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Resocialization of older adults to work roles through worklife autobiography

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Resocialization of older adults to work roles through worklife autobiography

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Content RESOCIALIZATION OF OLDER ADULTS TO WORK ROLES THROUGH WORKLIFE AUTOBIOGRAPHY by ■ Dorothy Beckwith Lacour A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Education) August 1983 UMI Number: DP24992 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oisssrtatioft RwWlgWng UMI DP24992 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 -1346 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 9 0007 This dissertation, written by DOROTHY BECKWITH LACOUR under the direction of h.e,n... Dissertation Com mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of requirements of the degree of D O C T O R O F P H IL O S O Date. 64 DISSERTATION COMMITTEE Chairman . 11 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS No research project is ever conducted en solo. A legion of support figures contributed to this study. Among these figures are Dr. Audrey J. Schwartz, chief mentor and chairwoman of my guidance committee; Dr. Penelope Richardson, whose enthusiasm powered the project; Dr. Jeri Benson, whose statistical understandings and belief in student efforts were a beacon for the analyses; and Dr. Pauline Robinson, whose vision in social geron tology sparked the research in this field. Dr. Earl Pullias believed achievement of the degree was possible. Dr. William Michael made research a reachable goal, and Dr. James Birren shared his research experience in the project design phases. Dean Rosalind K. Loring was a role model as she skillfully portrayed the process of adult education leadership. Ms. Paula Menkin and Dr. Lynda Smith kept morale at a high pitch during the research process. Without the University of Southern California librarians, the project could not have materialized. Chief among these were: Janet Harvey, Head Librarian, School of Education Library; Ruth Britton, Head Librarian, School of Social Work Library; Stewart Greathouse, Head Librarian, Gerontology Library; Mollie Nyda, Circulation Librarian, Ill and Julia Johnson, Head Librarian, Government Documents, both of Doheny Library. Dr. Chad Gordon, Rice University, extended encouragement. The liaison man and the participants were special people themselves generating enthusiasm and belief in the project. My typist, Eleanor Hudson, deserves a medal of merit. However, chief among the contributors is my husband, James L. Lacour, who sacrificed six years of his life to sustain my efforts at every turn. I am deeply grateful to all the named and unnamed figures for making this project possible. Thank you all. IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS............ ii LIST OF TABLES................................ yx LIST OF FIGURES .............................. y±ii Chapter I. THE OVERVIEW . ..................... 1 The Problem Relevance of this Research to Policies and Programs for the Aged Theoretical Model The Treatment: Worklife Autobiography Hypotheses The Variables Assumptions ' The Research Design The Treatment: Worklife Autobiography The Sample Data Analyses Summary II. REVIEW OF THE CONCEPTUAL LITERATURE . . 25 Adult Socialization Resocialization Older Adult Socialization Education as Socialization Older Adult Education as Socialization Work as Socialization Self-Identifiers Summary V Chapter Page III. REVIEW OF THE EMPIRICAL LITERATURE .... 58 Major Variables The Treatment: Worklife Autobiography The Self“Identifiers as Control Variables Summary IV. THE METHOD.............■ .......... 85 The Sample The Research Design Materials Procedures : The Treatment Procedures: Data Analyses Summary V. THE RESULTS ........................... 109 Frequencies and Crosstabulations Results Pretest and Treatment Effects Testing the Hypotheses Summary VI. SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS.....................129 Summary of the Study Discussion of the Results Conclusions Recommendations BIBLIOGRAPHY.............. 148 APPENDIXES . .................. 175 A. The Study Instrument...................... 176 B. Subject Consent Form...................... 182 C. Letter of Introduction.................... 184 vi LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. ■ The Process for Attaining a Realistic Worklife Choice ..................... . . 7 2. Expected Main Effects of Worklife Autobiography ................... .... 10 3. The Variables by Hypotheses and Their Classifications ................... 14 4. Solomon Four-Group Experimental Research Design ................... .. 19 5. The Occupational-Educational Connection ........... ................... 81 6. Older Adult Median Years of Schooling Completed by Age, Gender, and Race : 1940-1970 ..... ..................... 82 7. Characteristics of the Study Sample . . 90 8. Solomon Four-Group Research Design by Design Groups and Sampling Strata Composition (Percentages) ............... 92 9. Composition of the Study Instrument . . . 95 10. Reliability and Validity of Scales Used . 96 11. The Variables by Operational Mode and Coded Ranges ....................... 103 12. Summary; Variable Analysis Strategies by Measurement Levels and Statistical Treatments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 13. Socioeconomic Levels by Worklife Variables . . . . . . . ............. 111 14. Self-Esteem by Study Groups . . ........ 113 vil Table Page 15. Posttest Self-Esteem Scores by Pretest and No Pretest Study Groups (Percentages). 115 16. Posttest Self-Esteem Scores by Treatment and Control Study Groups (Percentages) . . 117 17. Perceptions of Worklife History by Self-Esteem (Percentages) . ............ 119 18. Self-Esteem by Perceptions of Worklife History and the Control Variables (Stepwise Multiple Regression) ......... 119 19. Worklife Expectations by Self-Esteem and the Control Variables (Stepwise Multiple Regression) ..................... 122 20. Worklife Aspirations by Worklife Expectations and Self-Esteem (Stepwise Multiple Regression) ..................... 124 21. Worklife Aspirations by Worklife Expectations and the Control Variables (Stepwise Multiple Regression) . ......... 125 22. The Socioeconomis Status of Worklife Aspirations by Self-Esteem (Percentages) . 126 Vlll LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. The Structure of Socialization..............27 2. The Actor Structure of Symbolic Interaction .......... ........ 29 3. Structure of Symbolic Interaction Outcomes................... . ............. 31 4. Structural Dislocation Indicating Need for Resocialization ......... 33 5. The Structure of Educational Process . . . 39 6. The Social Structure of Adult Learning . . 43 7. The Social Structure of Coping ...... 44 8. The Systemic Senses of S e l f ................55 9. Systemic Senses of Self for Older Adults............................... 139 10. Proposed Path Model for Prediction of Realistic Choice................ 144 CHAPTER I THE OVERVIEW The purpose of this study^ was to determine whether older adults' worklife expectations could be increased by the worklife autobiography process. The importance of the project was to search for a way to expand older adults* realistic worklife choices should resumption of work roles be needed for future self-support or unanticipated work force demand. This chapter presents the problem and the theoretical model which poses a possible solution to the problem. Selection of the experimental treatment, state of the hypotheses, description of the study variables, and identification of underlying assumptions are part of this chapter. Introduction to the research design, the sample, data collection, and analysis strategies complete this overview of the study. This research was supported by a Phi Delta Kappa Scholarship, awarded Fall 1979 and by an Administration on Aging Grant #90-AT-0048, awarded Fall 1980. The study was categorized according to the 1980 Administration on Aging Guidelines for Preparation of Dissertation Program Grant Applications as Priority I; The Older Person, Family, and Society. The Problem Since World War II, America had reputedly failed to provide meaningful social roles for older Americans. With reduced social responsibilities for these citizens the nation appeared to have a reduced stake in structuring contributive activities for them. Dependency, deprivation, and relative difference characterized the best the nation offered to thousands of older Americans. Few norms or social expectations existed to direct behavior (Rosow, 1974). Traditional respect for the "old ones" (Coles, 1973), as well as interdependence of families and communities, once provided specific role requirements for everyone. By the 1980s, however, the system for awarding prestige and power was greatly changed. Ownership of land was no longer an exclusive measure of wealth. Strategic knowledge had "exploded" to the extent that no one claimed mastery of it. Prestige and status were governed by comparative economic utility in terms of productive ability. As a direct outcome of rapid social and techno logical changes in production, many older adult work skills were obsolete. For some, this obsolescence was profound due to total replacement of the work once performed. The highly prevalent stereotype that "you can't teach an old dog new tricks" hampered retraining efforts and compounded the problem. Though an older person might choose to work. the opportunity to do so became increasingly more remote with the passing years. Labor market characteristics such as earlier retirement and a rising dependency ratio, that is, the number of active workers in comparison to dependents, reflected the realities of shrinking worklife choices. Older adults experienced increased life expectancy (age 74) and a relatively decreased worklife span. Rising numbers of younger women were in the labor force, the baby boom generation now competed for labor force advancement, and there was a decreased demand for "raw" labor due to high tech invasion of the industrial world. The year 2000 was projected to mark a "senior boom" era. By that time, one in eight persons would be age 65 or older (Sheppard & Rix, 1977), A dependency ratio of three active workers for each older adult was estimated for the year 2030. Widespread ageism (Comfort, 1976) and age stereotyping by employers (Rosen & Jerdee, 1976) aggravated the relative scarcity of worklife choices. Older adults themselves perpetuated the stereotypes (Harris & Associates, 1976). Court decisions attested to the power of socially defined criteria for excluding older adults from the labor force. For example, in Murgia vs. Massachusetts Board of Retirement (1975), a fully fit state police officer, age 55 was forced to retire on the basis of age alone. 4 Despite the enactment of the Age Discrimination in Employment Act in 1967 for the protection of workers age 40 to 65, discriminatory conditions persisted. Age discrimination was increasingly subtle, including exclusion from promotion opportunities, and the silent wa%l of resistance faced by an older adult seeking a position. Although the 1978 Amendments to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, prohibiting mandatory retirement prior to age 70, were an effort to increase worklife choices, pressures on the job often made retirement a preferred alternative for the preservation of self-esteem. Relevance of this Research to Policies and Programs for the Aged This study was an approach to the problem of limited worklife choices for older adults. Lifelong socialization processes by which individuals acgu±re: the ways of the social groups in which they do or will parti cipate (Schwartz, 19 75) prepared older adults to expect losses in their later years. The loss of physical vigor, loved ones, income, and work opportunities were considered to be inevitable. The loss of work opportunities was due, in part, to being socialized to expectations for limited application of work skill and knowledge as aging progressed. Resocial ization through worklife autobiography, an adult education 5 process employed in this study, was expected to change these perspectives on the worth of work skills (Butler, 1963, 1974). This pilot study was an effort to change older adults* realistic worklife choices based on the assumption that America is wasting human resources by allowing deteri oration of the wisdom and skills of older citizens (Shep pard, 1970). It was one small step toward encouraging older adults to create new uses for. their work potential. If successful, the project could be extended to other localities. Clearly, older adults could perform as facilitators with training for leadership in the treatment process. Theoretical Mode1 Chief contributors to the theory base for this study were Lewin, Dembo, Festinger, and Sears (1944), Haller and Miller (1971), Parsons (1978), and Gordon (1968c, 1976). Lewin et al. provided expectancy theory which explicated the process of realistic worklife choices. Haller and Miller established the variables affecting occupational aspirations. Parsons' general theory of social action gave the project a strong socialization orientation. Gordon identified the variables affecting self-esteem and demonstrated suitable methodologies for the project. 6 In Table 1, these theories are combined to display the theoretical model that underlies the study. According to this model, the process of making a realistic worklife choice can occur sequentially as presented in the table or may be nearly simultaneous. Each of these steps is per formed, according to the literature, irrespective of sequence. No claim is made that these tabled items are the only elements involved in this process. For example, availability of x work, transportation, family responsibil ities and economic urgencies could each play an important part in making a realistic worklife choice. According to the study model, worklife history, societal expectations, self-esteem, worklife aspirations, and worklife expectations are the resources for realistic worklife choices. Each of these resources is socially derived based upon past interactions of self with self and with others. In self-reflexive or self-to-self interaction, one can "think through" the best realistic worklife choice at a particular point in the lifespan- Review of one's worklife experience, known work norms and values, and chances for success and pleasantness lead to identification of an ideal work option. However, it is an adjusted choice that prevails. This adjustment draws upon realistic work life expectations which motivate or inhibit.action toward a specific realistic worklife choice. Worklife Choice Self-Reflexive Mode Resources Actions Worklife History Review own work experiences Table 1 The Process for Attaining a Realistic Societal Expectations for Self Self-Esteem (based on societal and personal expectations for x work) Worklife Aspirations Worklife Expectations Assess work norms and values Estimate probability for success and pleasantness in X work Identify an ideal work option Adjust the ideal option to a realistic worklife choice Sources: C. Gordon. Development of evaluated role identities/ Annual Review of Sociology, 1976, 2, 405-433. K. Levin, T. Dembo, L. Festinger, and P. Sears, Level of Aspiration. In J. McV. Hunt (Ed.), Personality and the Behavior Disorders. New York Ronald Press, 1944. A. O. Haller and I. W. Miller. The Occupational Aspiration Scale. Cambridge, MA; Schenkman Publishing Company, Inc., 1971. T. Parsons, Action Theory and the Human Condition, New York; The Free Press, 1978. 8 The theoretical model embodies social psychological theory of socialization through symbolic interaction. From socialization emerges social patterns and a body of shared expectations. The relative stability of a society can be comprehended in its social patterns while shared expecta tions lend predictability to human behavior (Schwartz, 1975). Symbolic interaction is possible because of human capability for mediating’action in symbols (word, thought, or gesture). The individual/ as self, interacts with self and with others to learn the expectations others' have: for self and to gain experience as a result of interactive processes. The Treatment: Worklife Autobiography According to the literatut#f older adults are seriously disadvantaged by reduced access to work in Americ$ (Ragan & Wales, 1978). The search for a treatment which could affect realistic worklife choices for the later years in life established the facts that : (1) a universal activ ity of older adults is reminiscence; (2) reminiscence can alter perceptions of past events? (3) exit from work roles is the socially prescribed work mode for older adults ; (4) orientations to work persist for older adults although they are not working; and (5) older adults' self-esteem may or may not be damaged by loss of the work role (Atchley, 1972; Rut1er, 1963), 9 According to the theory underlying the process of attaining a realistic, adjusted worklife choice, it appeared that there was a high probability that the pro cedure of worklife autobiography would have an effect on perceptions of past worklife history and on self-esteem, which in turn would increase realistic worklife expecta tions. In turn, the adjustment of worklife aspirations (ideal work options) would lead to a realistic, adjusted worklife choice for older adults. Worklife autobiography is the self-written or self told story of worklife over the lifespan. Erikson (1976) suggested that reminiscence changed perceptions of past events. Butler (1963, 1974) and Birren (1978) documented changes in self-esteem in response to autobiography. Others' expectations for self influenced expectations which one might have for self (Gordon, 1976; Haller & Miller, 1971). Expectations directed toward a choice converted the ideal option for that choice to a realistic or action- related choice (Lewin et al., 1944). The effect which the treatment is expected to have upon the process of realistic worklife choice is illustrated in Table 2. In response to worklife autobiography, perceptions of worklife history become more orderly, thereby increasing self-esteem. As self-esteem increases in response to per ceptions of more orderly worklife history, worklife 10 Table 2 Expected Main Effects of Worklife Autobiography Variables h: H. H. Perceptions of Worklife History Self-Esteem Worklife Expectations Worklife Aspirations (ideal options) More orderly Increase Increased I Increase Increased Increase H refers to Hypotheses. ^Arrows indicate the flow of response to the treatment. expectations are posited to increase. With increase in worklife expectations, worklife aspirations rise. Hypotheses Three hypotheses were formulated to investigate expected responses to the experimental treatment. Hypothesis 1 Self-esteem is positively related to perceived orderliness in worklife history. Hypothesis 2 A positive change in self-esteem is positively related to socioeconomic level of worklife expectations 11 Hypothesis 3 A positive change in the socioeconomic level of worklife aspirations is positively related to a change in the socioeconomic level of worklife expectations. The null of Hypothesis 1 was expected to be rejected because of self's supposed stake in the work role, particularly for men. Over the lifespan, work roles are successively relinquished, accompanied by growing incre ments in rewards such as income, prestige, and responsi bilities. However, older adults have few socially- specified work roles and therefore, with role exit at retirement, few work-related rewards accrue to them possibly damaging self-esteem as a consequence (Miller, 1965). The treatment is expected to increase perceived worth and orderliness of worklife history thereby "restor ing," in part, the damaged self-esteem— an increase in self-esteem. Significant other influences through revived memories, coupled with the influence of peers in the treatment study group, is the essence of the friending process (Menkin, 1979) and also is expected to enhance self-esteem. The null of Hypothesis 2 is expected to be rejected because of the relationship between self-esteem and work life expectations. Lewin et al. (1944) reported low self esteem being associated with low worklife expectations 12 while high self-esteem is associated with hifh-^pxkllfe expectations. The null of Hypothesis 3 was expected to be rejected due to the nature of worklife expectations as socially-defined motivators or inhibitors of worklife aspirations (Lawler, 1976; Lewin et al., 1944; Wahba & House, 1974). With the positive increase in worklife expectations, realistic worklife choices should rise. In the event that change does not occur in response to the treatment and if preliminary analyses warrant investigation it is the intent to introduce related research questions for exploration. Whether worklife expectations can be increased to expand realistic worklife choices is a question of central importance in this study. If such increase should occur, action-related realistic worklife choices, that is, resumption of work roles, could result. The Variables There are eight variables in the study. Four are involved in the expected main effects and four are control variables. These variables are presented in terms of definition; predicted effect, if known ; and the importance of each for the study. Operational modes and coded ranges are shown in Table 11, Chapter IV. 13 Table 3 clarifies the classifications of the variables which differ by hypotheses for self-esteem and worklife expectations. Self-esteem is utilized successively as the dependent, independent, and as a control variable in the three hypotheses. Worklife expectations is a dependent variable in studying Hypothesis 2 and an independent variable in Hypothesis 3. The treatment, obviously, is operative in all the hypotheses. The Main Effects Variables Perceptions of worklife history, self-esteem, work life expectations, and worklife aspirations are each imbedded in the realistic worklife choice process. The effect of the treatment, worklife autobiography, upon each of these variables constitutes the expected main effects of the study. Perceptions of Worklife History. An individual's "sequence of jobs over time" (Otto, Spenner, & Call, 1980) is the worklife history for that individual. Obviously, worklife history is past and not subject to change. How ever, perceptions of worklife history are posited to become more orderly in response to the treatment. A consonant rise in self-esteem is also predicted. For purposes of this study, perceptions of worklife history were considered to be orderly if curvilinear (Kreps, 1976) or consistently 14 < 4 -1 W ( E l -H +J ü +J 0 > ;U ^ œ 0 < t r > ( d f d *d <M ^ H U > M - l o O 4J ■H +j m Oj"H -H n CM 15 rising in socioeconomic status and disorderly if fluctu ating or consistently falling in status over the lifespan. Self-Esteem. Self-esteem is the "most global and general evaluative dimension of self-conception" (Gordon, Gaitz, & Scott, 1975, p. 213). The self and the feelings about self are socially defined (Hickman & Kuhn, 1956). Self-esteem has consensual (socially derived) and sub- consensual (individually derived) anchors (Kuhn & McPart- land, 1954) . Self-esteem was predicted to increase with rise in perceptions of orderly worklife history. In turn, increase in self-esteem was predicted to be associated with a rise in worklife expectations. Worklife Expectations. The construct worklife is a combination of work and life. Work is expended effort for pay, in service to others. Life refers to the span of working years for the individual. Worklife expectations are realistic, subjective assessments of realistic future probabilities for engaging in worklife experiences being socially defined inhibitors or motivators of worklife aspirations. With rising self-esteem, rising worklife expectations were predicted. Worklife Aspirations. Worklife aspiration is the ideal work option or the work to which one aspires (Haller & Miller, 1971). This ideal work option becomes action- related only when adjustment is made in terms of realistic worklife expectations. Realistic worklife choices are 16 expected to increase in response to increased worklife expectations. Control Variables The control variables are demographic, attributed, and are termed self-identifiers in this study. The meaning of the self-identifiers is socially attributed and the individual uses these attributed meanings as sources of self-identity. Age. Age is the chronological distance from birth. Birth must have occurred on or before December 1, 1935 for purposes of this study. This date was set to include the posited range of adults living in older adult facilities in Pasadena. Race. Race is self-defined as Anglo-American or Black-American. Representatives of Anglo-American and Black-American racial groups\ : .were:' :included in this study. The effects of worklife expectations upon worklife choices were expected to differ because access to work opportun ities in America are more limited for older black adults than for older white adults (Matthews, 1979) . Marital Status. Marital status is the self- reported conjugal state. This variable was included to represent significant other influences in family relation ships which are known to affect realistic worklife attain ment choices (Woelfel & Haller, 1971). 17 Educational Attainment. Educational attainment is the total number of years completed in the educational system. With wide access to American schools and colleges, participants were predicted to have completed high school. This variable was expected to be important because of its association with the work role. Assumptions Five assumptions are made as underpinnings for the study. These assumptions are stated as follows: 1. Lifelong self-development exists. 2. The status of old age is relatively empty of accompanying role prescriptions. 3. Role learning is a form of socialization. 4. Self-socialization is possible. 5. Group interaction can be a resocialization process. Discussion thus far has explicated the problem, the theoretical model for possible solution of the problem, the hypotheses, the variables, and the assumptions of this study of resocialization of older adults. Presentation of the research design, sample, data collection, and data analysis strategies remain for the completion of this chapter. 18 The Research Design A true experimental research design was chosen to assess the effectiveness of the treatment. This is the Solomon Four-Group design which features variations of pretests, posttests, and the treatment in each of two treatment and two control groups. Table 4 depicts these variations. Group one participates in all operations : pretests, treatment, and posttests. Group two is a control group receiving both pretests and posttests but no treat ment. Group three receives no pretests while receiving the treatment and.the posttests. Group four is a control group receiving the posttests only. Each of the design groups were composed of five study groups, each of the latter having five participants, on the average, with one exception. Design group one had six study groups totalling 24 participants for the design group. Design groups two, three, and four each had five Study groups totalling 26, 29, and 40, respectively. The Tre a tmen t ; Work l i f e Au tob iogr aphy Worklife autobiography, a topical autobiography (Allport, 1942), was conceptualized as the educational stimulus to yield predicted changes in the main effects variables. There were five two-hour sessions in the five- week series of study group sessions. Each study group had, on the average, five older adult members all of whom were 19 Table 4 Solomon Four-Group Experimental Research Design Experimental Groups 4 Pretest (Time 1) Treatment: Worklife Autobiography Posttest (Time 2) X X X X X X X Source: D. T. Campbell, and J. C. Stanley. Expérimenta1 and Quasi-Experimental Designs for Research. Chicago, 111.: Rand McNally & Co., 1966. living in one facility or neighborhood. The first session was orientation and individual story-telling practice. For the remaining four sessions, four stories were prepared ahead of time: (1) my worklife to age 25; (2) my worklife, age 25 to 50; (3) my worklife, age 50 to the present; and ( . 4 ) my future worklife. Each participant had an allocated 10 minutes per session to read or tell this story in the study session and group discussion following each presenta tion. 20 The Sample Pasadena, California, was chosen as the study site because of the city's high concentration of older adults from which to obtain the sample, and because of its easily identifiable racial and social class neighborhoods. Of Pasadena's 119,734 residents, 40,074 (33%) were age 45 or older. Of that 4 0,074, 16,812 (42%) were 65 years or older. The racial balance between Anglo-Americans and Black- Americans in the Pasadena population was six to one, respectively, for older adults age 45 and over. For the age 65 and over group this racial ratio was seven to one. Sampling was in older adult residential facilities exclusively, a population of 2,180. The sample of 175 older adults, age 45 and older, was multi-stage, stratified, and non-probabi1istic in nature. The stages included; (1) study of census tract data by race and family income (criteria for social class); (2) plotting the 50 older adult residential facilities in the census tracts (the sampling frame); (3) selection of 19 facilities; and (4) invitation to participate from lists provided by managers in each facility. The sampling strata were race and social class (essentially middle and working classés). Non-probability is obvious. No attempt at randomization occurred in these procedures. Attrition from the study groups reduced the sample to 119 older adults, with an average age of 77. Additional 21 information regarding the sample is contained in Chapter IV. Data Collection Data collection was in progress from December 1980 to May 1981. Questions 1 through 46 of the study instru ment (see Appendix A) were administered at the first orientation and practice session of the study groups. Some individuals tired quickly and, for them, these questions were completed at the second session. These questions provided self-identification data and the pretests of work life expectations, worklife aspirations, and self-esteem. Posttests were repeats of pretest questions. Remaining questions (47-80) were completed at subsequent study group sessions, allowing participants to pace themselves for this activity. For the control groups, only questions 1 through 46 were used. Autobiographical materials were collected at the close of each of the four treatment sessions in either written or taped form. The taped stories were transcribed and typed. One copy was given to the participant for personal filing, one copy was coded by selected categories, and one was retained as the master file for the project. 22 Data Analyses Computer generation of multiple regression pro cedures was the primary mode of data analysis. Computer input was by card format using the Statistical Package of the Social Sciences (SPSS) to produce the statistics (Nie, Hull, Jenkins, Steinbrenner, & Bent, 1975). The analysis strategy included preliminary study of the data by fre quencies and crosstabulâtions. Then multiple regressions were run to test the hypotheses and to determine the relationships existing in the data. This chapter identified the study problem as one of limited worklife choices for older adults. A theory model was constructed which facilitated an experimental approach to solution of the problem. The treatment, worklife auto biography, was expected to yield change in perceptions of worklife history, self-esteem, worklife expectations and worklife aspirations. The main effects of the treatment were hypothesized to make perceptions of worklife history more orderly thereby increasing self-esteem. With increased self-esteem, increased worklife expectations were posited to follow. With increased worklife expectations, realistic worklife choices were expected to expand. Four control variables:: age, race, marital status, and educational attainment, were ihciuded in the analyses to determine the amount of variance 23 attributable to each in studying the variance of the dependent variables in response to the treatment. The assumptions, research design, treatment, sample, data collection, and data analysis were presented briefly. The definitions Of terms, in summary, are as follows : Perceptions of Worklife History Perceptions of worklife history were the sequence of an individual's jobs over time (Otto et al., 1980) being considered orderly if curvilinear or rising in socio- economic status and disorderly if fluctuating or falling in status over the lifespan. Self-Esteem Self-esteem is the most global and general evalua tive dimension of self-conception (Gordon et al., 1975). Worklife Expectations Worklife expectations were the realistic inhibitors or motivators of worklife aspirations toward an« adjusted^ or realistic choice (Lewin et al., 1944). Wo r kl ife Aspirât i on s Worklife aspirations is the ideal option for work to which one aspires (Haller & Miller, 1971). 24 Age Age is the chronological distance from birth, being on or before December 1935 in this project. Race Race is self-defined as Anglo-American or Black- American. Marital Status Marital status is the self-reported conjugal state. Educatiohal Attainmeht Educational attainment is the total number of years completed in the educational system. The literature review is presented in two chapters. In Chapter II, the conceptual literature is considered and in Chapter III, the empirical literature supporting the relationships among the variables is reviewed. Chapter IV reports the methodology while Chapter V presents the findings. In Chapter VI, summary of the study, discussion of the results of the study, conclusions, and recommenda tions are presented. The study ends with the Bibliography and Appendixes 25 CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE CONCEPTUAL LITERATURE The process of realistic worklife choice is a product of the influences of society upon the individual and of individuals upon each other. In this chapter, selected literature on socialization, adult education, work, and self-identification is reviewed to provide a socio logical perspective on the way the worklife choice process occurs. Empirical perspectives are, generally, reserved for Chapter III. Continuity in this review was provided by use of the four-celled paradigm fpund so frequently in the work of Parsons. According to parsons (1964) general theory of action, personality, behavioral, cultural, and social systems (essentially subsystems within a society) interact to solve specific system-related functional problems, which interactive processes ussure survival of the particular society. These functional problems are (1) goal attainment, (2) adaptation, (3) pattern maintenance, and (4) integration. Using this consensual theory or social order model, this research investigated older adult work roles in terms of the socialization processes which define these roles. 26 Adult Socialization Parsons' (1964) definitional summary of socializa tion was "the development in individuals of the commitments and capacities which are essential prerequisites for their future role performance" (p. 130). Figure 1 paradigmat- ically represents this definition. In his concept of socialization. Parsons defined the integration cell as values and the pattern maintenance cell as expectations of others or norms, thus depicting the social governors or controls in the socialization process (Schwartz, 1975). On the other hand, according to Parsons, the goal attain ment cell is the individual enacting a specific role while producing' competent role-related behaviors (the adaptation cell), in response to being socialized. In delineating socialization, other consensus theorists focused on learning, inculcation, preparation, and negotiation to produce order for society and self- identity for the.individual (Atchley, 1972; Brim & Wheeler, 1966; Broom & Selznick, 1963; Rosow, 1974 ; Schwartz, 1975). Conversely, conflict theorists contended that socialization breeds social conflict as a result of social controls being imposed upon an individual's "subjective, self-constructed worlds" (Collins, 1975, p. 60). Lasch (1977) insisted that socialization simply makes the individual "want to do what must be done" (p. 4). 27 -H I —I H 0 -P S-S s s -H iH ( d ( d -P o A J •H O ro I —I •H •H I —I I —I •H rH 0 -H iH e n M - l P •H p c î O ü M - l U] •H M - l I —I •H •H CO H 28 While consensus theorists viewed socialization as a matter of interactively transmitting shared values, norms, expectations, role specifications, and behaviors, conflict theorists termed such interactions "exploitive and alienating" (Horton, 1966, p. 704). It is interesting to note that both groups of theorists perceive a similar structure but differ on the outcomes of socialization. In their review, Mortimer and Simmons (1978) reported differences in socialization for the child and for the adult. Research showed the process to be more overt, specific (as work-related), realistic, reconcilia- tory, and aggregative for adults than for children. Socialization for adults was also more often self-initiated, voluntary, selective, and resultant of life cycle and societal changes, as well as drawing upon a large store house of already learned responses (Brim & Wheeler, 1966). The symbolic interaction perspective was selected to explicate the nature of learned responses in socializa tion. From this perspective, "One must feel one's way inside the experience of the actor" (Manis & Meltzer, 1978, p. 12), which is an expression of the verstehen so essential in symbolic interaction researq]^_ Figure 2 depicts the actors in symbolic inter actions in terms of their roles in the social system and the specific functional problem with which each is chiefly concerned. James (1890) was an early advocate of a dyadic 29 ■H ■H m w •H u c m tnÆ •H -P W O < 1 ) H œ c co ■H C J C Î ( ü p o o •H . •H -H < ^ H U] U > i O œ H H > E h H 30 relationship with the self (goal attainment cell). He saw the "I" as the experiencing self and the "me" as the experienced self. Further y the "I" and the "me" were, in his view, capable of interacting and thereby altering self’s action. The symbols for "I" and "me" (words and gestures) are derived from the social context but the meanings are deduced from numerous and highly variant interactive experiences (Lauer & Handel, 1977). Cooley's (1910) looking-glass self : "Each to each a looking-glass reflects the other that doth pass" (p. 153) epitomizes the nature of these interactions. Mead (1934) coined the term "significant other" (pattern maintenance cell) to refer to those most influ ential in one's social development (part VI). An individ ual's parents, siblings, teachers, ministers, supervisors, and one's spouse or children might be among the most significant in a particular context. Mead also identified "generalized others" (integra tion cell) as the organized group of influential interact- . ants over time (p. 218). "Generalized others" were conceptualized as "community" or "in essence, the individ ual's view of society" (Schwartz, 1975, p. 37). Lastly, role-others is the work of Goffman (1961) who asserted that for adults, workmates are often most influential. Figure 3 illustrates the distribution of experi ences, expectation, and values,(socially-formed resources) 31 H •H g g s -h: -P to rtf S X O M = a H X t/3 +J 1 0 < ü C ü ■H i t f ü n - i O ( t f t/3 > t/3 ro 'H •H H 32 involved in symbolic interactions. The social environment (integrative and pattern maintenance cells) exerts control through values, norms, and expectations while the individ ual's experiences (adaptive and goal attainment cells) influence interaction in past, present, and future action modes. No two persons would ever have had the same experiences. Goffman (1961) reported that sanctioned orderliness, arising from fulfilled obligations and realized expecta tions, structures encounters; as he termed social inter actions. Collins (1975) argued, however, that "each face to face interaction is influenced by an astronomical number of encounters" (p. 110) precluding order or structure as an outcome. These conceptualizations maintain that symbolized interactions are the input which supports the socialization process for the individual and sustains the social order. Such interactions are essentially the conduit for social ization. Resocialization In America, resocialization, an intervention process, was used to motivate self to change behavior to restore social equilibrium (Kennedy & Kerber, 1974). Figure 4 shows the asypnetry, or socially disapproved action mode, in the behavioral system which gives rise to 33 •H -H rH -H -H rH (0 (0 -P O -p ü < -H 4 -1 -H 0 ) ( 0 f Æ P ( U 0) pq -H -H J c u ^ o •H -H -H -H 0) 0) rH rH Pj d g > H 44 •H -H O S H H > Bh < m H œ rH H -H 34 the need for resocialization. According to Kennedy and Kerber, an agent is essential for resocialization because coercion, punishment, and exclusion are used to motivate socially mandated self-change. The goal of resocialization is to restore symmetry in the behavioral system (shown by the broken line in Figure 4). As Lifton (1961) pointed out, the great agencies for human change are educational, psychological, religious, or political. He asserts that all of these agencies utilize (1) coercion, (2) exhortation, (3) therapy, and (4) realization to produce change. However, these methods of resocialization can be misused, such action being the underlying method for "brain-washing" as demonstrated in Lifton's study of released prisoners of war. Lifton was convinced that exaggerated control, blanketing with guilt, and focus on man's worthlessness destroys an individual. Conversely, Lifton argued that these methods, properly used, could yield more individual growth than self- abnegation and condemnation which, through fear, brings conformity. Another example of resocialization was the Bennett study (1980) designed to resocialize older adults to institutional living. The program was orientational and sought to increase interaction levels. Residents were better satisfied with their institutional experience as a result of this program. 35 In these studies, resocialization is shown as a restorative, destructive, growth-producing, or orienta tional process. Whether a non-coercive, non-punitive, integrative experience, such as in worklife autobiography, would yield change was the purpose of this experimental project. Older Adult Socialization Adult socialization once prepared older adults for the status of old age. However, with recent rapid changes as exemplified by the steady rise in life expectancy, due to medical advances and post-industrial high tech due to engineering advances, this anticipatory socialization became dissonant with the realities of older adult living. For older adults only the personality system was operative. Other social subsystems were essentially unavailable except in self-to-self interactions. Rosow (1974) argued that older individuals are faced with ambiguous norms and weak role prescriptions as well as a stigmatic, acribed, devalued status. Today, researchers, legislators, and social interveners classify older adults with the indigent and the handicapped, conse quently, institutionalizing a devalued social position for them (Matthews, 1979). Matthews (1979) suggested that much research focused on maintenance of an acceptable identity when "due 36 to appearance or biography one is confronted with a society holding different assumptions and definitions in reference to self" (p. 90), actually a state of anomie. According to Back and Guptill (1966), "Anomie is manifested in dis connectedness with groups which results in decrements in one's confidence in one's ability to guide one's actions so that they are in accord with the expectations of others" (p. 240). For society, gray hair and wrinkled skin are decoded as disidentifiers (Goffman, 1963b). As a result, older adults can become "greater strangers to themselves than to anyone else" (p. 35). To be stigmatized creates an undesired difference and is, therefore, discriminatory. The challenge is to adapt or conform through new inter action patterns, often self-devised (Atchley, 1972). Older adult responses are predictably, "coping, passing, or covering" their stigmatized role (Goffman, 1963b, p. 107). On the other hand, American society's response to the older adults' situation was willingness to support numerous economic and medical services. Technologically efficient production made support of the older generation possible. Even so, the question remained: How long will a labor force operating in a climate of double-digit infla tion and unemployment continue to consider income transfer to the elderly as feasible? (Hendricks & Hendricks, 1977; Matthews, 1979; Sheppard & Rix, 1977). 37 Without shared expectations, routine relationships tend to ossify and to restrict future expectations (Rosow, 1974). In general, however, older adults conform (Atchley, 1972) although deterioration of mental and physical abilities can be the outcome of adherence to social definitions for the status of being "old." Education as Socialization The element of agent and process linked education with socialization. The first agent for an individual was the family. Schwartz (1975) argued that the impact of family influence is "extreme" (p. 70) in that socialization content, restrictions, and directions are set in the family. Early in life, other social institutions such as government, religion, and education share with family the role of agent in creating social unity. The interactive nature of these institutions in solution of the respective functional problems must always be uppermost. For example, with the rise of American service-oriented industries (nearly 70 percent of the labor force, according to Fuller, 1978) and the wane of labor-intensive industries with the permeation of high tech (Toffler, 1980), a rising influence of higher education could occur. Fuller (1978), an economist, posited a possible educational!zation of America with megacade^^c industry providing information services world- 38 wide. He argued that "higher education could be trans formed into the centerpiece of American economic growth" (p. 40). Thus, individual adaptive processes, such as reorganization, restructure, and transformation of student's; experiences, so characteristic of American education today, could change drastically (Nyberg & Egan, 1981). Structural perspectives on the education process as socialization are shown in Figure 5. From a normative point of view, educational processes liberate self (goal attainment cell) to move from "where one is to where one wants to be"(Knowles, 1980, p. 85). Through education an individual achieves a behavior more nearly approaching maximized potential, according to Maslow's (1968) theory of self-actualization. Furthermore, meeting other's expectations (pattern maintenance cell) and internalizing values (integration cell) provides consensual control in educated individuals (Darkenwald & Merriam, 1982). Cremin (1976) contended that education is the deliberate, systematic, sustained attempt to transmit, evoke, and acquire knowledge, attitudes, values, skills, and sensibilities. Other descriptors, such as foster, nurture, and enrich, were evident in Dewey's (1916) writings, thus capturing the essence of education as he viewed it. As Durkheim (1956) argued, an educational system is designed for the culture it services. Likewise, 39 < S œ co Ph >H fO 4-> H œ o -P P u oc CD 4 - > -p c -H -H -H -P en f d C -P -H ü -p CD s w ■H -H •H I—I m H > -H ■H •H O s H M > 40 definitions of education reflect the philosophy and time of the definer. Education was variously viewed as: the acquisition of the art of knowledge use; creation of the power of self-control; structure that provides people, facilities, materials, and activities ; the process of insight, impression and growth; and rational autonomy (Dewey, 1938; Nyberg & Egan, 1981; Parkyn, 1973; Whitehead, 1929). Conversely, Freire (1970), a conflict theorist, declared that education was "depositing" or "banking" and called for an end to its dehumanizing effect with a "problem-solving process" (p. 57). Collins (1975) con tended that education socializes people to a "particular kind of culture" (p. 86). Hum (1978) spoke of education as "soft socialization permissively allowing choice and experimentation within limits" (p. 76) therein expressing a Bowles and Gintis (1976) position. Cremin (1976) succinctly summarized these many perspectives by stating that education is "transaction between individuals and institutions" (p. 43). Based on his study of educational life histories, Cremin character ized these transactions as a combination of maturation (change relatively independent of experience) and learning (change resulting from experience). "On the one hand, education develops individual* s diffuse capacities, while articulating group knowledge. 41 skills and attitudes [socialization] on the other" (Nyberg & Egan, 1981, p. 38). As an institutionalized socializa tion agent, education enhances interaction of the individ ual with society in the process of individual development of commitments and capacities for future roles. Older Adult Education as Socialization In April 1978, adult education was reported as "peaking for the long term" (PER Special Reports, pp. 1-4) due to occupational and professional trends toward intra- organizational training. According to this report, older adult participation in adult education was clearly a mirage. However, both American society and older adult situations are in a state of rapid and continual change suggesting that this prediction might have been premature. Change is known to create learning needs (Aslanian & Brickell, 1980). Tough*s (1977) research on adult learning projects revealed that 70 percent of adult learning activities are seIf-initiated. However, few older adults were included in his study. He intimated that current trends in adult education practice and research are focused on practice with the person, learning individually, with an emergent research trend toward facilitating relevant learning. Houle (1976) argued that adult education is a pragmatic "cooperative" rather than an "operative" art 42 (p. 34). Gould (1973) indicated that "learning is always energized by interrelationships" (p. 2). Loring* s (1978) position was that "learning and the opportunities education has to offer provide the pathway toward maintaining vitality and the process of growth" (p. viii) for older adults. Although education and learning are not synonymous, the former being structure and process, while the latter is product, much research in the field of adult education dealt with adult learning. Figure 6 is illustrative, in part, of the Knoxian definition of adult learning (Knox, 1977). Based on the overall "fit" of these elements in the context of social system solutions of functional problems, the figure is insightful. For an older adult, adult education facilitates a heightened awareness of self and encourages individual practice, in the context of involvement and acceptance of the values, norms, and expectations of society. This Knoxian concept was further clarified in terms of older adults* devalued status which forces a high level of "coping" day by day. Significantly, Knox (1977) suggested that coping is learning. The essence of learning in the coping mode was superimposed on the action theory framework to produce Figure 7. 43 -H M U ( U (ü - P ■H I —I ( ï f nj 4 -> O - P Ü < œ -H I —1 m M X >1 iH •H < O -H w w ■H ■H ■H œ 44 < ü > H ü E H p tn a P I H G G ( 0; < S P (U •H G G « M C 21 a G H Q ) P E h s M G P ( U E H œ O E H •H fd -P G P I > H w co 1 — 1 , fd ( U •P *H' D œ p:5 > H fd P P r d; ( d u H œ O p c^- l E: P U o < 13 C r > G G G •H • eu •P o G r - o ( U < Ti a 1 — 1 M -l eu 1 0 O o O G iH » -P O Q ) (U U •H n j P > G (U -P G G 1 G • » C Ü •H X U 1 U o U l O G o W h ) U 4 o ( ü • # # Æ P Q C ■p < D E h U ü ü • G . G C *0 < D • 0 O *H a u 4 - » P P o œ •H P U 1 X G G ffi. P Q W tJ i 13 G •H E h P u (U U > H <1 U ] eu p +J O W f f i > H f d G G m H W O H PQ < W 45 Knox (1977) views coping activities as a continuum, ranging from casual information-seeking (such as reading the newspaper) to intensive study (such as acquiring a new competency). Older adults, whose experience is at maximum levels "cope,” learning optimal modes for dealing with being ”old." By trial and error they test which parts of the experienced "me" fits the new roles. It is a type of self-determined autonomy (Gordon, Gaitz, & Scott, 1976). Taking advantage of experience, past competencies are marshalled to develop new behaviors. With a gallery of significant other expectancies upon which to draw, symmetric| decisions are made to guide new actions, insofar as possible. Lastly, the habit of long implemented values continues to govern this interactive coping process. This analysis was strongly supported by Darkenwald & Merjriam (1982) in their review of humanistic, behavioral, and stage-theoretical approaches to adults as self-directed learners. Additional adult learning research is reported in Chapter III where the theoretical base for worklife autobiography is presented. Work as one additional source of socialization remains to be presented. Work as Socialization Sheppard and Rix (1977) viewed work roles as "pro ductive capacity"which, for them, was the "motor force" in providing for society (p. 82). Ragan and Wales (1978) argued that older adults are crucially disadvantaged, "as 46 in the domain of work by losing out on work roles and income as important resources" (p. 11). For Fox (1971) and Henry (1971), work is a major socialization force. Henry asserted that work is "the central and most binding continuity between the years 20 and 70" (p. 176). Henry also conceptualized work as training "in values and mores of the adult social system" which interaction "exercises and develops our competencies permitting us to articulate to life realities" (p. 128). For these writers, work and the development of work roles is a specific case of social development of the individual in terms of the commitments and capacities of which Parsons (1964) spoke. The meaning of work is socially defined as a source of livelihood, a defense, a place for social inter action, a source of self-identity, and of satisfaction (Butler, 1963; Corwin, 1965; Fried, 1973; Hendricks & Hendricks, 1977; Henry, 1971; Ragan & Wales, 19 78; Simpson, Back, & McKinney, 1966). This investigation dealt with three dimensions of the work role; (1) worklife history, (2) worklife expectations, and (3) worklife aspirations. Related literature appears in Chapter III with the dis cussion of each of these as variables. However, work as a source of self-identity is reviewed in the self-identifier section of this chapter.. 47 Self-Iden11fier s The self is an ever-changing individualized product of a lifetime of symbolic interactions, according to the consensus and symbolic interaction theorists cited in this study. One way to gain perspectives on an individual’s self is to examine the identifiers which one might attribut^ to self. work as Self-Identity Becker (1970) asserted that work expectations for others might be generally cultural, family-generated or work-group oriented. A person is expected to have a certain occupational role at a certain age, to persevere, and to be successful, thereby assuring a social class position. Fried (1973) found such expectations to be inopera tive in the working class. For individuals in this class, work fulfills family responsibilities and is the source of a pride in craftsmanship but work as a source of identity is not paramount. Miller (1965) stated that people are taught to prefer work as an identity source. In support of his identity crisis theory. Miller argued that leisure does not yield self-respect because social norms do not exist to legitimate leisure. For Miller, work as a self-identifier is a socially learned response. 48 Atchley’s (1972) research tended to support identity continuity rather than identity crisis. Atchley asserted that for older adults "work might not be the top" (p. 182) among the various roles one has (see also Hendricks & Hendricks, 1977, p. 59). Back and Guptill (1966) averred that work was "the principal means of self-identification in today's western society" (p. 12). However, Back (1976) later suggested that work as a source of identity was decreasing and might be stereotypical. This literature indicates a possible dilemma for an older adult who, as a retiree, is separated from the work role. Nevertheless, Atchley (1972) reported a strong work orientation in older adults and without negative consequences. He posited identity continuity even when one is not "playing the role" (p. 182). Whether or not work roles are anchors for self-identity was an important issue in this research. Age as Self-Identity Although age was chronologically defined as years since birth, its meaning was determined socially. This was clearly accomplished by age-stratified norms. Ragan and Wales (1978) argued that distribution of social power, prestige and resources shaped each age stratum and, in this context, molded the meaning of being old. In America, age 49 was a basis for structured inequality (Heller, 1969). Kuypers and Bengston (1973) were proponents of the social breakdown syndrome in accounting for older adults * social situations, which, according to these researchers are a combination of negative labeling and loss of work roles. For Kuypers and Bengston, a solution for the older adult dilemma is the social reconstruction syndrome. This latter syndrome is characterized by reinforcement and encouragement of internal loci of control through social interaction of older adults .with other older adults. Dowd (1975) posited exchange theory as analytically useful in studying age as a self-identifier. According to Dowd, maximization of reward rather than response to norms accounts for social interactions. He argued that since power is derived from unequal social exchange, older adults are faced with a negative power balance. Matthews (1979) suggests that "oldness is not a pivotal self identity for most old people" (p. 30). She further proposed that "imputed and physical incompetence may become the norm for old age" (p. 168), consequently, older adults may begin to act to fit the stereotypes as adolescents have done. Race as Self-Identity Ethnicity refers to shared, cultural characteristics which might be perpetuated by socialization over several 50 generations (Yetman & Steele, 1975. In contrast, race refers to characteristics transmitted by heredity. Living in America had, from earliest times, led to a mixing of cultures and of races. Racial differences frequently lead to development of changing cultural patterns since interrelationships are often essentially majority-minority or superordihate^ subordinate in nature (Yetman & Steele, 1975). Such interactions tend to isolate groups as the dominated ones aggregate in neighborhoods and ghettos (Yancey, Erickson, & Juliani, 1976). Such groups turn to their own ethnic customs and mores for satisfactions in life. Whether the American socialization model is total assimilation, the melting pot, or the more recent cultural pluralism (Schwartz, 1975), racial groups are forced to deal with onslaughts on their self-identity by the dominant race. The social experiences of the Irish, the Poles, the Italians, the Jews, and American Indians are well known, their needs having given rise, for example, to adult education in preparation for naturalization and to the government-operated Indian school systems. The social experiences of Black-Americans, however, are quite different. Historically, some once lived in the north as freemen or indentured servants, while others lived in the south as plantation slaves (Bryce-LaPorte, 1969). Nationwide, blacks were denied access to education. 51 occupations, and resources which would facilitate their progress into middle- and upper-class living (Yancey et al., 1976). Although the events of the 196 0s tended to broaden opportunties, some of that progress appeared to be stalling in the 1980s. Jackson (1980) found older adults who were Black- Americans to be more disadvantaged than their white counter parts with respect to health, housing, income, occupational history, and educational achievement. She suggested that an older black, widowed woman was especially handicapped. Marital Status as Self-Identity Today's older adults matured in an era when society valued early marriage. The centrality of the family in the socialization process was thereby protected. Williams (1961) detailed marriage-^related American norms institu tionalized in American law. These were violation of incest taboos, monogamous marriage, status conferred by marriage, common-law marriage, anti-divorce laws, legal obligations in contracts, vestigial male dominance, and a relatively high degree of autonomy for women. A major threat to a.couple's identity in the older years is the loss of income with the implications of change in socioeconomic status. As individuals age, income drops by 50 percent or more (Atchley, 1972), which tends to determine the range of available alternatives (Schulz, 52 1973). The post-retirement inverted "U" profile of older adult income illustrates the reality of this threat (Kreps, 1976). The woman's power, prestige, and resources are often ascriptively linked to those of her husband (Streib & Schneider, 1971). Pension, social insurance, and life insurance plans tend to disadvantage women because female longevity rates reduce payments from these sources of income in women's later years. According to Hendricks and Hendricks (1977), older women live seven to eight years longer than older men, accounting for the high incidence of widowhood in America. Among leading events precipitating life crises, widowhood is highest on a Social Readjustment Rating Scale (Holmes & Rahe, 1967). Lopata (1980) found better educated women experi encing threatening identity loss when widowed because their world view is constructed around their husbands and their work associates. In contrast, working class women are "les^ involved in their husbands' work worlds" (p. 102). Lopata reported idealization of the mate to the point of sanctification and made a strong case for the widower adjusting less well to spouse loss than the widow. She asserted that the challenge faced by a bereaved older adult is to "reconstruct the self into a partnerless person' (p. 114). Based on these studies, anticipatory socializa- 53 tion appeared to be weak in preparing.individuals for transition to lower income and widowhood. Educational Attainment as Self-Identity Reflecting the rise of mass secondary schools in the early decades of this century and mass higher education in the 1950s (Trow, 1961, 1970), older adults are, generally, better educated than previous cohorts. However, older adults tend to have fewer years of schooling than today's young adults, making it imperative to include this variable in a study of older adults to exclude the exaggeration of decrements in aging which may be attributed to advance in age alone when actually educational differ ences are responsible for the differences (Birren & Morrison, 1961). Anderson and Darkenwald (1978) estab lished the fact that level of educational attainment is positively related to participation in higher education (Cross, 1981). Older adult groups, however, are poorly represented in those attendance figures, irrespective of educational attainment. Self-Esteem as Self-Identity Self is a product of socialization; obviously complex and constantly changing (Gordon & Gergen, 1968; Gordon et al., 1976). Gordon et al.'s (1975) definitional position on self-esteem is that of being "the most global 54 and general evaluative dimension of self-conception" (p. 213). From a symbolic interaction perspective, Rosenberg (1965) concluded that self-appraisal is derived from reflective appraisals— One's interpretation of other's reaction to self- Atchley (1972) considered self-esteem to be the volatile and emotional content of self and suggested that without seIf-approval, the individual is "apt to feel utterly useless" (p. 209). Wells and Harwell (1976) presented an exhaustive review of the self-esteem literature updating an earlier pioneer review by Wylie (1974). They asserted that "if self is a set of reflexive attitudes, self-esteem is the evaluative component" following Rosenberg (1965) and Coopersmith (1967) in this assertion. Kimmel (1974) equated the number of selves in self-concept to the number of social roles held by an individual, observing that "none ever remain static" (p. 295). Collins (1975) found a symbolic interaction perspeotive on self to be true but "not very useful" (p. Ill). His preference was for a "definition of situations" approach (p. 114). Figure 8 presents Gordon's (1976) generic repre sentation of four components of self-esteem. This structure was identified by Gordon in 1968 in terms of the young adult. However, he had long posited that these interactions vary over the lifespan. According to this 55 o •H i H ( Ü t Ü +J O -P O < fd * > ' —I < ü -H rH TJ Oi O O U] iH CD M - 4 >1 <ü œ c c î -H •H 04 -H M H <Ü -H 13 -M < ü -H 4J 4 - » O, Ü fd < ü nd tJ < H 00 •H •H -H o s M H > EH < œ W >4 H œ H 56 figure, an individual exercises self-determination, seeking a reward of "response" in dealing with the functional problem of goal attainment. Competent behavior, rewarded by "approval" addresses the functional problem of adapta tion. These interactions are governed by norms and expectations, adherence to them yielding a sense of moral worth rewarded by "respect" while maintaining pattern in the cultural system. Lastly, the individual gains a sense of unity, being rewarded by "acceptance" in dealing with the functional problem of integration. This structure of Gordon-s has been empirically validated and will be discussed in Chapter III. The self as a product of social interaction is shown in this literature with the theme of the salience of others* evaluations of self in forming a self worthy of esteem. The importance of levels of self-esteem, which relate to work, was an issue in this study. Summary This chapter reviewed conceptual accounts of socialization, symbolic interaction, adult socialization and older adult socialization. The literature on education, adult education, and older adult education was presented. Based on these writings, the power of socialization is pervasive, providing identity for self and order for society. Synopsis and analysis of the literature by 57 Parsonian paradigm illustrated these concepts. Work as socialization and self-identity was reviewed, as well as the literature supporting the self as a source of identity. Age, race, marital status, and educational achievement as anchors for self-identity were also presented. The litera ture clearly illustrated the complexities which older adults face in successful implementation of their status as "old." Chapter III follows with a discussion of the empirical literature supporting the relationships between and among the study variables. 58 CHAPTER III REVIEW OF THE EMPIRICAL LITERATURE In Chapter II the theoretical power and applicabil ity of socialization mediated by symbolic interaction in the process of realistic worklife choice was reviewed. In this chapter the empirical literature specifically related to the variables and the treatment is presented. Major Variables Worklife history, expectations, aspirations, and self-esteem were the major variables. Each of these variables have an essential function in the realistic work life choice process. Worklife History Review of one * s work history is an initial action in the process of worklife choice. The relative orderli ness of that history, according to the literature, affects levels of social integration, the degree to which work is associated with self-identity, and the potential for upward mobility. In 1961, Wilensky studied the impact of orderly careers on social integration. His sample was 678 urban white males, age 20 to 55. Coding by occupational prestige 59 scale (North-Hatt), he found the disorderly career pattern to be the most prevalent. His hypotheses were supported: chaotic work experience fostered retreat from both work and community life. Controlling for education, income, and age, he established the "causal" sequence to be education, orderly career, and participation, in that order. Wilensky's work tended to support Henry's (1971) position that work is a major socializing force. Simpson et al. (1966) suggested that orderly work histories and high occupational status militate toward internalization of "expectations of involvement and these expectations . . . persist in retirement" (p. 58). A link between the work role and self-esteem was predicated in Cottrell and Atchley's work in the 1969 Scripps Foundation Studies. Their findings indicate an anchor in the work role as older adults continue to see themselves, for example, as a railroader, a teacher, or a die-maker. However, their studies confirm that "very few people rest their entire identity on a single role" (p. 183). Atchley (1972) suggested that the probability for a com plete identity breakdown in the loss of the work role is slight. An orderly worklife history was associated with upward mobility in many of the studies on career patterns. However, according to Otto et al. (1980), few empirical studies existed in the literature. For the few studies 60 available, focus tended to be on mobility within particular industries rather than on the several industries a worklife might encompass (Spilerman, 1977). According to this literature, worklife history was chiefly disorderly, linked with self-esteem, and reflected evidence of upward mobility Worklife Expectations Socially derived worklife expectations are the motivators or inhibitors which are directed toward worklife aspirations (the ideal work option) in the realistic work life choice process. Lewin et al. (1944) concluded that aspiration is linked to (1) seeking success, (2) avoiding failure, and (3) exercising probabilistic judgment. In terms of worklife, expecba/tion:^ are the realistic sum of probabilistic assessments of success and pleasantness which become inhibitors or motivators for particular work. Expectations are for the work one expects to get (Kuvelsky & Dealer, 1966) after ideal aspirations are evaluated or adjusted realistically. That ideal aspiration is the work one wants. The level of aspiration or Lewinian expectancy experiments done by Hoppe & Hoppe (1930), Dembo (1931), Frank (1935), Jucknat (1937), Festinger (1935), and Escalona (1940) to list just a few of the early investi gators cited by Lewin et al. (1944). Dozens of rigorous experiments with both children, and adultsin gamii^g. and 61 learning situations performing "work" or task-repeat-tasks associates aspiration and expectation with numerous vari ables. Level of difficulty, confidence in one's ability, frustration, habit, recency of failure, and risk-readiness account for significant variance in aspiration. Reference scales such as "own group" standards, other group standards, expectations of others, and situational factors are also important elements in both aspiration and expectation. In 1969, Haller joined Sewell and Portes (Sewell, Haller, Portes, 196 9) to use Blau and Duncan's (1967) model in analysis of the Wisconsin Lenawee County data. The Wisconsin study longitudinally sampled all the high school youths in Lenawee County in 1957 and in 1964. Among eight variables: (1) occupational and (2) educational attainment; (3) levels of occupational and (4) educational aspiration; (5) significant other's influence; (6) grade point average; (7) socioeconomic status ; and (8) mental ability, "sig- - nificant other influence" accounts for significant variance in the levels of education (.45), occupational aspirations (.42), and college attainment (.38). These findings support the significant other influence operative in the cultural system in the theoretical application of Parsons' (1964) general theory of social action. Known norms and values considered in the worklife choice process are trans mitted by and imbedded in expectations of others, sig nificant others, especially. 62 Woelfel and Haller (1971) studied 100 high school youths with 1,358 si.gnificaht others to determine sig- 7 ' nificant other influence on attitude formation. Sixty-four percent of the variance in educational aspirations and 59 percent of the variance in occupational aspirations are accounted for in this study, indicating that "structural characteristics exercise their effect on the individual through mediation of significant others" (p. 82), Moreover, as the object of the attitude becomes more observable, according to Woelfel and Haller, the individual's reliance on self"to^self interaction increases This finding is verified by correlations of significant Other influence on occupational aspirations (.40) and on educational aspiration (.32), the latter being more observable for a high school youth not yet involved in the occupational world. In the field of industrial relations, Wanous (1972) tested 160 students - occupational preferences by percep tions of attractiveness (valence) and instrumentality (probability of outcome). Wanous concluded that Lewinian expectancy theory is predictive of student perceptions of attractiveness but not of instrumentality. Flawed informa tion was posited to account for the low instrumentality scores. Lawler and Rhodes (1976) studied motivation using Lewinian expectancy theory. They theorized that people 63 know how much effort they should expect to expend for x performance level, making their motivation or decision to act predictable. Lawler's findings indicate that motiva tion is a product of expectancy directed toward a certain level of performance. In a critique of work expectancy literature, Wahba and House (1974) found clear support for the elements of expectation, that is, subjective probability for success and attractiveness in motivation toward work performance and work's outcomes. However, Wahba and House found no conclusive evidence regarding the nature of the interaction between evaluations of the probability of success and attractiveness. Whether the relationship was additive, multiplicative, or linear was not determined by the studies they reviewed. Eran and Jacobsen (1976) applied expectancy theory to predictions of preferences to remain employed or to retire. Their sample was 190 skilled and unskilled male production workers in three Israeli plants, age 57 to 65. Using a five-point bipolar scale, verbally anchored, the data supported expectancy theory as "a rational model of how individuals develop preferences and make choices" (p. 609). Research in the various disciplinary fields con firmed worklife expectations as the subjective assessment of a success/failure probability ratio with the probability 64 of attractiveness of a given realistic worklife choice. Therefore, expectations as predictors of work-related action is confirmed. Previous work experiences and sig nificant other influences also affected these assessments. Workiife Aspirations Worklife aspiration is the "goal-area" toward which worklife expectations are directed, according to Lewin et al. (1944) and Haller (1968). The literature supporting this variable is the same as for worklife expectations as closely interrelated as they are. Clearly, however, the concepts are not the same. Pavalko (1972) suggested that occupational aspira tion can be "planned, rational, and purposive in nature" or it can be "spontaneous, nonrational, and adventitious" (p. 78). Sherlock and Cohen (1966) administered a question naire to 154 pre-dental students to establish the predictors; related to a worklife aspirations in dentistry. They identified access and reward as important determinants of aspirations. However, the occupational origins of the family appeared to influence perceptions of access and reward. Psathas (1968) stated that in industrialized societies an occupational role ideally is achieved rather than ascribed. He further suggested that access and reward must be considered in the context of the social and 65 economic conditions affecting choices. He concluded that "individuals do not choose in a vacuum" (p. 266). In a study of occupational aspirations in law, Zelan (1967) stated that having a lawyer parent, high academic performance, and being Jewish, Catholic, or Protestant (in that order) increased the likelihood of aspiring to law. His study was a secondary analysis of the responses of 33,492 males in the 1961 National Opinion Research Center data on factors entering into plans of college students. This research indicates that worklife aspirations are complex, dependent upon social background factors and are greatly influenced by norms, values, and expectations of others for self. These studies were youth-oriented and, therefore, might not relate to the aspirations which older adults have. Self-Esteem From a social psychological perspective, self-esteeir is formed by a lifetime of symbolic interactions in the socialization procèsa. Self-esteem is activated in the realistic worklife chQice process in terms of self's anchorage in the work role and in self's work-related interactive experiences. Self-esteem is the affective, evaluative part of the self-concept and is, according to social psychologists, a direct outcome of both the 66 influence of the society upon the individual and the individual Vs influence upon society. Kuhn and McPartland (1954) theorized that the self was a set of attitudes and should, therefore, be empiric ally researchable. They experimented with the "Who Are You? Test," finding this test to be a valid measure of self-esteem in the content of autobiographical data. From this research came the "Who Am I? Test." Responses were analyzed by consensual (socially anchored) and subcon- sensual (self-anchored) content. Consensual forms were listed first and were more numerous. Rosenberg (1965) was also interested in self-esteem finding the self-image to be a relatively clear portrait of an individual’s social experience. His self-esteem scale was chosen for this study being one of the most widely used (see Appendix A). Rosenberg's conclusion about self-esteem was that an individual is at once "the observed and the observer, the judge and the judged, the evaluator and the evaluated" (p. vii) . Most of his research centered on the self-esteem of youths. Coopersmith (1967) studied pre-adolescent boys to test the correlations of social class, religion, parental self-esteem, and independence with self-esteem. His findings indicate that (1) boys with high self-esteem expect success and mobilize effort to achieve it; (2) boys with medium self-esteem are uncertain of their worth and 67 apt to become dependent upon others; and (3) boys with low self-esteem tend to anticipate failure and withdraw, responding with passivity. In 1968c, Gordon's theory on the systemic senses of self was tested in a personal autonomy project. His sample was 16 0 white respondents— 60 women and 100 men— with a mean age of 65. Competence, self-determination, unity and moral worth were validated as components of self esteem through use of the dictionary descriptors. The "Who Am I? Test" was a stimulus tool in this research. In 1975, Gordon et al. tested two of the factors in Gordon's (1968c) Systemic Senses of Self Theory : competence and moral worth. The data were derived from the 196 9 Leisure Mental Health and Life-Cycle Survey in Houston, Texas. The sample was 1,441 persons stratified by sex, ethnicity, family occupational status level, and age groupings. The study included measures of self-evaluation by leisure competence, work skills, self-rated intelligence and self-satisfaction indices. Findings included; (1) leisure competence and work skills are negatively related to age, (2) self-acceptance is weakly and positively related to age, and (3) intelligence is not correlated with age at all. Competence and moral worth are valid as constructs in accounting for variance in self-esteem. As a socially defined entity, self-esteem had been systematically examined using sophisticated instruments and 68 analyses. Findings confirmed the enormous impact of society upon the self. The Treatment; Worklife Autobiography The quest for empirical studies on autobiography led to the "dispute" over the comparative values of qualitative and quantitative data and the appropriate analytical protocols for each. Rist (1977) offered a resolution of this dilemma with his concept of juxta position. According to him, quantitative and qualitative approaches could each answer a part of the question at hand, thereby providing new and different perspectives. Thus, the synergistic effect of using both types of data meant heightened understanding of the outcomes. There is a paucity of clearly empirical literature on the topic of autobiography, although a great deal of conceptual research had been conducted. Allport's (1942) case against use of personal documents (such as worklife autobiography) for research data included being non-representative, subjective, difficult to validate, deceptive at times, occasionally erroneous, arbitrary, and expensive to analyze. In contrast, his argument for using such documents in research included their realism, subjective meaning, and potential for constructing new typologies. Moreover, according to Allport, understanding, power of prediction and power of 69 of control could be gained in the use of personal documents He deplored exclusive dependence upon past frequencies for future predictions suggesting that proper use of personal documents "anchored a discipline in the bedrock of human experience" (p. 191). Butler (1963) had consistently pleaded for the use of life review (or autobiography) in working with older adults. He classified life review as therapeutic in coming to terms with^ "the late afternoon of life" (p. 71). That a personal sense and meaning for a life is more "clearly unfolded by life review" (p. 71) was important for him. In 1974, Butler asserted that life review is an aid in the "unique developmental work of old age" (p. 41). He sug gested that life review tends to dispel myths of aging, unproductivity, disengagement, inflexibility, senility, and serenity. He was convinced, based on observations of his patients and analysis of their medical records, that life review yields reintegration with "new significance and meaning to life" (p. 45). For Butler (1970) "change- readiness" and "change-capacity" meant survival (p. 122). He was certain that self-education (as in life review) was essential for older adults to "extract from within them selves what already had been learned from life" (p. 359). Lieberman and Falk (1971) investigated the "remembered past" (or autobiography) as a source of research data. Their sample was of 180 older adults 70 (average age 78) and 25 younger adults (average age 48 years). The sample was stratified by residence, age, sex, marital status, religion, and health. More significant findings were reported at the p < .001 level for age and contextual effects than for adaptation to stress or distance: from death. These researchers concluded that the findings cast some doubt on the adaptive qualities of reminiscence a^ theorized by Erikson (1976) and Butler (1974) . In 1982, Warren reported on written life history as a research tool in adult education. She cited Shaw's The Jackroller (1966) where an outline and rewriting techniques were used to yield improved comparability. Samuel's (1975) Village Life and Labour and Burnett's (1974) Useful Toil were also cited as examples of exploring past lives of working class people. Comparability of data and the danger of "forcing" the data to fit the theory were recognized by Warren (1982). Her own methodology was a search for symbolic meaning and for themes which were verified by other raters. Except for the worklife history data, a straight forward count of mentioned and coded occupations, worklife autobiography content was not a source of data for this study. However, since the treatment was viewed as an adult education experience,review of empirical research on older adult learning is included in this section. 71 Cronbach and Snow (1977) reviewed research on Aptitude-Treatment-Interaction (ATI), an analytical method for design of individualized adult learning experiences. Their conclusion was that such approaches are effective in individual cases but defy generalizations given the present state of the art in adult learning research (Carrier, n.d.; Crawford, 1978; Salomon, 1971). Therefore, ATI shares with autobiography in one respect: individualized treatments as with individualized autobiography are difficult to general ize without some pre-determined structure or yet-to-be- discovered unifying principle or theory. Botwinick (1978) reported empirical research with older adults regarding their supposed rigidity, cautious behavior, sensory changes, slow response to environmental stimulation, "older adult" intelligence, weak problem solving skills, and memory retrieval difficulties. Among the reported findings are: cautiousness is closely related to risk avoidance and sensory changes are substantial but are compensated for in many cases. Older adults retain environmental stimuli longer than younger adults which interferes with oncoming stimuli--the stimulus perception theory. Intelligence measurement is somewhat problematical, according to Botwinick, because the Wechsler Adult Intelli gence Scale is not truly age-sensitive. For older adults, "some mental abilities decline sharply with age while others do not decline at all" (p. 230). Problem-solving 72 skills are highly variant. Memory retrieval is, in part, a function of recency of learning. New memories are more difficult to retrieve while old, basic memôriès give "little or no retrieval difficulties" (p. 359). Horn and Cattell's (1966) work with fluid and crystallized intelligence establishes that fluid intelli gence (central nervous system integrity) declines with age while crystallized intelligence (learning and experience) does not. These conclusions were based upon a complex study of the intercorrelations among a system of 30 primary abilities which Horn had identified previously. Fozard and Popkin (1978) reported empirical studies on the psychosocial learning environment. They contended that illumination required for satisfactory visual function-- ing increases with age. Wolf (1960) asserted that persons in their 70s require almost 100 times as much illumination as those in their 20s. Abrupt changes in lighting or levels in illumination which are beyond an older adult's control interferes with vision, according to these findings. According to the literature, hearing loss was expected to be a problem for older adults. This was one reason the study groups were specified as small. Loss of high pitch tones, termed presbycusis by Spoor (1967), becomes progressively greater with age while lower pitch tones are better heard (Botwinick, 1978). Difficulties are 73 more apt to arise when background noises are present (Botwinick, 1978)• A discovery method was reported by Belbin (1969). The findings were based upon pilot training for older workers in a number of model programs tested under the auspices of UNESCO. Effective steps outlined were: (1) introduce the task; (2) start the action; (3) observe the progress; (4) invite questions; (5) lead the discussion; (6) act as a consultant; and (7) encourage each participant These steps were usêd in worklife autobiography, the treatment in this project. The Self-Identifiers as Control Variables The power of normative expectations and the varia tions due to life cycle stage were clear in the research related to the control variables. Selected research on age, race, marital status, and educational achievement are presented in this section. Age Neugarten, Moore, and Lowe's (1968) social clocks are germane to aging norms. In a 1957 study, a sample of 600 middle-aged and older people, stratified by social class, were surveyed. A high level of consensus regarding age-appropriate behavior was found. For example, "middle age is when you mellow" and "old age is when you let the 74 other fellow do the worrying" (Neugarten, 1971, p. 5), According to Neugarten, self-expectations are assessed by whether one is ahead of or behind expectations for the particular time of life. Martel and McCall (1963) conducted an analysis of age-gender roles by content analysis of American, Cosmo politan , Ladies Home Journal, and Saturday Evening Post magazines from 1890 to 1955. Findings indicate that urban generations are gradually changing from rural to urban in origin and that there has been a rise in role-segmentations, a decline in family orientation, and a shift over the years to same-sex orientation. By 1955, parental non-interference is evident. The three-generational family, according to Martel1 and McCall, is revealed as a myth even in 1890. Marriage norms shifted from partnership in 1890 to "fun," "charm," and "allure" in 1955. The study shows no social roles for older women which replace parental and marital roles. The prime of life had shifted from mature middle- age in 1890 to young adulthood in 1955. London and Ewing (1982) used historical trends analysis to characterize an age cohort born in 1904. One startling statistic cited by these researchers was that of all people who have lived to be 65 years of age, 25 percent are alive today. By 1920, according to London and Ewing, ^ericanization was so intense it was likened to cultural imperialism. Workers enjoyed little of the affluence of 75 the 1920s and black immigrants to the cities were at the bottom of the social hierarchy. Depression days were deprivational and account, in part, for the poor health of older adults today. The unemployed were the "coyotes of the depression" (p. 2 37). Work was not free time; real work was monetarily rewarded. "When you have no job, you have no status" (p. 238). London and Ewing also reported gender changes in the 1980s where women and men shared some responsibilities formerly assigned to one gender only. Few women in their study cohorts were in the labor force since socializations was to wife and homemaker roles. That aging relates to culture was established by anthropological studies including those among mountain peoples: the Vilcabambas in Ecuador, the Hunzukuts in Pakistan, and the Abkhasians in southern Russia (Leaf, 1973). The physical deorements of age experienced by older toerleans in the 1980s were not found among these long- lived peoples. Some lived to be 140 years of age in a vigorous and active state of mind and body. Youth lasted until age 80. They enjoyed a high social s t a t u s and died quickly when useful roles were lost. The importance of age was reported in terms of aging norms, age-gender roles, effects of historical trends, and impact of culture upon self-identification by age. 76 Race Black-white relationships were the two racial groups represented in this project. The generation of blacks in this study were sons and daughters of slaves. As Booker T. Washington (1856-1915) wrote, his socialization was to work : "there was no period in my life devoted to play" and "no schooling while I was a slave" (Three Negro Classics, 1965, pp. 31, 32). He deplored the institution of slavery because work was looked upon as a "badge of degradation" and white individuals lost their "spirit of self-reliance and self-help" (p. 38). DuBois (186 8-1963), born in Massachusetts had a different experience being poignantly launched as "blsck" when a young newcomer to his wooden schoolhouse refused his exchange card, forever setting him apart from his white age-mates (Three Negro Classics, 1965, p. xii). Nor have the years improved the situation very much. The black norm is "cultural paranoia" (Grier & Cobbs, 1968, p. 177). Ellison's (1947) powerful "I am invisible, under stand, simply because people refuse to see me , . . seeing only my surroundings, everything and anything except me" (p. 3) captured the essence of black-white relationships. In America, to be black was to be devalued. In 1968a, Gordon studied self-concept, educational aspiration, and occupational aspiration among high school students. His sample included more than 1,500 black youths. 77 He found intercorrelations between self-concept and aspirations at the p < .01 level (Pearsonian r) to be .20 for blacks and .26 for whites. When occupational aspira tion is intercorrelated with global esteem, the magnitude of the relationship is essentially the same (.29 for blacks and .28 for whites). However, for white students, educa tional expectations outrank occupational expectations while for blacks, occupational expectations rank highest among the indicators of expectations, Gordon suggested that this research reflects compensatory mechanisms for latent inferiority feelings as well as the blacks having more realistic expectation levels. In the 1969 Houston Mental Health and Life-Cycle Survey, one stratum of the sample was race. In Gordon et al.'s (1975) study of competence and worth in adulthood, by secondary analysis of the Houston data, race was found to have been important in accounting for variance in self- rated intelligence at the p < .001 level of significance. Race shows a clear relationship to performance competence. Black females, age 30 to 44, score higher in performance competence than every other group except the young black males. This outcome is attributed to black women's instru mental roles as heads of households. In contrast, Anglo- and Mexican-American women score much lower on performance competence. 78 According to these studies, being black was damaging to self-esteem, although Black-American women had high levels of performance competence. Marital Status For the older adults participating in this study, the advent of widowhood or being single was often an important factor in entering the labor force. Thompson (1980) obtained data from the Retirement History Study, a 10-year national sample of 11,153 persons who were initially interviewed in 1969. The sample was the data for 446 widows, ages 68 and 69. Educational attainment, occupation, quarters of coverage (Social Security-covered work quarters) and number of years employed accounted for 46 percent of the variance in these widow's earnings. Thompson con cluded that "education and work decisions which were made early in life" (p. 4 8) affected the economic circumstances of these late middle-age widows- Streib and Schneider (1971) compared married and single women’s retirement decisions. These data were derived from the Cornell Study of Occupational Retirement, a longitudinal study (seven years) of 299 organizations and 4,032 participants. The instrument was a seIf-administered mailer. Their final sample was 1,969. A higher percentage of single women (28%) retired at age 65 than married women (26%). Twice as many single women retired as widows. 79 Economie necessity was posited to account for these differences. Marital status affected earnings and retirement decisions, according to these studies, thereby influencing whether or not a woman entered the labor force. Educat ional Atta inmeh t The link between educational and occupational attainment is well-known. In 1974, A Target Population in Adult Education was published by the National Advisory Coucil on Adult Education. Selected comparisons in that report are presented here to highlight the educational- occupational attainment connection. 1. Median years of schooling rose from 10.9 in 1952 to 12.5 in 1973. 2. The higher the educational attainment, the higher is the labor market participation rate, the obverse also being true. For example, of workers, age 65 and older, 28 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women with a high school education were working in comparison to 48 percent of the men and 24 per cent of the women who had graduate degrees from schools and colleges, 3. Clerical workers are the most numerous of all major occupational groups (18.7%) with median years of schooling of 12.6. 80 4. The higher the educational attainment, the greater the involvement with technology, the more friendly the attitude toward automation, and the greater the felt need for more education (a reported 44%). 5. The kinds of jobs open to those without high school graduation are becoming more and more restricted. These findings are compelling evidence of the importance of educational attainment in the work world. Excerpts in educational attainment among occupational groups are displayed in Table 5. These comparisons are based on the Mahpower Report of the President (1974) and from the 1980 census. This table clearly shows the change in 80 years from a farm labor force in 1900 to a pre dominately white collar workforce in 1980 with a con comitant rise in median years of schooling to keep pace with the demand for professionally and technically prepared workers. Table 6 shows median years of schooling by age, gender, and race. These historical data indicate the increases in educational attainment in America for both Anglo- and Black-Americsns and for men and women. The older an adult is, the less the likelihood, on the average, that a high school education was completed. The racial differences in educational attainment are striking, ranging from nearly five years* difference for men, age 75 and over, to three years for the younger male (45-54) cohort. 81 Table 5 The Occupational-Educational Connection Major Percent in Median Years Occupational Occupation of Schooling Group 1900 1950 1980 1950 1980 White Collar 17.6 36.6 52.2 Professional, Technical 4.3 7.6 16.1 16.0 16.6 Managerial, Administrative 5.8 8.7 11.2 12.2 14.1 Sales 3.0 12.3 6.3 12.3 13.8 Clerical 5.0 7.0 18.6 12,5 12.8 Blue Collar 35.8 41.1 31.7 Crafts 10.5 14.1 12.9 10.1 12.5 Operatives 12.8 20.4 14.2 9.1 12.2 Labor 12.5 6.6 4.6 8.3 12.3 Service 9.0 10.5 13.3 8.8 12.4 Farm 37.5 11.8 2.8 8.3 12.2 Note. Professional, technical, managerial , and administrative occupa- - tions are associated with-upper white collar social class while sales and clerical occupations are lower white collar. All for purposes of this study. lasses Sources: Manpower Report of the President, U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1974, pp. 267-269; and Pigest of Educational Statistics, 1982, U.S. Department of Education,. National Center for Education Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1982, p. 180. 82 LO (U JD f O È - XJ O) +-> o t - i I cno c ^ •p- cy\ I —' r—I o o • • ^ cu o o CO c a o n 4 - o -o c C O «3 s- fO » ' O) S- > - (U T3 c c fO cu • p — • XJ (U • +-> < = 3 X 3 < C s- (U X 3 0 3 -O (U C O C U O c cu cu s: Q 03 I u .p- O i - 03 O ' — E CÛ cC c 03 1 O C D -p- CO CO 1—4 CO r— S- cn cu CM 1 — 1 <33 0 0 1 —1 1-4 C U 03 XJ C U C O cu O c cu s- cu s: Cl 03 O s- cu ÛQ -S t c 03 I U O T - — s- C T > C U S 3 <c < c cu ■ < < 33 L O C O <33 C M C O C M C M 'ït - 0 3 CM OO 0 3 CO CM cr> I LO 'ït - 00 CO CO CO CO 0 3 CO CO <33 <3- 0 3 CO O O 00 CD I I f) LO 'ït - I LO CO LO 00 CO CO «d- o6 s- cu > o o 3 LO C C T - s - i- +-> 0 3 C C l cu cu E Q C Z3 CD CO cu • • i o O Q c/3 Z D cu JZ +-> to 03 + J c/3 03 <-) s- C D 4-> to C D 4 - i O ) C to =3 to c cu C _) cu • .C T - 4 +-> 00 CO 4- o • D - z s . ( T J « cu LO s - =3 C 3 3 CO r-H cu u S- zs o C O 83 For women, the ethnic disparities are slightly lower, 3.5 years for women age 55-64 being the greatest difference. The implications of these observations for older adults are enormous. The workforce has changed dramatically as have educational opportunities. Only innovative use of educational attainment can fuel resumption of work roles for those who have long been out of the labor force. Summary Review of the empirical literature indicated that much of the research relating to the variables in this study was with young people, whereas this investigation was a search for ways to change older adults’ realistic, adjusted worklife choices. Findings from extant studies related to the realistic worklife choice process are summarized below. Perceived orderliness of work history was related to social integration, upward mobility, and possibly to self-identity. Worklife expectations motivated or inhibited, worklife aspirations and were greatly influenced by sig nificant others. Worklife uspi^^tions were closely associated with family variables. Self-esteem was clearly socially formed, according to the studies reviewed. Worklife autobiography, the treatment, was con ceptualized as learning, both in terms of structuring the treatment as a adult education experience, and in terms of 84 the learning patterns of older adults. The self-identi fiers have been established as socially derived. Age norms, age-gender roles, effects of historical trends and culture were related to these social values. The link with the work world was especially strong for these older adults in terms of being single or widowed. The educa tional attainment levels appeared to have a tremendous influence on occupational aspiration and achievement while race in reference to Black-Americans meant devaluation of self with an indication that black heads of households who are women are making gains in dealing with this negative racial image. Chapter IV presents the research methods used to conduct this experiment. 85 CHAPTER IV THE METHOD In Chapter III, the empirical literature related to the main effects variable and to the selected control variables was reviewed. In this chapter the methods for conducting the study are described including the sample selection, the research design, the materials, and the procedures. The Sample The population of interest was older American adults, age 45 and over. There were 71,306,000 such individuals (31% of the U.S. population) based on the 1980 census. In California, there were 6,968,000 (31% of the California population) in this older adult group. In the city from which the sample was drawn, Pasadena, California, there were 40,074 adults, age 45 and older, being 33 per cent of Pasadena’s total population (119,734), From this older adult population of 40,000, a sample of 175 was obtained. There was need to arrange for 20 study groups averaging 5 members each with relatively even distribution of Anglo/Black-American race at upper and lower white collar and blue collar socioeconomic levels. 86 In the course of sampling for the study, it was learned that older adults living in private residences were not interested in hosting the project study groups. Therefore, the strategy was to sample older adult resi dential facilities. There were 50 such residential facilities from which to draw the sample. The facilities were located in 13 of the 35 census tracts in the Pasadena- Altadena area. Census tract data for Anglo- and Black- American racial groups and for average annual family income were analyzed as a guide to facility selection. Nineteen facilities in 13 of these census tracts were in the final sample. Selection criteria were : (1) race; (2) socio economic levels (estimated by the family income range divided in thirds to represent white and blue-collar categories); and (3) willingness to host the project. These 19 facilities included 8 apartment complexes, 7 retirement hotels, 2 nursing homes, and 2 private resi dential complexes in which a total of 2,180 older adults lived. Of these 2,180 adults, 175 agreed to participate (5.4% of Pasadena’s older adult population age 45 and over) First session attendance totaled 157 (a 10% no-show rate) and 119 completed the study group protocols (a 24.8% attrition rate). According to information given in respons^ to investigator follow-up call, attrition was due to (1) lack of interest; (2) too much time involved; (3) having no 87 more worklife details to share after the first practice session; (4) fear of loss of Social Security benefits (because the study was federally-funded); and (5) reticence in interacting with neighbors in the facility. In an urban, crime-ridden environment, this attrition rate was predictable (Karp, Stone, & Yoels, 1977). Because Pasadena has a relatively high percentage of older adults (33%) and nearly half of these being age 65 and older, the city was often the site for gerontological research. This tended to create a barrier to facility cooperation. Therefore, the assistance of a liaison man was enlisted in obtaining the sample. This gentleman was an older adult himself, having been politically active in senior citizen affairs for some years. He was known to retirement and nursing home management and had a wide circle of friends in the older adult group. The liaison man was oriented to the project with respect to goals of the study, the sampling plan, the needed number of study groups (20), and the interest in race and socioeconomic factors. His procedure was to (1) arrange an appointment with a facility manager; (2) go to the facility with a letter of introduction from the investigator (see Appendix C); and (3) gain the cooperation of the manager for hosting the project. When this coopera tion was assured, the manager introduced the liaison man to prospective participants. 88 The liaison man then presented the project to these older residents, issuing a personal invitation to join an in-facility study group. If the invitation were accepted, he attempted, when possible, to "snowball" (Sudman, 1976) the sample by inviting friends of the participants. He left the letter of introduction (see Appendix C) and an appointment card for the first session with each person who accepted the invitation. When the attrition rate became evident, he overenrolled participants in the study groups to ensure five-member size for the groups. Generally, treatment groups were more difficult to schedule than control groups because of the necessary five-week commit ment in the treatment groups in comparison to the one or two control group session requirements. However, recruit ment in a given facility was always for either a treatment or a control group, the older adult choice being simply to participate or not to participate. Arrangements were followed up by the investigator who called the facility expressing pleasure regarding the plan and verifying facility staff and participant names, the date, time, and place of the meeting. Facilities had to be utilized where interest in the project could be generated. Therefore, the sample was somewhat biased toward church-going (and therefore inter ested in "heIpingj), educationally oriented (and therefore 89 interested in writing their autobiographies) individuals. To approximate research design quotas, two different groups were drawn in two of the facilities. A twenty-first group was also organized when attrition nearly eliminated one upper-middle-class group. The obtained number of partici pants in the sample was 119. Although use of the census tract data was valuable, some mismatches occurred. This was expected because the northeast quadrant of Pashdena is predominately Black- American, yet 11 of the facilities serving Anglo-American older adults were located in these Black-American neighbor hoods. Moreover, average annual family income data was not an entirely reliable estimate for residents of senior citizen facilities. As it developed, their former occupations were a better indicator of their socioeconomic status and lifestyle since that link appeared to persist even when retirement income dropped about 50 percent. Table 7 shows the characteristics of the sample obtained, by self-reported demographic data. The sample was chiefly Anglo-American, retired, college-educated widows being an average age of 77, with low income, essentially healthy, Protestant, American-born, and identifying with occupations in the upper-middle-class. There were five married couples in the sample. Participants were active, generally optimistic, and much involved in community and church affairs. For example. Table 7 Characteristics of the Study Sample 90 Characteristics % Characteristics % Ë Gender Present Occupation Male 25 30 Retlred 69 82 Female 75 89 Not retired 18 22 No response 13 15 Agé 45-64 13 15 Marital Status 65-84 60 71 Married 21 25 85-94 24 28 W1dowed 56 67 No response 3 5 Divorced 5 6 Separated 3 3 Educational Attainment Never married 14 17 Elementary 11 13 No response 1 1 Some High School 13 16 High School Graduate 12 14 Religious Status Some College 32 38 Protestant 79 94 College Graduate 14 17 Not Protestant 19 23 Graduate Degree 17 20 No response 2 2 No response 1 1 Self-Concept of Health Annual Dollar Income In Comparison to Age- Under $9,999 38 45 mates Over $10,000 18 22 Worse than 10 12 No response 44 52 Same as 26 31 Better than 62 74 Occupational Status - No response 2 2 Upper white collar 45 53 Lower white collar 34 41 Racial Group Blue collar 13 16 Anglo-American 71 84 No response 8 ' 9 Black-American 18 21 HIspanic-Amerlcan 1 1 Birth Country other 6 8 Amerlca 95 113 No response 4 5 Europe 5 6 Note. N - 119 91 one participant stated, "My chief concern is how to set a long-term goal for myself that will serve the community best." She was 90 years old. Another remarked, "Being 80 demands more of me than I expected." She was 83 years of age. Still another participant was engaged in writing and publishing a weekly newspaper column for her hometown newspaper in another state. The Research Design Because of the experimental nature of the study, a Solomon Four-Group Experimental Design was chosen (Campbell & Stanley, 1966; Isaac & Michael, 1971). The design pro vided optimum control of history, maturation, selection, experimental mortality, and interactions of the above inso far as possible, thereby giving attention to internal validity (Isaac & Michael, 1971). External validity was considered in selecting this design cohÆmg;Eing:^ dè#(ighr wise, the best possibility for generalizability. The Solomon Four-Group Design specified dividing the sample into four groups. The first and third groups received the treatment. The first two groups received the self-esteem prétests. All groups received the self-esteem posttests. These sequences facilitated study of the effects of the pretest upon the posttest in terms of self esteem levels and the effects of the treatment upon the dependent variables. Table 8 illustrates the percentages 92 CO ( U J D r a -a 3 — • to — ~ to ~ « — 1 ^-S , « 0- r— to P to • . C 50 • <d- • CD • CVJ • o to CL CT» ^ to — " 00 CO r > s . — . • o «—• CVJ r - 4 r t 3 3 C O-- - C V J — < • r - 4 *>w<' O) « — 1 P « — 1 O O CVJ c. h- CD CL 3 o p CD P c C CD P (U to E to CD +J P to (U to < 5j - P fO to p X J O- OJ (U CD 00 z — ^ CVJ 0 —^ «O' "— • CVJ • — CO . — . to 3 Q. s- s- P • ^ . cu • r - 4 • «O' . 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CVJ CD E c 3 +-> to p to If) to CVJ CO LO r " > - co «O' « — 1 CVJ op CVJ to O 03 O (U CD to p P s- o O CD Q. h- CL. to CD (O -a p s- s- ■o to to to to to CD cu to DC c o c o c o c c to CD to o <o o to CD to to CD rH c u t _) O o , CD rH E c •I— (U •1— 0 ) f— (U •I— S- •r- S_ cu 3 o p p p p c. P P to c. to c I I CD • ! — CD -r- CD *f CD t — CD r — o CD p E o: E -c E JC E i — E z z CD £ = <C 3 : <C 3 : <C 3 <c o <C O to to 1 1 1 1 CD 1 CD to CU p o o c . S- O S- o Dy£ to Q. to Q. r— CD O (D 1 — CD r — CD CD (U to c u cu E s - E CD CL to CL CD 5 CD 3 to 3 p p DC to p o C CL I — CL c o C I — o o \ — to to CD < CD ÛÛ o <=C — 1 C ÛD OO OO h - z to 93 for the specified strata in the research design groups. Looking at this table the unevenness of the cells is obvious. Anglo-Americans account for 75.6 percent of the sample, while 16.8 percent are Black-Americans. Upper whit^ collar participants represent 46.1 percent of the sample, lower white collar are 28.6 percent, and blue collar participants are 17.7 percent of the sample-— an over- sampling of upper white collar groups and with a six to one ratio for the sampled ethnicities. Definitions of the socioeconomic classes in the study are as follows: Upper white collar. Higher professions, business officials, civil service, and military. High income and college education individuals. Lower white collar. Lower professionals, small business, few skilled workers. Mostly middle income and high school education. Blue collar. Skilled, semi-skilled, and service workers. Mostly lower income and less than high school education. (Broom & Selznick, 1963, p. 214) Occupation scores coded by the 1970 Occupational Status Scores Scale (Nam, LaRoque, Powers, & Holmberg, 1975) were the basis for placing participants in the social class groups. These scores range from 2 to 99 being divided by upper white collar (70-99), lower white collar (40-69), and blue collar (2-39) social classes, according to Heer (1980). 94 The treatment groups (1 and 3) were 42 percent of the sample while control groups (2 and 4) were 50.4 per cent, as shown in Table 5. However, there was a relative balance in the Solomon Four-Group assignments, being 24 participants receiving pretest-treatment-posttest, 26 receiving pretest-posttest, 2 9 receiving treatment-posttest and 40 receiving posttest only when the 9 cases now shown in Table 8 were included. Materials Materials necessary for the study were the study instrument, tape recorders, and a suitable meeting room. The study Instrument The general format of the instrument (see Appendix A) was a large, bold type-face with wide spacing between the lines to facilitate reading with impaired vision and writing with impaired motor control. The components of the instruments are summarized in Table 9. Two widely used scales were combined with standardized questions gleaned from the literature to form the instru ment. Known validity and reliability values for the scales used are shown in Table 10. The unidimensionality or reliability for measuring that which is supposed to be measured was adequate. The validity, or how well the scale measures the construct in comparison to other measurements 95 Table 9 Composition of the Study Instrument Question Source Data Elicited 1-12 13-16 17-26 Level of Aspiration Scale (Haller & Miller, 1971) Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965 Demographics (Self identifiers) Occupations: Desired, Planned for near future. Aspired to, and expected Self-Esteem Scores (Pretest, Posttest) Note. The 1970 Occupation Status Scores (C. B. Nam, J LaRoque, M. G. Powers, & J. Holmberg, 1975) was used to code all the occupational responses in the study. 96 LO rs r - { 0 CD r " > P r4 p CD C j^ Q r - 4 tn q 03 ca p P U I t 7 > X 0 3 0 f t f ( Ü ' P. 0 0 ) P P rQ ' —< hU 03 0: •0 0 3 0 ) 0 S U in P A S U 0 % i H . r - i 0 LO 0 g M. P r H , iH W CD g 1 5 ^ r4 . I d * P O r —1 I d : O O ü O K s OU ^ g m DU ■ p . P U . g 0 O PI S U o V ü g t A 0 0 Q) o s 01 4 - ) vo C ' O 'p -p P S U « ç r 00 X— * 0 ü • » ■ s u g o 0 0 3 0 o 03 o C ü 4 - ) Q O O s; t S : LO 1 —1 . •H -H 44 44 0 CD n J TS U4 0 rP ü - h; ip r~ LO r " « LO 0 U3 r - 4 ( ü 1 —1 in CD 00 0 0 ( d o • 0 4U M - t > U U 44 O 0 0 >1 4U -P o -P S U 44 I —1 ■ H : ' ( d —- 'Ü g -44 44 0 C L ) ■H 44 44 0 3 ■ * O tD rH iH 44 W 0 co 0 r) ( d P 0 44 0 0 ( d > >14J O E h 0 CD 0 40 E4 4 - > S U PU r - 4 0 ü rÜ ■p 0 3 P C i —1 H 00 CM in 0 'd I d -H ü r~ CD 00 P SQ 0 »Q *P « • # 0 4U >i ( d 44 > -P ■H 44 0 03 0 •H I —1 Q ) 4U • 0 1 —1 Q Q 03 O -P . •H Pi U 0 X —» A » GO 44 LO ( d PU LO 0 ■H CD CD pH g • p4 rp rp c y 0 P4 0 ü 0 4U 0 ■ * o 44 es -P O tD ■ r 4 0 •P -P P 44 M -P 0 I d 1 s u S U 0 X P 44 o o 0 a. g ■H 1 - 4 ■H 0 0 o 0 iH 0 44 0 s u 0 ü o 0 3 03 0 P -H -p ü DU < &* O Xi p o tD 0 ü g 0 ta m P ü 03 PU Ui 0 o 0 ü g - 0 Xi O 0 • O 0 P Q) 1 — s u P P4 0 0 0 rH 0 0 O 44 g 1 5 f d > 0 f " - 0 » 0 O O ü 0 Q CD 44 P H ^ P4 U] p PU 1 —1 03 0 X 97 of the same construct, was less well established except for the 1970 Occupation Status Scores. These status scores were high on validity showing an interesting comparison for men's (.97) and women's (.85) scores. In using the Level of Aspiration scale, high on reliability (.78) but low on validity (.17 to .46), Haller and Miller (1971) identified three disadvantages: (1) a low response .rate, (2) considerable guesswork in coding from the 90-item National Opinion Research Center Occupational Prestige scores, and (3) coding was too time-consuming. The 1970 Occupational Status Scores (Nam et al., 1975) used in this study provided 126 occupational categories with sublistings of the occupations which belonged in the categories. The scale provided a very high title-for-title match with the data eliminating the need for interrater verification of the coding. Tape Recorders Fifteen tape-recorders were available to the project. Orientation to use of the recorders was included in the first study group session. Opportunity for use between sessions was offered. Three persons availed them selves of this opportunity. However, the recorders were used for every treatment session and were well accepted by the groups. 98 The Meetihg Room The facility recreation room was the usual location for the study group sessions. These rooms were large, bright, relatively quiet, and well appointed. In two facilities, the library was used, and in one a small draw ing room was provided. These rooms were heavily used by residents in the facilities. Sometimes confusion occurred due to conflict of schedules or because of the desire to use the space at an accustomed time. For example, one non participant remarked, "We always shoot pool at this time"1 Seating around a table was the best arrangement for the groups to facilitate better hearing and eye contact opportunities. Procedures : The Treatment Treatment procedures centered around gathering of the study group, presenting the autobiographies, and administering the instrument. Gathering of the Group Participants tended to forget the sessions were scheduled. Reminder telephone calls, announcements in the facility, and "appointment cards" were used. Facility staff participant colleagues f and the liaison man assisted in getting everyone to the meeting room. Group sizes varied from 2 to ü, 5 being the optimum for each group. There was a remarkhblÿf Tow^ bute 'of' abséhtéeieîia due - to Miiness. 99 Presentation of the After a short period of informal group interaction, the two-hour sessions began. Each, in turn and as desired, told or read his or her story. The investigator activated appropriate recorders and encouraged each speaker. In general, interruption of presentations of the autobiography did not occur. At the close of each presentation, tape recorders were turned off and informal discussion about each Story was held. Presentations were highly variant, somewhat repetitive and, at times, long-winded. Guidance was provided by the investigator to assist in the story flow and to keep time limits within reasonable bounds. Content, to be prepared in advance for each session by the participants in the treatment groups, was assigned by worklife stage: youth (to age 25), early maturity (age 25-50), full maturity (age 50 to the present), and the future. These divisions were guidelines and much mixing of the stages occurred as participants thought of non- stage- re la ted incidents and wove them into their stories. In general, the distant past was most eloquently expressed, early maturity was hazy, recent past was somewhat sketchy, and the future focused more on world conditions than on personal projections fop wPirk. For the control groups, participants were asked to present summaries of their worklives in the first of their 100 study sessions. These presentations were extemporaneous although some had prepared some information; one partici pant even presenting her entire worklife autobiography. These sessions were not recorded because project experience had shown the recorders to be inhibitory when used before group rapport had been established. Administration of the Instrument Completion of the instrument was done in sections. Questions 1 to 46 were done the first session. Remaining sections were "worked on" at each session until completed. In-session time used for this activity was about 20 minutes of the allotted two hours in the sessions. Participants were allowed to complete the questions at their own pace and in their own apartments if desired. Some needed a "secretary" to read questions to them and to record responses. This service was provided by the investigator both in the group and individually. The former setting contributed to socially desirable responses and was minimized insofar as possible. Three questionnaire!^ were completed by telephone interview. The scales in the instrument were difficult for the participants to complete. This was due, -io patt, to; poor vision, lack of suffient motor control for legible writing, and reticence in responding. Unaccustomed to the level of self-introspection elicited by the Rosenberg (1965) Self- 101 Esteem Scale, many opted for omission of responses to parts or all of the scale. This yielded data characterized by an unexpected level of missing cases. The Level of Occupational Aspiration Scale was also difficult for the participants. For many, the work- world was very remote. To complete this scale once was personally rather meaningless even though the participants appeared to understand the goals of the study clearly. To complete this scale a second time was out of the question for them and this part of the instrument (the posttest for worklife expectations and worklife aspirations) eventually had to be dropped. The loss of the pretest-posttest feature for assessment of change in worklife expectations and worklife aspirations was very disappointing since empirical evaluation of the treatment effect rested, in part, on these data. For the control groups, the first 4 6 questions of the study instrument ware completed at the first session, which was the only session for the five study groups receiving the posttest only. For the five groups receiving pretest-posttest protocols, questions 17 to 46 were completed as their contribution to posttest procedures. At the close of each session the time and date for the next meeting was set by agreement of the group. Appointment cards were given to each one as a reminder. 102 Procedures; Data Analyses Data analyses procedures included preparation of the worklife autobiographies, data coding and computer- generation of the statistics. Preparation of the Worklife Autobiographies Fifty-one autobiographies were produced in the study. Twenty of the 51 wrote their stories or turned in organized notes. The other participants preferred to tell their stories with the tape recorders running. The project files contain parts of three more autobiographies which were not included in analyses procedures because the content did not cover the full worklife span. Since all these documents were unstructured and unguided, they are highly variant. The tapes were transcribed and typed. No editing was done of the content. Data Coding Table 11 presents the operational modes and coded ranges for the variables. Response to a Study Instrument question(s) is the operational mode for all the variables with the exception of two. Perceptions of worklife history were excerpted occupational titles from the worklife auto biographies. The worklife autobiography groups were identified by the third digit in the participant identifi cation number and were also arranged by subfiles in the 103 Table 11 The Variables by Operational Mode and Coded Ranges Variables Operational Mode Coded Ranges Perceptions of Worklife History Sequence of occupational titles^ given in each worklife autobiography 1 = Orderly!* -1 = Disorderly by histogrammed occupational titles Self-Esteem Response to questions^ 17-26 30-40 = High 20-29 = Medium 10-19 = Low by the ten-question mean Worklife Expectations Response to Question 16 70-99 = High 40-69 = Medium 2-39 = Low by occupational title Worklife Aspirations Response to Question 15 Same as for Worklife Expectations Worklife Autobiography: The Treatment 3rd digit in participant ID # and Computer Subfile 1, 2, 3, or 4 by Solomon Four-Group Protocol Age Response to question 4 48-94 by age given^ uncoded Race Response to question 11 1 = Black-American!* -1 = Anglo-American Marital Status Response to question 7 1 = Widowed^* -1 = Married Educational Attainment Response to question 5 1 = Under and includ ing High School graduation^ -1 = Above High School graduatior .All occupational titles were coded by Occupational Status Score. Effect coding divided these nominal variables into dichotomous groups for entry into the multiple regressions (Kerlinger & Pedhazur, 1973, cP- 121). Refers to questions in the Study Instrument (See Appendix A). 104 computer files using SPSS procedures. Four of the vari ables were dichotomized, three were trichotomized, one ranged from one to four, and one, a continuous variable, was analyzed without coding. A coding instrument was prepared to standardize the assignment of codes. The Nam et al. (]975) Occupational Status Scores were used to code work-related data, which provided a very high direct title-for-title match reducing the probability for coding error. All data were coded for computer input and recorded on Fortran Coding Forms. These data were then keypunched on standard input cards to pro duce the master data decks. Computer-Geherati on o f the Statistics The general analysis strategy was to use the multiple regression statistic after preliminary frequencies and crosstabulations. The SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) computer program was used. The assumptions for multiple regression analysis were not met in that the sample was not randomized and the sample size was relatively small. However, the distribution of the data was normal, for the most part, and a linear relation ship for the predictors with the criterion variables was assumed. The one exception to these linear assumptions was the shape of the worklife history data which was expected to be curvilinear. According to Pedhazur (1982), 105 regression analysis is generally robust in the presence of departures from assumptions except for measurement errors. Stepwise multiple regression was expected to optimize the analyses. Using the stepwise multiple regression protocols with the option of pairwise rather than listwise deletions, all cases were considered in the equations. Each hypothesis was tested by a series of regression equations designed to generate unique variance explained by each independent and control variable. That is, each variable's value when entering the equation last was reported. These regressions were made on about 30 cases. This outcome occurred, in part, because the sample of 119 was divided into four treatment protocols, or about 30 cases each. Percentages, t tests, and chi square statistics were also utilized, when appropriate. Table 12 summarizes the analysis strategy by levels of measurement and the statistics used to assess the results of the experiment. The levels of measurement include nominal, ordinal, and interval. Summary This chapter has explicated the methods used in the project. The sample of 119 participants was non-randomized, multi-stage, and stratified. The stages were; (1) study of the 35 census tracts in terms of Anglo-American and Table 12 Summary: Variable Analysis Strategies by Measurement Levels and Statistical Treatmenta 106 Variable Level of Me asurement Statistical Treatment Perceptions of Worklife History Worklife Expectations Self-Esteem Rosenberg Self- Esteem Age Race Marital Status Educational Attainment Interval Interval Ordinal (Interval in Equation) Interval Nominal Nominal Nominal %, R X, SD, t, R, % R, ^ R, X^, r R, X. ' £ 107 Black-American racial groups as well as average annual family income for specifying socioeconomic strata in the census tracts; (2) listing the 50 older adult residential facilities (the sampling frame); (3) mapping the 50 facil ities on the census tracts ; (4) selection of the 13 census tracks optimizing the strata ; and (5) selection of the 19 facilities located in the 13 selected tracts in terms of willingness to host the project. The final sample was 119 older adults, ranging in age from 45 to 94, being drawn from an in-facility (the 19) population of 2,180. Gener ally, the participants were older widows who were well- educated, healthy, Protestant, and receiving low income. The racial representation in the sample was Anglo-American (82%) and Black-American (18%). The ratio between men and women was one man for each three women. There were five married couples in the sample. The research design was the Solomon Four-Group Experimental Design, its composition being by research design groups (the columns) and by race and social class (the rows). The distribution of cases between the two parts of the design was relatively balanced but the cell composition was uneven. The instrument contained four standardized scales, bb'th of which were difficult for the older adults to complete. Procedures were delineated for the treatment, coding of the data, and data analyses 108 strategies. Multiple regression statistics were the most frequently used of the statistics generated. Chapter V details the results of the experiment. 109 CHAPTER V THE RESULTS The results of the data analyses were reported in this chapter. There were two major outcomes of this experimental research. First, there were no observed indications that worklife expectations were increased in response to the worklife autobiography experience. Second, the more significant outcome was support for continuation of the influence of worklife history, self-esteem, worklife expectations (inhibitors or motivators toward ideal choice or aspirations) and worklife aspirations into the later years. The data analyses that led to these observations were in four phases: (1) studying frequencies and cross tabulations, (2) evaluation of pretest and treatment effects, (3) testing the hypotheses and research questions, and (4) examining supplemental data in the study. Frequencies and Cross- tabulation s Results Preliminary study of the variable frequencies:and crosstabulations revealed little differences in the mean scores on the various scales. Relevant details of these findings are, generally, reported in the subsequent phases. 110 However, the distribution of the seven worklife variables is included in this reporting phase, shown in Table 13 to illustrate the relative.homogeneity of the responses. Chief lifework is the occupational identity reported to characterize all work over the lifespan. This variable was used to categorize the participants by socio economic status. Present lifework identifies the retired group in comparison to those in the sample who were still working. Desired lifework is the mean of those four occupations which participants had considered going into sometime in their lives. Work planned for the near future is self-explana tory. Worklife history is presented here as the mean of all occupations mentioned in the autobiographies. Worklife expectations are the work participants expected to be doing in 10 years. Worklife aspiration is the ideal, aspired-to occupation. In general, the worklife variables are in the Upper range of the lower white collar socioeconomic group (Nam et al., 1975), status scores of 40-69. However, work life expectations and aspirations were in upper white collar ranges (status scores 70-99). Standard deviations indicate the presence of some extreme scores which have affected these means, accounting for this lower status level when the sample was known to rep;çesent the upper white collar group more heavily (45%) than it represented the lower white collar class (34%), as shown in Table 7. Ill Table 13 Socioeconomic Levels by Worklife Variables Worklife Variables Socioeconomic Levels' Chief Lifework X 65.5 SD = 24.92 N = 110 Present Lifework^^ X = 65.3 SD = 22.88 N = 104 Desired Lifework X = 67.1 SD = 23.58 N = 86 Work Planned for Near Future X — 67.2 SD = 21.49 N = : 54 Worklife History X = 67.4 SD = 25.46 N 51 Worklife Expectations X 70.5 SD ; = 20.31 N 40 Worklife Aspirations X = 70.6 SD = 21.53 N = ■ 85 The ranges of socioeconomic levels for the occupations in the study were 70-99 (upper white collar), 40-69 (lower white collar), and 2-39 (blue collar). ^Eighty-two (69%) are retired, 22 (18%) are working, 15 (13%) did not respond. Source: C. B. Nam, J. LaRoque, M. G. Powers, & J. Holmberg, Occupational Status Scores : Stability and Change, Proceedings of American Statistical Association, 1975. 112 Pretest and Treatment Effects In the Solomon Four-Group research design, compari sons of posttest scores with pretest scores show the post test effects, if any, of learning attributable to taking the pretest. An increase in posttest scores in study groups one and two, who took the pretest, could mean a pretest effect, especially if comparisons with posttest scores in groups three and four, who took no pretest, are not comparably high. Comparisons can also be made on self esteem scores of treatment groups (1 and 3) with control groups (2 and 4) to assess experimental treatment effects. The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (1965) was used as pre tests and posttests of self-esteem. Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale Findings In a paired t test, there is a mean difference between posttest and pretest scores of 0.8375, a standard deviation of 2.38 and a t (16) = -1.58. The changes in self-esteem were in a negative direction. Table 14 display^ these relationships by means, standard deviations, and cases in the study groups. The range of the mean scores is 31.5 to 34.3 indicating that, on the average, all groups in the sample have high self-esteem (see footnote, Table 14). All posttest scores were slightly lower than pretest scores, This finding in comparison of mean scores reflects the fact 113 Table 14 Self-Esteem by Study Groups Self-Esteem Study Groups Pretest Posttest — b 1 X = 34.25^ X = 33.50 .099 SD = 4.26 SD = 5. 37 (Groups 1 N = 8 N 16 and 2) 2 X = 34.11 X = 34. 00 SD - 6.03 SD = 4. 09 N = 18 N = 12 3 X = 32.68 1.34 SD = 4.45 (Posttest: N = 22 Groups 1 and 2 with 4 X = 31.54 3 and 4) SD = 4.3 N = 28 ^Missing data for the pretests the posttests = 41. = 24 Missing data for Range is 10 to 40, 30 to 40 being high self-esteem. Source: M. Rosenberg, Society and the Adolescent Self- Image . Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965. 114 that there was a slight lowering of self-esteem in response to the pretest or the treatment or both. Because the post test scores are a slightly more conservative estimate of self-esteem than the pretest scores, the posttest scores were used as the measure of self-esteem in remaining analyses. Table 15 illustrates posttest data in percentages to show the difference on posttest scores between pretest and no pretest groups. Of those who had the pretest, there were fewer low self-esteem scores (11% compared to 14%) and more high self-esteem scores (89% compared to 86%) with a difference of 3 percentage points in each comparison. Multiple regressions on these scores were inconclusive because so few paired values existed in the matrix. Assessing Treatmeht Effects In the Solomon Four-Group research design two study groups (1 and 3) received the treatment, worklife autobiography, and two study groups (2 and 4) were control groups. Differences in scores on pretests and posttests of self-esteem in the treatment groups and in the control groups represented the treatment effect. The self-esteem scores were the only measures of change in the data because the older adults* disinterest led to dropping the posttest on worklife expectations and worklife aspirations. 115 CO 00 00 H H o o o rH VO O CM O CM rH 00 Î H C Q P4 C l , P > 1 O Z û -H O LO VjD cm 00 CM m -H Cno H 00 rH « s a * 00 o ' 5 J * oo •H o • iH CM L O rH 00 § 3 CM CM ■H . C 4 S P4 OO rH 116 Table 16 compares the treatment and control groups illustrating the preponderance of high self-esteem scores (nearly 85%) in both groups and the nearly precise similar ities in both groups (difference is 1 percentage point). Multiple regressions on these scores were also attempted without success due to the uneven distribution of pairs of scores in these groups. Based on these comparisons, the treatment had no appreciable effect upon the levels of self-esteem, that effect being the chief measure of the treatment impact in the study. Testing the Hypotheses The hypotheses dealt with the process for attaining realistic, adjusted worklife choices focusing on relation ships between (1) perceptions of orderly worklife history with self-esteem, (2) self-esteem with worklife expecta tions, and (3) worklife expectations with worklife aspirations. Hypothesis 1 H^: Self-esteem is positively related to per ceptions of orderly worklife history, Worklife autobiography was expected to enhance per ceptions of orderly worklife history leading to increased self-esteem. This result was posited to occur as the events of past worklife were "smoothed" or ordered in the editing and retelling process. The self-satisfaction 117 :p 0 > o in t o r H i iH O' d !S < C O w f d . O rH o ro p O 00 o o Q iH m «H in i EH — ( d u E-i m , 0» e 0 . x — < M O 0 o p X— s % — s . 1 0 Ü — w VD r- r- 00 m 0 3 ; pa A: - 00 04 CO CO M >1 -> o 1 o o 00 tw U C M X —s 1 ■ rH • 5 J * s f ro in o ro Q > TS • « - P in r— 1 ID 1—1 CO P II f d O tH II P P I ^ . x —s 10 U l rH Q ) 0 P t J > P P p •H C O f d U o u O 04 CM ■ x\ CO o a\ • ■ . TO ' c d 1 —1 00 d P 00 f d f d P o P <N II • p p W ro U 1 ID S II 0 f i ) in fH 04 ID 1 0 g P O P >M CÛ P O II U O II ■ 1 —1 tj p f d U , P u 0 p O 0O S I P Ü si P P P u O O CM , CO C D Eh U s x\ 118 resulting from sharing a noteworthy worklife with age- mates in the study groups was also expected to increase self-esteem. The worklife history data were the occupational titles in the worklife autobiographies. An orderly work life history, based upon individual.histograms, was defined as curvilinear or progressively upward, while a disorderly worklife history was fluctuant or progressively downward. Of the 46 participants whose worklife history was measurably (contained data for all the life stages), 37 (72.5%) per ceived their worklife history as being orderly while 11 (21.6%) perceived their worklife history as disorderly. Thus an approximate three to one relationship existed for orderly to disorderly perceptions of worklife history. No data existed in the study for empirical validation of whether or not this frequency of orderliness was attribut able to the experimental treatment. In analysis of the relationship of self-esteem to perceptions of orderly worklife history. Table 17 shows another three to one relationship. Whether perceptions of worklife history are orderly or disorderly, high self-esteem scores are about three times as frequent as low self-esteem scores. In a multiple regression, shown in Table 18, the relationship between self-esteem and perceived worklife history, controlling by four self-identifiers is tested. 119 Table 17 Perceptions of Worklife History by Self-Esteem (Percentages) Self-Esteem Perceptions of Worklife History Orderly Disorderly No Answer High (30, 40) Low (10, 20) Totals 71 29 100 (35) 73 27 100 (11) (7) Note. N = 53; Range = 10-40. Source: M. Rosenberg, Society and the Adoleseent Self- image. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965. Table 18 Self-Esteem by Perceptions of Worklife History and the Control Variables (Stepwise Multiple Regression) Self-Esteem Multiple Variables R ,2 R (Unique Variance) F independeht Perceptions of Worklife History . 01 1.00 Controls Age .015 < 1.00 Race .035 < 1.00 Marital Status .072 1.19 Educational Attainment .028 < 1.00 Total Multiple R .40 Total Variance Explained 16% Note. N = 38. 120 A total of 16 percent of the variance in self-esteem is explained. Perceived worklife history accounts for just 1 percent of this 16 percent, while marital status explains nearly half (7,2%) and race nearly one-fourth (3.5%) of the 16 percent of accounted for variance. The null of the first hypothesis is retained. Hypothesis 2 : A positive change in self-esteem is positively related to worklife expectations. In the second hypothesis, change in self-esteem in response to the treatment was expected to lead to an increase in worklife expectations, based on the anchorage of self-esteem in the work foie. Without a change in self esteem, this hypothesis could not be properly evaluated. Therefore, a related research question, Research Question 1, was introduced fpr exploration. Hypothesis 3 H^; A positive! change in the socioeconomic level of worklife aspirations is positively related to a change in socioeconomic level of workiife expectations. In the third hypothesis, changed worklife expecta tions were predicted to positively affect worklife aspira tions. Because the third hypothesis was a corollary to the second hypothesis and was predicated upon change in worklife expectations (the inhibitor or motivator toward 121 realistic adjusted worklife choices:)/,: this hypothesis . could not be properly evaluated. Therefore, a related research question. Research Question 2, was introduced for exploration. The introduction of Research Questions 1 and 2 was based upon preliminary findings indicating a probability for significant relationships between and among self-esteem worklife expectations, and worklife aspirations. Research Question 1 RQ^: Are worklife expectations positively related to self esteem? In a multiple regression testing self-esteem■s relationship with worklife expecations and with the selected control variables, the multiple R (5,24) = .50, 2 R = .251, 25.1 percent of the variance in worklife expectations was explained. As shown in Table 19, self esteem explained 2 percent of this variance in worklife expectations, while educational achievement explained 13^>6 percent. Remaining variables shared about 9 percent of this accounted-for variance in worklife expectations. Therefore, the answer to Research Question 1 is negative. Although worklife expectations and self-esteem are posi tively related, the relationship is very weak. 122 Table 19 Worklife Expectations by Self-Esteem and the Control Variables (Stepwise Multiple Regression) Worklife Expectations Sources R (Unique Variance) Independent Variable Self-Esteem 020 < 1.00 Control Variables Age Race Marital Status Educational Attainment 030 032 033 136 1.20 1.20 1.20 4.08 Total Multiple R Total Variance Explained 50 25.1! Note. N = 31 123 Research Question 2 RQ^: Are worklife aspirations positively related to worklife expectations? According to Lewinian (1944) expectancy theory, worklife aspirations (what one wants) are positively related to worklife expectations (what one expects to get). In the process of assessing subjective future probabilities worklife expectations inhibit or motivate action based upon idealistic worklife aspirations. The outcome is an adjusted or realistic choice for work-related actions. In a regression of worklife aspirations with work life expectations and controlling with self-esteem, as shown in Table 20, 46,4 percent of the variance in worklife aspirations was explained. Worklife expectations explain 18.4 percent of the variance in worklife aspirations, while self-esteem accounts for 2 8 percent. In another,regression of worklife aspirations with worklife expectations and the four control variables, there was an R (5,27) - .594. Table 21 displays these results. Worklife expectations explained 22.6 percent of the variance in worklife aspirations, age explaining 4 percent, and educational attainment explaining nearly 5 percent (4.8%) of the total variance. Levels of worklife aspirations by levels of self esteem are compared as shown in Table 22, Individuals who are high on worklife aspirations are also high on self- Table 20 Worklife Aspirations by Worklife Expectations and Self-Esteem (Stepwise Multiple Regression) 124 Sources Worklife Aspirations Multiple R R Independent Variable Worklife Expectations Control Variable Self-Esteem Total Variance Explained 429 681 .184 .280 46.4% 5.63 12.56 Note. N = 2 Table 21 Worklife Aspirations by Worklife Expectations and the Control Variables (Stepwise Multiple Regression) 125 Worklife Aspirations Sources R (Unique Variance) Independent Variable Worklife Expectations .226 9. 07 Control Variables Age Race Marital Status Educational Attainment .040 .025 .014 . 048 5.07 3.74 3.74 3.74 Total Multiple R = .594 Total Variance Explained 35.3' Note. N 34. 126 Î 4 0 r \ i 0\ 0 w t —I 0\ 0 o c I I rH 0 13 e I I 0 P o> 4H ro C7 1 C S Ï m f 3 Ü - H 43 O oS 1 3 ^ Ü • i 4 r d fO r d 4 - > w 1 5 I ro 0 r< r d n J p. 0 <N r4 0 ^ P ^ o >4 iH P •H -H ^ r d A: u ^ — • . r —1 C O r d U ~ ) 1 —1 < w r- 0 • Q ) "H 0» 0 0 (U t J > A iH 44 t d 0 ) 0 1 • i 4 . 4 - ) w 4J 0 1 - 4 C 3 • 'H 1 —1 M 0 ) 0 Ê 0\ ■H 13 Î 4 Ü 44 r d 3 t r > O Î 4 * ■ 4 ' -H 1 o VO « 1 : 3 1 0 a ^ ( U i - H 43 o m < 3 * 0 CN + 1 P -H <N p L , 0 rH 0 0 tn C V J 44 M s, a o _ O g 0 cti Q ) e r d rH P 1 - 4 W ( U S 0 Q > I I • » f O -P +> in EH ( d w 01 m VO 4 - > M 0 VO 03 I P I I 1 —1 44 0 0 * Ü ih: OS Ü <Ti • H 0 ) oS 03 01 T l * a w 13 r VO r ~ - r ~ - 0 CM 0 o tn o r ~ - r4 0 ' = 3 * 0 1 P P « g >1 • • 4 iH ! 3 r d 0 ON O 13 f f i 4 - ) M Ü Ü ( d r4 03 I I < D 4J 0 O 03 0 e 4 4 i 4 0 •H Ü C 0 0 P 0 0 4 - > 4 4 Ü 03 •H "H M CM . 4 4 13 W x l 0 r d 1 5 1 1 : O i 44 " k EH • P P 1 —1 iH o^ in U 0 0 fH 13 C N 00 u a 03 0 g o 1 0 Or • 0 O m I I P tn ro 0 I C N tH >1 P -p o 1 13 I I • 0 I I Ul ro 0 P 13 M g tH 0 1 43 o^ r d P y —^ 1 iH • 0 m rH 0 ■ « 4 * 44 13 • i 4 f d 0 43 1 tH C O t-4 tri 43 4 - J 4 - J 000 0 0 •H 0 0 0 0 0 r- O « < N , 03 5 3 S 1 - 3 Eh % r d 13 xl 127 esteem. On the other hand, those Individuals with low and medium levels of worklife aspirations were nearly equally divided on high and medium self-esteem. In general, worklife history was orderly and self esteem was high and both worklife expectations and worklife aspirations were in relatively high socioeconomic status groupings. The control variables were important in the findings, marital status accounting for nearly half (7.2%) of the variance explained in worklife history (16%). Educational attainment explained a little more than half (13.6%) of the variance accounted for in worklife expecta tions (25.1%) and for about one-seventh (4.8%) of the variance explained in worklife choice (35%). Summary Data analysis revealed that the chief lifewerk of the participants was in lower white collar ranges on the average, while worklife expectations and aspirations were in upper white collar ranges. Though the Rosenberg Self- Esteem Scores were high, on the average, the pretest had no significant effect upon the posttest and the treatment effects, as measured by the Rosenberg scale, were absent. The first hypothesis was retained in the null because of the weak relationship (1% of explained variance) between perceived orderly worklife history and self-esteem. Though perceived worklife history was more orderly than 128 disorderly, there was no empirical evidence that this was due to the treatment effect. The second and third hypotheses related to change in the variables and could not be properly evaluated. Therefore, two related research questions were introduced. Research Question 1 was answered in the negative based on a statistically weak relationship (2% of explained variance). Research Question 2 was answered in the affirmative because worklife expectations and worklife aspirations are posi tively related (22.6% of explained variance)- In testing the first hypothesis, essentially no variance was explained- 25,1 percent of the variance was explained in the first research question and 35 percent of the variance in the second research question was explained. In the aggregate, 76.1 percent of the variance in the realistic worklife aspiration model was accounted for although it was impossible to verify these findings in a single multiple regression due to the limited number of cases. Moreover, the latter two findings were in the exploratory mode, precluding further comparisons. Discus sion of the summary of the study findings, conclusions, and recommendations are presented in Chapter VI. 129 CHAPTER VI SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS This chapter completes the report of this study with a summary of the study, a discussion of the results, the conclusions drawn, and recommendations. Contrary to expectations, the experimental treatment worklife autobiography, had no observable effect upon work life expectations. However, the theoretical model, con structed as the basis for a possible solution to the problem of limited realistic worklife choices for older adults, was supported. Insights gained from this result indicate possible directions for future research and activities leading to an ultimate solution of the problem. Summary of the Study Study elements were the problem, the theoretical model, the experimental treatment, and the hypotheses. In addition, the variables, assuj^ptions, research design, data collection strategies, and data analyses were elements of this experimental project. 130 The Problem Limited realistic worklife choices for older Americans was the problem which was created, in part, by social expectations for work role exit at retirement age or earlier. Productive abilities of older adults were hindered by technologically-induced changes in workforce requirements, anti-retraining stereotypes, rising numbers pf older workers, age discrimination, and anticipatory social ization to loss of work opportunities in the later years. The Theoretical Model The theoretical model with potential for a solution to the problem was based upon self-reflexive, work-related action involved in the process of attaining a realistic worklife choice. Resources for the process were worklife history, societal expectations, self-esteem, worklife aspirations, and worklife expectations. Using each resource in turn, the self-reflexive actions are to; (1) review own work experience; (2) assess work norms and values; (3) estimate probabilities for success and pleasantness ; (4) identify an ideal work option, and (5) adjust the ideal option to a realistic worklife choice. Increases in per ceptions of orderliness in worklife history, self-esteem, worklife expectations, and worklife aspirations were positec. to be the outcomes of the experimental treatment. 131 The Treatment; Worklife Autobiography The treatment was an adult education process offered to 21 study groups, each averaging 5 older adult participants. The study groups met for five two-hour sessions for orientation to the project and individual presentation of worklife autobiographies. The auto biographies, written or self-told, were four stories of worklife in youth, early maturity, full maturity, and in the future. The treatment was expected to yield a rise in perceptions of orderly worklife history and increased self-esteem leading to increased worklife expectations and subsequent realistic worklife choices. The Hypotheses Hypothesis 1; Self-esteem is positively related to perceived oderliness in worklife history (retained in the null) . Hypothesis 2; A positive change in self-esteem is positively related to the spcioeconomic level of worklife expectations (could not be evaluated adequately). Hypothesis 3; A positive change in the socio economic level of worklife aspirations is positively related to a change in socioeconomic level of worklife expectations (could not be evaluated adequately). Two related research questions were introduced because; (1) the second and third hypotheses could not be 132 evaluated adequately, being posited in terms of change ; and (2) preliminary analyses indicated the possibility for meaningful relationships between self-esteem, worklife expectations, and worklife aspirations. Research Question 1: Are socioeconomic levels of worklife expectations positively related to self-esteem? (disconfirmed). Research Question 2: Are socioeconomic levels of worklife aspirations positively related to socioeconomic levels of worklife expectations? (confirmed). The Variables To test the hypotheses, the resources in the realistic worklife choice process were operationalized as the main variables. Variable definitions are summarized at the close of Chapter I. Main effects variables. Perceptions of orderly to disorderly worklife history, high to low levels of self- esteem, and socioeconomic status levels of upper and lower white collar and blue collar occupations for both worklife aspirations and worklife expectations were responses .to . specific study instrument questions (see Appendix A). Worklife history data were derived from worklife auto biography content. Contro1 variables. Age in years since birth, race, as Anglo- or Black-American, marital status, as married. 133 widowed, or other, and educational attainment as above high school graduation or up to and including high school gradu ation were the seIf-identifiers used as control variables. The Assumptions The assumptions were that lifelong seIf-development existed; that there is relative emptiness of work role prescriptions in the status of old age; that role learning is a form of socialization; that self-socialization is possible ; and that group interaction can be a resocializa tion process. The Research Design The research design was the Solomon Four-Group experimental design specifying pretests for two of the four design groups, the treatment for two design groups, and the posttests for all design groups. The four design groups each had five study groups with the exception of one which had six. Cell composition by race, socioeconomic level, and design group protocols was uneven. The Sample The final sample was 119 older adults with an average age of 77, retired, widowed, Protestant, well- educated, and of Anglo- or Black-American racial, groups. Participant income was low and health was good. The participants' socioeconomic level, based on occupational prestige scores was chiefly upper white collar. The sample 134 was obtained from a Pasadena population of 40,074 older adults (age 45 to 94) who were living in 19 senior citizen facilities selected by census tract ethnic and socio economic status characteristics. Data Collection and Analyses Data were Collected from December 1980 to May 1981. Treatment study groups submitted autobiographies and completed the 80-question Study Instrument (see Appendix A) Control study groups told summarized worklife stories and completed 46 questions of the Study Instrument. Analyses were most frequently conducted by computerized multiple regression procedures and by percentages based on cross tabulations. This information completes the summary of the study section of this report. Discussion of the Results The empirical literature supported the probability that change in worklife expectations, as the inhibitors or motivators of worklife apsirations, would have an appreci able effect on realistic worklife choices. The Realistic Worklife Choice Process Intervention in the realistic worklife choice process by increasing worklife expectations was conceptual ized as a possible solution to the limitation of worklife 135 aspirations. Dimensions of the process, which were studied, were perceived orderliness of worklife history, self-esteem, worklife expectations, and worklife aspira tions, all of which, on the average, existed at high socioeconomic levels. Pertinent self-identifiers were also used as control variables in the attempt to maximize the variance accounted for in the selected dimensions of work life aspirations. On the average, perceived orderliness of worklife history was much higher (77%) than perceptions of disorder^ liness (23%). Whether or not this was a treatment effect must be conjectural. It is conceivable, though not measurable, that these data which were excerpted from the autobiographies, were indeed "ordered" in the treatment process. In fact, marital status was the best predictor of variance in self-esteem accounting for almost half (7.6%) of the 16 percent explained variance in perceived orderli ness of worklife history. The relative "strength" of marital status is interpreted as reflecting the marriage norms extant in the young years of these older adults who were preponderantly widows,, A wife's role was a protected one as mother and homemaker, while the husband's role was family provider. In thoge years, the role of wife was much more prestigious than bachelor or spinster, thereby pro viding a strong anchor for self-esteem. Widowhood, on the 136 other hand, was apt to force entry into the workforce. However, depression years (the 1930s) changed women's work roles. Everyone who had an opportunity to work did so as a matter of survival. Then came the war years, keeping women in the workforce to support defense industries. In the 1950s educational and occupational opportunities for both men and women expanded. However, this trend came very late to be of advantage to the study cohort most of whom were already involved in active, pro ductive careers. It is suggested that the low correlation between perceived orderliness of worklife history and self-esteem is best understood in terms of transfer of the source of self-esteem from past work roles to other non work roles such as family, volunteer, or church worker. While 25.1 percent of the variance in worklife expectations was explained, more than half (13.6%) was attributable to educational attainment. That power of educational attainment in predicting worklife expectations is interpreted as a reflection of the educational- occupational connection which apparently persists to an amazing degree far into the older age years. This sample was a well-educated group with ongoing orientations toward expectations related to their chief lifework. According to this finding, their educational attainment was respons ible, in part, for these worklife expectations. 137 Levels of self-esteem were high. Yet high self esteem did not have an effect upon worklife expectations. This weakness was significant in itself being best under stood as an expression of inhibitory effect of other's expectations for work roles. When the predictive power of worklife expectations for worklife aspirations was analyzed, however, the picture changed dramatically. The explained variance in worklife aspirations was 46.4 percent; worklife expectations accounting for 18.4 percent, and the control variable, self-esteem, accounting for 28 percent of that 46.4 percent of explained variance. Anchorage of self-esteem in the work role was now confirmed being vested in the worklife aspiration dimension of the model. One interpretation of this finding is that worklife identity as dentist, minister's wife, or personal maid to famous clients persists a lifetime, as shown in Atchley's (1972) research, and aspirations or ideal options also continue throughout the lifespan. Moreover, worklife expectations are operative in older adult life. When analyzed without self-esteem in the equation and controiiing by the self-identifiers, 35 per cent of the variance in worklife aspirations is accounted for, worklife expectations explaining 22.6 percent of this variance. In this relationship, educational attainment 138 represents nearly 5 percent (4.8%) of the total explained variance. Worklife aspirations were high, on the average although they were slightly lower than chief lifework as established in the individual worklife history histograms. For the 18 percent of the sample, who were currently work ing, few of them were pursuing occupations which matched the level of their worklife aspirations. Interpretations of this finding for worklife aspiration correlations relate to socialization processes which suppress realistic work life choice. The mechanism for this suppression is theorized as being the inhibitory effect of worklife expectations. If worklife expectations are more than half (22.6% of 35%) of the variance in worklife aspirations, which are high, and these expectations do not motivate to realistic work activities, there is a suppressor effect somewhere. According to Lewin et al. (1944), this suppressor is expectations. For the present, however, in coping with the negative prescriptions for a productive work role, older adults manifest distinct characteristics which are sum marized in Figure 9. Older adults preserve self-identity by conforming to social requirements for a non-work role. For those whose orientations to work persist, work competencies are conserved by use of ongoing volunteer and church activities. Conformity to other's worklife 139 I —I ■H r —t fO n j 4 - > O -P o < I — I ■H -H - H r-4 CÜ H ■H œ •H H ■H -H ■H H CÜ 140 expectations for self yields moral worth, as confirmed by Gordon et al. (1975) and is accomplished, in part, by a remarkable level of idealization. Lastly, self-esteem is enhanced by perpetuating a lifelong, habitual adherence to American society's values. In terms of the work role, the current predominant value is for limitation of worklife choices or aspirations. This value is accepted and integrated into the set of values which govern older adult lives. Obviously the wisdom of these conclusions and the validity of these proposed systemic senses of self can only be established through future empirical research. Analysis of the autobiographical documents could serve this purpose. However, the biases in the sample would indicate the need for others to also pursue research to establish these senses of self for older adults. Effect of the Self-Idehtifiers Important influences of the self-identifiers, as the control variables were mentioned in the previous section of this discussion. However, a few additional comments are pertinent. Age. The identity of "old," in itself, is supposed to constitute a barrier to resumption of work roles. Based on this study, this supposition was not supported. The amount of variance explained by age was low, the highest 141 being 4 percent of the 35 percent of variance accounted for in worklife aspirations. Race. In view of known limitations of worklife opportunities and realistic worklife choices for minority and some ethnic peoples, it was surprising that race accounts for so low a percent of the variance (about 3%), in correlation with worklife aspirations. The socioeconomic status of occupations was a better discriminator for the Black-Americans in the group. Moreover, their self-esteem levels were high and were associated with high worklife choices and aspirations. Explication of this phenomenon rests upon the middle class lifestyle that these partici pants had achieved. Social Security and housing benefits had contributed to this lifestyle, as well. Marital status. The weakness of this self identifier, except in the case of worklife history, suggests that changing roles for American women and relaxation of the marriage customs is having an effect upon the older genera tion. Married or single, divorced or not, or being widowed appears to be a much less important factor in worklife opportunities than in the younger years of today's older adults. Equal opportunity legislation and the many govern ment benefits for older adults may be counterbalancing the stigmatized role which women once experienced in spinster- hood and widowhood. 142 Educational attainment. Evidence of the educa tional-occupational connection was presented in evaluating the various dimensions of the realistic worklife choice process and additional comment is not needed. Implications of Treatmeht Outcomes According to adult educational and educational gerontological research, worklife autobiography was a self- developmental activity for older adults. Furthermore, according to extensive research in retraining older adults for work roles, a participative, discovery method was optimum for older learners. As a complicating factor, however, the experiment was conducted in the dynamic social milieu which lacked work role specifications for older adults. This latter factor was of paramount importance in assessing experimental outcomes. The treatment was, in effect, an attempt to counter lifelong anticipatory socialization for the later years. As the patterns of interaction in the study groups emerged, it became clear that neither socialization nor resocialization could provide meaningful roles for older adults. Socialization to non-existent work roles as prescribed by social norms and values was not possible. Resocialization or restoration to socially prescribed norms which were non-existent was also impossible. Older adults 143 were in conformity with social expectations, that is, they were, for the most part, not working. What appeared to be needed were new patterns of self-reflexive interaction, new behaviors, new capitaliza tion upon significant others who transmitted social mores, norms, expectations, and values with new applications of the long-familiar American values governing society. Based on these observations, it is suggested that socialization to new roles could better serve to specify the work role content of the status of "old." Older adult group inter action could be building new personal relationships, new understandings, and new applications of existing social values and norms. Should this interaction occur as the result of older adult group self-leadership, the process could well be initiatory of action-related work roles as one outcome of such socialization. Generalization of these results must be limited to those urban older adults, living in residential facilities, whose self-identifiers are similar to those in the study. Future research could fruitfully investigate the links between necessity, wqrk availability, current mores, norms, values, expectations, aspirations, and ultimate realistic choice. A posited path analysis model might be as ^ho^n in Figure 10. This model is posited in the generic choice mode based on the conviction, supported by the findings of this study, that the choice process can be generalized W M M W W W H M 145 beyond the realistic worklife choice process which was investigated in this study. In summary, the realistic worklife choice process has high potential for assessing motivation to action. Worklife history and societal expectations merge to form worklife aspirations. Worklife expectations "control" idealistic aspirations by realistic inhibition or motiva tion. These inhibitions or motivations are socially derived. Expectations, therefore, tend to serve as the balance wheel in keeping individual and social action consonant with the prevailing values and norms. Conclusions The two conclusions relate to the process of attaining realistic worklife choices in terms of worklife autobiography and the theoretical model. 1. The worklife autobiography process was not effective in increasing worklife expectations. This conclusion was attributable to the power of socialization of older adults to non-work roles for their later lives. 2. The theoretical model for attaining realistic worklife choices provided insights for solution to the problem of limited realistic worklife choices for older adults. This conclusion was based upon the varying relationships among orderly worklife history, conformity 146 to societal expectations, high self-esteem, high worklife aspirations, and worklife expectations which existed in the study. Recommendations Recommendations are presented in methodological, research, and policy categories, being based upon the experience of conducting this study and upon the results of the study. Methodological Recommendations 1. When autobiography is used as an experimental treatment in the future, the number of sessions should be extended from 5 to 15 to maximize opportunity for change. 2. If staffing allows, the interview method rather than self-completion of the questions should be used to improve the response rate by compensating for relatively poor vision and motor control. Research Recommendations 1. Research in the field of adult education should be directed toward the needs of older adults at different developmental stages. Aggregation of data in a 65+ age category obscures differences among older adults of different ages. 2. Empirical research of the socialization process mediated by symbolic interaction is needed to confirm the vast conceptual literature in this area. 147 3. The potential of the theoretical model. The Process of Attaining Realistic Worklife Choice, should be tested again in terms of increasing worklife expectations to motivate rather than inhibit realistic action-related worklife choices. Po1icy Recommendations 1. Older adults should be encouraged to form age- mate groups with trained age-mate leadership to specify new work roles for the later years. 2. Optional, socially contributive work opportuni ties should be made available to those residents of older adult facilities who wish to continue working. In a time of rapid social change, norms, and values lag, creating anachronistic and disadvantageous modes of social action for some sectors of the population. For older adults in America, the vacuous work roles provided for their older years have tended to accentuate the decrements which come with age. 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Majority and minority. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon, Inc.,1975. Zarit, S. H. (Ed.). Readings in aging and death: Contempor- ary perspectives. New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1977. Zelan, J. Social origins and recruitment of American lawyers. British Journal of Sociology, March 1967, 18, 45-54. 175 APPENDIXES 176 APPENDIX A THE STUDY INSTRUMENT Ill Copy THE STUDY INSTRUMENT* Identification number Identification Information Directions: The following information is absolutely confidential and for this investigation only. Each ques tion is important for the best comparisons. Fill in the blank either with the word(s) or place a check above the word best answering the question. 1. What has been your chief lifework? (Occupation)** 2. What is your present occupation? (Occupation) 3. Of what sex are you? (Male, female) 4. What is your age? (age, birthdate: month, day, year) 5. How far did you go in schobl? (No schooling, element ary, some high school, high school graduate, some college, college giradu^te, graduate degree-— M.D., M.A., Ph.D., LIB., etc.) 6. In which of these groups did your total annual income for 1979 fall? (Under $2,000; $2,000 to $3,999; $4,000 to $5,999; $6,000 to $7,999; $8,000 to $9,999; $10,000 to $12,499; $12,500 to $14,999; $15,000 to $17,499; $17,500 to $19,999; $20,000 to $24,999; $25,000 to $29,999; $30,000 or over) 7. What is your present marital status? (Married, widowed, divorced, separate, never married) *Presented here in condensed format. * * P a ren the t i c a1 parts of the questions represent the descriptors which appeared below lines giysn respondents to mark. 178 8. What is your present chufch préférence? (Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, other) 9. How would you compare your health to others of about the same age? (Woyse than most my age, about the same as most my age, better than most my age) 10. In what country were you born? (Name of country) 11. To what ethnic group do you belong? (Anglo-American, Black-American, Hispanic-Amerlean, Oriental-American, Other) 12. Based on your work experience, what three things can you do best? (Three numbered blank lines provided) Level of Occupation Aspiration (Haller & Miller, 1971) Directions; You are the "I" in each statement below. Please write in the name of the occupation(s) which best complete the statements according to how you feel abort them today. 13. The occupations which I have thought about going into are: (Four numbered blank lines provided) 14. The occupation that I plan to follow is : (One blank line provided) 15. If I were absolutely free to go into any kind of work I wanted my choice would be: (One blank line provided) 16. The type of work I would like to be doing 10 years from now is; (One blank line provided) Self-Esteem Scale Directions: You are the "I" in the following 10 statements. Please show how much you agree, on the accuracy of the statement in terms of the way you feel about yourself today. Check (x) on the liné above the best response. 17. I feel that I’m a person of worth, at least on an equal basis with others. (Strongly agree, agree, disagree, strongly disagree— for Questions 17 through 26) 179 18. I feel that I have a number of good qualities. 19. All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure. 20. I am able to do things as well as most other people. 21. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. 22. I take a positive attitude toward myself. 23. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. 24. I wish I could have more respect for myself. 25. I certainly feel useless at times. 26. At times I think I am no good at all. Who Am I? (Kuhn & McPartland) Directions ; There are 20 numbered lines on the pages below. Please write 20 different answers to the question, "Who Am I?" on the 20 lines. Just give 20 different answers to the question, one on each line. Answer as if you were giving the answers to yourself, not to somebody else. Write the answers in the order that they occur to you. Don't worry about logic or importance. Go along fairly fast, for your time is limitéd., (Questions 27-46 with 20 numbered blank lines provided) Who Are the Most important Persons in My Worklife Choices? ~~ (Adaptation of Who Am I?— Kuhn & McPartland) Directions: There are 20 numbered lines on the pages below. Please write 20 answers to the question, "Who were the most important persons in my worklife choices?" on the 20 lines. Answer as if you were giving the answers to yourself, not to somebody else. Write the answers in the order that they occur to you. Don*t worry about logic or importance. Go along fairly fast, for your time is limited. Please write the word showing each person's relationship to you and the name you usually use for that person--both of these on the same line. Example^-^P y/. (Questions 47^^b wi%2 0 numWrW ^lanx lines provided) ~ 180 Additional Directions : (Placed at the end of the previous set of lines) 1. Then: Please circle the number beside the lines of each of these important people who are still living. 2. Then : Please put a star ( *) by the One ^E'ersbh Mosit important to your worklife. 3. Then: Rank the,top 3 by putting a big 1 on the line which contains the name of the one who had the most important influence on your worklife choice, a big 2 on the second in influence, and a big 3 on the third in influence. Education. Participation Scale Directions : Please indicate below the extent to which each of the reasons listed below influenced you to participate in this program. Mark one category for each guestion. Sometimes the "much influence" category is on the right hand side of the paper, sometimes it is on the left. No reason for enrolling is any more or less desirable than any other reason. Please be frank. There are no right or wrong answers. Check one response on the line above the words closest to your idea about each point. 67. To become more effective as a citizen, (Much influ ence, moderate influence, little influence, no influence— -for Questions 67 through 76) 68. To get relief from boredom. 69. To overcome the frustration of day-to-day living, 70. To fulfill a need for personal associations and •s. 71. To help me earn a degree, diploma, or certificate 72. To gain insight into human relations. 73. To learn just for the joy of le a m fag. 74. To improve my ability to serve mankind. 75. To make new friends. 181 76. To improve my ability to participate in community work Evaluation of Worklife Events Directions: Write information on the line above the word(s) or check the one choice whichever the question calls for. 77. Name of Work 78. What person or persons influenced you most when you were thinking of going into this work? Person * s Name Person's connection with you (Two more identically marked blanks were provided as immediately above.) 79. What did you think your chances for success in this work would be? (No success, little success, moderate success, much success) 80. Did you think this work would be (Check one): (Most unpleasant, unpleasant, pleasant, very pleasant) Posttest protocols At the end of the last session of the study groups, the following sections of the study instrument were repeated : Level of Occupational Aspiration Rosehberg Self-Esteem Scsle Who Am I? Test 182 APPENDIX B SUBJECT CONSENT FORM 183 COPY SUBJECT CONSENT FORM University of Southern California University Park Campus TITLE OF PROJECT: Resocialization to work roles of older adults through (via) worklife auto biography PROJECT DIRECTOR: Dorothy B. Lacour This is to certify that I ' __________________hereby agree to participate as a subject in a program of investi gation under the supervision of Dorothy B. Lacour. The overall purpose of this project is to discuss our work life stories so I can value my experiences more and see a few new ways to use them. The studies have been defined and fully explained by Dorothy B. Lacour and I understand that the studies will involve the following special procedures : 1. Meeting with four of my friends for about two hours for five meetings at a time agreed upon by the five of us and with Dorothy Lacour and her assistant. 2. Learn about famous autobiographies of the past. 3. Learn to use a small tape-recorder if I wish. 4. Write two pages of my worklife story each of four days or tape-record about 10 minutes of my story whichever I choose. 5. Discuss my worklife story with these four friends after reading or playing what I prepare each day. 6. Answer some questions each day to help Dorothy Lacour analyze my story. I know I don't have to answer a question if I think that is best. 7. I know this information will be put on a computer but that it will be in such a way that no one except Dorothy Lacour could tell it is my story. Subject's Signature Date The undersigned, has defined and fully explained the studie^ involved to the above subject. Investigator's Signature Date 184 APPENDIX C LETTER OF INTRODUCTION 185 COPY 1210 Wabash, Pasadena, California 91103, Fall 1980 A friend suggests that you might be interested in a project I am about to start. Perhaps you would have time to join in. This project accents your worklife experiences. Work is thought of as being that effort you made over the years to be of help to others. In the project, you and four or five others you know will get together to talk over your worklife stories to see if this increases the esteem you have for your own worklife. You may also get a few new ideas about how your experiences could be used to the advantage of yourself and others now. This is part of my college work at USC— the last thing needed before my doctor's degree is finished. A short description of the project is attached to give you more details. After you have read these pages and thought it over, you may be able to decide whether you agree with your friend's suggestion or not. When you know what you think is best, please call me at home at 795-5085 after 7:30 in the evening or call me at work at 743-5246. I appreciate your considering this invitation and look forward to hearing from you. Cordially yours, (Mrs.) Dorothy B. Lacour 186 COPY WORKLIFE AUTOBIOGRAPHY PROJECT Since World War II, America has seemed to take less and less advantage of the skills and knowledge of her older people. Far too often it has been assumed that they are unable to learn new things. Research has proven this assumption to be false- Older people can learn as well as younger ones and because of more of life's experience can sometimes "out-learn" younger ones. Since this new learning is possible, it doesn't make sense to face limited oppor tunities in life. A way to expand your horizons through learning some new things about yourself is the point of this letter. You are now being invited to join with four or five others you know to be a part of a study group which will arrange to meet five times for about two hours each time. This group will be talking about each other's worklife experiences and what- work each expects to accomplish because of that experience. Each day each person will prepare two written pages about parts of his or her own experience--or do a 10 minute tape-recording to discuss with the group (small hand-sized tape recorder to be provided). These parts will be: My worklife to age 25, my worklife age 25 to 50, my worklife age 50 to now, and future worklife. This is a worklife 187 autobiography process and it works because it helps you unify worklife memories, often changing perspectives on both good and bad experiences. As a result you will; 1. Feel better about yourself, overall 2. Find your expectations about work improved 3. Gain a new respect for those who influenced your worklife. Therefore, by choosing to be a part of a worklife autobiography study group, you will have a typed copy of your worklife for your own files (we’ll type it for you) and you will have the pleasure of sharing your worklife experiences with four or five others whom you know. When your stories are given to me, they will be put on the computer by youf identification number— never by your name— and in phrases or lists for coding a n d analysis. It will be impossible for anyone to make any s e n s e out of the computer record alone. Only you and I will have copies of your stories. Through the wonders of the computer, youf stories can be "added together" to give a composite worklife pictute of about 100 older Pasadenans % How about that? By your being a part of this project you will be making a contribution to the knowledge educators need to improve opportunities for older people. This will happen as I write up the results of your taped or written stoties. 188 I am an older person myself and have gone back to school to learn how to help others learn what they want to know. I am a Registered Nurse and have worked in schools for the last 23 years.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Lacour, Dorothy Beckwith (author)

Core Title Resocialization of older adults to work roles through worklife autobiography

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education

Degree Conferral Date 1983-08

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,psychology,social sciences

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c30-272998

Unique identifier UC11228139

Identifier DP24992.pdf (filename),usctheses-c30-272998 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier DP24992.pdf

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Document Type Dissertation

Rights Lacour, Dorothy Beckwith

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Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

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