in the
observed patterns of expression of human sexuality (Geer &
O'Donohue, 1987). It attempts to do so in terms of other
forces that exist in the society. Such an approach relies
on three fundamental assumptions: (a) every society shapes,
structures, and constrains the development and expression of
sexuality in all of its members; (b) the societal rules
which govern sexual expression are enmeshed in the basic
institutions of the society; (c) it is the culture that
determines what is appropriate and inappropriate sexual
behavior in any given circumstance (Geer & 0'Donohue, 1987).
Each of these assumptions will be reviewed individually.
The family is the fundamental institution in every
society and becomes the primary agent for regulating sexual
behavior (Gagnon & Simon, 1983). It is designed to insure
that young children are taught the rules regarding the
expression of sexuality. Those who abide by the rules are
reinforced and those who violate the rules are punished.
The regulation of sexual behavior begins in infancy and
continues as the child develops. The family conveys the
rules from generation to generation. Every society, in its
own manner, also recognizes marriage as an important social
unit because it is the foundation of the family (Gagnon &
Simon, 1983).
25
Each society has an ideology about sexuality with
associated assumptions about the purpose(s) o£ sexual
activity and its place in human life. This ideology is
transmitted to members of the society via scenarios. The
basic mechanism of regulation is the allowing of a limited
number of culturally accepted scenarios of human sexuality.
Each scenario specifies the kinds of sexual behavior that
can occur, the type(s) of persons appropriate as partners
for that behavior, and time(s) and placets) in which that
form of sexual expression is appropriate (Gagnon & Simon,
1983). In addition to scenarios, there are sanctions,
rewards for conformity to, and punishment for deviations
from these scenarios (Gagnon & Simon, 1983). /mother
element of control is the establishment of normative
standards. These normative standards give the social
evaluation associated with each scenario. Sexual behavior
within the context of marriage is the most positively valued
scenario in most societies (Gagnon & Simon, 1983). The
person who engages in activities that are disapproved, for
example having sex outside of marriage, may be temporarily
or permanently stigmatized.
The content of scenarios arises out of the societal
ideologies that exist. The dissemination of these scenarios
within a particular society depends on the societal
structure. The greater the degree of centralization of
authority, the greater the pressure to follow and obey those
26
scenarios which are acceptable to the society (Gagnon &
Simon, 1983) . Conversely, the greater the individual's
autonomy from societal control, the greater is his/her
freedom to choose among alternative scenarios (Gagnon &
Simon, 1983).
A sociological explanation of prostitution. With the
development of capitalism came the growth of cities. As
cities grew, the exchange of money for goods or services was
developed (Gagnon & Simon, 1983). As the exchange of goods
increased, it was inevitable that someone would realize that
sexual services could also be exchanged for money. This was
the beginning of large scaled commercialized sexual activity
which included prostitution (Gagnon & Simon, 1983).
Similarly, as cities grew there was a de-emphasis on
sex for reproduction because families could no longer afford
to have so many children. With this decline in sex for
reproduction came the development of birth control. This
development allowed people for the first time in history to
separate sexual intercourse from reproduction (Gagnon &
Simon, 1983). This separation facilitated the development
of the recreational orientation toward human sexuality. In
this orientation sex is primarily a source of physical
pleasure. This orientation defined sexual activity as
appropriate whenever those involved desired it (Geer &
0'Donohue, 1987). This change in ideology allowed for the
development of different sexual scenarios, one of them being
27
the scenario for prostitution. Prostitution had become a
somewhat acceptable sexual scenario within society.
This theory additionally suggests a close connection
between unfavorable social conditions and psychological
development. The dysfunctional family life is seen as one
of the main influences to cause a girl to enter prostitution
(Jolin, 1993). These dysfunctional families fail to provide
sufficient attention or adequate guidance for the developing
daughter, leading to inadequate socialization and
inadequately internalized sexual norms (Jolin, 1993). The
girl then moves further away from the centralized control of
the societal institutions. She moves into a subculture
where sex for money is more accepted. She buffers herself
in this culture where her behavior is viewed as acceptable.
A Biopsvchosocial Explanation of Human Sexuality
The biopsychosocial model of the human condition was
originally proposed by Engel (1977). This model was based
on General Systems Theory which was developed by Miller
(1980). General Systems Theory contends that the universe
is made up of many concrete, interrelating systems. Miller
(1980) proposed that within the universe there exists a
hierarchy of systems with each system being made up by a set
of units with relationships between them, each comprised of
matter-energy, information and meaning. Each system may
also be open, allowing new units to enter, or closed, not
allowing any new input into the system. Living systems
28
(including human communities) are open systems. Systems
attempt to maintain homeostasis, a balance between opposing
variables within the system. The system maintains this
homeostasis by adjustment processes (Engel, 1977). Every
system is uniquely effective in maintaining this
homeostasis. Along with adjustment processes, a system has
a feedback loop in order to maintain homeostasis.
In its application to psychology, General Systems
Theory incorporates the biological, psychological and social
influences on the human condition (Miller, 1980). In this
model the unit (individual) tries to maintain his/her own
equilibrium while also maintaining the equilibrium within
the larger system (the family/the neighborhood/the
community, etc.). The individual employs adjustment
processes to maintain this homeostasis.
Human sexuality is explained as a biopsychosocial
process. The biology of human sexuality includes the
genetic make-up of the individual, their sex, and the
hormonal changes which take place during puberty. To this
biology, social influences are added. As discussed in the
sociological theory of human sexuality, the family and
society shape the individual's view of human sexuality.
Through the process of reinforcing acceptable scenarios and
punishing unacceptable scenarios, the individual begins to
conform his/her behavior to societal expectations. To this
biology and sociology, psychology is added. This entails
29
individual differences within the unit (individual) and
within the system (family, neighborhood, etc.)* The
individual may be exposed to psychological injuries through
the development process which will alter the trajectory of
development. The combination of these biological, social,
and psychological factors determines the eventual outcome of
development. The biopsychosocial model can be used to
explain both normal and abnormal development.
Engel (1977) reported that the boundaries between
health and disease (also referred to as "problems in
living") were unclear. He encouraged professionals to
consider social, psychological, and biological factors when
attempting to make the determination of health or illness.
A biopsychosocial model makes it possible to explain why
some individuals experience as illness conditions which
others regard merely as problems in living. This
distinction is viewed as differences in their biology, in
the social factors which influence them, and in the
psychological factors to which they have been exposed.
A bioosvchosocia1 explanation of prostitution. The
biopsychosocial model explains prostitution as the result of
influence from factors in one, two, or all three areas.
Some factor(s) has altered the trajectory of psycho-sexual
development causing the prostitute to engage in unhealthy
sexual activity. This factor could be biological, such
things as the influence of hormones, genetic make-up, or
intellectual functioning. The social factors can include
such things as coming from an impoverished neighborhood,
having been abused, history of rape, or lack of parental
attention. The psychological factors might include, poor
self-esteem, drug and/or alcohol abuse/addiction,
depression, anxiety, or mental illness. From a
biopsychosocial perspective, the prostitute is viewed as
attempting to maintain the homeostasis of her system. The
factors have become out of balance and she is using
adjustment processes to maintain and/or regain the
homeostasis. In some way, her engaging in prostitution is
helping maintain/regain the homeostasis. In order to leave
prostitution, she must develop a different adjustment
process.
The above four theories and one model provide a general
framework in which to better understand prostitution. It is
beyond the scope of this dissertation to also provide
similar theories of female criminality. Although each
theory provides its own unique input to the understanding of
human sexuality and prostitution, the biopsychosocial model
combines elements from all four theories. For this reason,
this model shall be used as the governing model to explain
human sexuality for this dissertation.
The following is a review of studies conducted in the
area of prostitution. It provides information about the
biology, sociology, and psychology of the female prostitute.
31
The review also contains information about female inmates
(the comparison group ) for this dissertation in order to
facilitate comparison of the two groups on the cited
factors.
Causes of Female Crime and Prostitution
Some researchers have offered hypotheses about the
causes of female crime and prostitution. For example, one
explanatory model {based on the biopsychosocial model)
frequently cited (see Benjamin & Masters, 1964; Bullough &
Builough, 1978) to explain prostitution relies on two
distinct concepts: susceptibility and exposure.
Susceptibility includes certain psychological
characteristics, such as a negative self-esteem, alienation,
or feeling worthless which predisposes certain women to
become prostitutes. These personality variables when
combined with either a personal crisis or series of
traumatic events such as rape or incest make some women
particularly vulnerable to prostitution (Jackman, O'Toole, &
Geis, 1963). Bxposure refers to personal contacts with
persons familiar with or involved in the subculture of
prostitution (Davis, 1971). Becoming a prostitute involves
both willingness to consider and encouragement from the
subculture to become involved in prostitution.
Factors such as poor educational/vocational experience,
disruptive family background, history of sexual and physical
abuse, negative self-concept, having experienced
psychological trauma symptoms such as depression and
anxiety, and a history of drug use/abuse have been found to
be correlated with engaging in prostitution {Sullivan, 1988;
Seng, 1989; Kuhns, Heide, & Silverman, 1992). These factors
could be viewed as making the woman susceptible to
prostitution. These same factors have been found to be
correlated with criminal activity (U.S. Dept. Of Justice,
1993; Simons, Whitbeck, Conger, & Conger, 1991). However,
for some reason these factors did not make some of the
female criminals susceptible to prostitution. Each factor
will be considered separately.
Educational/Vocational History
In 1990, the United States Department of Justice
reported that over 45% of randomly selected females admitted
to state and federal prisons had earned less than a high
school diploma (U.S. Dept, of Justice, 1993). Similarly,
Wellisch, Anglin, & Prendergast (1993) found that only 16%
of adult women offenders had completed four years of high
school. Sullivan (1988), Seng (1989), & Kuhns et al. (1992)
have reported that prostitutes were more likely to drop out
of high school than are "normal" students and/or
"delinquents".
In order to investigate and clarify the relationship
between dropping out of school and subsequent criminality,
Kuhns et al. (1992) compared the drop-out rates between
prostitutes and female inmates. The researchers found that
although both female inmates and prostitutes had a higher
drop-out rate than the general public, prostitutes were more
likely than other arrested females to have dropped out of
school. Additionally, Gibson (1988) investigated the types
of educational classes taken by both prostitutes and
delinquents. The researcher found that prostitutes were
more likely to report having earned lower grades and having
been placed in Special Education classes than a comparison
group of delinquents. These studies suggest that dropping
out of school, receiving lower grades, and taking special
education classes are more strongly associated with
prostitution than other forms of criminal behavior.
Sullivan {1988), investigating vocational factors
affecting a woman's choice to continue prostituting,
encountered that although inability to find work remained
the second most often reported reason for entering
prostitution, the opportunity to earn a large amount of
money in a relatively short amount of time remained the
largest motivator for entering and continuing in
prostitution. Wurzbacher, Evans, and Moore (1991) similarly
hypothesized that lack of education and vocational skills
facilitated a woman's continuation in prostitution.
Comparably, the United States Department of Justice (1993)
reported that over 62% of female inmates were unemployed
prior to their incarceration. Of those inmates who were
employed the year prior to their incarceration, 55% were
34
earning less than $500 per month. Although many of the
female inmates were unemployed, and those employed earned
very little money, many did not turn to prostitution.
Studies have yet to compare the two groups in terms of
employment history.
Researchers (for example Sullivan, 1988; Kuhns et al.,
1992) have theorized that a causal relationship exists
between poor academic history, limited vocational skills,
and prostitution. School is viewed to be one of the main
socializing agents in American society. It is hypothesized
that the female prostitute has not adopted societal
regulations regarding sexuality due to her having withdrawn
from the school setting before being fully socialized.
Additionally, the school setting is viewed to be a potential
source of affirmation and reinforcement for the developing
adolescent. It is hypothesized that the prostitute did not
find the environment affirming or reinforcing due to poor
academic skills and/or learning difficulties. This lead to
her rejecting the majority culture (school) and finding
reinforcement in the subculture of prostitution. Limited
vocational skills and poor work history are also seen as
facilitating her entry into prostitution. The woman, due to
poor work history and limited vocational skills, experiences
difficulty in locating employment. Prostitution is viewed
as an alternative for survival for a person with limited
vocational skills.
35
Eatnlly_Backqround
Delinquents and prostitutes come from similarly
disrupted homes. Simons et al. (1991) explained the
existence of delinquency by inept parenting practices.
Hughs, Zagar, Sylvies, Arbit, Busch, & Bowers (1991) while
studying delinquents found a significant correlation between
coming from a dysfunctional family background and subsequent
number of arrests. Similarly, Howing, Wodarski, Kurtz,
Gaudin, and Herbst (1990) reported a relationship between
child abuse and subsequent delinquency. Sultan & Long
(1988) reported a strong correlation between physical and
sexual abuse and an increased likelihood of involvement in
criminal or antisocial behavior.
Comparably, prostitutes have been found to come from
similarly dysfunctional homes. James and Meyerding (1978)
cited a trend for prostitutes to have come from broken homes
where they often experienced physical abuse, emotional
abuse, and early sexual exploitation. Additionally, Longres
(1991) reported that prostitutes came from single parent,
economically impoverished homes located in neighborhoods
which promoted access into prostitution (i.e., within miles
of a prostitution area of the city). Seng (1989) theorized
that although prostitutes reported a high incidence rate of
sexual abuse, it was the fact that they ran away from home
which most strongly correlated with their subsequent entry
into prostitution. He hypothesized that the sexual abuse
36
and the child's running away were symptoms of the
dysfunctional family. Finally# Earls & David (1990)
reported that a significantly higher proportion of
prostitutes had been placed in foster homes compared to non
prostitutes. In addition# they discovered that nearly 40%
of prostitutes reported witnessing violence (one parent
hitting the other parent or hitting another sibling) in
their homes while growing up.
A review of the literature revealed that no single
study has yet to compare the family backgrounds of
prostitutes with those of female inmates. However# the
literature is replete with studies of each group
independently. In summary# while it appears that both
groups have come from similarly dysfunctional backgrounds,
the families of prostitutes were more dysfunctional than
those of female inmates.
Theorists have hypothesized about the relationship
between family environment and subsequent entry into
prostitution. Wooden (1976) hypothesized that while growing
up the prostitute felt alienated from her family and felt
less affection from her parents. This alienation leads to
the child relying on her peers to meet her needs. The
developing girl may find a set of peers who encourage her
engaging in prostitution. The lack of availability by the
parents is thought to encourage antisocial behavior and
prostitution by compelling the girl to get her needs met
outside o£ the family. Lacking parental attention, some
girls learn that they can gain attention, importance, and
affection through sexually gratifying males (Schaffer &
DeBlassie, 1984). Millett (1971) reported that an
adolescent, having been rejected by and/or alienated from
her parents, may become consumed with her sexual
desirability. Her sexual desirability becomes her way of
fulfilling her interpersonal needs. Divorce, foster homes,
and economic difficulties are thought to be conducive to
entering prostitution by causing the child to abandon her
crumbling world via running away and affiliating with a
deviant peer group. These behaviors leave the developing
girl open to the influences of the prostitution subculture
(Schaffer & DeBlassie, 1984). Conversely, an overly rigid
family which imposes strict values may also act as a
stimulus for entry into prostitution. The child may run
away to get away from the rigidity of the family and thus
leave herself open to the influences of the prostitution
subculture.
Sexual, Abuse Experience
The long term negative consequences of childhood sexual
abuse are documented by studies showing that sexual abuse
can lead to future problems in adulthood (Brooks, 1985;
Sedney & Brooks, 1984). These problems include, but are not
limited to, prostitution, delinquency, eating disorders,
multiple personality, dissociations, interpersonal
38
t,
difficulties, subsequent victimization, sexual problems,
depression, suicide attempts, school problems, and running
away (Browne & Pinkelhor, 1986). The criminal justice
literature has also demonstrated a correlation between a
woman's history of abusive experiences and subsequent
engagement in criminal behavior (Benward & Densen, 1975;
Wellisch et al., 1993).
Silbert & Pines (1983), Simons & Whitbeck (1991), and
Bagley & Young (1987) have reported a strong relationship
between childhood sexual abuse and prostitution. Silbert &
Pines (1983) interviewed 200 prostitutes and found that 60%
reported a history of childhood sexual exploitation. In
addition, two thirds reported having been sexually abused by
their fathers or surrogate fathers. Bagley & Young (1987)
studying 45 former prostitutes, found that 73% reported
having been sexually abused in childhood. There waB a
statistically significant difference between the prostitutes
and non-prostitutes in their having experienced sexual
abuse.
In order to clarify the relationship between sexual
abuse and subsequent engagement in prostitution and other
forms of criminal behavior, Widow & Ames (1994) compared the
incidence rates of sexual abuse among prostitutes and other
arrested females. The researchers reported that compared to
other types of abuse and neglect, early childhood sexual
abuse did not singularly increase an individual's risk for
39
later delinquent and adult criminal behavior. The
researchers discovered, however, that childhood sexual abuse
victims were more at risk for engaging in prostitution as
adults. Although both the criminal and prostitute samples
reported histories of sexual abuse, it was the prostitute
group who had a higher incidence rate of this form of
abuse.
Theorists such as Gray (1973), Brown (1979), and James
(1976), hypothesized that girls who became prostitutes more
frequently were the targets of sexual advances by elders and
were more frequently sexually abused. As a result of these
experiences the girls became less resistant to viewing
themselves as saleable commodities, especially if the sexual
advances involved the perpetrator rewarding the girl with a
gift . With this lack of resistance came a wish for
security, recognition and love. The girl begins to engage
in prostitution in order to get these interpersonal needs
met. Theorists viewed the early sexual experiences of the
prostitute and resulting psychological needs as pre
disposing factors for prostitution.
Self-Concept
Psychological theorists, such as Roid and Fitts (1968)
have hypothesized that an individual's self-concept affects
one's view of self and subsequent thoughts, feelings, and
actions. Roid and Fitts (1988) stated,
40
the individual's self concept has been
demonstrated to be highly influential in
much of his or her behavior and mental
health. Those people who see themselves as
undesirable, worthless, or 'bad' tend to act
accordingly. Those who have very deviant
self concepts tend to behave in deviant ways
(p, 1) •
The above theoretical statement could equally apply to
either criminality or prostitution. Having a negative self-
concept has been theorized to facilitate entry into both
prostitution and criminal behavior.
In an attempt to investigate the relationship between
self-concept and prostitution, Bour, Young, & Henningsen
(1984) studied the self-concepts of female prostitutes and
female delinquents. The researchers found that the
prostitutes could be differentiated from delinquents based
on their self-concepts as measured by the Tennessee Self
Concept Scale. Both groups demonstrated slightly lower
self-concepts, when compared to non-prostitute non
delinquent females. However, the prostitutes in their study
scored above the mean on the physical self concept scale.
Similarly, the prostitutes demonstrated a slightly lower
self-concept than the delinquent females. The researchers
attributed the elevated physical-self concept scale score to
the vocational need to place greater emphasis on their
bodies. No other significant differences were found.
Polonsky (1974) found no significant differences in self-
concept between prostitutes and a matched control group of
41
similar age and marital status. Polonsky concluded that
prostitutes did not exhibit more negative self-concepts than
females in the general population.
Evans, Levy, Sullenberger, and Vyas (1991) compared the
self-concepts of delinquents and non-delinquents. They
found that female delinquents tended to have poorer self-
concepts and that their self-concepts were extremely
impaired. They were found to be impaired in total,
personal, and family self-concepts. The researchers
concluded that the results supported the theory offered by
Roid and Fitts that those who perceive themselves as deviant
will act in deviant ways.
Although several researchers have hypothesized a
relationship between negative self-concept and subsequent
engagement in prostitution, studies have not consistently
validated this relationship. Similarly, the relationship
between negative self-concept and criminality has not
consistently been found. However, Bour et al. (1984) found
that prostitutes have slightly more negative self-concepts
than do delinquent females.
Reid (1976) theorized that a major impetus for engaging
in prostitution is a lack of identity, isolation, and an
impaired self-concept. The prostitute is seen as engaging
in sexual activities in order to gain an identity and feel
less isolated. Reid hypothesized that the prostitute
receives attention, affection, and a sense of power by
42
engaging in prostitution. Having a negative self-concept is
viewed as facilitating entry into prostitution.
Unfortunately, empirical research has yet to verify or
support the relationship between negative self-concept and
engagement in prostitution.
Posttraumatic Symptoms and Traumatic Events
Ross, Anderson, Heber, & Norton (1990) found that 20%
of the multiple personality clients studied had engaged in
prostitution at some point in their lives. Ross et al.
(1990) also found that psychogenic amnesia and multiple
personality disorder were common among the prostitutes
studied. With regards to depression, DeSchampheleire (1990)
found that prostitutes had elevated scores on the depression
scale of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory
(MMPI). Similarly, Long, Sultan, Kiefer, & Schrum (1984)
found that female inmates frequently exhibit psychological
states of depression, and anxiety.
Potterat, Phillips, Rothenberg, & Darrow (1985)
compared female prostitutes to a matched control group on a
variety of variables. The results demonstrated that the
subjects with a history of prostitution had more frequently
been beaten by their male companions. Similarly, Green
(1992) reported that nearly 60% of prostitutes questioned
reported having been raped and 30% reported multiple rapes.
Wellisch et al. (1993) studied the prevalence rates of
43
domestic violence for female inmates. They reported that
over 50% reported having been hit by their husbands or
boyfriends.
Conte and Schuerman (1987) hypothesized that adults
victimized as children (either sexually, physically, or
psychologically) may view themselves as unworthy of healthy
relationships. They may feel they are incapable of having a
positive relationship with someone. Some adult survivors of
abuse may attempt to gain control over the prior abuse
experience by recreating it in the form of involvement in
bad or abusive relationships. For these reasons, rape and
spousal abuse have been found to be associated with prior
child sexual abuse (Fromuth, 1986; Runtz, 1987; Russell,
1986). Similarly, experiencing psychological symptoms such
as depression, anxiety, and psychogenic amnesia has been
found to be associated with prior child abuse (Briere &
Runtz, 1988). Given the prior studies which reported a high
incidence of sexual abuse among both prostitutes and female
inmates, it is not surprising that they also report higher
incidents of posttraumatic symptomatology and adult
traumatic events.
In order to clarify the relationship between
posttraumatic symptomatology and engagement in prostitution
and other criminal behavior, Green (1992) compared
prostitutes and female delinquents on measures of
depression, anxiety, and isolation. The researcher found
that the prostitutes in the study exhibited more depression,
more anxiety, and more isolation than the comparison group
o£ delinquents. This study suggests that certain types o£
posttraumatic symptomatology are more strongly associated
with prostitution than with other forms of criminal
behavior. The incidence rates of domestic battery and rape
have not been directly compared between prostitutes and
female inmates. However, the data suggest that although
both forms of trauma are prevalent in both groups, it is
suspected that females engaged in prostitution have
experienced higher levels of both forms of trauma.
Substance Use/Abuse
A large number of prostitutes are drug users/abusers
(Plant, Plant, Peck, & Setters, 1989; Flowers, 1987). Many
hypotheses have been generated to explain this relationship.
These hypotheses have included that women engage in
prostitution to support a drug habit and/or women use drugs
to facilitate their engaging in the sexual activities
required of a prostitute. Whatever the etiology, the
problem exists.
Hser, Chou, & Anglin (1990) found that substance abuse
and addiction were associated with female criminal activity.
The three crimes most associated with drug dependence were
drug dealing, forgery, and prostitution. Wellisch et al.
(1993) obtained urinalysis samples from women arrested in
New York city. Those charges most frequently associated
45
with a positive drug test were drug sale/possession and
prostitution. Nearly 82% of the prostitutes arrested
obtained a "dirty"(positive for drugs) drug test.
In order to clarify the relationship between substance
abuse and subsequent engagement in prostitution and other
criminal activities, Kuhns et al. (1992) compared the two
groups' substance use/abuse patterns. The researchers
reported that prostitutes were significantly more likely to
have tried drugs, to have used drugs more frequently, and to
have begun drug/alcohol use at a younger age than a
comparison group of female prisoners. This same research
also demonstrated that prostitutes were more likely to have
used "crack", cocaine, heroin, and hallucinogens and were
more likely to use these drugs more frequently and in
greater quantities. These results suggest that number of
drugs tried and number of drugs used on a regular basis are
more strongly associated with prostitution than with
criminality.
Relationship Among Variables
The above cited factors have been found to be inter
related. Sexual abuse has been found to be correlated with
negative self-concept (Alexander & Lupfer, 1987; German,
Habenicht & Futcher, 1990), depression (Lipovsky, Sanders, &
Murphy, 1989), anxiety (Briere & Runtz, 1988), school
failure (Reyome, 1993), substance abuse (Plant et al.,
1988), dysfunctional family environment (Alexander & Lupfer,
46
1987), and future risk for victimization (Browne &
Finkelhor, 1986; Briere, 1984). Additionally, dysfunctional
family environment has been associated with poor adulthood
psychological functioning (Nash, Hulsey, Sexton, Harralson,
& Lambert, 1993), and more negative self-concept (Buri,
Kirchner, & Walsh, 1988).
Impact of Prostitution
In 1978 there were an estimated 2 million prostitutes
in the United States (U.S. Department of Health, Education
and Welfare, 1978). By 1992, this figure had increased to
over 5 million (Janus & Janus, 1993). The typical female
began prostituting at the average age of 14, prior to the
age when most members of society would view her aB being
capable of making such a decision (U.S. Department of
Health, Education and Welfare, 1978). Wurzbacher et al.
(1991) estimated that over 900,000 adolescents were involved
in prostitution. This suggests that nearly 20% of
prostitutes are under age 18 and that these adolescents are
making significant, life altering decisions with regards to
their sexuality and their future. Prostitution represents a
widespread issue with long ranging consequences for the
females who engage in the activities, the men who utilize
her services, and society in general.
In the face of the AIDS epidemic, society faces the
challenge of deciding what to do, if anything, about
prostitution. It has been estimated that approximately 78%
of all AIDS cases were transmitted sexually (Peterman &
Curran, 1986). The proportion due to prostitution
activities has not been estimated. Studies report having
found seropositive rates of the HIV virus among prostitutes
from as low as zero percent to as high as sixty five per
cent, with the most important factor determining HIV status
being the use of intravenous drugs (Rosenberg & Weiner,
1988} .
Although the transmission of the HIV virus from women
to men is much less probable than from men to women, the
risk still exists. Hearst and Hulley (1988) estimated that
a single instance of penile-vaginal intercourse with one
infected partner, even when a condom is used, has a 1-in-
5,000 risk of infection, however 500 such encounters have a
1-in-ll risk. It has been estimated that the chances of
being infected with the HIV virus from one instance of
vaginal intercourse with an infected partner without the use
of a condom are 1 in 500 for women and 1 in 700 for men
(Turner, Miller, & Moses, 1989). However, 500 of such
encounters increases the risk to 2-in-3. The risk of being
infected due to anal intercourse is estimated to be 1 in 50.
Although these figures may not appear overly significant,
there are several documented cases in which a person became
infected after only one instance of intercourse with an
infected partner.
It has been reported that even if the prostitute uses a
condom with her customers, a majority do not use condoms
with their significant others (who may be infected)
(Jackson, Highcrest, & Coates, 1992). The generally
accepted belief that unprotected sexual behavior and sex
with a variety of partners places a person in the "high
risk" group (Turner et al., 1989), suggests that prostitutes
and the men who utilize her services are in the "high risk"
group. Janus & Janus (1993) found that approximately 20% of
all men surveyed had visited a prostitute at some point in
their lives, thus potentially placing them and their
partners at risk.
Freund, Lee, and Leonard (1991) demonstrated the
potential costs to the prostitute, her customers, and
society due to the spread of the HIV virus by means of
prostitution activities. The researchers reported that the
average customer of a prostitute was a 40 year old married
or previously married male. Although the customer reported
using condoms in 58% of the sex acts, relatively few of the
prostitutes or customers could produce a condom when asked
by the interviewer (Freund et al., 1991). Condoms were
reported being used in 72% of vaginal intercourse and only
33% of oral intercourse. Oral intercourse has been shown to
be a means of transmitting the HIV virus (Perry, Jacobsberg,
& Fogel, 1989). The customers reported having used
prostitutes for an average of 5.3 years with 93% visiting a
prostitute on a monthly basis and 63% visiting on a weekly
basis (Freund et al., 1991). Contrary to popular belief:,
these men held respectable jobs in the community and did not
represent a deviant subclass. They lived and worked in the
community, and many were married. The risk of exposure to
the HIV virus and other sexually transmitted diseases (STDs)
increases with each transaction. The prostitute and the
customer are potentially exposing their other partners, paid
or unpaid, to the virus. The financial and human cost to
society to treat infected individuals with HIV is
staggering.
Financial costs of female crime and prostitution. In
fiscal year 1990 the United States government spent over
$24,960,606,000 on corrections alone (U.S. Department of
Justice, 1993). This figure represents the federal
government's contribution and does not take into account the
money spent by each state. Since females represent
approximately 8% of all federal inmates, this equals an
expenditure of approximately $1,996,848,500. The state of
California spent approximately $4,265,013,000 directly on
corrections (U.S. Department of Justice, 1993). Since
females represent approximately 6% of California state
inmates, this represents an expenditure of approximately
$255,900,000. It must be remembered, however, that
prostitutes are rarely incarcerated, generally being
arrested, booked, fined, then released. In 1991, nationwide
over 98,900 arrests were made £or prostitution costing the
taxpayers untold amounts of money (U.S. Dept, of Justice,
1993). In that same year, California spent $6,481,822,000
directly on law enforcement (California Criminal Justice,
1992). It has been estimated that females comprise
approximately 19% of all arrests (U.S. Dept of Justice,
1993). Since prostitution comprises 2.5% of all female
arrests, it can be estimated that over $30,000,000 was spent
to arrest females for prostitution in the state of
California alone. This figure does not include the cost
incurred to deter the activity.
The procedure for managing prostitution is more
generally a method of deterrence rather than of actually
stopping the activity. Police spend a significant amount of
time deterring prostitution rather than making actual
arrests, therefore the actual cost of policing prostitution
can not be estimated. Additionally, estimates of the amount
of money spent on court costs, booking costs, and jail costs
are not available. The above cited figures represent only
those funds directly spent to arrest females. There are
other untold costs in terms of other expenditures and the
human costs associated with female crime and prostitution.
Nearly 90% of female inmates are between the ages of 18
and 50 with the largest proportion being between 26 to 35
years old. In 1991, over 78% of jailed female inmates had
children and 67% of these children were under the age of 18.
Nearly 12% o£ these children were being raised in either
foster care or in other state agencies (U.S. Department of
Justice, 1993). The costs of raising these children and the
potential psychological damage done due to their mother's
incarceration have not been estimated, but are presumably
quite large. Additionally, it has been hypothesized that
children of incarcerated women are more likely to perform
poorly in school and engage in delinquent behavior. The
potential to perpetuate a cycle of criminal activity appears
to be increased due to the mothers' incarceration. Family
and adoptee studies provide some evidence that sociopathy
and criminality have a genetic component. The high rates of
criminal activity in adoptees occurs when biological and
adoptive parents are both criminals, suggesting that
criminality is due to a combination of genetic and
environmental factors (Hutchings & Mednick, 1977).
Society must find a means to break this cycle.
On the surface, it would appear that American society
has chosen a punitive approach to managing prostitution,
defining it as an illegal activity. However, although it is
an illegal activity, there are inconsistencies in how
society manages prostitution. Even though the prostitute
engages in an illegal activity, she is rarely arrested.
Police generally take a deterrence approach to managing the
prostitute. It is hoped that the police's presence will
deter the prostitute or the customer from engaging in the
activity. When the prostitute does not respond to this
deterrence and/or members of the community take offense to
her presence a more active, punitive approach is taken. The
prostitute is arrested, given a small fine, and sent on her
way. She may actually engage in prostitution to pay the
fine. If she becomes too much of a nuisance (i.e., multiple
arrests) she is jailed. Very little time, money, or energy
has actually been spent trying to intervene and provide
alternatives for the prostitute.
Statement of The Problem
Identifying the biopsychosocial determinants of, along
with the motivation for females to engage in prostitution
and/or criminal activity has become a critical issue in the
areas of corrections, psychology, and public policy. The
U.S. Department of Justice statistics (1993) show increasing
financial expenditures to incarcerate women, enduring rates
of violent crimes committed by women, and an increasing
number of women being incarcerated. The effects of female
crime have become widespread. In 1925, approximately 3,000
women were incarcerated in state and federal institutions.
This figure had grown to nearly 47,000 in 1992 (U.S.
Department of Justice, 1993). In 1993, 8% of the total
number of persons incarcerated in federal prisons and 6% of
the total number of persons incarcerated in state prisons
were females (U.S. Dept, of Justice, 1994). Since 1981, the
growth rate in the number of women incarcerated in the state
prison system has exceeded that for men. From 1980 - 1989
the female population in the state prison systems increased
by 202% (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1990). In addition,
approximately 32% of the women incarcerated in state prisons
were incarcerated for violent offenses with 26% considered
violent recidivists (U.S. Dept of Justice, 1994). The
average annual costs to house these women were estimated to
be over $20,000/year per inmate. This figure represents
housing costs only and does not reflect the costs to police
and prosecute the crimes. In 1992, nearly 2 million women
were arrested for prostitution comprising 2.5% of all female
arrests (U.S. Dept, of Justice, 1994). The costs of
policing, prosecuting, and punishing female crime and
prostitution continue to rise each year. At the very least,
from an economical standpoint society can no longer view the
female offender as just "socially offensive". Similarly,
since up to 30% of prostitutes are infected with the HIV
virus (Rosenberg & Weiner, 1988) society has reason to
believe that prostitution potentially is not a "victimless
crime",
The present study proposes to identify how female
inmates with and without histories of prostitution differ on
selected psychosocial variables. Specifically, this
dissertation will accomplish the following: (a) identify,
describe, and compare the self-concepts of female inmates
with and without histories of prostitution; b) identify,
54
describe, and compare the perception o£ the home lives
during childhood of female inmates with and without
histories of prostitution; c) identify, describe, and
compare the existence of trauma symptoms (i.e. depression,
dissociation, anxiety) and traumatic events (rape, spousal
abuse, etc.) in female inmates with and without histories of
prostitution; and d) identify, describe, and compare the
childhood experiences of physical and sexual abuse of female
inmates with and without histories of prostitution.
The goal of the present study is to elucidate the issue
around whether prostitution represents criminal behavior,
represents a victimless crime, or represents a symptom of an
underlying problem/issue for the women who engage in it.
Female inmates were chosen as a comparison group since
society has charged, tried, and convicted these woman of
engaging in criminal behavior. Society has clearly labelled
these persons as having engaged in criminal behavior and
frequently considers them to be "criminals". On the other
hand, society does not know what to consider the prostitute:
nuisance or criminal. By comparing subjects with a history
of prostitution with their incarcerated peers who do not
have such a history, the similarities and differences
between these two groups can be illuminated.
It has been reported that female inmates have
frequently experienced similar life experiences/traumas as
have prostitutes. In many studies, however, the two groups
were not compared. The similarities between the groups at
times becomes problematic, due to difficulty determining
whether a difference is due to prostitution, criminal
behavior, or solely due to being incarcerated. The present
study will attempt to control for these factors by studying
women incarcerated for similar charges and in a similar
living situation. Even though relatively little is known
about the similarities and differences between these two
groups of women, the female inmate is often viewed and
treated by society as a "criminal" whereas the prostitute is
viewed and treated as a "nuisance". By comparing the two
groups, a determination can be made whether the prostitute
experiences more or less psychosocial issues/problems than
does the female inmate. Results could demonstrate that
prostitution might represent a symptom of these underlying
problems and therefore not necessarily constitute her having
a characterological flaw. Conversely, if the results
demonstrate that both groups have similar issues/problems,
society must decide if and why it would not treat the
prostitute as a criminal. This would necessitate society's
determining whether or not prostitution is, in fact, a
"victimless crime" or should be considered a criminal act.
Finally, it is presumed that the act of being arrested
and incarcerated impacts the individual in a variety of
unknown ways. By utilizing inmates as a control group, the
impact of having been arrested and incarcerated is
56
controlled because both groups of subjects have had similar
experiences in the criminal justice system.
The present study would facilitate a better
understanding of those factors which facilitated these 5
million women in engaging in prostitution. The potential
consequences, on an individual and societal level, of not
understanding prostitution are great. The information
gained by this study could provide the means to better
understand the psychological characteristics and needs of
the prostitute and female inmate. The results might also
suggest alternative means of managing prostitution other
than by punishing or deterring the prostitute. Similarly,
the results of the present study could provide valuable
information to facilitate a better understanding of how to
provide the prostitute with socially acceptable alternatives
to prostitution. The results will demonstrate how the
female prostitute differs from the female inmate,
highlighting those areas in which the prostitute needs
assistance in order to assist her in leaving prostitution.
Additionally,' the results of the present study can also
add to the theoretical understanding of the process by which
a female enters and continues in prostitution. This
understanding will facilitate the efficient and effective
delivery of needed services. Finally, the results of the
present study could be used as a basis for developing
prevention programs. The results could identify those
57
characteristics or li£e experiences which might increase a
girl's chances of engaging in prostitution. Only through
better understanding the circumstances that facilitated
entry into prostitution can we effectively deter other
children and adolescents from entering into prostitution.
Research Questions and Hypotheses
Based on prior research and clinical, intuitive
experience, the following research questions and hypotheses
were formulated:
1. What is the optimal set of variables which can be
utilized to predict which female inmates have engaged in
prostitution 7
Hypothesis 1; Those inmates with a history of
prostitution will report having completed l e B B formal
education, havincr a lower, grade point average, having taken
special education classes, and having been unemployed prior
to incarceration and these factors will assist in accurately
predicting group membership.
Hypothesis 2:__Those inmates with a history of
prostitution will describe and rate their family of origin
as more dysfunction and less cohesive and these factors will
assist in accurately predicting group membership.
Hypothesis 3: Those inmates with a history of
prostitution will report a higher incidence rate of sexual
abuse and physical abuse and these factors will assist in
accurately predicting group membership.
58
Hypp. f r hegj.g-JL; Those inmates__with a_historv of
prostitution_willreport havlng_experfencing more trautnatic
life events and more posttraumatic symptomatology.and these
factors_will_assist in accurately predicting group
membership..
Hvpothesis_5_; Those inmates_with a history of
prostitution will have a more negative.self-concept and this
factor will assist in accurately predicting group
membership.
Hypothesis 6; Those inmates_with a history of
prostitution will have tried more drugs and have regularly
used more drugs and these factors will assist in accurately
predicting group membership.
2. In addition to the variables predicting group
membership, will statistically significant differences be
found on these variables between those female inmates who
have and have not engaged in prostitution ?
CHAPTER TWO
METHOD
The present research represented a correlational study
that permitted the measurement of several variables and
their degree of interrelationships. The study was performed
using self-report questionnaires, symptom checklists, and
psychological scales.
Subjects
Two groups of subjects were utilized. Group 1
(Prostitute) consisted of randomly selected female inmates
with a verified or self-reported history of prostitution and
Group 2 (Non-Prostitute) consisted of randomly selected
female inmates without a verified or self-reported history
of prostitution. Subjects were gathered from the Federal
Correctional Institution (FCI), Dublin California, a large
federal prison for convicted female inmates. FCI Dublin
housed approximately BOO female inmates at the time of this
study. Although prostitution is not a federal crime, some
of the women incarcerated in the federal prison system have
a history of prostitution (U.S. Dept, of Justice, 1993).
Given the high incidence of drug abuse by prostitutes (Plant
et al., 1989) and the fact that many drug crimes are
prosecuted federally, the existence of prostitutes in the
federal system was not surprising. Approximately 70% of all
female inmates are incarcerated in the Bureau of Prisons for
drug related offenses (U.S. Dept of Justice, 1994). A total
60
of 62 women agreed to participate in the study: Group 1
(Prostitute) « 23 & Group 2 (Non-Prostitute) = 39.
Twenty one of the original 38 members assigned to Group
1 (55%) participated in this study. Two subjects converted
from Group 2 membership to Group 1 membership due to self-
reported histories of prostitution. Thirty nine of the one
hundred and forty two members assigned to Group 2 (approx.
29%) completed their participation in the study. Hypotheses
to explain the lower than expected turn-out and
participation rates as well as the differential
participation rate were generated and will be discussed in
Chapter Four.
The average age for all subjects was 36.29 years. The
ethnicity and marital status of the subjects by group
membership are presented in Tables 1 & 2. The ethnic
breakdown for the entire sample resembled that within the
Bureau of Prisons: African American 27%, Native American
11%, Asian American 2%, Hispanic 10%, Caucasian 45%, Pacific
Islander 2%, and Other 2%. However, there was an over
representation of Native Americans and an under
representation of Hispanics in the present study. The
Bureau of Prisons reported the following ethnicity
demographics in 1993: Caucasian 43%, African American 31%,
Native American 1%, Asian 1%, and Hispanic 24% (U.S. Dept,
of Justice, 1994).
61
Table 1
Ethnicity of Subjects
Ethniaity Prostitute Non-Prostitute
Frequency Percent Frequency Peraent
African American 6 34.8 9 23.7
Native American 2 8.7 5 13.2
Asian American 0 0.0 1 2.6
Hispanic 1 4.3 5 13 .2
Caucasian 12 52.2 16 42.1
Pacific Islander 0 0.0 1 2.6
Other 0 0.0 1 2.6
Table 2
Marital Status of Subjects
Marital Statue Prostitute Non-Prostitute
Frequency Peraent Frequency Percent
Single 7 30.4 11 28.9
Married 3 13.0 13 34.2
Divorced 3 13.0 9 23.7
Separated 5 21.7 1 2.6
Widowed 3 13.0 2 5.3
Common-Law 2 8.7 2 5.3
Selection
To gain access to the subjects, inmates were randomly
selected using SENTRY. SENTRY, a computerized federal data
base of prisoners which lists all inmates within the Bureau
of Prisons (BOP), generated a random list of inmates
incarcerated at this institution. The student investigator
reviewed the inmates' central files, which contained a
history of the inmates' prior arrests and convictions,
looking for a history of prostitution. To be included in
the Prostitute Group one of the following two criteria had
62
to be met: a) the woman was considered to have a verified
history of prostitution if the central file showed a
conviction, plea bargain or guilty plea for prostitution
charges; b) the woman was considered to have a self-reported
history of prostitution if the woman answered affirmatively
to the question regarding engaging in prostitution which was
imbedded in the demographic questionnaire. Those women who
did not have a verified or self-reported history of
prostitution were placed in the Non-Prostitute Group.
A total of 200 women were randomly selected to
participate in this study. Twenty (10%) were unable to
participate for the following reasons: they had already
been transferred to another institution; they had been
released from the Federal Bureau of Prisons; they had been
placed in Disciplinary Segregation; they reported that they
could not read English; and/or their central file did not
contain a Pre-Sentence Investigation report. A total of 180
women were placed on call-outs for scheduled appointments.
Of these 180 women, 38 (21%) belonged to Group 1
(Prostitute) and 142 (79%) belonged to Group 2 (Non-
Prostitute) .
If the subject did not attend her scheduled
appointment, another appointment was rescheduled for a
different time and a different day of the week. Each
subject was called out a maximum of two times. Of the 180
women given one or two appointments, 126 (30 prostitute, 96
Non-prostitute) attended their appointments (70%). Of the
126 women who attended their appointments 66 (52%) agreed to
participate. Of the randomly selected inmates, 55% of
possible members of group one and 29% of possible members of
group two agreed to participate. Overall, there was a 36%
participation rate. Although 66 women agreed to
participate, only 62 eventually completed the research
project. One subject discontinued her participation midway
through the testing and three subjects never returned for
their scheduled testing session.
Procedures
The inmates were placed on a "call-out" list informing
the women that they had an appointment at a specific time in
the drug treatment building. The call-out did not specify
the purpose of their appointment. Women were called out in
groups of 10-15. Subjects were provided with a written
statement regarding their participation in this research and
this statement was also read aloud to each group of
subjects. This statement explained that participation in
the study was intended for research purposes only, that
responses to the questionnaires were anonymous and
confidential, that the questionnaires inquired about
personal and potentially sensitive issues including their
experiencing physical/sexual abuse, that the student
investigator would be the only person to have access to the
raw data, that subsequently their participation might result
in mild psychological discomfort, that a group de-briefing
session would be held immediately following the test
administration, that participation was strictly voluntary,
and that participants could discontinue their participation
at any time without suffering any negative consequences.
(see Appendix A: "A Written Statement Regarding Your
Participation in this Research"). If subjects agreed to
participate, they were given the option to participate at
that time or reschedule their appointment for a more
convenient time. They participated in the research project
in groups of approximately five in a drug treatment room
centrally located in the institution.
Each subject who agreed to participate was assigned a 3
digit research subject number. The first digit denoted
verified history of prostitution: 1 ■ Prostitute Group; 2b
Tentatively Non-Prostitute Group. The second and third
digits of the research subject number were randomly assigned
numbers between 1-99 which functioned as the subject's
individualized number within the group. For example #103
indicated that the subject was a member of the prostitute
group and that the subject had been assigned the number 03
within the group. While coding the data, if an inmate
without a verified history of prostitution answered
affirmatively to the question regarding prostitution, which
was imbedded in the questionnaire, she was reassigned to the
prostitute group and assigned a new research subject number.
Subjects were asked to complete a questionnaire
designed for this study (see Appendix B). The questionnaire
inquired about basic demographic information along with
questions regarding the subject's childhood, history of
sexual/physical abuse, and substance use/abuse history.
Along with completing this questionnaire, each subject was
asked to complete the following standardized psychological
assessment devices: a) The Trauma Symptom Inventory
(Briere, 1991) (Appendix C); b) The Family Environment Scale
(Moos & Moos, 1986); and c) The Tennessee Self Concept Scale
(Roid & Fitts, 1988). Subjects were allowed to complete the
questionnaires in any order they chose. Participation took
approximately 1 hour and the student researcher was
continuously available to answer questions.
At the time of data collection, each subject was given
an envelope with her research subject number marked on the
outside. The envelope provided more confidentiality and
privacy of responses. Each envelope contained the tests and
the questionnaire. The researcher had previously blacked
out any questions asking for the subjects' names and had
written in their research subject numbers. Upon completion
of the data collection session, subjects were asked to place
all materials in the envelope and seal it. The envelopes
were collected individually and the researcher insured that
they were sealed. The collected data were then placed in a
locking brief-case. The brief-case remained locked until
66
the data were removed £rotn the facility. At no time did
Bureau of Prisons staff have access to the raw data,
knowledge of the subjects' written responses, or knowledge
of subjects' group membership.
Immediately following completion of the testing a group
debriefing session was held. Subjects were given the
opportunity to discuss their reactions to participating in
the study. Referrals of interested participants to staff
psychologists were made at the time of the debriefing.
Instrumentation
A questionnaire {Appendix B) comprised of 64 questions
was developed to measure self-reported history of sexual
abuse, physical abuse, substance use/abuse, family
structure, and history of rape and assault. In addition,
the questionnaire inquired about the subject's age,
education, ethnic/racial background, and previous criminal
history. The questionnaire was developed based on clinical
experience and relevant literature. It contains no sub
scales or total score; each item was scored separately.
Questions regarding sexual abuse, physical abuse,
prostitution, and rape were followed up with questions
requesting specific information about the experience. For
example, for sexual abuse information about the number of
perpetrators, relationship to the perpetrators, type(s) of
acts performed, age abuse began, length of abuse, frequency
of abuse, and need for medical attention was solicited. The
67
questionnaire remains unstandardised and has not been tested
for reliability and validity. Along with this
questionnaire, the following psychometric tests were
employed:
Trauma_S_vmptom .Inventory
The Trauma Symptom Inventory (TSI; Briere, 1991; See
Appendix C) was selected for use in this study as a
standardized measure of depression, dissociation, anxiety,
and post-sexual abuse trauma. The Trauma Symptom Inventory
was developed to measure long-term traumatic symptomatology
associated with childhood abuse and adult trauma. The 104-
item instrument consists of nine clinical sub-scales:
Anxious Arousal, Depression, Anger/Irritability,
Dissociation, Sexual Concerns, Dysfunctional Sexual
Behavior, Intrusive Experiences, Defensive Avoidance, and
Impaired Self-reference. Subjects are asked to indicate the
frequency of experiencing various symptoms during the last 6
months on a Likert-type scale ranging from 0 (Never) to 3
(Often). To score the TSI, specific individual items are
summed to create scores on the nine clinical sub-scales.
The TSI total score is the sum of the nine sub-scale scores.
The TSI is an expanded version of Briere's earlier
scales the TSC-33 & TSC-40 (Briere & Kuntz, 1989). These
scales were research measures designed to accurately assess
the long-term impacts of child abuse & adult trauma. In
1991, Briere was prompted to develop the TSI as a clinically
68
useful, psychometrically sound measure of posttraumatic
symptomatology. The Items in the TSI were developed on a
rational/intuitive basis based on clinical experience and
relevant literature.
Based on studies using clinical, university and general
population samples, the TSI has been determined to possess
good predictive and concurrent validity (Briere, Elliott, &
Smiljanich, in press). Additionally, it has been
demonstrated that the clinical sub-scales have high
reliability among these populations. Smiljanich fie Briere
(1993) found that TSI scores were significantly related to
history of childhood sexual abuse (£[9,257] « 2.08; £<.031).
The sub-scales which were found to be significantly
associated with childhood sexual abuse were Anxious Arousal
(£ ■ 5.91; £<.016), Anger/Irritability (£ ■ 8.64; £<.004),
Sexual Concerns (£ - 3.72; £<.055), Dysfunctional Sexual
Behavior (£ * 12.61; £<.001), and Intrusive Experiences (£ »
3.85; £<.051). The reliability coefficients of the TSI sub
scales have been reported to be the following: Anxious
Arousal £ = ,88; Depression a * .89; Anger/Irritability a B
.91; Dissociation a ■ *88; Sexual Concerns a ».89;
Dysfunctional Sexual Behavior a B <78; Intrusive Experiences
a B .91; Defensive Avoidance a B >89; and Impaired Self-
Reference a B >87, suggesting that these scales are
sufficiently reliable. Test-retest data were unavailable.
69
The_Family_Environment Scale (FES)
Selected for use in this study as a standardized
measure of level of family functioning the Family
Environment Scale (FES) (Moos & Moos, 19S6) is a 90-item
true-false instrument designed to measure the social-
environmental attributes of various kinds of families. The
FES contains ten sub-scales which are designed to appraise
family attributes and assess three underlying domains: the
Relationship dimensions, the Personal Growth dimensions, and
the System Maintenance dimensions. The 10 sub-scales of the
FES include: Cohesion, Expressiveness, Conflict,
Independence, Achievement Orientation, Intellectual-Cultural
Orientation, Activity/Recreational Orientation, Moral-
Religious Orientation, Organization, and Control. Subjects
are asked to rate how true each statement is of their
family. If the statement is true or mostly true of their
family, the subject marks an X in a box designated True. If
the statement is false or mostly false, the subject places
an X in a box marked false. Scoring the FES is a simple
clerical task involving the use of a template. Scores are
obtained for each of the ten sub-scales.
Normative data for the FES were obtained from 1,125
normal families and 500 distressed families. The normal
families included families from diverse areas of the
country, single-parent families, multi-generational
families, families from ethnic minority groups, and families
70
o£ all age groups (Moos & Moos/ 1986). The distressed
families included families receiving services from a
psychiatrically oriented family clinic, families affiliated
with probation and parole departments, families of alcohol
abusers, and families in which the child was in crisis (Moos
& Moos, 1986). When compared to normal families, distressed
families obtained lower scores on cohesion, expressiveness,
independence, intellectual orientation, and recreational
orientation. Distressed families scored higher on conflict
and control (Moos & Moos, 1986).
Test-retest reliability coefficients for six sub-scales
have been reported to range between .76 and .89 over a 12
month interval. Coefficients for the remaining four sub
scales reportedly ranged from .52 to .69 (Halvorson, 1991).
Moos and Moos (1986) reported the following sub-scale
internal consistencies: Cohesion ■ .78; Expressiveness * *
.69; Conflict ■ .75; Independence ■ .61; Achievement
Orientation - .64; Intellectual-Cultural Orientation a .78;
Activity-Recreational Orientation » .67; Moral-Religious
Emphasis * .78; Organization » .76; and Control ■ .67. The
FES has been shown to have good face validity and a moderate
degree of predictive validity (Halvorsen, 1991).
The Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS)
Selected for use in this study as a standardized
measure of Self-Concept, the Tennessee Self Concept Scale
(TSCS) (Roid & Fitts, 1988) was designed to summarize an
individual's feelings of self-worth and whether or not the
individual's self-image is a deviant one. As well as
providing an overall assessment of self-esteem, the TSCS
measures five external aspects of self-concept {moral-
ethical, social, personal, physical, and family) and three
internal aspects {identity, behavior, and self-
satisfaction) . The TSCS consists of 100 self-descriptive
statements. The subject is asked to rate how accurately
each statement describes herself/himself using a Likert type
scale ranging from 1 (Completely False) to 5 (Completely
True). Ninety of these items claim to measure both the
internal and the external dimension of self-concept. The
other 10 items are taken from the Minnesota Multiphasic
Personality Inventory (MMPI) Lie Scale and provide a measure
of a subject's defensiveness in responding to the TSCS (Roid
& Fitts, 1988) . Scoring the TSCS is a complex task
involving the use of multiple scoring templates. A total
score along with sub-scale scores and empirical scale scores
are obtained.
The original normative sample for the TSCS consisted of
626 participants from various parts of the United Stated
ranging in age from 12 to 68. The group was equally mixed
in gender, ethnicity (Black/White) and representative of all
social, economic, and intellectual levels (Roid & Fitts,
1988). Subsequent studies have shown the adult norms to be
robust.
Reliability coefficients have been reported to range
from .66 to .94. Nunnelly (1968) reported a split-half
reliability & * * .91 for the Total Score on the TSCS.
Stanwyck and Garrison (1982) found an internal consistency
estimate of .92 for the Total Score and .66 for Self-
Criticism. Tzeng, Maxey, Fortier, and Landis (1985) found
internal consistencies all to be above .80. Test-retest
reliability are reported to range from .60 to .92 (Fitts,
1965). Concerning validity, studies have shown the TSCS to
posses construct, criterion, and content validity (Roid &
Fitts, 1988). Correlations between the TSCS total score and
the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale have been
found to range between .51 and .80 (Roid & Fitts, 1988).
Data Analysis
Research Question One
The first research question which sought to find the
optimal set of variables which could be utilized to predict
which female inmates had engaged in prostitution, was
evaluated by entering those variables associated with the
six research hypotheses into a discriminant function
analysis (DFA). These variables were used as predictor
variables and history of prostitution was utilized as the
criterion variable.
Hypothesis l
The first hypothesis, that having completed less formal
education; having a lower grade point average; having taken
73
special education classes; and having been unemployed prior
to incarceration would assist in predicting which inmates
had engaged in prostitution; was evaluated by entering these
variables as predictor variables in a discriminate function
analysis (DFA) with history of prostitution as the criterion
variable.
Hypothesis 2
The second hypothesis, that describing and rating the
family of origin as more dysfunction and less cohesive would
assist in predicting which female inmates had engaged in
prostitution; was evaluated by entering self-reported
incidents of family dysfunction and scores on the Family
Environment Scale (FES) as predictor variables in a
discriminant function analysis (DFA) with history of
prostitution as the criterion variable.
Hypothesis 3
The third hypothesis, that reporting a higher incidence
rate of sexual abuse and physical abuse would assist in
predicting which female inmates had engaged in prostitution;
was evaluated by entering self reported histories of these
events as predictor variables in a discriminant function
analysis (DFA) with history of prostitution as the criterion
variable.
Hypothesis_4
The fourth hypothesis, that experiencing more traumatic
life events and more posttraumatic symptomatology would
74
assist in predicting which female inmates had engaged in
prostitution; was evaluated by entering self-reported
incidents of adulthood trauma and scores on the Trauma
Symptom Inventory (TSI) as predictor variables in a
discriminant function analysis (DFA) with history of
prostitution as the criterion variable.
Hypothesis 5
The fifth hypothesis, that having a more negative self-
concept would assist in predicting which female inmates had
engaged in prostitution; was evaluated by entering scores on
the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) as predictor
variables in a discriminant function analysis (DFA) with
history of prostitution as the criterion variable.
Hypothesis 6
The sixth hypothesis, that having tried more drugs and
having regularly used more drugs would assist in predicting
which female inmates had engaged in prostitution; was
evaluated by entering these factors as the predictor
variables in a discriminant function analysis (DFA) with
history of prostitution as the criterion variable.
Research Question Two
Research question two was evaluated by performing
univariate ANOVAs. Each variable was entered individually
and a comparison was made to determine if the groups
differed on these particular variables.
75
Methodological Assumptions
The following methodological assumptions were implicit
in the present study:
1) The subjects in this study were representative of other
female inmates incarcerated in the Federal Bureau of Prisons
and the results therefore will be generalizable.
2) The subjects were honest and accurate in their
responses to the survey and tests.
3) The questionnaire and tests were assumed to be
sufficiently reliable and valid.
4) The research design, data analysis procedures, and
control methods selected for this study were appropriate.
5) The data were accurately obtained, recorded, and
analyzed.
Delimitations
1. The study was limited to female subjects incarcerated in
the Federal Bureau of Prisons.
2. The study was limited to those females incarcerated at
FCI Dublin in the state of California.
3. Prostitution group membership was limited to those
female inmates who had previously engaged in prostitution
and who were now incarcerated for federal charges other than
prostitution.
4. The study was limited to subjects who voluntarily agreed
to participate in the study*.
76
5. Only those inmates who reported that they could read
English at approximately the sixth grade level were able to
participate in the study.
Limitations
1. Due to financial, methodological, and time constraints,
sample size was limited to 62.
2. Internal and external validity was limited by the
instruments used in the study.
3. Validity was limited by the honesty of the subjects'
responses to the questionnaire and tests.
4. Validity was limited by the accuracy of the Pre-sentence
investigation report.
CHAPTER THREE
RESULTS
The purpose of the present study was to determine what
was the optimal set of variables which could be utilized in
a discriminant function analysis to predict which female
inmates had engaged in prostitution. A secondary purpose
was to determine whether, in addition to the variables
predicting group membership, there would be statistically
significant differences on selected psychosocial variables
between those female inmates who had and had not engaged in
prostitution. This chapter presents the results of the
statistical analyses of the data. First, differences
between the prostitute and non-prostitute groups in
demographic characteristics will be presented. Then, the
estimated reliability coefficients a (Cronbach's alpha) for
each of the standardized measures will be presented. Next,
the results of the discriminant function analysis will be
revealed including the canonical discriminant function,
omnibus tests of significance, and classification results.
Subsequently, the results of the univariate ANOVAs will be
reviewed. Lastly, selected additional findings will be
reviewed.
Demographic Characteristics of Subjects
Preliminary analyses were conducted to determine if the
prostitute and non-prostitute groups differed in demographic
characteristics. Table 3 presents the results of the
Pearson chi-square tests which indicated that the groups did
not significantly differ on any of these demographic
variables.
Table 3
Differences Between Prostitute and Non-prostitute Subjects
on Demographic Data
Demographic Variable Chi-Square df
P
Age 34.43 29 .22
Ethnicity 4.14 6 .66
Marital Status 9.92 5 .08
Estimated Reliability Coefficients
Estimated reliability coefficient a were calculated for
each of the standardized measures. Tables 4, 5, & 6 present
the estimated coefficients for the Trauma Symptom Inventory,
Family Environment Scale, and Tennessee Self-Concept scale
respectively.
As is evident from the data, the standardized measures
utilized in the present study performed in a reliable
manner. With the exception of the Family Environment Scale,
the majority of measures were reliable at or above the a -
,90 level. Although the reliability coefficients for the
Family Environment Scale were lower than those for the other
two measures, they were still sufficiently reliable.
Therefore, the results obtained in the present study appear
to be reliable, thus improving their utility.
Table 4
Estimated Reliability Coefficients for the Trauma Symptom
Inventory
Scale
A
Anxious Arousal .90
Depression .93
Anger/Irritability .93
Dissociation .91
Sexual Concerns .88
Dysfunctional Sexual Behavior .93
Intrusive Experiences .93
Defensive Avoidance .89
Impaired Self Reference .93
Total Score .98
Table 5
Estimated Reliability Coefficients
Environment Scale
for the Family
Scale
A
Cohesion .71
Expressiveness .76
Conflict .73
Independence .73
Achievement Orientation .74
Intellectual/Cultural Orientation .74
Act ivity-Recreational Orientation .75
Moral/Religious Orientation .82
Organization .76
Control . 71
80
Table 6
Estimated Reliability Coefficients for the Tennessee Self-
Concept Scale
Scale
ft
Identity .95
Satisfaction .95
Behavior .96
Physical Self .92
Moral-Ethical Self .93
Personal Self .94
Family Self .91
Social Self .93
Total Score .98
Discriminant Function Analysis
A step-wise discriminant function analysis (DFA) was
performed to generate an optimal set of variables which
would predict group membership. The Wilks' Lambda method
was chosen due to evidence that suggested that it is often
more robust than greatest characteristic root (gcr)
statistics against violations of the assumptions of DFA
(Harris, 1985). The assumptions of DFA are: a) that a
linear relationship exists between variables; b) that the
continuous variables come from a multivariate normal
population; and c) that the covariance matrices for the two
groups are equal (Betz, 1987).
The first assumption, that a linear relationship exists
between the variables, was assessed by investigating the bi-
variate scatterplots for deviations from a linear
relationship. A review of the scatterplots revealed that,
in general, there was a linear relationship between most of
the variables. The second assumption, that the variables
came from a multivariate normal population, was assessed
utilizing the Lilliefors and Shapiro-Wilks' tests. These
are two commonly used tests to statistically test the
assumption that data were drawn from a normal distribution
(Norusis, 1992). The results of these two tests indicated
that 36 of the 58 variables came from a normal distribution
( q<.05). Thus the second assumption was partially violated.
The third assumption, that the covariance matrices for the
two groups were equal was tested using Box's M test (Betz,
1987). Box's M tests examines the null-hypothesis that the
covariance matrices are equal. Box's M-366.11 (approx £ «
1.825) was found to be significant (p >.0000) suggesting
that the covariation matrices were unequal. Thus the third
assumption appears to have been violated. It should be
noted, however, that Box's M is sensitive to violations of
multivariate normality. Since not all the variables in this
study appeared to come from a multivariate normal
distribution, Box's M might be inaccurate. Similarly, the
limited sample size, unequal number of subjects in each
group, and slightly skewed distribution of the data could
also effect the accuracy of Box's M. However, discriminant
function analysis has been shown to be robust against
violations of the assumptions. Overall, these data suggest
that the results of the discriminant function should be
interpreted with some caution.
Betz (1987) warned that DFA, a maximization procedure,
utilizes sample-specific covariation. She recommended the
use of an a priori Hotelling's T2 test in order to decrease
the capitalization of sample-specific error. For this
sample Hotelling's T2 was found to be significant (pe.OOOO).
The corresponding reliability coefficient for the 58
variables (a *>.74), suggested that the tests and
questionnaire were sufficiently reliable. Additionally,
because of the significance of Hotelling's T3, sample-
specific variation appears to have been kept to a minimum
thus increasing external validity.
Variables bv Hypothesis
The criterion variable in the discriminant function
analysis was verified or self-reported history of
prostitution. The predictor variables, chosen to
correspond to the six research hypotheses, were (by
hypothesis);
Hypothesis 1: employment status prior to
incarceration; number of years of education; estimated grade
point average (GPA); and type of education class (i.e.,
special education, regular education, gifted).
Hypothesis 2: parents' marital status; frequency of
running-away; history of being placed in foster-care or the
care of the state; number of such placements; mother's
frequency of alcohol use; mother's frequency of drug use;
father's frequency of alcohol use; father's frequency of
63
drug use; witnessing one parent hitting the other parent;
and sub-scale scores on the Family Environment Scale (FES).
Hypothesis 3: self reported victim of physical abuse
and self reported victim of sexual abuse.
Hvpo_thesls_4; history of rape; history of being hit in
a romantic relationship; history of prior psychiatric care;
and total & sub-scale scores on the Trauma Symptom Inventory
(TSI).
Hypothesis 5; total, sub-scale, and empirical scale
scores on the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS).
Hypothesis 6: number of drugs tried and number of
drugs used on a weekly basis prior to incarceration.
The discriminant function analysis generated one
canonical discriminant function. Examination of the omnibus
tests of significance revealed the canonical discriminant
function was significant [Wilks Lambda ■ .2742; Chi-square
(16 ££)» 67.289 (p » .000); Eigenvalue b 2.647; Canonical
Correlation b ,852]. Squaring the canonical correlation
revealed that approximately 73% of the variance was
explained by this function. An analysis of variance (ANOVA)
was conducted on the discriminant scores for this function
(£[1*60] * * 156.84, p».0000). This provided further support
for the statistical significance of the canonical
discriminant function. To create the canonical discriminant
function, a total of 22 steps were taken with a resulting 16
variables included in the function. Table 7 summarizes the
84
variables included and steps taken to formulate the
canonical discriminant function via multivariate statistics.
Table 8 presents the structure matrix, standardized
canonical discriminant function coefficients, and
unstandardized canonical discriminant function coefficients.
Table 7
Variables Included In and Steps Taken To Formulate the
Discriminant Function.
Action
Step Entered«E Removed-R
Wilks'
Lambda Sig
1 Runaway(E) .74171 .0000
2 Employed(E) .68428 .0000
3 TSCS- Family(E) .64688 .0000
4 Witness Parent Abuse(E) .60345 .0000
5 FES - Achievement(E) .55869 .0000
6 Placed in foster care(E) .52866 .0000
7 # of foster home placements(E) .50072 .0000
8 FES - Conflict(E) .48224 .0000
9 Mother's drug use (E) .46337 .0000
10 TSI - Anxiety (E) .44985 .0000
11 TSI - Defensive Avoidance(E) .38707 .0000
12 Fathers alcohol use (E) .35079 .0000
13 Number of previous rapes(E) .33231 .0000
14 TSCS - Family (R) .33820 .0000
15 FES - Activity/Recreation (E) .32362 .0000
16 FES - Achievement(R) .32867 .0000
17 Grade Point Average(E) .31744 .0000
18 # of foster home placements (R) .32254 .0000
19 Type of educational class (E) .30827 .0000
20 TSCS - Psychosis(E) .29437 .0000
21 Prior Psych. Treatment (E) .28100 .0000
22 FES - Controlling (E) .27417 .0000
The canonical discriminant function was evaluated by
group means (centroids): Group 1 * * -2.08; Group 2 ■ 1.23.
The classification results demonstrated that the
discriminant function correctly predicted which female
inmates had engaged in prostitution 87% of the time while
85
correct non-prostitute group membership was predicted 97% of
the time. Overall the function correctly predicted group
membership 93.55% of the time for this sample. The accuracy
of this prediction is well above that which would be
obtained through chance group assignment.
Table 8
Structure Matrix and Standardized & Unstandardized Canonical
Discriminant Function Coefficients
Variable Structure Standardized Unetandard;
Matrix Coefficient Coefficient
Runaway -.363 -.370 -.291
Employment .230 .899 1.893
Foster-care -.227 -.914 -2.722
GPA -.141 -.404 -.012
Type of Class .105 .276 .452
FES-Activity .087 .704 .039
Prior Trtmnt. -.085 -.427 -.208
FES-Conflict -.085 -.398 -.023
TSI Def. Avoid.-.072 -1.880 -.146
Father's Ale. .039 1.043 .736
Witness abuse .036 .907 .921
FES-Control .036 .270 .017
Mother's Drug .016 .237 .395
TSCS-Psychosis .006 .346 .032
# rapes -.005 -.703 -.037
TSI-Anxious .004 2.003 .161
(constant) -5.037
Research Question One
Research question one, which sought to find the optimal
set of variables which can be utilized to predict which
female inmates have engaged in prostitution, was validated.
A discriminant function analysis was performed with history
of prostitution as the criterion variable. An optimal set
of variables was generated with several of the variables
86
included in hypotheses one through six being included in the
canonical discriminant function. Each of these variables
will be discussed according to their corresponding
hypothesis.
Hypothesis 1
Hypothesis 1: that having completed less formal
education; having a lower grade point average; having taken
special education classes; and having been unemployed prior
to incarceration will assist in predicting which female
inmates have engaged in prostitution; was partially
confirmed. A discriminant function analysis was performed
with history of prostitution as the criterion variable.
Employment status prior to incarceration, grade point
average (GPA), and type of educational classes, were
included in the canonical discriminant function with the
following unstandardized canonical discriminant function
coefficients: Employment Status ■ 1.89; GPA « -.012; Class
Type < * .452. This indicates that knowing employment status
prior to incarceration, GPA in high school, and the type of
educational classes taken would assist in predicting which
female inmates have engaged in prostitution.
Hypothesis 2
Hypothesis 2, that describing and rating the family of
origin as more dysfunctional and less cohesive will assist
in predicting those inmates who have engaged in
prostitution, was partially confirmed. A discriminant
function analysis was performed with history of prostitution
as the criterion variable. History of running away, having
been placed in foster care, mother's drug use, father's
alcohol use, having witnesses one parent hit the other
parent, the Conflict sub-scale of the FES, the Activity-
Recreational sub-scale of the FES, and the Controlling sub
scale of the FES were included in the canonical discriminant
function. The following were the unstandardized canonical
discriminant function coefficients: Runaway ■ -.291;
Foster-care » -2.72; Mother's Drug Use ■ .395; Father's
Alcohol Use = .736; Witnessing One Parent Hit the Other ■
.921; FES Conflict = -.023; FES Activity/Recreational
Orientation » .039; FES Controlling « .017. This indicates
that gaining information about an inmate's history of
running away from home, having been placed in foster-care,
mother's drug use, father's alcohol use, having witnessed
one parent hit the other parent, and FES Conflict, Activity-
Recreational Orientation, and Controlling sub-scale scores
would assist in predicting which female inmates have engaged
in prostitution.
Hypothesis 3
Hypothesis 3, that reporting a higher incidence rate of
sexual abuse and physical abuse will assist in predicting
those inmates who have engaged in prostitution, was not
confirmed. A discriminant function analysis was performed
with history of prostitution as the criterion variable.
88
Neither self-reported history of physical abuse nor self-
reported history of sexual abuse were included in the
canonical discriminant function.
Hvpothesis_4
Hypothesis 4, that experiencing more traumatic life
events and more posttraumatic symptomatology will assist in
predicting those inmates who have engaged in prostitution,
was partially confirmed. A discriminant function analysis
was performed with history of prostitution as the criterion
variable. Number of times previously raped, receiving prior
psychiatric treatment, TSI Anxious Arousal, and TSI
Defensive Avoidance were included in the canonical
discriminant function with the following unstandardized
canonical discriminant function coefficients: Number of
Rapes - -.037; Prior Psychiatric Treatment* -.208; TSI
Anxious Arousal* .161; & TSI Defensive Avoidance* -.146.
This signifies that gaining information about an inmate's
history of being raped, having received prior psychiatric
care, and TSI Anxious Arousal and Defensive Avoidance sub
scale scores would assist in predicting which female inmates
have engaged in prostitution.
Hvpothesis_S
Hypothesis 5, that having a more negative self-concept
will assist in predicting those inmates who have engaged in
prostitution, was partially confirmed. A discriminant
function analysis was performed with history of prostitution
89
as the criterion variable. TSCS Psychosis was included in
the canonical discriminant function with an unstandardized
canonical discriminant function coefficient » .032. This
suggests that knowing an inmate's TSCS Psychosis sub-scale
score would assist in predicting which female inmates have
engaged in prostitution.
Hypothesis 6
Hypothesis 6, that having tried more drugs and having
regularly used more drugs will assist in predicting which
female inmates have engaged in prostitution, was not
confirmed. A discriminant function analysis was performed
with history of prostitution as the criterion variable.
Neither of the variables were included in the canonical
discriminant function.
Univariate ANOVAs
Univariate ANOVAs were conducted to measure
statistically significant group differences. Table 9
presents the means and standard deviations for variables
included in the questionnaire. The means and standard
deviations for the standardized measures are presented in
tables 11-13. Next, Table 10 presents those variables which
were found to be statistically significant (p<.05). The
remainder of the variables tested were not found to be
statistically significant.
90
Research QuestIon Two
Research question two, which sought to determine
whether, in addition to the variables predicting group
membership, there are statistically significant differences
on selected psychosocial variables between those female
inmates who have and have not engaged in prostitution, was
partially verified. Univariate ANOVA's were conducted on
all the psychosocial variables included in the research
hypotheses and statistically significant differences were
found for 20 of the variables. Each set of psychosocial
variables will be discussed independently.
Table 9
Mean and Standard Deviations for Prostitute and Non-
Prostitute Groups on Variables Included in the Questionnaire
Variable Prostitute
Mean (SD)
Non-Prostitute
Mean (SD)
Employment status .30 (.47) .67 (.48)
Education 11.52 (1.5) 12.37 (1.7)
GPA 2.94 (.70) 2.95 (.51)
Type of Class 1.04 (.21) 1.26 (.75)
Parents' Marital Status 2.91 (.99) 2.54
(1.1)
History of Running Away 1.59 (1.1) .38 (.67)
Placed in foster care .30 (.47) .05 (.22)
# of foster care placements .65 (1.3) .10 (.50)
Mother's Alcohol Use 1.30 (.97) 1.03 (1.1)
Mother's Drug Use .17 (.39) .20 (.70)
Father's Alcohol Use 1,30
(1.1) 1.29 (.98)
Father's Drug Use .52 (1.0) .16 (.44)
Witnessing Parents Hitting .65 (.88) .77 (1.0)
Physical Abuse .52 (.51) .44 (.50)
Sexual Abuse .43 (.51) .36 (.49)
Having Been Raped .57 (.51) .37 (.49)
Number of Times Raped 1.55 (2.2) .51 (.84)
Hit in Romantic Rltnship 1.26 (.69) .81 (.95)
Number of Drugs Tried 5.13 (3.0) 2.97 (2.3)
# of Drugs Used (weekly) 2.14 (1.4) 1.19 (1.1)
Prior Psych. Treatment 1.32 (1.6) .87 (1.4)
Table 10
Variables Pound to Be Statistically Significant By
Univariate ANOVA's
Variable F
P
Employment Status 8.419 .0052
Education 3.9717 .0500
History of Running Away 27.11 .0000
Placed in foster care 8.215 .0057
# of foster care placements 5.852 .0186
Number of Times Raped 6.7158 .0121
Number of Drugs Tried 9.9824 .0025
Number of Drugs Used (weekly) 8.2552 .0057
TSI - Anger 6.2521 .0152
TSI - Dysfunct. Sexual Behav. 6.9039 .0109
TSI - Avoidance 4.9057 .0306
TSCS - Total Score 4.6826 .0345
TSCS - Identity 8.007 .0064
TSCS - Behavior 4.4508 .0391
TSCS - Moral Self 7.2292 .0093
TSCS - Family Self 10.3439 .0021
TSCS - Defensive Positive 4.0547 .0486
TSCS - General Maladjustment 6.9109 .0109
TSCS - Personality Disorder 8.3723 .0053
TSCS - Neurosis 4.5399 .0373
Educational/Vocational Factors
Univariate ANOVAs revealed that the groups
significantly differed in number of years of education
completed and employment status prior to incarceration.
Subjects with a history of prostitution completed less
formal education (M [Prostitute] » 11.5 years, M [Non-
Prostitute] » 12.4 years). They also more frequently
reported being unemployed. No statistically significant
group differences existed in estimated GPA, or type of
educational classes taken.
92
Dysfunctional Family Environments
Univariate ANOVAs revealed that the groups
significantly differed in terms of history of running away,
having been placed in foster care, and number of foster care
placements. Subjects with a history of prostitution
reported having more frequently ran-away from home, having
been placed in foster care or the care of the state, and
having been placed in a greater number of such placements.
No statistically significant group differences were found on
the FES. Table 11 presents the mean Standard scoreB and
standard deviations on the Family Environment Scale (FES)
for both groups.
Sexual and Physical Abuse
Univariate ANOVAs revealed no statistically significant
group differences in history of physical or sexual abuse.
The results showed that 52% of the subjects with a history
of prostitution and 44% of the subjects without a history of
prostitution reported having experienced physical abuse.
Similarly 43% of the subjects with a history of prostitution
and 36% of the subjects without a history of prostitution
reported having experienced sexual abuse.
Traumatic Experiences and Posttraumatic Symptoms
Univariate ANOVAs revealed that statistically
significant group differences existed in number of previous
rapes, TSI Anger, TSI Dysfunctional Sexual Behavior, and TSI
Defensive Avoidance. Subjects with a history of
93
prostitution reported having been raped more often
(M [Prostitute] * * 1.55, M [Non-Prostitute] * .51), and
scored higher on the Anger, Dysfunctional Sexual Behavior,
and Defensive Avoidance sub-scales of the TSI. Table 12
presents the mean scores and standard deviations for both
groups on the Trauma Symptom Inventory (TSI).
Table 11
Mean Standard Scores and Standard Deviations for Prostitute
and Non-Prostitute Groups on the FES
Scale Prostitute
Mean (SD)
Non-Prostitute
Mean (SD)
Cohesion
Expressiveness
Conflict
Independence
Achievement Orientation
Intell.-Cultural Orient
Activity-Rec. Orient.
Moral-Religious Emphasis
Organization
Control
35.0 (20.7) 41.8 (22.8)
39.3 (14.7) 44.3 (17.4)
60.3 (15.2) 53.0 (16.1)
45.9 (17.9) 44.5 (14.8)
48.8 (15.3) 53.1 (10.2)
39.3 (19.6) 43.2 (18.0)
46.7 (15.9) 49.4 (16.1)
51.4 (11.1) 52.5 (13.1)
53.9 (11.1) 52.6 (12.6)
55.2 (12.8) 54.8 (14.2)
Table 12
Mean Scores and Standard Deviations for Prostitute and Non
Prostitute Groups on the TSI
Scale' Prostitute
Mean (SD)
Non-
Mean
Prostitute
(SD)
Total Score 113 .2 (67.9) 82.9 (60.6)
Anxious Arousal 13.0 (7.4) 11.2 (7.9)
Depression 15.2 (8.7) 12.2 (9.0)
Anger/Irritabi1ity 14.6 (8.8) 9.4 (7.2)
Dissociation 11.9 (8.1) 8.6 (7.3)
Sexual Concerns 8.4 (8.9) 5.5 (5.7)
Dysf. Sexual Behavior 7.3 (8.2) 2.8 (5.3)
Intrusive Experiences 13.9 (9.3) 11.2 (9.0)
Defensive Avoidance 17,0 (8.6) 12.0 (8.5)
Impaired Self-Reference 11.9 (8.5) 9.9 (8.4)
94
Self-Concept
Univariate ANOVAs revealed that statistically
significant group differences existed on the Total,
Identity, Behavior, Moral Self, Family Self, Defensive
Positive, General Maladjustment, Personality Disorder, and
Neurosis scales of the TSCS. Subjects with a history of
prostitution obtained lower scores on the following: Total
Score, Identity, Satisfaction, Behavior, Moral Self, Family
Self, and Defensive Positive. Subjects with a history of
prostitution obtained higher scores in General
Maladjustment, Personality Disorder and Neurosis. Table 13
presents the mean Standard scores and standard deviations on
the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) for both groups.
Table 13
Mean Standard Scores and Standard Deviations for Prostitute
and Non-Prostitute Groups on the TSCS
Seale Prostitute
Mean (SD)
Non-Pros ti tute
Mean (SD)
Total Score 40.1 (13.6) 48.0 (13.8)
Identity 36.3 (13.0) 45.8 (12.5)
Satisfaction 46.3 (14.1) 53.1 (13.2)
Behavior 38.0 (14.5) 45.8 (13.8)
Physical Self 40.3 (15.5) 47.0 (14.5)
Moral-Ethical Self 42.2 (13.2) 50.4 (10.4)
Personal Self 46.7 (16.0) 52.3 (14.4)
Family Self 33.7 (13.1) 45.7 (14.7)
Social Self 43.3 (16.8) 48.1 (12.5)
Defensive Positive 47.6 (12.3) 53.4 (9.9)
General Maladjustment 64.1 (15.7) 54.3 (13.1)
Psychosis 60.8 (11
.8) 60.0 (8.1)
Personality Disorder 59.4 (11
.4) 50.2 (12.4)
Neurosis 59.2 (12.4) 51.9 (13.4)
Personality Integration 38.3 (9.1) 44.3 (14.7)
95
Substance Uae/Abuse
Univariate ANOVAs revealed that significant group
differences existed in number of drugs tried and number of
drugs used on a regular (weekly) basis. Subjects with a
history of prostitution had tried more drugs
(M [Prostitute] » 5.1, M [Non-Prostitute] « 3.0) and had
used more drugs on a regular basis (ft [Prostitute] » 2.1,
M [Non-Prostitute] * 1.2).
Selected Additional Findings
The groups were compared on additional variables
collected during the course of this study. The data were
collected to evaluate the similarities of the groups, but
were not used in the discriminant function analysis due to
lack of theoretical or research foundation. A one-way
analysis of variance (ANOVA) was performed for each variable
to verify equality of the groups. Table 14 presents the
means and standard deviations for both groups on each of the
variables. Table 15 presents the results of the ANOVA. The
number of prior arrests, age when first arrested, and age at
first intercourse were found to be statistically significant
between the groups. The subjects with a history of
prostitution reported having been arrested more frequently,
having been arrested at a younger age, and having engaged in
intercourse at a younger age. Whether or not first
intercourse was by consent and amount of time spent in jail
were approaching significance. Additionally, Table 15
demonstrates that no significant differences existed between
the groups in age of onset, number of perpetrators,
frequency, and duration of both physical and sexual abuse.
Although not found to be significantly different
between the groups, a total of 44% of the subjects reported
having been raped at some point in their lives, with 21%
having been raped more than once. Similarly, 66% of the
subjects reported having been physically hit in a romantic
relationship, with 27% reporting that this had occurred on a
frequent or continuous basis.
Table 14
Mean and Standard Deviations for Prostitute and Non-
Prostitute Groups on Selected Psychosocial Variables
Variable Prostitute Non-Prostitute
Mean (SD) Mean (SD)
Number of Prior Arrests 14.9 (22.2) 2.5 (2.3)
Age When First Arrested 20.1 (5.79) 26.2 (9.9)
Time Spent in Jail 68.4 (51.1) 45.1 (44.4)
Age at First Intercourse 13.9 (2.26) 15.6 (2.57)
1st Intercourse by Consent 0.6 (0.50) 0.8 (.40)
Age Left Parents' Home
Physical Abuse
17.4 (4.76) 18.2 (3.3)
Age Abuse Began 8.9 (5.0) 9.7 (4.3)
Number of Perpetrators 1.7 (.65) 1.5 (1.0)
Frequency of Abuse 2.5 (1.3) 2.9 (1.3)
Duration of Abuse
Sexual Abuse
8. I * (5.0) 8.3 (5.8)
Age Abuse Began 8.6 (2.5) 8.8 (4.8)
Number of Perpetrators 1.3 (.48) 1.1 (.36)
Frequency of Abuse 3.1 (1.5) 3.3 (1.4)
Duration of Abuse 4.9 (4.7) 4.0 (5.0)
97
1 Table 15
Differences Between Prostitute and Non-Prostitute Groups on
Selected Data
Variable F d£ sig
Number of Prior Arrests 12.05
1* 57 .001
Age When First Arrested 6.92 1,57 .01
Amount of Time Spent in Jail 2.97 1,52 .09
Age at First Intercourse 6.33 1,56 .01
First Intercourse by Consent 3.45 1,57 .07
Age Left Parents' Home .55 1,57 .46
Phyaioal Abuse
Age Abuse Began .19 1,24 .67
Number of Perpetrators .33 1,24 .57
Frequency of Abuse .46 1,26 .50
Duration of Abuse .01 1,24 .94
Sexual Abuse
Age Abuse Began .01 1,22 .91
Number of Perpetrators .83 1,22 .37
Frequency of Abuse .46 1,19 .83
Duration of Abuse .19 1,21 .66
Svfflimagy
The two research questions were validated and four of
the six research hypotheses were partially confirmed. To
summarize: (a) a canonical discriminant function containing
16 variables was generated; (b) this function explained
approximately 73% of the variance and had an overall
prediction accuracy of 93%; (c) statistically significant
group differences were found on 20 psychosocial variables;
(d) although not statistically significant between the
groups, large proportions of the subjects reported histories
of sexual abuse, physical abuse, and battery in a romantic
relationship; (e) although not considered in the overall
analysis, subjects with a history of prostitution reported
98
having been arrested more frequently and having engaged in
intercourse at a younger age.
CHAPTER FOUR
DISCUSSION
In this chapter, the results o£ the present study will
first be interpreted. Second, the results of the study will
be placed into context with prior research findings. Then
the limitations, delimitations, and methodological issues of
the present study will be reviewed. Finally, the
theoretical and clinical implications of these results and
directions for future research will be presented.
Interpretation of Results
Overall, the present study found that a canonical
discriminant function could be generated that accurately
predicted which subjects had engaged in prostitution.
Additionally, statistically significant group differences
were found to exist in educational/vocational, family
environment, trauma, drug abuse, and self-concept factors.
The results of the study will now be discussed in order of
the research questions and hypotheses.
Research Question One
The results corresponding to the first research
question validate that an optimal set of variables can be
utilized to predict which female inmates have engaged in
prostitution with 87% accuracy. The canonical discriminant
function accurately predicts which females have not engaged
in prostitution with 97% accuracy. It has an overall
accuracy rate of 93%. The canonical discriminant function
100
utilizes 16 variables assigned different coefficients. The
variables utilized include educational/vocational, family
environment, self-concept, and trauma factors. This
suggests that the groups differ on these dimensions in some
manner and that these differences can be utilized to predict
group membership. It must be remembered that group
membership can only be predicted when utilizing all the
variables, with their corresponding coefficients. No single
factor was found to accurately predict group membership on
its own. Additionally, it appeared that the third
assumption of discriminant function analysis (that the
covariance matrices are equal) was violated, thus warranting
caution when interpreting the results.
Hypothesis 1
The results of the first hypothesis support that
educational and vocational factors are useful in predicting
which subjects have engaged in prostitution. For this
sample, employment status prior to incarceration, grade
point average, and type of educational classes were included
in the canonical discriminant function. When all variables
were entered into the equation, all three assisted in
predicting group membership. For example, although there
were no statistically significant group differences in grade
point average, there was a trend for the non-prostitutes to
be overly represented in the A/B+ end of the continuum.
When attempting to predict group membership, a subjects'
101
reporting an A or B+ average would lead one to suspect a
higher probability that she had no history o£ prostitution.
The data suggest that educational/vocational factors differ
between groups and that these differences are important in
determining group membership.
Hypothesis 2
The results of the second hypothesis lend support for
the idea that certain characteristics of the family
environment can assist in predicting which subjects have
engaged in prostitution. History of running away, having
witnessed one parent hit the other parent, having been
placed in foster care or the care of the state, conflict
within the family as measured by the FES, mother's drug use,
father's alcohol use, activity-recreational family
orientation as measured by the FES, and a controlling family
as measured by the FES were all found to assist in
predicting group membership. There was a trend for subjects
with a history of prostitution to report having run-away
from home more frequently, to have been placed in foster
care, to have more foster care placements, and to have rated
their family as having more conflict as measured by the FES.
On the other hand, there was a trend for subjects without a
history of prostitution to rate their families as having a
higher activity/recreational orientation and to be more
controlling as measured by the FES. The trend was also for
subjects without a history of prostitution to report that
102
they had not seen their parents hit each other. However, if
they had witnessed hitting in the family, they were more
likely to report it happening on a frequent to continuous
basis. Similarly, the trend was for subjects without a
history of prostitution to report that their mothers never
used drugs. However, for those subjects in this group whose
mothers used drugs, the use was rated to be more frequent
than that of the prostitute group. In contrast, subjects in
the prostitute group were more likely to rate that their
fathers drank more frequent than the fathers of subjects in
the non-prostitute group.
H y p o th esis 3
The results of the third hypothesis did not support the
contention that history of physical abuse and sexual abuse
could be used to predict group membership. Neither factor
was utilized in the canonical discriminant function. It is
hypothesized that this was due to the high incidence rates
of both physical and sexual abuse among members of both
groups. Having a knowledge of abuse status would not be
significantly helpful in predicting group membership since
both groups frequently report having experienced childhood
abuse.
HYPPthSgjP 4
Results from hypothesis 4 support the contention that
experiencing trauma and trauma symptoms can be used to
assist in predicting which female inmates have engaged in
103
prostitution. Number of rapes, prior psychiatric history,
TSI Anxious Arousal, and TSI Defensive Avoidance were all
found to assist in predicting group membership. There was a
trend for subjects with a history of prostitution to more
frequently report having been raped and they were more
likely to report multiple rapes. Additionally, the trend
was for these subjects to report receiving prior psychiatric
treatment (other than drug treatment), to score higher in
the use of defensive avoidance and to suffer from higher
levels of anxious arousal.
Hypothesis 5
Results from hypothesis 5 partially support the idea
that self concept can be used to predict which female
inmates have engaged in prostitution. There was a trend for
subjects with a history of prostitution to report more
psychotic symptoms as measured by the TSCS. Although
psychotic symptoms are not generally considered a part of
self-concept, they are measured by the TSCS empirical
scales. Therefore, if self-concept were assessed utilizing
the TSCS, the clinician would have access to this data and
therefore could attempt to predict group membership.
Hypothesis 6
The results of the sixth hypothesis did not support the
contention that number of drugs tried and number of drugs
regularly used could be used to predict which female inmates
have engaged in prostitution. These variables were unable
104
to assist in discriminating between the groups. It is
hypothesized that the large inter-correlation between these
variables and other variables caused a substantial decrease
in their predictive power. Additionally, both groups
reported a significant number of drugs tried and used
therefore it would be difficult to predict group membership
with accuracy.
Research Question Two
The results of the present study validate that there
are statistically significant differences on several
psychosocial variables between those female inmates who have
engaged in prostitution and those who have not. In
particular, this study found that subjects with a history of
prostitution: a) have completed less education; b) have a
significantly higher unemployment rate prior to
incarceration; c) report having run-way from home more
frequently; d) are more frequently placed in foster care or
the care of the state; e) are placed in more foster care
placements; f) more frequently report having been raped
multiple times; g) obtain significantly higher scores on the
Anger/Irritability, Dysfunctional Sexual Behavior, and
Defensive Avoidance sub-scales of the TSI; h) have a
significantly more negative self-concept; and k) report
having tried and frequently used more drugs. Several of
these points support and others contend with earlier
105
research on prostitution. The results o£ the present study
will now be placed into context with the results o£ previous
studies.
Educational/Vocational Factors
The prostitute and non-prostitute groups were found to
significantly differ in number of years of education
completed. Subjects with a history of prostitution reported
completing less formal education than the subjects without
such a history. These results support the finding of Kuhns
et al. (1992) who found that prostitutes were more likely to
drop out of high school. In this sample, the prostitute
group had completed, on average, 11.5 years of education.
ThiB suggests that many had dropped out prior to receiving
their high school diploma. Employment status prior to
incarceration was found to be significantly different
between the groups. The subjects with a history of
prostitution were twice as likely to be unemployed compared
to subjects without a history of prostitution. This
supports previous findings that prostitutes tend to report
periods of unemployment.
One conclusion that could be drawn from the above
findings is that poor educational history and lack of
employment facilitates a woman's entry into prostitution.
Prostitution might be viewed as a woman's attempt to
economically survive given her limited resources. In
today's economy both having a high school diploma and prior
106
job experience are vital to obtain employment. The results
o£ this study suggest that the prostitute is lacking in both
areas, making it difficult for her to find employment.
Engaging in prostitution may be her way of compensating for
her deficiencies and thus allowing her to survive.
Dysfunctional Family_Environments
The prostitute and non-prostitute groups were found to
significantly differ in their history of running away, of
being placed in foster care or the care of the state, and
number of such placements. Subjects with a history of
prostitution reported having ran-away from home more
frequently, reported having been placed in foster-care, and
reported having more of such placements. The results that
subjects with a history of prostitution report running-away
from home more frequently lend support for the theory
offered by Seng (1989). Seng theorized that running away
behavior, more than any other factor, placed the juvenile at
grpater risk for entering prostitution. He reported that
although other factors might appear to be causally related
to prostitution, it was the running away behavior which
facilitated the youths entry into prostitution. He felt
that running away placed the youth in a particularly
vulnerable position to fall prey to pimps and drug dealers.
He theorized that youth who run-away were more likely to
become involved in prostitution than in other delinquent
behaviors. The results of the present study appear to
107
support this theory. Although both groups reported having a
dysfunctional family, it was the subjects with a history of
prostitution who actually ran-away from the dysfunctional
home thus potentially leaving themselves vulnerable to the
prostitution sub-culture.
The results of this study also lend support to the
results found by Earls & David (1969) that subjects with a
history of prostitution are more frequently placed in out-
of-home placements. The researchers utilized out of home
placements to operationalize the construct of dysfunctional
family. It is the experience of this author that in order
for a child to be removed from the home the family must be
quite dysfunctional. The Department of Children's Services
takes steps to keep the family intact, preferring to offer
corrective support such as counseling, financial assistance,
parent education, and other services. Removing the child
from the home is generally viewed as a last resort. Even if
the child is removed from the home, it is the practice of
the state of California, as well as many other states, to
try to keep the family together. Attempts are frequently
made to place the children with family members or relatives.
Thus, having been placed in foster care or the care of the
state appears to be a valid measure of family dysfunction.
The results of this study suggest that the families of the
prostitutes were quite dysfunctional and that extended
family support was probably non-existent.
Although there were no significant differences in the
ratings of the families on the FES between the groups, the
fact that the prostitutes were more frequently removed from
the home leads to the speculation that their homes were more
dysfunctional. It must be remembered that the FES is a
subjective rating scale and that the subjects with a history
of prostitution may not have viewed their families as
dysfunctional. When comparing the group means on the FES to
the normative sample (both normal and distressed families)
both groups of the present study reported less cohesion,
achievement orientation, activity/recreational orientation
and expressiveness than the normative samples. In contrast,
they reported more conflict, independence, moral-religious
emphasis, organization and control. This profile closely
resembles the profile, proposed by the developers of this
test, of a dysfunctional family. The subjects' responses
suggest that they felt little cohesion and were unable to
express their feelings within the family. There was much
conflict and the family environment appeared controlling.
There appeared to be an absence of recreational activities,
but a strong emphasis on religious activities. The high
independence scores are suspected to reflect the parents'
lack of involvement in the subject's life.
One conclusion which can be drawn from these results is
that coming from a dysfunctional family may place a child at
risk for future engagement in prostitution. The child may
109
have seen running-away from home as the only option, but may
have run to an environment which encouraged, if not
demanded, her engaging in prostitution. The data about
foster placement suggest that this factor also may place the
child at greater risk for engaging in prostitution. More
likely, however, is that the foster placement is only a
symbol of the family's dysfunction and does not in actuality
place the child at greater risk. It could be hypothesized
that the woman who engages in prostitution is hoping to find
the love and closeness which were missing from her family of
origin. She may also be attempting to "make-up" for the
lost time when she was placed out of the home.
Sexual andPhvsical Abuse
Although statistically significant group differences
were not found, the results did support the growing opinion
that subjects with a history of prostitution frequently have
histories of physical and sexual abuse. The incidence
rates of both types of abuse for both groups were found to
be significantly higher than the rates found in the general
public. A total of 43% of subjects with a history of
prostitution and 36% of subjects without such a history
reported having been sexually abused in childhood. Bullough
& Bullough (1994) estimated that in the general public
approximately 25% of females experience childhood sexual
abuse. As is evident, both groups experienced significantly
more abuse than females in the general public. In addition,
in 13% of the cases the perpetrator of the abuse was
identified as the father, mother, step-father or step
mother. Previous studies have shown that suffering sexual
abuse at the hands of the primary care-giver(s) is highly
correlated with more pathological outcomes than abuse by
other relatives or non-relatives (for example, Browne &
Finkelhor, 1986). Russell (1983), in a large probability
survey, found that 4.5% of respondents reported having been
sexually abused by their primary care-giver. The present
study found a much higher rate of sexual abuse by the
primary caregiver(s). Not only were the subjects in the
present study being abused more frequently than the general
public, they were also more frequently being abused by their
primary care giver(s).
Comparable to the results on sexual abuse, 52% of
subjects with a history of prostitution and 44% of those
without such a history reported having been physically
abused while growing up. These figures are significantly
higher than the 10% found to occur in the general public
(Wolfner & Gelles, 1993). This elevated rate of physical
abuse in female inmates (with and without histories of
prostitution) can be viewed as partially supporting the
contention that physically abused children are more likely
to become involved in drinking, delinquency, psychopathology
and behavioral dysfunction (Briere & Runtz, 1988, Deykin,
Alpert, & McNemarra, 1985). As will be discussed later,
Ill
many of the female inmates reported significant substance
abuse problems. Additionally, by virtue of their being
incarcerated, it can be inferred (although not in all cases)
that these women were also involved in behavioral
dysfunction. The present study did not attempt to measure
psychopathology or delinquency per se but lends preliminary
support to this theory.
Although the results of this study can not conclude
that having experienced physical and/or sexual abuse
predisposes a child for subsequent engagement in
prostitution, the results do suggest that having experienced
these events is strongly correlated with increased
likelihood of experiencing adulthood difficulties which
could include prostitution or criminal behavior. The
findings lend further support to the increasingly common
understanding that childhood physical and sexual abuse are
often traumatic experiences that have long-term effects on
the victim. Some of the long-term effects that have been
previously cited as more common in women with histories of
childhood sexual abuse include sexual dysfunction, anxiety,
depression, and behavioral and/or marital disturbance. The
present study lends support to this body of knowledge and
reveals that both prostitutes and female inmates are
similarly effected by childhood physical and sexual abuse.
The subjects in this study reported a significantly higher
rate of both types of abuse. One could hypothesize that
112
engaging in criminal behavior and/or prostitution may be an
individual's manner o£ reacting and managing the post-abuse
sequelae.
Traumatic Experiences and _P_osttraumatic_Svmotoms
Although there was no significant group difference in
the incidence rate for a single rape, there was a
significant difference in the occurrence of multiple rapes.
Subjects with a history of prostitution were more likely to
report having been raped on multiple occasions. A total of
44% of all subjects reported having been raped, with 21%
reporting multiple rapes. Several researchers (Kilpatrick
et al., 1985; Russell, 1984; Sorenson, Stein, Siegel,
Golding, & Burnam, 1987) have reported incidence rates for
rape in the general public to be between 5% and 22%. Both
groups of subjects reported a significantly higher incidence
rate of rape than has been reported to occur in the general
public.
Similar to the results for rape, two thirds (66%) of
the subjects reported having been physically hit in a
romantic relationship, with 27% reporting this happening on
a frequent to continuous basis. Prior studies (MacLeod,
1980; Genteman, 1984) reported incidence rates of domestic
violence to be from 10% to 30%. Again, although there were
no significant between group differences, the participants
in the current study reported significantly higher incidence
rates than the general population. The above points lend
113
support to the idea that both prostitutes and female inmates
suffer from traumatic events in adulthood.
Conte and Schuerman (1987) hypothesized that adults
victimized as children may view themselves as unworthy of
relationships with people they consider healthy or good.
Some adult victims may attempt to gain control over the
prior abuse experience by recreating it in the form of
involvement in bad or abusive relationships. For these
reasons, sexual and/or physical assault (i.e., rape or
spousal abuse) have been found to be associated with prior
child sexual abuse (Fromuth, 1986; Runtz, 1987; Russell,
1986). This study, too, found strong correlations between
childhood sexual abuse, childhood physical abuse, rape, and
domestic violence within both groups. Of the women who
reported a history of childhood sexual abuse, 63% reported
having been raped. Similarly, of those women who reported a
history of sexual abuse, 63% reported having been raped. In
further support of this hypothesis, 91% of the women who
reported a history of childhood sexual abuse also reported
having been physically hit in a romantic relationship.
Comparably, 86% of those women who reported a history of
childhood physical abuse also reported having been
physically hit in a romantic relationship. As is evident
the results of the present study support the hypothesis that
childhood trauma is highly correlated with subsequent
adulthood trauma. Additionally, both prostitutes and female
114
inmates frequently report histories of both childhood trauma
and adulthood trauma.
An investigation of the TSI scores revealed that the
overall average scores on the TSI for both groups are
significantly higher than the original norms. On many of
the scales, these subjects' scores were a full 50% higher
than the norm. This suggests that both groups are
experiencing a significant amount of posttraumatic
symptomatology. It is unclear whether the trauma symptoms
are related to the current incarceration or whether the
females had been experiencing the trauma symptoms over an
extended period of time. One tentative conclusion that
could be drawn is that engaging in criminal behavior or
prostitution may be the individual's manner of coping with
these trauma symptoms. An equally viable explanation,
however, is that being incarcerated is causing these women
to experience high levels of posttraumatic symptomatology.
In addition, as will be discussed in hypothesis 6, the women
may be using drugs to help numb themselves from the trauma.
Statistically significant group differences were found in
the areas of anger/irritability, dysfunctional sexual
behavior, and defensive avoidance with subjects with a
history of prostitution scoring higher in these areas. This
profile of scores is consistent with the profile of someone
who was sexually abused. The highly elevated scores
suggests that the subjects with a history of prostitution
IIS
may not be managing the posttraumatic symptomatology as
effectively and the anger/irritability is surfacing. They
also report having engaged in dysfunctional sexual behavior
more frequently. This is consistent with their history of
prostitution, but it appears that the dysfunctional sexual
behavior is continuing. In addition, the subjects with a
history of prostitution utilize defensive avoidance when
faced with problems. It appears that rather than solving
their problems they avoid them.
Self-Concept
The results of the present study suggest that subjects
with a history of prostitution have more negative self-
concepts when compared to subjects without such a history.
In addition to having a more negative over-all self concept,
subjects with a history of prostitution view who they are
and their behavior as less desirable. They report being
less satisfied with their moral selves, reporting feeling as
if they were a "bad" person. They are also less happy with
their family self, feeling less adequate as a family member.
Further, their lower defensive positive scores suggest that
they are lacking in the usual defenses for maintaining self
esteem. Subjects with a history of prostitution also
obtained elevated scores on the General Maladjustment,
Neurosis, and Personality Disorder scales of the Tennessee
Self-Concept Scale suggesting that they are less well
116
adjusted, are exhibiting more personality disorder symptoms,
and are exhibiting more symptoms o£ neurosis.
The results of the present study conflict with those
found by Bour et al. (1984) who found that both prostitutes
and delinquents had slightly lower concepts and that
prostitutes had elevated scores on the physical self sub
scale of the TSCS. In the present study, subjects with a
history of prostitution had much more negative self-
concepts. Additionally, the present study did not support
the finding that prostitutes have elevated Physical Self
Concept scores. The present study employed the empirical
scales of the TSCS on which there has been very little
reported. Subjects with a history of prostitution were
found to be maladjusted, neurotic, and exhibit personality
disorder type traits. These results are parallel to those
of Briere and Zaidi (1989) and others who have found a
significant correlation between sexual abuse and personality
disorder, especially borderline personality disorder.
SttfrgfcangS..AfrttSS
Significant group differences exist in number of drugs
tried and number of drugs used on a regular basis. Subjects
with a history of prostitution report having tried and
regularly used more drugs than the subjects without a
history of prostitution. It could be hypothesized that
subjects with a history of prostitution are trying and using
more drugs in order to numb themselveB from the trauma and
117
trauma symptoms they experience. They have experienced much
childhood and adulthood trauma and drugs may be their way of
managing this trauma. The results of the present study
support those of Kuhns et al. (1992) which reported that
prostitutes generally try and use more drugs than non
prostitutes. However, the results do not support the
findings that they use more heroin and /or crack. Both
groups of subjects in the present study used crack and
heroin on a regular basis.
Additional Findings
A significant group difference was found in age at
first intercourse. Subjects with a history of prostitution
were found to have lost their virginity at a younger age.
It could be hypothesized that although both groups have
similar levels of sexual abuse, they act out the residual
feelings about the abuse in different ways. Subjects tended
not to consider the sexual abuse experiences as being equal
to loosing their virginity. They frequently reported
different ages for experiencing sexual abuse and loosing
virginity, even if the sexual abuse involved vaginal
penetration. Even at a young age, the prostitutes appear to
be acting out their trauma in a sexualized manner by
engaging in sexual behavior. By comparison it could be
hypothesized that non-prostitutes acted out their unresolved
issues in a more "anti-social" manner. Although this
hypothesis was not fully tested, the loss of virginity at a
118
younger age by the prostitutes provides one piece of data to
help support this theory.
Limitations, Delimitations, and Methodological Issues
One issue which limits the external validity of the
results is the problem with subject participation. Over 180
women were randomly selected as possible participants in
this study. However, only 126 attended their scheduled
appointments to learn about the study with approximately 50%
agreeing to participate. This is equivalent to
approximately a 36% participation rate which is lower than
was expected. It is possible that the actual sample does
not represent the larger population within the prison on all
variables. Those subjects who declined to participate may
have been different than those who chose to participate in
unknown ways. Although the subjects did not know the full
extent of the study, the statement regarding participation
informed them of some of the variables (e.g. sexual abuse,
physical abuse, substance abuse, trauma symptoms, etc.)
being measured. This information may have been disturbing
to some and could have caused them to decline participation.
On the other hand, some of the subjects may have found the
study to be personally meaningful and therefore chose to
participate. This hypothesis could be used to explain the
differential participation rates between subjects with and
without a history of prostitution. Subjects with a history
of prostitution were much more likely to agree to
participate in this study when compared with those subjects
without such a history. The present study found that the
subjects with a history of prostitution are currently
experiencing more symptomatology, more adulthood trauma,
more dysfunction while growing up, and have more negative
self concepts. It is hypothesized that these factors led
the prostitutes to want to participate in hopes of receiving
some relief through conveying their stories to others. It
is possible that the inmates with a history of prostitution
who participated in this study are different from other
inmates with a similar history. This differential
participation rate suggests that some caution, however, is
warranted when interpreting the results.
One factor which increased the difficulty with
participation was the timing of the research. The week the
research began, approximately 300 of the 800 inmates were
informed that they would be transferred to another
institution. This was due to a restructuring within the
Bureau of Prisons. Many of the subjects reported not
wanting to participate in the study because they would be
leaving soon. Even if they understood that their
participation would only take one hour, many were not
willing to participate. In addition, many of the women were
unhappy with the transfers and were angry with the Bureau of
Prisons. Some subjects reported not wanting to “help" the
Bureau of Prisons and felt that by participating in this
120
study they would be helping. Similarly, the subjects knew
of the researcher's position as an intern within the Bureau
of Prisons and may have viewed him as a "cop". This could
have caused them to be reluctant to help.
Another issue effecting the methodology of this study
was the location of testing. The researcher was allocated a
space in the drug treatment building. Some women may not
have participated due to their not wanting to be seen
entering the drug building for fear that others would think
they had a drug problem. Also, many women already
participated in drug treatment, so thought this appointment
was redundant. Third, there were two other studies being
conducted in this building and many of the subjects had
participated in the other studies. Many felt that the
present study was the same one, so they were reluctant to
participate. Another factor is that the drug treatment
staff at FCI Dublin aggressively recruit participants for
the program. Many women complained of being called out
numerous times to solicit their participation in the drug
treatment program. Some subjects related that they had not
attended their original appointment feeling that the purpose
was to recruit them for the program. An attempt was made
to conduct the study in the living quarters, but the
absentee rate was still quite high. Some subjects related
that they had skipped the appointment for fear that they
would be told that they were being transferred. This
121
generally ambivalent attitude about participating should be
taken into consideration when interpreting the results of
the present study.
A second methodological issue which hampered this
research was the relatively few subjects who changed group
assignment due to self-reporting a history of prostitution.
It was hypothesized that since nearly 70% of the women are
incarcerated for drug related crimes, several would also
have histories of prostitution. This, however, was not
found to be the case and it is now thought that the reason
for the limited number of subjects who changed group
membership was due to the fact that federal drug crimes are
distribution, selling, and trafficking. The federal
government does not incarcerate women for possession or use
of illegal drugs. The relationship between prostitution and
drug abuse is that prostitutes engage in sex to buy drugs.
Most would not have the ability/desire to engage in sex in
order to obtain enough drugs to distribute or traffic. If
they were dealing drugs, many would not need to prostitute
in order to buy drugs. Prostitutes generally engage in sex
to supply their own drug habit. The subjects in the Federal
Bureau of Prisons may represent a different "kind" of drug
user/abuser, of which the prostitutes do not belong.
Finally, a comment must be made regarding the
statistical power of this study. The limited number of
subjects combined with the large number of independent
(predictor) variables greatly decreases the statistical
power of this study. The purpose and goals of the study, to
find an optimal set of variables, warranted the utilization
of many variables. The goal was to generate a prediction
equation which used a variety of psychosocial variables.
Although the study reports significant findings, caution
should be employed when interpreting the results given the
limited statistical power. Additionally, it must be
remembered that although this study was attempting to
predict group membership, it was based on correlational
data. Causality can only be inferred, it can not be proven.
The best that can be accomplished is to demonstrate a strong
correlation between prostitution and the predictor variable,
while minimizing the inter-correlation with other variables.
Finally, the "prostitutes" in this study were actually
females who had previously engaged in prostitution and who
were now incarcerated for federal charges other than
prostitution. It is quite possible that this type of
individual is significantly different from a person
incarcerated on prostitution charges or one who is not
incarcerated.
Theoretical Implications
Although there have been a number of significant
theoretical formulations which address the etiology of
prostitution, there has been a paucity of studies which
utilize appropriate control groups. In many instances, the
prostitute was compared to "normal" females, or psychiatric
patients. There have been relatively few studies which
compare the prostitute to the female inmate. By utilizing
this control group, an attempt was made to control for those
factors associated with violating societal norms. Both
groups have violated these norms, have been shown to come
from similarly disrupted backgrounds, and were found to have
similar psychological symptoms. By utilizing these two
groups, it was hoped that those subtle factors which might
pre-dispose a women to engage in prostitution could be
discerned. Additionally, this study attempted to test some
of the theoretical concepts that have been offered as
explanations for prostitution. For example, prostitution
has been theorized to be a response to and method of coping
with childhood abuse. This study attempted to
operationalize this theory by measuring rates of
posttraumatic symptomatology and incidence of physical and
sexual abuse in women who had engaged in prostitution as
compared to women who had not engaged in prostitution, but
had "coped" in other manners. The results showed some
differences between the groups especially with regards to
posttraumatic symptomatology. Major differences were found
between both groups and estimations for the general public.
The results support the theory that both prostitutes and
female inmates suffer from sexual and physical abuse
histories and experience more posttraumatic symptoms than
124
the general public. The results, however, do not support
the hypothesis that sexual abuse, In and of Itself, leads to
engagement In prostitution.
A second theoretical foundation for this study was that
deficient family experiences increase the likelihood of a
women engaging in prostitution. This theory was tested by
operationalizing "deficient family experiences" via the use
of the Family Environment Scale and self-reported measures
of family disruption (e.g. parental substance abuse,
witnessing fighting in the home, foster care placement,
etc.). The results support the hypotheses that both groups
were subjected to a high degree of dysfunction, but that the
prostitutes families were more disruptive. There is a trend
for the families of prostitutes to have been more abusive
(physical abuse, sexual abuse, and domestic violence).
Family environment appears to be a crucial element in
determining whether or not a female will engage in
prostitution.
Utilizing these models and the results of the present
study, this author proposes a model for the engagement in
prostitution. In this model, dropping out of high school,
limited vocational experience, dysfunctional family
environment (including physical and sexual abuse), and poor
self-concept are risk factors for engaging in prostitution.
These factors are hypothesized to be traumatic experiences
which, when combined with biological, sociological, and
125
t*
psychological variables, may predispose an individual to
engage in prostitution. The "amount" of each factor will
determine whether the individual will engage in prostitution
or other "criminal" behavior, with those experiencing more
trauma being more likely to engage in prostitution. Drug
use is hypothesized to have been a coping mechanism for
these traumatic factors. However, once addicted, drug
use/abuse becomes a risk factor for engaging in and
continuing in prostitution. These factors are seen as
interdependent and having a reciprocal relationship.
Clinical Implications
The present study has several implications for
clinicians, in general, and for those who work in the
criminal justice system, in particular. First, when
assessing clients, it would be important to screen for
history of prostitution. The study demonstrates that
inmates with such a history may present with unique
problems/needs and may pose different management issues.
This study suggests that, in general, female inmates exhibit
more symptomatology, report more dysfunctional histories,
and score lower on self-concept than females in the general
public. It would behoove the clinician to assess whether
these differences are a result of her incarceration or
possibly mediated her being incarcerated. In addition,
those inmates with a history of prostitution exhibit more
symptomatology, report more dysfunctional histories, and
126
present with lower self-concepts than other female inmates.
Although the women is this study were functioning
"adequately” (working 6 hours per day, not in disciplinary
segregation, etc.) in this institutional setting, the study
also suggests that they are experiencing a great deal of
post-traumatic symptomatology which needs to be addressed.
Second, when considering the therapeutic relationship,
the study suggests that the inmate with a history of
prostitution might present with more personality disorder
type traits and utilize psychological avoidance. The
clinician must be aware of these dynamics in order to
effectively assist the client. Given her traumatic history,
use of avoidance, and poor self-concept the client with a
history of prostitution might experience difficulty
developing a bond and trusting the therapist. Furthermore,
given the sexualized nature of her adult and childhood
relationships, she might respond to the therapist in a
sexualized manner. These difficulties may be exponentially
increased if the therapy is taking place in a prison
setting. Additionally, the differential participation
rates might suggest that inmates with a history of
prostitution may be more receptive to participating in
treatment programs. Although the present study was not a
treatment program, the inmates with a history of
prostitution were significantly more willing to invest the
time and effort to participate. This same willingness might
127
also transfer to treatment programs. The results also
suggest that anger management might be a core therapy and
management issue for the client with a history of
prostitution. The client should be assisted in identifying
the source of her anger and in developing appropriate anger
management skills.
Of equal importance for the therapist is the need to
respect the strengths of these clients. As can be seen from
the present study, many of these individuals have persevered
through very difficult and traumatic experiences. Many
clients who have experienced similar trauma have not
persevered, having seen and chosen suicide as their only
viable option. The therapist can utilize the client's
1 1 survival instinct" as a stepping stone on which to build
more functional survival skills. It is evident that they
want to survive, but need help in developing more socially
acceptable means of doing this.
The study also suggests that although a need exists for
substance abuse treatment, other services are also required.
Women with these histories would benefit from assistance in
improving their self-concepts. They also desperately appear
to require help in managing posttraumatic symptomatology.
The strong correlation between child abuse and spousal abuse
suggests that these women need to be helped in acquiring and
maintaining non-abusive relationships. These needs
challenge the therapist to provide a nurturing and
128
structured environment in which the client can develop these
skills. Providing substance abuse treatment is a necessary,
but not sufficient condition to effectively enact change and
assist these women in leading fuller lives.
Finally, when attempting to work with the client
with a history of prostitution, it is important to take a
holistic approach to treatment. This study demonstrates
that the client may need a variety of services. She may
have a limited educational background, poor work history,
negative self-concept, and substance abuse problem. She may
also be experiencing spousal abuse and/or posttraumatic
symptoms. All these factors which might have facilitated
her entry into prostitution, may also necessitate her
continuance in prostitution. The clinician must assess and
arrange for services in all areas. Until the client
receives the necessary services she will likely not have the
option to make a decision about leaving prostitution.
Directions for Future Research
Although this study provides valuable information about
prostitution and female criminality, there is much room for
further research. This study utilized subjects incarcerated
in the Federal Bureau of Prisons. It is quite possible and
probable that these subjects are significantly different
from subjects in the state penal system or subjects in the
general public. Replicating this study with females
incarcerated in the state penal system as well as with
129
subjects not currently incarcerated would expand our
understanding of prostitution. The mere fact of being
incarcerated may have inflated some of the results of the
present study and could be controlled by utilizing specific
control groups.
Additional intervening or mediating variables, as well
as control variables might also be included in future
research. This study also relied on self-report data. In
future studies it would be beneficial, for example, to
review high school transcripts and school reports to
corroborate information. Additionally, a study controlling
for substance abuse either by obtaining two groups with
similar substance abuse histories or comparing prostitutes
with a drug abuse history with those without such a history
would provide valuable information. A comparison of males
and females (prostitutes and non-prostitutes) on all
measures is also warranted. Finally, psychology needs to
also study the men (and women) who visit these prostitutes.
The prostitute is almost exclusively the subject of study
and is frequently the target of pathologizing while the men
are rarely studied and not typically viewed as deviant. In
actuality, prostitution might represent the best and/or only
choice for survival.
An ideal study of prostitution would include both
qualitative and quantitative elements. It would include a
variety of control groups and would use multiple methods to
130
measure constructs. A longitudinal study o£ subjects and
their families prior to the occurrence of trauma would be
particularly effective. Data could be collected at
intermittent intervals to distinguish which subjects engage
in prostitution and/or criminal behavior. Factor or path
analysis could be employed to develop a model to describe
this complex phenomena.
It is of utmost importance that psychologists continue
to study prostitution. There are an estimated 5 million
women who have engaged in prostitution. Some truly have not
freely nor willingly made the choice to do so being driven
by other forces. Many entered into prostitution while still
in their childhood seemingly ill-prepared to make such a
decision. Although they speak of their desire to
discontinue their activities, many seem unable to do so.
The present study focused on familial, trauma, and self-
concept factors associated with prostitution. It will be
important to continue to research all factors associated
with prostitution, including biological, sociological, and
psychological factors. Prostitutes are our mothers,
sisters, daughters, girlfriends, and/or wives. As a society
we can no longer afford to treat the prostitute as the
"other" and discard her.
131
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141
APPENDIX A
A WRITTEN STATEMENT REGARDING YOUR PARTICIPATION IN THIS
RESEARCH
You are being asked to participate in a research
project which is being conducted in order to satisfy the
requirements of the Ph.D. degree at the University of
Southern California, School of Education, Division of
Counseling and Educational Psychology. Your participation'
in completing the following surveys/questionnaires is
intended for research purposes only. Under no circumstances
will any of your responses to any of the items on these
questionnaires be revealed to anyone except the researchers.
All materials will be stored in locked cabinet and your
responses will be destroyed after they have been entered
into a computer. The computer and the cabinet are not
within the Bureau of Prisons. Your participation is
completely voluntary and confidential. Your participation
should take approximately 1 hour.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the family
backgrounds and personality characteristics of females
incarcerated in the Bureau of Prisons. This study inquires
about personal and perhaps sensitive issues including your
having experienced physical and/or sexual abuse, your
history of substance use, your prior criminal history, and
your feelings about your family. These kinds of questions
are unavoidable for the purposes of this research. It is
anticipated that while most individuals will be able to
answer these questions without psychological discomfort,
certain individuals may experience anxiety or worry. In the
event that you experience any discomfort or distress because
of your participation in this study, you are encouraged to
contact the Staff Psychologists who can provide
individualized counseling. To make such a request, simply
fill out an "Inmate Request"/"Cop-out". Any questions
regarding this research may be directed to Mike Schaefer,
M.A. at the Metropolitan Detention Center, Los Angeles,
(213) 485-0439 or the faculty supervisor, Dr. Scott Whiteley
at the University of Southern California, (213) 740-3255.
YOUR PARTICIPATION WILL HAVE NO EFFECT ON YOUR PAROLE
ELIGIBILITY, RELEASE DATE, OR CONDITIONS OF YOUR CONFINEMENT
IN THE B.O.P. PARTICIPATION IN THIS RESEARCH IS STRICTLY
VOLUNTARY AND YOU MAY DISCONTINUE PARTICIPATION AT ANY TIME
WITHOUT PENALTY OR NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES.
Should you decide to volunteer, your participation in
this research is greatly appreciated. Again your
participation is strictly voluntary and your responses to
this survey are completely confidential. Employees of the
Bureau o£ Prisons are authorized to conduct research on the
correctional environment under IS USC 4001(b) and 18 USC
4042(2).
M. Schaefer
Student Researcher
S. Whiteley, Ph.D.
Faculty Supervisor
143
APPENDIX B
Questionnaire
PLEASE CIRCLE THE ANSWER THAT APPLIES TO YOU. IP MORE THAN
ONE ANSWER APPLIES, THEN CIRCLE ALL THAT APPLY. PLEASE TRY
TO ANSWER EVERY QUESTION. REMEMBER ALL ANSWERS ARB STRICTLY
CONFIDENTIAL AND ANONYMOUS.
1) Age____
2) Ethnicity: African American Hispanic
Native American Caucasian
Asian American Other____
Pacific Islander
3) Marital Status: Single Married Divorced Separated
Widowed Common-Law Marriage
4) Were you working prior to being incarcerated ?
Yes No
5) If Yes, what was your occupation prior to incarceration?
6) If No, how did you support yourself ?
7) Highest grade completed in school ? ______
8) Approximately what was your grade point average in high
school ? _________
9) What kind of classed did you take ?
Regular Ed. Special Education Gifted Other:______
10) Is this your first time arrested since age 18 ?
Yes No
11) If no, how many times have you been arrested since age
18 ? _____
12) At what age were you first arrested ?_______
13) List the charges for your last three arrests {include
state, county, and other federal arrests):
1)_____________________________________________________
2)______________________________________________
3)_____________________________________
14) Is this your first time being incarcerated since age 18?
Yes No
144
15) If No, how many times have you been incarcerated since
age 18? ___________
16) For what charge are you currently incarcerated ?
17) List the charges for your last three incarcerations
(include state, county and other federal incarcerations) :
1 )_____________________________________________________
2 )____________________________________________
3)____________________________________________
18) What is the total time you have been in jail or prison
since age 18 ?: _______
19) At what age were you first incarcerated ?_____
20) What was the marital status of your parent(s)/
guardian(s) when you were 16 years old ?
Single Married Divorced Separated Widowed
Common-Law Marriage
21) Before age 18, did you run-away from home ?
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
22) How long were you usually gone?____
23) Before age 18, where you ever placed in foster care or
the care of the state?
Yes No
24) If yes, how many times/placements ?_________
25) At what age did you permanently leave your parent(s)
home ? ____
26) Did your mother use alcohol ?
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
27) Did your mother use street drugs ?
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
28) Did your father use alcohol ?
No, Never Occasionally . Frequently Constantly
29) Did your father use street drugs ?
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
30) Before age 18, did you ever see one of your parents hit
or beat up your other parent ?
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
145
31) Before age 18, were you the victim of physical abuse ?
(Physical abuse is defined as being hit, kicked, pushed,
pinched, bit, or in any other manner physically hurt by an
adult)
Yes No
32) Who did it to you (aircle all that apply) ?
Father Mother Step-Father Step Mother
Brother Sister Other male relative
Other female relative Stranger Other:__________
33) At what age did it begin ?___
34) At what age did it end ?_____
35) How often did it occur ?
Daily Weekly Monthly Yearly Other:__________
36) What was the nature of the abuse (circle all that apply)
hitting kicking pushing pinching other:__________
37) Did you ever receive medical attention due to the abuse?
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
38) Before age 18, were you the victim of sexual abuse ?
(Sexual abuse is defined as unwanted sexual contact(to
include touching, kissing, intercourse and any other sexual
act) imposed by someone who was at least 5 years older than
you.)
Yes No
39) If yes, who did it to you (circle all that apply) ?
Father Mother Step-Father Step Mother
Brother Sister Other male relative
Other female relative Stranger Teacher
Friend Other:______________________
40) At what age did it begin ?___
41) At what age did it end ?____
42) How often did it occur ?
Daily Weekly Monthly Yearly Other:__________
43) What was the nature of the abuse (circle all that apply)
fondling unwanted kissing oral intercourse
vaginal intercourse anal intercourse other:_______
146
44) Did you require medical attention because of the abuse ?
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
45) At what age did you first have intercourse ?______
46) Was it by consent (consent meaning you freely chose to
have intercourse without fear or coercion) ?
Yes No
47) Have you ever been the victim of a rape ?
Yes No
48) If Yes, how many times ? _______
49) Have you ever engaged in prostitution ?
(Prostitution is defined as offering your body for hire for
the purpose of engaging in sex in exchange for money or
other "goods" of monetary value.)
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
50) At what age did you first engage in prostitution?_____
51) What was the main reason for your starting in
prostitution?
52) What was the main reason for continuing in prostitution
53) How long did you engage in prostitution? ______
54) Did your customers use condoms ?
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
55} Have you ever been hit or battered in a romantic
re1at ionship?
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
56) Which of the following street drugs have you tried
(circle all that apply) ?
Alcohol Cocaine/Crack PCP Marijuana LSD
Amphetamines Barbiturates Heroin Inhalants
None other:____________________________
147
57) Which of the following street drugs did you regularly
use prior to your incarceration ? (regular use means at
least lx/week) (circle all that apply)
Alcohol Cocaine/Crack PCP Marijuana LSD
Amphetamines Barbiturates Heroin Inhalants
None other:_______________________________
58) Which is/was your drug of choice 7
Alcohol Cocaine/Crack PCP Marijuana LSD
Amphetamines Barbiturates Heroin Inhalants
None Other:___________________________
59) Do you feel you have/had a substance abuse problem?
Yes No
60) Have you ever received treatment for a substance abuse
problem 7
No, Never Once Twice 3 Times More than 3 times
61) Have you ever sought therapy for any other issue/problem
No, Never Once Twice 3 times More than 3 times
62) If no, have you ever wanted therapy for an issue/problem
No, Never Occasionally Frequently Constantly
63) What prevented you from getting the help 7
64) What other services do you feel would be beneficial and
you would like to see offered in the Federal Bureau of
Prisons 7
Thank you for your participation
PLEA8E NOTE
Copyrighted materials 1n this document have
not been filmed at the request of the author.
They are available for consultation, however,
1n the author's university library.
Pages 148-152
University Microfilms International

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Asset Metadata

Creator Schaefer, Michael Arthur (author)

Core Title A Comparison Of Female Inmates With And Without Histories Of Prostitution On Selected Psychosocial Variables

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Counseling Psychology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,psychology, clinical,psychology, social,sociology, criminology and penology,sociology, individual and family studies,women's studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Whiteley, Scott (committee chair), Goodyear, Rodney (committee member), Robertson, Tim (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c20-579921

Unique identifier UC11226395

Identifier 9601054.pdf (filename),usctheses-c20-579921 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 9601054.pdf

Dmrecord 579921

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Schaefer, Michael Arthur

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA