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A study of Japanese students at the University of Southern California, 1946-1980: vocational impact of American academic experience on Japanese students after returning to Japan

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A study of Japanese students at the University of Southern California, 1946-1980: vocational impact of American academic experience on Japanese students after returning to Japan

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Content , A STUDY OF JAPANESE STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA, I 1946-1980: VOCATIONAL IMPACT OF AMERICAN ACADEMIC EXPERIENCE ON JAPANESE STUDENTS AFTER RETURNING TO JAPAN ! by I ! Yoshitaka Sakakibara A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Education) May 1984- Copyright Yoshitaka Sakakibara^ 1984 UMI Number: DP25013 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissartatien Pubi sbncj UMI DP25013 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CAUFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES, CAUFORNIA 90089 This dissertation, written by Y o s hi t aka _ ^ Sa kak i _ba r a............. under the direction of h.i?... Dissertation Committee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of re quirements fo r the degree of D O C T O R O F P H ILO S O P H Y pk.D. E c t 'N January 9, 1984 DISSERTATION COMMITTEE Dean Chairperson DEDICATION To Hiroko, my beloved wife 11 TABLES OF CONTENTS Page DEDICATION ........................................ LIST OF TABLES .................................... FIGURE ............................................ Chapter I. THE PROBLEM AND ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY IX The Problem and Its Explication Purpose of the Study Questions to be Answered Hypotheses to be Tested Significance of the Study Assumptions Delimi ta t ions Limitations Design of the Study Definition of Terms Organization of the Study II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE 14 Foreign Students Who Returned to Home Countries The Concern of Foreign Students Presently in American Institutions of Higher Education about Career Success Following Their Return Home Japanese Students Who Have Returned Home Chapter Summary III. BACKGROUND OF JAPANESE OVERSEAS STUDENTS Historical Overview Readjustment Problems Employment System in Japan Chapter Summary 63 111 Chapter Page IV. METHODOLOGY AND PROCEDURES............................ 114 Population Research Instruments Procedures Sample Data Processing and Analysis V. FINDINGS AND ANALYSES OF THE STUDY..................... 126 Findings of the Research Questions Analyses of the Research Hypotheses Discussion VI. SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND CONCLUSIONS............ 219 Summary Re c ommenda t i ons Conclusions BIBLIOGRAPHY...................................................... 237 APPENDIXES........................................................ 254 A. Background Information on Foreign and Japanese Students in the United States and at the University of Southern California ............................. 255 B. Cover Letter and Questionnaire to Japanese USC A l u m n i ............................. 273 IV 4. Sample s Field of Work ............. 5. Sample s Work in Business Field . . 6. Sample s Work in Professional Field 7. Sample s Work in Educational Field . 8. Sample s Work in Governmental Field I LIST OF TABLES i I ’ Table Page I I 1. Distribution of Sample's Birthdates by Year and by Sex . . 120 2. Sample's Employment at the Time of the S u r v e y ............ 120 3. Level of Work in Which Respondents Were Employed........ 122 122 .................... 124 .................... 124 .................... 125 .................... 125 9. Parent Occupational Level ................................. 128 10. Parent SES Classification................................. 128 11. Parent Educational Attainment ............................. 129 12. Type of University or College Attended in J a p a n .......... 130 13. Major Field of Study at Japanese Universities and Colleges............................................... 131 14. Reasons for Coming to the US for Study.................... 133 15. Major Field of Study at U S C ............................... 136 16. Relationship between Occupation and Major Field of Study at U S C .......................................... 138 17. Utilization of American Educational Experiences (Fields of Study) on the J o b ............................. 138 18. Transmission of What You Learned in US Study to Other People in Japan................................. 139 i 19. Length of Stay at U S C .............................. 140 i I 20. Age When Left for US Study................................. 140 ■Table Page ^ 21. Year When Left for US Study.................................. 141 I 22. Major Source of Financial Support ........................... 142 I I 23. English Language Ability of the Respondent ................ 144 I 24. Full-time or Part-time Work Held Prior to US Study .... 147 i 25. Time Taken to Find the First Full-time Job after US S t u d y ............................................. 148 ' 26. Major Problems in Getting a Full-time Job upon I Returning to J a p a n ......................................... 150 I 27. Details of Professional Plans Prior to US Study ............ 150 J 28. Social and Economic Status Based on Position and Job . . . 152 ' 29. Satisfaction with Present Career ........................... 153 ! 30. Nature of Employment Connection Prior to US Study ......... 155 ■ 31. The Way to Get First Full-time J o b ................ 156 ' 32. Participation in Extra-curricular Activities .............. 158 I I 33. Readjustment Difficulties Encountered by the Respondent............................................. 160 I I 34. Adjustment Difficulty to Present Career or Position j Due to US Experience.................. 161 I 35. Overall Readjustment to the Japanese Way of L i f e ......... 162} 36. Impact of US Study on Getting Present Position of J o b ...................................................... 165 i I 37. Responses to Survey Item: Would US Study be More I Beneficial to the Present Position and Job ; than Study in Japanese Universities? ...................... 166 38. Employers' Evaluation of US Study............... 167 i ■ 39. Recommendation of US Study to O t h e r s ....................... 168 j 40. Choosing USC from Among Other American Universities i and Colleges ............................................... 169 VI I Table Page 41. Response to Survey Item: Would USC be More Beneficial in Present Career than Other Institutions I in the United States?....................................... 170 I 42. Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients for Occupational i Placement: Variables and Degree Completion ............. 173 I 43. Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients for Occupational j Placement: Variables and Degree Level (Graduate i and Undergraduate) Completed at U S C ....................... 178 j 44. Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients for Occupational Placement: Variables and Educational Category for Both Males and Females ............................... 180 45. Level of Work by Educational Category for Both Males and Females................................................. 181 46. Field of Current Placement and Educational Category I for Both Males and Females (N=134) 183 i 47. Economic Ranking and Educational Category for Both j Males and Females (N=136).................................. 185 48. Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients for Occupa- ! tional Placement: Variables and Previous Degrees I from Japanese Universities ................................ 187 I 49. Occupational Placement and Educational Attainment in J a p a n ................................................... 188 50. Field of First Occupational Placement and Educational j Attainment (N=158) 189 j 51. Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients for Occupa- j tional Placement: Variables and Previous Degrees I from Japanese Universities for ! Both Males and F e m a l e s.................................... 191 52. Field of Current Occupational Placement and Educational Attainment in Japan for Males and Females (N=169) .... 192 53. Field of First Occupational Placement and Educational Attainment in Japan for Males and Females (N=157) .... 194 54. Adjustment Difficulty in Career and Educational Attainment in Japan for Males and Females............... 195 Vll jTable Page ' 55. Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients for Occupa tional Placement: Variables and Type of University Attended in Japan ............................. 197 56. Level of Work and Type of University Attended in Japan................................................... 198 57. Field of Occupational Placement and Type of University Attended in Japan ............................. 199 58. Field of Placement--Business and Type of University Attended ....................................... 201 59. Total Enrollment and Foreign Student Enrollment in Institutions of Higher Education in the U.S. with Average Annual Rates of Increase of Foreign Students and Foreign Student Percentages of Total Enrollment in Selected Years, 1954/55-1981/82 257 I j 60. Top Ten Countries Ranked by Number of Foreign ' Students in the U.S........................................ 258 I 61. Foreign Students' Major Field of Interest in Selected Years, 1954/55-1981/82 (in Rank Order)............................................. 260 62. Characteristics of Foreign Students in U.S. Colleges j and Universities: 1973/74 and 1981/82 .............. 261 ! 63. U.S. Institutions with the Largest Number of Foreign I Students, Total School Enrollments, and Foreign j Student Percentage of Institutions' Enrollment, I 1981/82 264 I 64. Foreign Student Enrollment at U S C ........................ 265 I 65. Countries with Greatest Enrollment of Foreign ' Students at U S C ........................................... 268 66. Representation of Foreign Students in the Major Schools (Fall 1982) .................. 269 •^167. Japanese Student Enrollment at USC (Fall 1976)........... 271 ! ,68. Major Schools of Japanese USC Students (1976) 272 Vlll FIGURE Page 1. Geographic distribution of foreign students at the University of Southern California (fall 1982) ........... 267 IX CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM AND ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY The Problem and Its Explication In academic year 1981-82, it was reported that 14,020 Japanese students had enrolled in colleges and universities in the United States; the number of Japanese students has been increasing every year (Open Doors: 1981/82, 1983). Looking historically at Japanese students who have studied in the United States, there are many instances of students I {who took back new and stimulating ideas which were useful both to them- I selves and to Japanese society, and many of these students helped i {contribute to the development of Japan. I However, upon returning to Japan, many Japanese students have {encountered problems which mainly derive from the unique nature of Jap- j janese society and culture. Those students, especially, experienced idifficulties in seeking a pertinent employment opportunity. Lengthy periods abroad tend to promote a loss of contact, isolation from key professional people in Japan, and exclusion from channels of employ- |ment reached normally through contacts made at Japanese universities. Also, if much of the returnees' higher education was received abroad, their knowledge of the Japanese language, culture, and history probably would not be comparable to that of their peers . In addition, more traditional companies in Japan prefer to recruit employees while they i are quite young and more amenable to Japanese and the individual com- ipany's ways (Bennet, Passin, & McKnight, 1958). I In Japan, a student establishes some of his most important I {associations in his school and college, both with his peer group and jwith a clique having power in the professional field in which he is {interested in entering. Passin explained the situation this way: ! If he [the Japanese student] fails to establish these relations, because he has studied abroad or has been away from Japan too long, he will have great difficulty in establishing himself on his return. If he goes [abroad to study] after these relations are well established, then his foreign experiences are well regarded as a "plus" to his career, one which adds luster to his reputation and polish to his technical abilities .... It is often that those who take undergraduate work abroad are incapable of making the grade in Japanese society. (Cited in Du Bois, 1956, pp. 87-88) It has been customarily believed in Japanese society that graduating from Japanese universities is a prerequisite for entry into Japanese companies. In addition, it has also been considered an important asset for a person to graduate from one of the national universities, which rank higher in the university hierarchy, in order to obtain a better job and a higher-ranking position in business and {bureaucracies. I In their study, "Can They Go Home Again?" Brislin and Van Buren ;(1974) mentioned a negative impact of studying in the United States, "A staff member from Japan has reported that Japanese often hide the fact that they have an American college degree since it is not so use ful in job advancement as an in-country degree" (p. 21). Susskind and Schell (1968) discussed another negative aspect with respect to women: How well the Individual could adapt to his colleagues was particularly important to the Japanese women who, especially among traditional Japanese businessmen, met strong resistance toward her more outspoken "Westernized" manners. Not only her professional but also her personal life was often seriously hampered by her more intellectual and less formal and submis sive attitude. Although this circumstance often caused her great unhappiness, the breadth of liberation she has received while abroad made her too dissatisfied with the traditional selfless Japanese female role to return to it. (p. 49) Although it depends much on the length of stay and the type of accul turation processes in the United States, many Japanese female students encountered difficulties in readjustment upon returning to Japan; and, : securing jobs related to their fields of study were also found to be {difficult in Japan (Susskind & Schell, 1968; Bennett et al., 1958). I At the time of modernization of Japan (1867-1902), the stu dents who had studied abroad played an important role in the society I by bringing home new knowledge and technology. Along with the coun- ; try's great need for new knowledge, a very careful screening of the j students made Japan's early student-abroad programs and their partici pants successful. It is often mentioned that the early Japanese stu- I dents abroad were the best representatives of the country and securely I I identified with the leadership of the new nation, while the later stu- I dents abroad were considered "second best," or somehow alienated from their own culture. Yet, after their return to Japan, some of those I later students did have a substantial impact on Japanese life. How ever, this was usually achieved at the cost of great striving and often acute maladjustment (Bennet et al., 1958; Conte, 1977). There is a limited demand in Japan for students who have studied abroad, which stems in part from the uniqueness of the Japanese social and employment systems. In addition to this, cultural differences between the United States and Japan tend to cause returnees, especially the female or those who had no degrees from Japanese universities prior to their American experiences, to encounter a more difficult time in readjust ment, and, often, in securing jobs. Purpose of the Study This study was concerned with the significance of the impact of American academic experiences upon the lives of Japanese students following their return to Japan. More specifically, the purpose of the study was to investigate Japanese students who studied at the Uni versity of Southern California (USC) and returned to Japan, and to find out the differences in their occupational placement by virtue of the type of study program pursued at USC, enrollment at a Japanese univer sity prior to the US study and sex difference. Questions to be Answered In pursuit of the data related to the research hypotheses, the following questions guided the research efforts: 1. What were the family backgrounds of students, such as parents' SES, occupational, and educational backgrounds? 2. What were the levels and types of education students had pre viously completed in Japan? 3. What were the students' reasons for coming to the United States for studies? 4. To what extent did the area of study at USC relate to occu pational placement in Japan? 10 11 12 13 14 15 How long did students stay in the United States? At what ages did students study at USC? When did students study at USC? What types of financial support did students receive while studying at USC? To what extent did students subsequently utilize the English language in the performance of their jobs in Japan? To what extent did students realize their professional ex pectations? Did the employment connection that the students had prior to their studies at USC assist them in employment upon returning to Japan? To what extent did professional contacts maintained by stu dents while studying at USC help them in employment upon returning to Japan? To what extent did participation in extracurricular activi ties at use help students in employment upon returning to Japan? What were the students' perceptions toward readjustment to Japan? How did students perceive the benefit of the US study to their jobs? Hypotheses to be Tested It was hypothesized in this study that: 1. There is a significant difference in occupational placement of returned Japanese students who completed degree programs, those who either obtained certificates or were sent by com panies or schools, and those who did not complete their degree programs at USC. 2. There is a significant difference in occupational placement between returned Japanese students who completed graduate programs and those who completed undergraduate programs at USC. 3. There is a significant difference in occupational placement between male and female Japanese students who completed study programs at USC. 4. There is a significant difference in occupational placement between returned Japanese students who had previously ob tained degrees from Japanese universities and those who did not. 5. There is a significant difference based on sex in occupa tional placement between returned Japanese students who had previously obtained degrees from Japanese universities and those who did not. 6. There is a significant difference in occupational placement between returned Japanese students who had previously at tended Japanese public universities and those who had pre viously attended Japanese private universities. Significance of the Study In spite of the fact that the number of Japanese students who desire to study in American colleges and universities has been increas ing, follow-up studies dealing with those Japanese students have been scarce in recent years. Studies especially focused on the impact of their American experiences on their occupations in Japan were nearly non-existent. This study, therefore, should provide valuable informa tion concerning the relationship between education in the United States and occupational placement for those who provide student counseling services in Japan and the United States. At the same time, it should be beneficial for those people in the United States who admit Japanese students to institutions of higher education and who expect the teach ing and learning results to be fruitful for students returning to Japan. Assumptions It was assumed for the purpose of this study that : 1. Questionnaire respondents answered in an honest and sincere manner. 2. The reliability and validity of the questionnaire were suf- I ficient to allow accurate inferences regarding the impact j of experiences in the United States upon Japanese return- 1 ees and their occupational placement. 3. The methods of investigation were appropriate for the in formation being sought. De1imi tat ions This study was delimited to Japanese who had enrolled at the University of Southern California and had already returned to Japan. I iMore specifically, it was delimited to those Japanese who attended the {university of Southern California between 1946 and 1980. Limitations i The following limitations were noted: ' 1. Since the researcher is located in the United States at pres - I ent, information about the returned Japanese alumni is limited. I I 2. There was no way to be certain of each respondent’s frank- I ' ness and sincerity in responding to the questionnaire. I j Design of the Study I This was a descriptive survey in which questionnaires were ; utilized to obtain the necessary information. Follow-up interviews 1 iwere also conducted in order to check the validity of the questionnaire {and to obtain more profound information. The literature search was * conducted both in Japan and the United States with the focus on the I literature which dealt with Japanese students who studied in the I United States. A list of 620 Japanese USC alumni who enrolled at the university between 1945 and 1980 was prepared from the index being kept by the Office of International Services and Alumni of USC. Questionnaires were distributed to these alumni by mail in Japan in May 1982, and 241 questionnaires were returned unanswered due to address unknown. Thus, the questionnaire survey achieved 65.4% return out of 379 questionnaires presumably received by alumni. After having ! checked returned questionnaires, a total of 201 responses were found I to be appropriate for analysis of the study. In August 1982, inter- i 8 j views were conducted with 15 alumni. The data were then processed on | j j the computer using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). ! I The findings were tabulated by means of tables and an appropriate sta- I Itistical treatment was applied in order to test the hypotheses. I i Definition of Terms In order to facilitate better understanding of this study, the j following terms were defined: I i I Acculturation. Adaptation.to changes in the conditions of I life brought about by the impact of one sociocultural system upon another (Spindler, 1977, p. 8). Ba. A type of social structure which is organized on the basis of the individual's situational position in a given frame (Nakane, 1967). i I Batsu. Cliques which are intimate, informal groups based on j personal loyalities that span many fields from the university into ! business, the professional world, government, and politics (Passin, j 1965, p. 125). Developing nation. A nation whose natural resources, includ ing manpower, have been underdeveloped in the past, and are now being 1 developed as quickly as possible--particularly through industrializa tion and an extension of appropriate educational facilities. Edo period. The. The feudal era governed by the Tokugawa Shogunate between 1603 and 1867. Employment connections. Employment opportunities made possible not only because of personal abilities or past achievements, but more or less due to personal connections such as nepotism and/or personal contacts. Foreign students. The term used for students from foreign countries who hold visas classified either as "F-1" or "J-1." The Department of State defines an "F-1" visa as a student visa, and a "J-1" visa as one designated for a visiting scholar or an exchange visitor. Gakureki-shakai. Society where one's success in life tends I to be determined by the type of formal education he has received. Gaijinkusai. A Japanese term meaning contaminated by foreign- I I ess, used for people who stayed abroad for a long period of time and I who are acculturated to foreign cultures to a certain degree. Kone. A Japanese term meaning influential connection and considered to be an important element in employment in Japan. I Meiji era. The. The period immediately following the Edo I period, 1867-1912, during which Japan was transformed into a modern industrial state. Occupational placement. Level and type of occupation assigned when joining a company, firm, or institution after returning to the country of origin, and subsequently acquiring the attributes which go 10 with that position such as socioeconomic status which influence the employee's job satisfaction. Parents' status. Parents' social and economic status, educa tional background, and their occupation. Practical training. Temporary employment for further training of a foreign student in the area which relates to the student's major field of study, after completing an academic program in an institution of higher education. Private university, Japanese. A university financed by private funds in Japan. I Professional contacts. Communication with people in a company, i firm, or institution which students hope to join after completing their : study programs. ' Public university, Japanese. A university financed by local or national government in Japan rather than by private funds. Returnees, Japanese. The Japanese students who have studied I and/or accomplished their goal of obtaining a degree, credential, or 'vocational training in American institutions of higher education and jhave since returned to Japan. Ryugakusei. A Japanese term meaning overseas students. Senpai-kohai relationship. Senior-junior relationship or the mentor-protégé relationship. 11 Shikaku. A type of social structure which is organized on the basis of the individual's attribute (Nakane, 1967). Tokugawa. The . Shogunate which governed Japan between 1603 and 1867. Uchi and soto. A concept of relationship introduced by Nakane (1967), and uchi can be translated as gemeinschaft and soto as gesellschaft. Vocational impact. Effects of foreign educational experiences on students' employment and professional development after returning to their countries of origin. Organization of the Study A brief introduction to the present study: Chapter I includes sections of the problem and its explication, purpose of the study, significance of the study, and other information requisite to the further understanding, planning, development, and completion of the study. Chapter II provides a review and discussion of the related professional literature and research. In order to facilitate better understanding about Japanese students who study overseas and their re adjustment problems to Japan, Chapter III discusses the historical background of Japanese overseas students and idiosyncratic features of Japanese culture, society, and employment system. Chapter IV pre sents the methodology and procedures employed in this study, together with the description of the samples. The findings and a discussion are 12 contained in Chapter V. Conclusions of the study are presented in Chapter IV, together with a brief summary of the findings and recom mendations . 13 CHAPTER II REVIEW OF LITERATURE Systematic research on foreign students began in the late 1940s at the time when the United States government and foundations had adopted foreign exchange as a technique for achieving socio political goals (Walton, 1968). Since then, a tremendous amount of research has been conducted on foreign students for the purpose of finding out whether foreign student programs were achieving these goals, and, if not, what could be done to correct the situation. The number of foreign students who study in American institu tions of higher education has been growing every year, and it reached 326,299 in academic year 1981-82 (Open Door; 1981/82, 1983). Accord ingly, the importance of the research concerning them has been increas ing. Although much theorizing has been done, very little research has been undertaken in recent years on the impact of the foreign students after returning to their home countries. Research focusing especially on Japanese returnees has been nearly non-existent. The review of literature in this chapter was organized in three areas in terms of vocational impact of American educational training: 1. Foreign students after returning to their home countries. 2. The concern of foreign students presently in American 14 institutions of higher education about career success fol lowing their return home. 3. Japanese students who have returned to Japan. General information regarding Japanese students as well as foreign students in the United States, and USC in particular, may be found in Appendix A of this study. Foreign Students Who Returned to Home Countries Some of the most important goals of foreign student programs, reported by the Institute of International Education Committee on Edu cational Policy (1963) were: 1. To promote international understanding and good will among the people of the world as a contribution to peace. 2. To develop friends and support for the United States by giving persons from other countries a better understand ing of the life and culture of the United States . 3. To contribute to the economic, social, or political development of other countries. 4. To aid in the educational or professional development of outstanding individuals. 5 . To advance knowledge throughout the world for the general welfare of mankind. Walton (1968) maintained that the literature on foreign stu dents refers to them frequently as "potential leaders" of their home countries, meaning one of three things: that they will assume leader 15 ship roles in the political life of their countries, that they will be leaders in professional and technical fields, or that they will lead in bringing about social change and social reform. In one sense, all foreign students are leaders or potential leaders because they belong to an elite group of college-educated persons. In a narrower sense, however, it is only those who assume highly visible political and pro fessional roles who are leaders . 1. Professional Achievement in Home Countries One of the earlier post-sojourn studies of foreign students was conducted by Cajoleas (1958) for his doctoral dissertation. The general objective of his study was to describe and analyze the cross-cultural experiences of a group of 156 doctoral students from 30 countries who received the doctorate from Teachers College, Columbia University between January 1, 1946 and December 31, 1955. The study focused on the academic record, professional development, and return adjustment of those alumni through the use of questionnaires which obtained a 51% rated return. Cajoleas's (1958) findings concerning the professional devel opment of alumni indicated that there was no professional unemployment at the time of the survey. Five respondents reported periods of unem ployment , ranging from a minimum of 3 to a maximum of 13 months, immediately after returning home. The majority returned to professiona! positions of higher rank that they held prior to doctoral study; many tended to move into teaching positions in higher education or into positions within a Ministry of Education. And the larger majority of 16 alumni attained their specific professional goals which were set forth at the time of applying for doctoral study; 83% reported satisfaction with their professional position, while 15% stated that they were not satisfied (p. 225). Cajoleas (1958) analyzed the nature of satisfaction and dis satisfaction toward employment, and found out that the reasons for satisfaction tended to refer both to "personal" rewards (e.g., doing what graduate studies prepared the student to do, opportunities for personal growth, positions carrying social prestige, etc.) and to "extra-personal" rewards (e.g., freedom to plan, teach, organize, experiment; realization that work is socially useful, etc.). On the other hand, dissatisfaction was expressed in terms of the lack of "personal" rewards with little reference to "extra-personal" rewards (pp. 225-226). Although Cajoleas’s (1958) study dealt only with doctoral students, it seemed significant for the study of international educa tion since the impact by those alumni on their countries then seemed to be much greater than that of any other degree holders. In the same year as Cajoleas*s (1958) study, Smart (1958) made a questionnaire survey of foreign alumni who had enrolled in the Uni versity of Southern California from the fall semester of 1931 through the spring semester of 1954. A total of 394 questionnaires were sent to alumni who had returned to their home countries and 91 replies (23%) were returned (p. 4). In the study. Smart questioned the occupation and the position of alumni in their community. Then, he defined the level of status 17 of the alumni as the following: Average Status: persons whose positions currently or in the past would not seem to indicate particularly high standing. This does not mean a lack of success and accomplishment. Medium Status: persons whose honors or positions seem to reflect prominence in community or vocation. High Status: persons with extensive publication, top position in government, important business leaders, etc. Persons by virtue of position or accomplishments could be known throughout their home countries. (p. 3) In analyzing. Smart found out that 34.8% of the respondents classified themselves into average status, 41.3% medium status, and 22.8% high status. It was also found that about 80% of the respondents' prestige increased in their home countries due to their work at the University of Southern California (p. 4). Smart further surmised that this may partly be a result of the respondents' high status before entering careers and of the limited number of well educated in many countries. Susskind and Schell (1968) in Exporting Technical Education; A Survey and Case Study of Foreign Professionals with U.S. Graduate Degrees. made quite an extensive questionnaire survey of foreign engineering graduates from the University of California at Berkeley who had returned to their home countries . Their study consisted of two parts: a statistical evaluation of the performance of foreign students who received University of California graduate engineering degrees during the years 1954-65; and a critical survey of previous studies of returnees by the Agency for International Development (AID) and individual researchers focusing on goals, brain drain, and measures of effectiveness. 18 A total of 676 questionnaires were sent to all recipients of advanced engineering degrees during the years 1964 through mid-1965, and 354 responses (52.3%,) were received (p. 5). In analyzing, Susskind and Schell (1968) stated that unemploy ment did not seem to be a problem among the respondents. Only 3% of all master's holders said they had not been employed since receiving the U.S. graduate degree, mostly because they were in military service (p. 19). The employment of those returnees at the time of the survey by Susskind and Schell could be summarized as follows : 1. The types of employment after Berkeley were similar to those before Berkeley. 2. There were apparent employment differences between devel oping and developed countries. Master's returnees from developing countries worked for public universities and in government offices and only a few worked for private industry. On the other hand, nearly half those with master's returning to developed countries worked in privately owned industry. 3. Nearly all doctorates from developing countries who went home worked for the home government, mainly teaching in public universities, but also serving in government offices and in nationalized industries ; two were self-employed. On the other hand, approximately half the doctorates from developed countries taught in public universities and a quarter of them in government offices, with the remainder 19 in scattered employment categories. (pp. 19-20) Mackson (1975) conducted a questionnaire survey of foreign graduates who completed the U.S. advanced-degree agricultural engineer ing programs in What Foreign Graduates Think about Their U.S. Graduate Degree Programs and Experience. In his study the following items were sought to find out: 1. What the foreign agricultural engineering alumni are doing now that they are back in their own countries? 2. How do they feel about their graduate experiences in the U.S.? 3. What are the advantages or disadvantages of doing their graduate thesis research in their own countries ? 4. What type of assistance is most needed by our foreign gradu ates to help them do a better job? 5. Is there a university in their region of the world that might serve as a center for graduate research? (p. 2) A total of 305 questionnaires were sent to those alumni, and 77 ques tionnaires (c. 25%) were completed and returned (p. 2). Mackson's finding on the first item, for instance, indicated that 41 alumni were engaged in university work, 27 alumni in government work, and 9 alumni in industry (p. 3). As a study focused on sponsored foreign students, Kuppuswamy (1964) conducted a research on sponsored Indian students who had returned to India. He reported that 82% of the students surveyed secured positions with their former employers and 7% of them received immediate promotions when they returned home. 20 Also, in 1966, the Agency for International Development (AID) of the U.S. Department of State conducted extensive studies on AID participants from 23 countries by using interviews and questionnaires. The study found that while 11% of the AID-sponsored students returned to their former positions, 14% returned to expected, different, better positions for which they had been trained. An additional 8% of the students obtained new, unexpected positions and only 4% had experienced periods of unemployment after their return home (p. 165). Similar findings were reported earlier by other researchers. Donahue (1956) in his study on Greek Fulbright returnees found that they had little difficulty in securing a position after returning home. Useem and Useem (1955) reported that influential Indian students were able to secure jobs in a few weeks after their return home; however, returnees without influence experienced difficulties. Those who were dependent on their qualifications alone for securing employment took an average of a year and sometimes 3 years to find permanent work (p. 83). Bennet, Passin, and McKnight (1958), in their study on Japanese students who studied in the United States, also indicated that Japanese returnees without any influence or connections had difficulty in secur ing jobs with traditional Japanese firms and government industries. Some of those students found it necessary to seek employment in "fringe" areas apart from the main stream. Many of those tended to secure employment in institutions which placed a premium on secondary skills such as knowledge of America and the ability to speak English (pp. 134-135). 21 Orr (1971), in his doctoral dissertation. The Foreign Scholar Returned Home: A Review of Selected Research. reviewed completed follow-up researches on foreign students who studied in American col leges or universities, and attempted to discover patterns and influenc ing factors in the students’ experiences after their return home. This study examined four issues : personal changes resulting from the exchange experience, readjustment to home country, returnees* use of American-learned skills and knowledge, and the effectiveness of return ees as agents of cultural exchange. Orr's findings indicated that approximately 80% of the return ees were able to secure employment easily; however, this percentage may not be applicable to all returned students since his study reviewed mostly surveys of sponsored students. And he further indicated after studying the available evidence then that unsponsored students-- especially whose from rigid or developing cultures or without influen tial friends and relatives--experienced real difficulty in securing jobs at home. Sponsored students and those who had preplanned for employment had the least difficulty securing employment positions (p. 84). In summary, these studies indicated that a great majority of foreign alumni who had returned to their home countries obtained their professional goals, secured rather important positions to function in society, and were satisfied with their positions. However, such suc cessful outcomes may not be applicable to all returned foreign students since most of the studies reviewed were focused on higher-degree hold ers, sponsored students, students with particular major fields of 22 study, or those from particular countries. 2 . Factors Associated with Professional Achievement Returnees' professional achievements at home were often influ enced by factors deriving from students' characteristics, their experi ences in the United States, and their home country environment. Some of such factors were presented in the following with reference to Orr's (1971) study: Sponsorship. As noted earlier, the sponsored students were usually able to secure employment more easily than were independent students. Influence. Although the importance differed according to the country, in some countries returnees with influence and connections were able to secure satisfactory employment more easily than less influential ones (p. 85). As mentioned previously, Bennet et al. (1958) and the Useems (1955) both found it very important in Japan and India. Fields of study. Orr (1971) indicated that returnees who majored in less traditional and reputed fields, especially those in which American training and techniques were important, had the least difficulty in securing employment (p. 86). An examples of this, men tioned by Bennet et al. (1958) was a Japanese returnee who had obtained a Master's degree in radio-television education secured immediate em ployment and rapid advancement in a commercial-television enterprise (p. 134). 23 Level of study in the U.S. In some countries, returnees who pursued graduate education in the United States after having completed their undergraduate degree programs at home were more successful in obtaining satisfactory positions than were those with American Bache lors' degrees (Orr, 1971, p. 87). For examples, Bennet et al. (1958) noted that Japanese students who had not graduated from a Japanese university had more difficulty than those who had, when they sought employment in traditional enterprises (pp. 133-134). This will be explained in detail in the next chapter. Length of stay in the U.S. Orr (1971) indicated that returnees who were away from home long enough to lose personal contacts in the home culture had more difficulty in securing employment than did those who were away shorter periods of time (p. 88). Secondary skills. Secondary skills such as English language skill or knowledge about America often affected returnees' employment (Orr, 1971). Bennet et al. (1958) noted that students with only Amer ican university degrees had a good chance in securing employment in the "fringe areas" such as foreign embassies, churches, missions, Christian schools, foreign companies, English language schools, etc., where their educational experiences in the U.S. would bring them high awards. And in many cases, recognition was based on English language ability and social contacts rather than on their specific occupational skills (pp. 134-135). Practical experience of returnees. Orr (1971) noted that returnees who experienced practical training after their study in the 24 U.S. had less difficulty in securing jobs than did those with no work experience (p. 88). Needs and planning in the home country. It was noted that the returnees* ability to find satisfactory employment was related to the needs of the home country's economy and the amount of planning exer cised by those in authority in attempting to provide proper employment for returnees (p. 89). 3. Utilization of Acquired Knowledge in the Home Countries As stated earlier, education in the United States for foreign students often contributes to the development of leadership when they return to their home countries. Walton (1968) discussed the idea that "educational exchange programs are probably on firmest ground when they concentrate on professional and technical leadership and on the trans fer of skills" (p. 4). Then, what about the students' utilization of knowledge and skills acquired in the U.S. when they returned to their home countries? Several studies reported high use of the acquired knowledge and skills at home, though the amount of utilization varied from study to study. The AID study (1966) on students from 23 countries reported that of the returnees utilizing their acquired skills and knowledge, 20% were using "almost everything"; 31.6%, "quite a bit"; and 23.2%, "some" (p. 189). In the study by Susskind and Schell (1968), over half of mas ters' graduates and most of those who completed doctorates reported 25 high use of the technical knowledge acquired, and high use of the acquired research skills was reported by about one-third of the masters' degree holders and over two-thirds of the doctorates' degree holders. More than 94% of the doctorates and 67% of the masters from developing countries thought that their training had been "about right" compared to 83% of the masters from developed countries who gave it this rating (pp. 21-23). Vorapipatana (1967) in his doctoral dissertation, A Study of the Thai Graduates' Training Program in the Field of Education from the United States, indicated that the training program had a positive affect on Thai graduates in both personal and professional aspects. He also indicated that the majority of Thai graduates were working in the areas in which they were trained and were able to utilize most of their ideas based on what they had learned in the United States. Orr (1971) indicated that about 75% of the returnees in his study were able to use their American training at least partially, and 80% claimed to have conveyed their knowledge and skills to others in job situations (pp. 90-93). However, Orr further reported that a large majority of return ees investigated estimated that their educational experience in the United States had no major impact on their careers. Returnees tended to feel its effect as either neutral, somewhat positive, or somewhat negative, depending upon the students' field of study and the country of their origin (p. 103). In What Foreign Graduates Think about Their U.S. Graduate Degree Programs and Experiences, Mackson (1975) found that over 94% 26 of those who responded to his survey questionnaire felt that their research experience in the U.S. was a worthwhile and rewarding one. Some felt that they were adequately trained theoretically, but, in general, would have liked a few more applied courses. Seventy out of 72 indicated that their graduate work prepared them very adequately for work in their own countries, and they were happy with their U.S. educational experiences (pp. 5-12). In Problems of Development in Turkey as Seen by Turks Returned Home from Study in American Universities, Davis (1973) compiled ques tionnaire data from 222 returnees to Turkey (one-half of whom were also interviewed), who had studied in American universities from 1957 to 1968. In the analysis, Davis found that graduate students in the sam ple who had been in the United States longer were most prone to answer affirmatively to the question of whether they would be able to con tribute to development or influence social change in Turkey. Almost all who so responded said that their study in the United States had increased their ability to contribute to their nation's development. All those who had studied business had this confidence, while many of those who had studied social sciences felt that they were less able to influence change personally (pp. 434-439). Baron (1979), on the other hand, indicated that students from developing countries encountered serious difficulties in translating theoretical knowledge into practical application in their home environ ment. He further noted that engineering students from such countries were seldom able to articulate special academic interest relating to their projected professional work at home. 27 In How Would That Work Back Home? Chiang and Klinzing (1975) discussed the problems of educating foreign engineering students who would return to their home countries. Often these students are from economically underdeveloped countries, and they therefore may not be able to apply the sophisticated technology of their educational pro grams to the problems of their countries. Some suggestions were made that foreign students from such countries must prepare themselves in a relevant area of. research; and that they participate in cooperative programs with industries in order to become acquainted with a wide variety of technological problems and solutions (pp. 5-13). Other studies which surveyed unsponsored students or students who participated in relatively non-directive exchange programs also indicated somewhat lower levels of utilization of acquired knowledge and skills in their home countries. Donahue (1956), for instance, indicated that although 35% of the Greek Fulbright students in his study reported that they used "quite a lot" of their American-learned skills ; 65% had been unable to use them or had used them only partially (p. 83). Also, the Useems (1955) estimated that only about 18% of returned Indian students were in a position to make full use of their training (p. 81). Utilization of returnees' acquired skills and knowledge at home was often affected by several factors deriving from students' characteristics, type of their educational programs in the United States, and their home country environments. Orr (1971) indicated that the degree of returnee's utilization of American training depended on the work setting at home, returnees' 28 job placement, and the status and authority given to them (pp. 95-96). Pre-departure characteristics of students such as their occupational status, educational background, and age at the time of sojourn were also related to the degree of utilization of their American training (p. 98). In addition, the degree of utilization of American training was also related to the students’ academic fields of study. Those in "professionalized" fields, such as medicine, were the highest utilizers of their American training, followed by those in education, engineer ing, agriculture, business, and industry. Students in public adminis tration and government were the lowest utilizers of American training (p. 97). Several characteristics of the educational programs in the United States such as the duration of the sojourn, pre-planning, earn ing of a degree, and technical content of the educational experience and the students* satisfaction with the content were also found as important factors (pp. 99-100). In a study of returned AID grantees, Spauling, Flack, Tate, Mahon, and Marshall (1976) also extensively reviewed and evaluated the literature concerning foreign students in the United States, and on summarizing those studies, stated: Rather consistently, these reports [on AID grantees] cite recommendations from both participants and supervisors that longer training would increase participant satisfaction and positively affect utilization of training. It is also signifi cant that participants who received on-the-job training were more satisfied with their programs than those who pursued aca demic studies exclusively. A third consistent finding is that in many countries there was little follow-up contact between AID and return participants. It should also be noted that there 29 were differences by [AID geographical] region in the degree of utilization of training in certain professional specialities. (p. 65) Susskind and Schell (1968) also, in evaluating AID studies, stated: The major prerequisites for successful utilization of training depend on either the type of training, the home and job situa tion after return, or the trainees themselves. A training period of a year or more and university training correlate with high usage. Return to jobs for which the training was intended, understanding and supportive supervisors and government, and time elapsed after training are aspects of the home environ ment conducive to high usage. Factors contributing to success ful usage, for which the students themselves are at least in part responsible, include age (older people are more likely to be better established with more opportunity to use their train ing); accurate assessment of the relation of training to career goals; plans for future use of training; attempts to pass on their knowledge to others; and the maintenance of follow-up contact with or assistance from the U.S. (p. 55) Walton (1968) also indicated the factors which permit the returned foreign students to make prompt use of their American train ing in some capacity as follows: An expanding economy in general, articulation of the local educa tional system and study abroad with the demand for trained people, social and family contacts at high levels in government or busi ness, training in a field in which American education has a good reputation, an advance organizational commitment to make use of the student upon his return, and return to a setting where the supervisor and other staff members have studied abroad and are working toward common objectives. (p. 4) The U.S. Advisory Commission on International Education and Cultural Affairs was asked by Congress to appraise the effectiveness of their exchange program with special reference to foreign students, and some of the summary and conclusion presented in The Effectiveness of the Education and Cultural Exchange Program of the U.S. Department of State were as follows : 30 The program has been outstandingly successful in providing a valu able educational experience to foreign grantees. Although their average visit to the United States lasted less than a year, a high proportion of returned grantees report that they have benefited substantially from their experience in the United States--most notably in increased knowledge in their professional field and in the visit's favorable influence on their work and career. Only two percent found this influence other than favorable. Three-fourths of the grantees say their stay in the United States increased their confidence in their work; and half or more say if had a good effect on their professional title and standing. The evidence is significant, though somewhat less conclusive, that the grantee's U.S. visit has also benefited his home country, by enabling him to transmit to it valuable new ideas, skills, knowledge and attitudes. Nearly three-fourths of the returned grantees reported that they have proposed or put into practice an idea which was based on what they learned in the United States and designed to benefit their profession, their own organization and their community at large. (Institute of International Educa tion, 1963, pp. 23-24) In summary, these studies showed that quite a number of the foreign alumni who completed their studies and returned to their coun tries successfully utilized and transmitted their knowledge and skills I Iwhich they acquired in the United States. However, the degree of {utilization varied depending upon several factors such as students' 'characteristics, distinction of their educational programs abroad, and i I the home country situation and environment. I ■4. Attitudes ) " " " ' ; As Stated earlier in the goals of foreign student programs, it is also important through these programs to promote international understanding and good will among the people of the world as a contri bution to peace, and to develop friends and support for the United iStates by giving persons from other countries a better understanding of the life and culture of the United States (p. 5). 31 Davis (1971), in "The Two-Way Mirror and The U-Curve: America as Seen by Turkish Students Returned Home," searched the views of the United States held by students from Turkey who had returned home. He assumed that the current views of the host country were formed mainly by experiences during the sojourn, and that images and attitudes remained approximately as they were at the time of return, even when several years had passed. He found that views of the United States ranged widely, but in general were very favorable. Also, students who returned home after 3 years in the U.S. (or in some cases, 2 years) tended to be less favorable toward America, while those who returned home either very soon or after longer years tended to be very favorable (pp. 40-41) . Spaulding (1976) stated in his summary of the studies concern ing attitudes of foreign alumni that; The attitude studies point to possible relationships between favorable views of the United States and length of sojourn, perception of academic success, etc., and factors relating to the U.S. experience. Attitudes toward the United States also seems to relate to the "cultural distance" between the host country and the home country; the image held by the host coun try of the student's home country (as perceived by the student); and the student's perception of the rank of the home country in the international system. (p. 70) In "Asian Alumni Look Back on Their Experiences," in which Asian alumni of the University of Oregon who returned to their home countries were interviewed, Johnson (1970) found that many of these alumni mentioned that making friends with Americans was one of their purposes for studying in the United States; most of them had some American acquaintances they considered to be their friends, but they wished they had made a greater effort to be friendly with American 32 students; all felt an opportunity for greater interaction between domestic and foreign students may be created by social gatherings, seminar discussions, and group project work. Yet the success of these situations in creating intercultural friendships would be determined by the persons involved (p. 80). The U.S. Advisory Commission on International Education and Cultural Affairs concluded: There is impressive testimony that the exchange program increases mutual understanding. Evidence is abundant that the exchange program has succeeded in helping dispel among foreign visitors many misconceptions and ugly stereotypes about the American people. The exchange program does not bring about a uniformly favorable point of view on all aspects of the American scene; the reaction of former grantees varies considerably with the country from which they have come, and with the particular aspect inquired about. (Institute of International Education, 1963, p. 23) Although not enough empirical studies were reviewed in this part of the chapter, the foreign student program has been contributing toward achieving its own goals; the promotion of international under- istanding and good will, and the development of friendship and support for the United States. In order to retain such positive results, the activities of alumni associations in foreign countries are of great importance. According to Duge (1963), there were more than 200 American university alumni associations in 1963 which had been set up in 47 countries throughout the world, and more and more groups were developing. There are nany different forms of alumni organizations in existence, such as groups of people who are alumni of the same American university (there 33 are 36 such university clubs in Japan), general associations of per sons who have studied in the United States, nation-wide associations with membership from all categories of former grant recipients, and others that are organized by special fields of interest. The largest number of postwar exchange students have come to the U.S. under the Fulbright Program, so most existing alumni groups center around those who have returned from the Fulbright exchanges (pp. 9-10). Duge emphasized the importance of these alumni associations and said that they should be more recognized as links between alumni and the United States. The author stated: The importance of following up foreign exchange students is generally recognized as important to both the alumnus and the United States. For the alumnus, such contact can mean help in using and further developing the skills and knowledge he has acquired; this is particularly important in countries where up-to-date materials in his professional field may not be avail able. For the United States, knowing the problems that foreign students have had after their return home can help improve Amer ican exchange programs. For both, it can mean that the student’s friendships and understanding of the United States will be con tinued and strengthened. (p. 9) 5. Readjustment Problem When a foreign student returns to his home country after a certain period of sojourn, he encounters the need to readjust again. He has to re-examine himself, his acquired culture, and his own cul ture from a new point of view. Also, he is confronted with the need to prove himself not only in his profession but also in his personal and social relationships (Bochner, 1972). Orr (1971) indicated that upon return home, many foreign stu dents experienced difficulties in readjustment. Some found it necessary 34 to curb American mannerisms and to mute criticism of the home country. Most students were able to readjust; however, readjustment sometimes took several months (p. ii) . The degree of difficulty in readjusting to home culture varied depending upon students' personality changes and home country environ ment. Younger students or those who stayed in the U.S. longer tended to show more change. Also, students' Americanization appeared to be related to the amount of change (Orr, 1971, pp. 74-75). And younger students who were alienated from home culture, those from rigid socie ties, and those uninfluential in the home culture usually experienced the most difficulty in readjustment (pp. 77-79). In addition, employment in the home country upon returning was an influential factor in readjustment. Orr stated that "the stu dents' abilities to find employment which would utilize the skills and knowledge they had acquired during the sojourn was a significant fac tor in determining their readjustment" (p. 80). Cajoleas (1958) found in his study that 81% of alumni who had returned home reported problems as returned American-trained educators (pp. 252-253). He summarized these problems with the percentage of respondents mentioning each as follows: 1. Reconstruction of personal values upon return (25%). 2. Bringing about changes in the home country environment ( 20%) . 3. American degrees and training considered below British degrees and training (20%). 4. Accepting the standards of living met back home (12.5%). 35 5. American degrees and training considered below European degrees and training (10%) 6. Meeting anti-American attitudes (10%). 7. Low salaries and lack of public or institutional funds for education (10%). 8. Limited job opportunities and excessive work load (8%). (p. 253) Also, in response to the question if it were difficult for them to become re-oriented to life in the home country when they first re turned, 50% out of the 62 returned alumni replied that it was difficult. Two major problems were the problem of the reconstruction of personal values upon return, and the problem of bringing about changes in the home environment (p. 253). Moreover, in research by Bochner (1972), it was indicated that a person who was most successful at adjusting to a new culture was I often the worst at readjusting to his old culture (p. 19). Brislin and Van Buren (1974) explained the possible reasons for the above statement: A person who adjusts readily is one who can accept new ideas, meet and talk intelligently with people from many countries, and be happy with the stimulation that he finds every day. This same person may readjust poorly when he goes home since his new ideas conflict with tradition. He can find no inter nationally minded people, and he finds no stimulation in the j country he already knows so well. (p. 19) iThey suggested that if students work through these issues before going [back home and prepare for potential conflict, they will have fewer I I Iproblems after they actually return home. 36 Also, maintaining contact with the home country is very impor tant in order to minimize alienation. Orr (1971) noted that students, especially those remaining in the United States for more than 3 years, risk becoming alienated from the home culture unless contact is main tained. Alienation often makes subsequent reintegration into the home situation more difficult (p. 113). In summary, most alumni encountered readjustment problems when they returned to their home countries, such as the reconstruction of personal values upon return, bringing about changes in the home country environment, etc. And many of these encountered difficulties in re orientation to life in their home countries, especially younger stu dents who tended to be more alienated from their own culture. These alumni experiencing adjustment problems appeared to come from countries distrustful of the U.S. and/or from rigid societies and seemed more uninfluential in the home culture. It was suggested that awareness and preparation for potential conflict and maintenance of contact with home country during sojourn would lessen the readjustment problems upon return. The Concern of Foreign Students Presently in American Institutions of Higher Education about Career Success Following Their Return Home 1. Needs of Foreign Students and Their Countries. and Study Programs in the United States As it was mentioned earlier in this chapter, a great majority of foreign alumni who have returned home obtained their professional goals, secured rather important positions in society, and were 37 satisfied with their positions; and quite a number of them successfully transmitted their knowledge and the technology which they acquired in the United States. These results implied the success of U.S. univer sity programs for foreign students. However, there were many studies which suggested that U.S. universities should adjust their programs to suit the needs of foreign students and their home countries. Spaulding et al. (1976) discussed the fact that the larger number of foreign students in the United States are self-supporting; and that the issue of the relevance of the study programs becomes critical when the students are sponsored by their governments, bilateral organizations, or multi-lateral organiza tions under technical cooperation projects which assume that they are preparing for well-defined leadership positions at home. (p. 192) Spaulding et al. also pointed out the students' major reasons for coming to the United States, which were to get advanced education or training that is not available at home, to acquire prestige through a degree from a U.S. insti tution, to take advantage of available scholarship funds, to escape unsettled political or economic conditions, and, simply, to learn more about the United States. (p. 23) According to a survey conducted by the Advisory Commission of the Department of State, although motivation for studying in the United States varied with students' interests, 55% gave as their basic motive, their belief that superior education was available in the United States . The survey added that it was persons from the less developed countries who came to the U.S. primarily for this reason, whereas Europeans and Canadians more often said that they came because of a general interest in the country (Institute of International Edu cation, 1963, pp. 21-22). 38 However, Schmidt and Scott (1971), in "Advanced Training for Foreign Students: The Regional Approach," identified as deficiencies of educating foreign students from less developed countries in indus trialized nations such factors as: 1. the inappropriateness of training for the needs of the developing countries 2. long and costly training periods 3. paternal attitudes of training institutions 4. dissertation research topics often based on the host country's problems 5. the brain drain. (p. 40) The authors also noted that although the developing countries are pre dominantly agricultural, the training of agricultural scientists, as compared to other fields of study, had received little emphasis, and argued that because of environmental and cultural factors, there was much to be said for regionally based research and training in develop ing countries. In "International Education in the Seventies: Revolution or Turmoil on the Campus," Moore (1970) criticized the irrelevance of the curricula for both foreign graduates and undergraduates. The author stated that "we want to educate for development and we want students to return home, but we continue to educate them in the same way as we do U.S. students who plan to become part of the establishment" (p. 39). In addition, Kelly (1966) pointed out that much of the horti cultural training in the United States is irrelevant to the agricul tural situation in foreign students' home countries. Moravcsik (1972) 39 suggested that much of the U.S. academic program in the natural sci ences need to be adjusted to the needs of foreign students and their home countries. Ronkin (1969) mentioned that pre-doctoral science students have had great difficulty in applying their knowledge once they have returned home. Moore (1970) further suggested the following items in order to solve the above problems: 1. The initiation of cocurricular programs that provide for the integration and application of classroom learning to the students' back-home situation. 2. Recommending to academic departments, those foreign students who can be used as teachers or teacher aids in courses relat ing to international education. 3. Stimulating foreign student groups and leaders to evaluate classroom offerings and to make their evaluations available to incoming foreign students. 4. Encouraging foreign student groups to lobby for: a. the right to participate in curriculum committees of colleges and academic departments, and b. the right to attend departmental faculty meetings where curriculum matters are under discussion. 5. Lobbying for an inclusion in the graduate curriculum of a core series of courses that relate to development--par- ticularly to the cultural, psychological, and sociological barriers to change. These courses to be available for both foreign and U.S. students who intend to serve in settings 40 requiring cross-cultural knowledge and skill. 6. Encouraging the development of internships for foreign and U.S. students in settings in the United States that most nearly approximate the human and environmental conditions that are likely to be experienced in the settings where they eventually intend to serve. (p. 46) Also, Schmidt and Scott (1971) suggested a regional approach which would allow for a more productive orientation of research and education programs than is now possible in fragmented, short-term pro grams being supported by foundations and AID, and would also provide a better prospect that students would return to their own countries as productive citizens (pp. 39-50). 2. Non-Returning Foreign Students Non-immigrant foreign students in the United States are obliged to return to their home countries after the completion of their studies And the vast majority of foreign students return to their home countries with better preparation for their future careers, stimulated and broad ened in a sense of being more aware of the wide diversity of peoples and cultures of other countries. Some, however, decide to stay in the United States permanently, which leads to the problem of the "brain drain." What makes these foreign students return to their home coun tries or remain in the United States? And what are the students' attitudes about it? Das (1969), in his doctoral dissertation. Effect of Foreign Students' Attitude toward Returning to the Country of Origin on the 41 National Loss of Professional Skills, did some extensive research. The primary concern of his study was the attitudes of alien students toward returning to their home countries subsequent to their graduation in the United States, and the effect of their attitudes on the national loss of professional skills. Some of Das's major findings were: foreign students who have studied in the United States for 2 or more years and who are over 25 years of age are less likely to return to their home countries. Students from the less-developed countries are more likely to return to their home countries than are those from developed countries. Privately sponsored students whose families reside in their home countries are less likely to remain in the United States than are those whose families accompanied them to the United States. Students whose home countries provide good employment opportunities are more likely to return than are those in agriculture and engineering. In general, most foreign students do not plan to return to their countries immediately after completion of their stud ies. However, they plan to return eventually after obtaining practical training and experience in the United States (pp. 167-171). Korean Students in Southern California: Factors Influencing Their Plan toward Returning Home, a doctoral dissertation by Thames (1971), identified and measured the relative importance of certain factors which influence the plans of Korean students in the United States to return home or remain indefinitely in the United States . One hundred Korean students attending seven colleges and universities in Southern California were selected for the sample, and were inter viewed utilizing a survey which included questions about the students* 42 general backgrounds, their plans concerning returning home, and their attitudes toward certain factors influencing their plans. Thames concluded that, in general, the students who are least likely to return home were those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, students who had not finished their undergraduate programs in Korea, male students who had not completed their military obligation to Korea, those supported partially or totally by working in the United States, those majoring in engineering or natural sciences, those who planned to or had already obtained permanent residence in the United States, and female students (pp. 132-133). Johnson (1970), in "Asian Alumni Look Back on Their American Experience," reported the reasons of Asian alumni for returning to their home countries. The author found out that, throughout all of the countries in Asia, the most frequent reason for a student to return home was a feeling of family obligation, and only rarely was it attributed to a feeling of responsibility to his country and its de velopment. Also, the author concluded regarding the question of why some American-trained Filipinos did not return home: many American- educated Filipinos would return home if they could find jobs offering fair compensation and a chance to put their education to good use (pp. 78-79). In "Student Expatriation: A Function of Relative Social Sup port," Chu (1968) noted that the students who did not receive job offers from home were less likely to return, while those receiving job offers in the United States were likely to remain. He also inferred from his data that support from the home culture is more important than 43 from the host country. When foreign students are confronted with a choice between two cultural memberships, they will look first for sup port from home. If adequate support is extended, then they will prob ably return to their home countries (pp. 182-183). Employment opportunities in student's home country are one of the essential elements for students to return to their homes. Borhanmanesh (1965) indicated in his doctoral dissertation that stu dents who perceive better employment opportunities in Iran returned home and vice versa. Mahon (1976) stated in his summary: Educational systems which educated too many persons in fields which are inappropriate to the needs of the country, or which on the other hand do not have facilities for advanced special ized training, are part of the general disequilibria charac teristics of developing countries. Dislocations in the job market are also characteristic, leading in some countries to serve internal migration, concentrating persons with pro fessional and technical skills in a few urban centers, and in other countries to the external migration of these same persons. Talent migration is stimulated by both the objective condition of the job market, i.e., when there are few opportu nities for employment, and by the potential migrant's perception of the market. (Spaulding et al., 1976, p. 220) The authors also discussed that the migration decision is strongly influenced by opportunities for employment, including the degree of contact between students and potential employers in the home country, and by working conditions, which included the nature of the working environment as well as salary level (p. x). In"The Foreign Student: Exchange or Immigrant?" a 1958 survey noted that 9% of the 10,5 98 former foreign scholarship grantees of all nationalities who studied in the United States over a period of approx imately 30 years were then permanent residents of the United States. 44 jit also noted the high proportion of Europeans residing in the United I (States permanently (12%) and the low proportion of grantees from the I |Far East (2.3%) (Committee on Educational Interchange Policy, 1963, pp. i3-4). The phenomenon of the "brain drain" is a complex and multidi- mentional one, and its problems are critical especially for under developed or developing countries. Many studies have been conducted concerning the "brain drain" or international talent migration. 13 . Career Counseling for Foreign Students I Walton (1968) suggested that if experiences prove that foreign countries can persuade qualified people to return and work in their home countries as jobs open up for them, it may be possible to see the "brain drain" in a less ominous light (p. 6). Or as DeAntoni suggested, although its success depends on the counselors' knowledge of the foreign students' cultural patterns and lifestyles and the counselors' ability to predict effects of American education on these I factors, career counseling can help foreign students learn the tech- Iniques of seeking employment at home (pp. 97-98). Also Klinger (1967) suggested that the advisors also aid students in maintaining ties with their home countries and counsel the students about problems connected with their return home (pp. 21-27). On the other hand, the Committee on Educational Interchange Policy suggested in a discussion that: Where return home is a major objective this should be taken into account in the selection process. If the nature of the program permits, only those should be selected who already have a stake in their home country, who are part of an ongoing development project, or who are employed in some useful and vital work at 45 ! home. Or, if more appropriate to the aims of the program, gradu- j ate students can be chosen in fields of study which appear to be I related to needs and opportunities in the home country. In either ! case indications of psychological roots in the homeland should be I important criteria. i Once the student has been selected and arrives in the United j States, program administrators can encourage the student to ! keep in touch with developments at home, to speak to American I community groups about his country, and perhaps to look at his ! training with an eye to its usefulness at home. Close coopera- I tion should be maintained with foreign embassy officials who I may be trying to keep in touch with exchange students, and with I groups such as the American Friends of the Middle East, which I try to assist students in finding jobs at home. ! Foreign government and sponsors are in a much stronger position 1 to ensure return home. They can offer inducements that an American administrator cannot. They are better acquainted with ! the situation in the student's home country. They are more likely ! to be in touch with national needs and economic development proj- I ects that may be underway. (1958, pp. 15-16) j In summary, many foreign students come to the United States seeking to receive superior education and training or that which they cannot obtain at home. The U.S. university programs for these students have been successfully provided in terms of students' future impact after they return to their home countries; however, many studies indicated the irrelevance of the curricula for some of the students especially from developing countries and/or in some fields of studies such as horticulture, science, etc., which do not efficiently meet the needs of their home countries. Some suggested the necessity of adjust- jing the curricula to the needs of foreign students, their countries, and national environments in order to.create more productive citizens when they return. As for the students' attitudes toward returning home, good employment opportunities at home have been the main factor; others are 46 obligation to their families, a chance to put their education to good use and so on. If these needs are not fulfilled, students tend to remain in the United States . DeAntoni (1972) and others suggested career counseling for foreign students along with counseling about the problems connected with the return home including aid in maintaining ties with the home countries. Also, the Committee on Educational Interchange Policy sug gested that administrators should select students who seek training in fields relevant to their country's need, and who have psychological roots in their homeland; encourage students to retain contact with home through embassy contacts. Japanese Students Who Have Returned Home 1. Japanese Students Who Studied at American Colleges and Universities Looking at the historical background of the Japanese students who studied abroad, there were many successful ones who brought back new and stimulating ideas useful both to themselves and to the society, and they also contributed to the development of the nation. However, until about three generations ago, studying abroad was totally alien to the common people. Only a limited class of peo ple, those who were sponsored by the government, the children of the higher classes or the very wealthy families, could bear the cost. After successful completion of their studies in foreign countries, they became part of the elite in Japan whose success was assured in their chosen life career and who thus enjoyed added prestige. 47 In the academic year 1981-82, it was reported that 14,020 Japanese students had enrolled in colleges and universities in the United States; the number of Japanese students is increasing every year (Open Doors: 1981/82. 1983). This number would be much greater if the Japanese students enrolled in all the universities in the United States, summer programs, commercial English schools, and voca tional programs were included. 2. Japanese Students Who Studied in the United States and Returned to Japan Although it has been generally understood that the contribution to Japanese society by the returnees was greatly applauded, studies concerning students who have returned home have been scarce in recent years. Schwantes (1950), in "Results of Study Abroad: Japanese Stu dents in America, 1865-1885," collected names of 231 Japanese, by means of an extensive search of school and college catalogues, who engaged in formal study in the United States between 1865 and 1885. He was able to trace the later careers of 152 (65%) of these in alumni publi cations and Japanese biographical dictionaries. Schwantes found that after returning to Japan, 118 (51%) of these students occupied positions of reponsibility and influence in government, academic, and business life. They could apply their new knowledge and skills immediately to the problems of the rapidly changing Japanese society. Many of them entered teaching and educa tional administration, and entrance to the government bureaucracy was direct and easy with advancement rapid. The employment of returned 48 students in diplomatic relations with the United States is particularly striking; however, Japanese business was then too underdeveloped to offer many opportunities to those with advanced overseas educational experience (p. 376). Schwantes further pointed out that extended first-hand American life experience enabled the 200 returnees to interpret American atti tudes, ideas, and culture to their families, friends, and associates. Many returnees reviewed and strengthened pleasant memories by active participation in organizations like the Friends of America, the America-Japan Society, and the Harvard Club of Japan. This greatly contributed to the modernization of the nation as well as promoting mutual understanding between the United States and Japan (p. 376). The fact that the government wisely sent out only those who had passed severe scholastic and physical examinations assured the success of their American exposure (p. 376). In addition, the country needed to import new and stimulating knowledge and technology for mod ernization . Conte (1978) and Kashioka (1982), who also dealt with Japanese studying overseas during the Meiji period (1868-1912) in their respec tive doctoral dissertations, indicated the success of overseas study programs and its great impact on the modernization of Japan. Conte in "Overseas Study in the Meiji Period: Japanese Students in America, 1867-1912," focused his study on the experience of 655 Japanese nationals studying on the college-level in the United States from 1867 through 1902. He looked at the Meiji government's policies toward foreign study, students’ educational and personal experiences 49 in the United States, and the role of foreign study in the students’ later careers in Japan. Conte indicated that the United States, among the Western nations, attractéd the largest number of Japanese students in the 19th century and therefore played the predominant role in Japan’s foreign study experience during that period (pp. 4-5). He also indi cated that while the early Meiji students were interested in acquiring the knowledge that could be utilized to build the technological founda tions of Japan’s modernization, those who went to the United States after the 1880s increasingly chose to work in the humanities and social sciences so that they could better deal with the kinds of political and social strains and problems arising in Japan as a result of moderniza tion (pp. 103-115). As for the impact on students’ later careers in Japan, Conte indicated that unlike early Meiji students who held positions of re sponsibility and influence in the areas of government and public edu cation, later students worked primarily in the private sectors and in general never received the kind of national recognition and success awarded their predecessors (pp. 185-190). Kashioka (1983), in "Meiji Japan’s Study Abroad Program: Mod ernizing Elites and Reference Societies," examined Japan’s study abroad program during the Meiji period with the focus on 425 Japanese students who were sent to advanced Western countries by the Ministry of Educa tion in Japan. He obtained necessary data from government documents, biographical dictionaries, available historical studies, and newspaper and magazine articles. 50 Kashioka noted that a remarkably high percentage of the return ees became professors at the major imperial universities, and that those who had been selected as participants of study abroad programs by the Ministry of Education were almost automatically promised elite status in Japan. He concluded his study by stating that Meiji Japan represented an ideal typical success story in its effective utiliza tion of reference societies through the study abroad program. After World War II, with the American government’s financial assistance, numerous prominent Japanese were sent to the United States for study.. In ’’ Return to Japan,’’ Cullers (1962) introduced a follow-up study by the Tokyo Follow-up Section, the U.S. Information Agency, of returned Fulbright grantees. The Kansai area of Japan (Kyoto, Osaka, and Kobe) was chosen as the area for this study, since the 228 returnees there represented 11% of the 2,114 returnees in Japan as of January 1961, and the three cities represented diverse interests: Kyoto, primarily a university city; Osaka, a business city; and Kobe, a port city. Questionnaires and interviews were used for the study, and 83% of the responses to the questionnaire were obtained and a selected sample of one-fifth of the returnees were interviewed (p. 22). In spite of some stumbling blocks which derived from the unique nature of the Japanese employment system and a lack of comparative data from a similar control group that did not go to the United States, the following results were noted: 1. It was possible to see many professional benefits which could 51 be attributed directly to having participated in the Fulbright Program. The author mentioned; Employment in Japan is based on a strict system of regular step- grade promotions in position and raises in salary according to length of service, with little regard for personal skills, and labor unions exist mostly to protect these graduated, regulated increases. (p. 23) However, 18% of the interviewees gave evidence of unusual promotions, which was especially significant in view of the Japanese employment system. 2. Study in the United States helped in the long run. After receiving regular advances to higher positions, a returnee could, if he were capable, have more authority. A company would make greater use of him, particularly because of his American contacts and English proficiency. 3. A Fulbright scholar staying in the United States for 2 years could expect much greater increases in salary after his return compared to one who stayed only 1 year, although salary was a most delicate subject to the Japanese (31% of the questionnaire respondents did not answer this question). 4. Ninety-six percent of the interviewees showed a positive correlation between what they had studied in the United States and their fields of work upon returning to Japan, which indicate^ that the vast majority were still in the same field in which they had studied in the United States . 5. Sixty-four percent of the interviewees had an increase in the number of speeches delivered after their return, 52 which would indicate an increased prestige factor. 6. Without exception, they heartily endorsed the Fulbright Program and this was evidenced by many suggestions for its expansion and the fact that nearly half the interviewees volunteered the information that they would like to return to the United States. A Kyoto university professor re sponded that probably 99% of the returnees were very pro- American. (Cullers, 1962, pp. 22-24) Although this study researched only the Fulbright grantees who passed through a rigorous competitive selection process before departure for the United States, it is also true that self or family- sponsored Japanese students were much fewer then than now. Because of this competitive process and the smaller number of self-sponsored students, their contribution from the acquisition of new knowledge was unfathomably much greater than today. 3. Objectives of Japanese Who Study at American Colleges and Universities As noted earlier, increasing numbers of Japanese students are studying in the United States. Because of the great improvement of modem technology and the growth of Japan’s economy, it may have become easier for Japanese to come to the United States to pursue their educa tion. Furthermore, close relationships between the two countries may be the accelerating factor for these educational exchange programs. According to the Executive Secretary of the U.S. Educational (Fulbright) Commission in Japan, the following were found among the 53 most prevalent reasons for the desire to study in the United States, although no statistics were available: 1. To pursue graduate study and/or obtain a graduate degree. 2. To improve one’s English in order to obtain a position with an internationally oriented company. 3. To avoid the rigorous Japanese academic school system. 4. To attend trade/vocational schools. 5. To acquire a "broadening" (international) experience. (Yang, 1976, pp. 55-58) More advanced training in the United States has become increas ingly recognized by Japanese academic and business circles . While a bachelor’s degree from a Japanese university is still a prerequisite for initial entry into Japanese business, a growing number of young businessmen with Japanese B.A.s are being sent to the United States. In the academic world, an American doctorate has become an asset in many fields such as economics, international relations, literature, urban planning, and the natural and applied sciences, which is leading to the development of a new breed of academicians (p. 56). On the other hand, there are many students who want to brush up on their English ability or to experience life abroad not just as tourists on a package tour, but to live and study among people of dif ferent countries. Since Japan has developed to the extent of becoming a modern world economic power, and with the relative ease of obtaining student visas, the objectives of the students and their potential contribution 54 to Japanese society are changing from the early days of development and modernization. 4. Readjustment and Employment Difficulties In 1958 Bennet et al. conducted an extensive study, a type of anthropological study, by using interview techniques with 23 Japanese students still on American campuses and 50 Japanese returnees. Their book, In Search of Identity: The Japanese Overseas Scholar in America and Japan discussed how Japanese students coped with the U.S. experi ence and what happened to them on their return to Japan, emphasizing cultural differences and adaptations. Also, it contained a discussion of the history and development of modem industrialized Japan and of the university system that helped promote this achievement, and an extensive account of the background, family life, education, profes sional life, and personality of the students in Japan. In this study, Bennet et al. found that most of the returnees felt their American experience had helped them, not so much in pay raises or promotions but in providing them with knowledge that they could use on the job. In some fields of employment, such as communica tion (including radio and television), English-language newspapers and schools, foreign companies, embassies, missions, or Christian schools, American training was advantageous and could bring substantial rewards (pp. 73-82). On the other hand, the authors discussed notable exceptions in which lengthy periods abroad might promote a loss of professional con tact, isolation from Japanese professional people, and exclusion from 55 channels of employment reached normally through contacts made at Jap anese universities or especially when, if much of his higher education were abroad, a Japanese's knowledge of the Japanese language, culture, and history might not be up to competitive standards. Also, more tra ditional companies might prefer to recruit employees while they were quite young and more amendable to Japanese ways. Both the time away and the changes resulting from the American experience were marks against the individual in such a setting (pp. 146-153). Passin stated: A Japanese establishes some of his most important associations in high school and college, both with his peer group and with a clique having power in the field which he is interested in enter ing. If he fails to establish these relations, because he has studied abroad or has been away from Japan too long, he will have great difficulty in establishing himself on his return. If he goes after these relations which are well established, then his foreign experiences are regarded as a "plus" to his career, one which adds luster to his reputation and polish to his technical abilities. The difference in the return careers of these two groups is so striking that they have to be studied separately. It is often that those who take undergraduate work abroad are incapable of making the grade in Japanese society. (cited in Du Bois, 1956, pp. 87-88) Brislin and Van Buren (1974) mentioned a critical report in their study in which "a staff member from Japan has reported that Jap anese often hide the fact that they have an American college degree since it is not so useful in job advancement as an in-country degree" (p. 21) . Susskind and Schell (1968) discussed another negative aspect with respect to female returnees: How well the individual could adapt to his colleagues was particularly important to the Japanese woman who, especially among traditional Japanese businessmen, met strong resistance 56 toward her more outspoken "Westernized" manners. Not only her professional but also her personal life was often seriously hampered by her more intellectual and less formal and submis sive attitude. Although this circumstance often caused her great unhappiness, the breath of liberation she had received while abroad made her too dissatisfied with the traditional selfless Japanese female role to return to it. (p. 49) It was reported that many Japanese female students encoun tered difficulties in readjustment upon returning to Japan, although these difficulties depend much on the length of stay and the type of acculturation processes in the United States . Also securing jobs related to their fields of study was found to be even more difficult (Susskind & Schell, 1968; Bennet et al., 1958; White, 1981). On the whole, Japanese female students and/or those who had I not graduated from Japanese universities and did not have influence I or proper connections in Japan encountered a hard time in readjustment I I and securing satisfactory employment. I At the time of reentry, returnees' cultural perspectives were also important factors in readjustment. Bennet et al. (1958) indicated the following four generalized patterns into which Japanese students tended to fall: 1. The students became disenchanted with the United States during their stay and had identified more strongly with Japan even before returning to Japan. 2. The students who were inclined to view the United States as a desirable model for Japan to follow. 3. The students who became double-alienated; that is, they rejected both the United States and Japan. 57 4. The students who held double identification in which one was able to see good and bad aspects of both countries and to perceive his own identity to some extent as a mixture of the two. (p. 140) Naturally returnees who tended to be classified in the second and third patterns experienced more difficulty in readjustment than those classified in the first and fourth patterns. Kumagai (1976) in her doctoral dissertation, "Personality and Social Structural Influences on Attitudes and Social Relations of Japanese Scholars in America and Japan," examined Japanese students' social and psychological adjustment in the United States and upon I their return to Japan. Some of her findings indicated that the Jap- I I anese students preferred Japanese patterns before their educational j sojourn to the United States, but upon return home they showed sig- j nificantly higher favorability toward American egalitarian culture than Japanese hierarchical culture after the exposure to the American way of life (p. xiii). For those returnees who favored American I I ! 1 j egalitarian culture, readjustment to Japanese society and culture I I became an uneasy and often painful process. j ! In summary, Japanese students successfully brought back much j j new knowledge and technology to Japan, and American education received ; I i by them was professionally advantageous for both society and individ- j ual, although this was manifested not as an immediate impact, but in ' the long run. Especially at the time of modernization of the nation, i these students had played a significant role. One of the reasons for the success of those early student-abroad programs was very careful 58 j selection of Japanese grantees and a very great need of society for the I I knowledge they brought back with them, I However, because of the uniqueness of the Japanese social and I employment systems and cultural differences, returnees encountered a j hard time in readjustment and sometimes in securing a job. In order j to facilitate more understanding of such problems, an historical over- j view of Japanese overseas students, cultural and social problems, and I I the unique Japanese employment system which often caused readjustment j difficulties to returnees are presented in the next chapter. Chapter Summary This chapter has been concerned with the review of related 1 literature in the following three areas: foreign students after return to their home countries from the United States, the concern of foreign I students presently in American institutions of higher education about career success following their return home, and Japanese students who have returned home from the United States , The principal goals of foreign student programs have been j stated as the promotion of international understanding and good will, I ! and the educational and professional development of individuals to con- I tribute to the socio-political and economic development of other coun- I j tries . I I Reviewed literature revealed that a great majority of foreign i I alumni who have returned to their countries obtained their professional goals, secured rather important positions in their society, and were satisfied with their positions. However, returnees' professional 59 r j achievements at home were often influenced by factors such as sponsor- jship, influence, field of study, level of study in the U.S., length of I stay in the U.S., secondary skills, practical experience, and needs I and planning in the home country. Quite a number of these alumni successfully transmitted the knowledge and skills which they acquired in the United States. Some literature indicated the differences and difficulties in applying the knowledge and skills between developed and developing countries, and in the positions and the fields in which these alumni were employed in their home countries. Also, studies I indicated that foreign student programs have been contributing to the I ! achievement of their own goals: the promotion of international under- j standing and good will, and the development of friendship and support I ! for the United States. I j On the other hand, some literature highlighted a number of j critical readjustment problems which foreign students encountered upon returning to their home countries. Younger students who were the most alienated from and uninfluential in their home culture, as well as those from countries distrustful of the United States and those from j rigid societies, especially, met with difficulties in the re-orienta- j tion to life in their home countries. / ' In the second part of this chapter, literature concerning I ' foreign students presently in American institutions of higher educa tion was presented relating to their future impact after they have returned to their home countries. It was found that many foreign students came to the United States seeking to receive superior educa tion or one which they cannot obtain in their home countries, and the 60 i United States university programs for them have been successful. i I On the other hand, many studies indicated the irrelevance of ! the curricula for these students, especially those from developing ! countries, and some fields of their studies such as horticulture, science, etc. did not meet the needs of their home countries effi ciently. Some suggested the necessity for adjusting the curricula to the needs of foreign students, and their home countries and national environment. As to the main factor for returning home, good employment opportunities at home was indicated as most important. Others were obligation to their families, a chance to put their education to good ; use, etc. If these needs are not fulfilled, these students tend to j remain in the United States. i Some suggested the selection of students who seek training in I I the fields relevant to their country's needs, and who have psychologi- I cal roots in their homeland; also, the need for career counseling for ; foreign students was cited along with counseling concerning the.prob- I lem connected with the return home and aid in maintaining ties with I the home countries. I Finally, this chapter dealt with literature, although not many recent studies were available concerning Japanese students who have returned to their homeland. The literature showed that Japanese students successfully brought back much new knowledge and many new skills, which were professionally advantageous to both society and the individual, although this was manifested not as much on immediate as on long-term impact. Especially, at the time of modernization of 61 the nation, these students played a significant role. Successful selection of scholarship grantees and the societal needs for them were noted as reasons for such success. However, because of the uniqueness of the Japanese social and employment system and cultural differences, returnees encountered a hard time in readjusting and securing satisfying employment. Although much of this chapter has dealt with studies concerning foreign students in the United States in general, this research is a case study on Japanese students who had studied in the United States and returned to Japan, All literature reviewed was necessary in col lecting general information on foreign students in the United States, drawing similarities and/or differences among them, revealing the special backgrounds of Japanese students who studied in the United States, and, finally, indicating various problems Japanese students faced upon their return to Japan that were unique to Japanese nationals, CHAPTER III BACKGROUND OF JAPANESE OVERSEAS STUDENTS To better understand the problems encountered by Japanese over seas students upon returning to Japan, it is necessary to delve into the historical background of Japanese overseas students and idiocyn- cratic features of Japanese culture, society, and employment system. In this chapter, thus, a brief historical overview of Japanese students who studied abroad, mainly in the United States, was presented Secondly, cultural and social problems that often cause readjustment difficulties for returned Japanese students were explained. Lastly, the unique Japanese employment system was described. Historical Overview 1. Overseas Japanese Students in the Pre-Modern Period (Before 1868) First Japanese Overseas Students--China In ancient times, Japan absorbed a great deal of knowledge and technology from neighboring China; in this process devoted scholars and priests were important mediators. In 587 A.D., an ardent promotor i of Buddhism, Soga no Umako, sent young nuns to study Buddhism in Korea- they may be considered the first Japanese students who studied abroad (Sansom, 1973). However, Korea was merely a transit station en route .to sophisticated Chinese culture, and from the seventh century on Japan 63 maintained direct relations with China, especially during the Tang dynasty, Nihon-shoki (Chronicles of Japan) states that Japan sent its first official envoys to China in the Sui dynasty in 607 A.D. Along with those envoys many students and priests were sent to China and they brought back tremendous new knowledge (Uehara, 1979). Because navigation and shipping were quite premature, their journey was very risky and it was hard to cross the East China Sea. It called for great sacrifices from those patriotic and enthusiastic youths. Those who overcame the ordeal and returned to Japan safely had greatly contributed to the formation of the character and structure of the Japanese personality, culture, and society. Sansom (1973) pointed out that "they were pioneers in an important task, and some of them played an important part in Japan upon their return" (p. 88). The word ryugakusei (overseas students) first came to be used around this time and it projects an image of bearers of enlightnment from the lands beyond the sea (Bennet et al,, 1958). In 894 A.D., however, those official missions to China were discontinued because of domestic political changes in Japan and the decline of the Tang dynasty in China. Since then, there has been a limited but steady flow of students between the two nations and Japan devoted herself in forming an unique culture in the light of knowledge absorbed from China (Obata & Tokino, 1964) . Learning of Western Knowledge Japan first encountered Western knowledge and technology in 1543 when a Portugese drifted ashore on the coast of Kyushu. He 64 introduced firearms to Japan, which spread all over the country during the War Period (16th and early 17th centuries). During that period, Christianity found its way into the country under the leadership of Portuguese and Spanish missionaries. Japan absorbed Western knowledge from those countries, but its method of learning was mainly to depend on translated materials and on teachers invited from those countries. Fearing the destruction of their feudal order and even the pos sibility of foreign domination over the country, the Tokugawa outlawed Christianity in 1612. Moreover, in 1635, the Tokugawa prohibited Jap anese nationals to go abroad and those returned from abroad were pun ished by death. From 1641 to 1853, Japan put off the contact with the rest of the world, and a small Dutch trading station on an island in Nagasaki harbor, Dejima, became the only window to the Western world (Obata 6c Tokino, 1964) . During the Edo Period (1603-1867), Western knowledge was ob tained mainly through translations of a limited number of Dutch and Chinese books. Beginning in the 18th century, Dutch learning became very popular among the intellectual clique. It should be noted that this Dutch learning provided an important foundation for learning from the West later. No youth, however, went abroad for studying except a few at the end of this period. Japanese Overseas Students during the Edo Period In the middle of the 17th century, there is a record of one Japanese having studied in Holland, but it is said he concealed his study abroad when he returned to Japan (Watanabe, 1977). Toward the 65 end of the Edo Period, small numbers of determined Japanese youths made their way abroad in spite of the strict regulations against foreign travel. Many of these, like Manjiro Nakahama and Jo Niijima, later returned to Japan from their study in the United States and made an important contribution to the modernization of the country (Bennet et al., 1958; Conte, 1977). Manj iro Nakahama, son of a fisherman who was rescured at sea by an American whaling captain in 1841, accompanied him to the United States and was educated in New Haven, Massachusetts. He was considered to be the first Japanese to have ever received education in an American school. He returned to Japan in 1851 and successfully transmitted what he had learned and experienced in the United States . He later became an interpreter for Commodore Perry and served as a mediator between the two nations (Watanabe, 1977; Bennet et al., 1958). Niijima left Japan secretly and in 1864 he arrived in the United States after a year of hardship. Religious-minded Americans helped him with his education and in 1870 he graduated from Amherst College and entered Andover Seminary. Upon returning to Japan later, he not only contributed to spreading Christianity in Japan, but founded the Doshisha University in Kyoto-- one of the outstanding Christian institutions in the country (Watanabe, 1977; Bennet et al., 1958). In 1853, Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry of the United States arrived at Uraga Straits with his squadron of "black ships ." As the consequence, Japan after its two-century-long isolation, finally opened the country to the world. At that time, it is said that Japanese peo ple were very frightened by the modem Western science and technology 66 'symbolized by the black ships. Soon people realized that it was impos - I sible to absorb such superior Western knowledge solely depending upon and studying books. They also realized that it was essential either to send Japanese to foreign countries for study or to invite the au thorities from the Western countries to Japan (Obata & Tokino, 1964). At the end of the Edo Period, the Shogunate, being influenced by the growing sentiment toward Western learning as well as by visible evidence of Western power, started absorbing Western knowledge be latedly. In 1855, the Shogunate created the Bansho Shirabedokoro I(Office for the Study of Western Writings), and later this became the jKaiseisho, nucleus of the later Tokyo Imperial University (Bennet jet al., 1958). Some feudal lords had been maintaining some contacts with Western countries, especially in connection with their armed forces. Bennet et al. further pointed out that not only were they ■ secretly sending promising young men abroad to engage in formal studies, but the Shogunate itself began to do so and many of those sent out later became very important to the anti-Shogunate government in the operation of the new state. Arinori Mori, for instance, who later played an important part in the development of Japan's educational system, was sent by the Lord of Satsuma, the southernmost fief. Along with other promising youths from Satsuma, Mori was sent to Europe to study in 1865, and in 1867 he set foot in the United States for an additional year of study. In the early controversies over the educational system in Japan, it is said that "he was usually on the side of American theory against Germany" (Bennet et al., 1958). 6 7 i In such a manner, a number of Japanese received, by design or accident, some education in American and European schools before the formation of the new Meiji government. Bennet et al. (1958) indicated: Almost all of them had distinguished careers, because their return to Japan during that time coincided with the period of Japan's most urgent need for the very skills and knowledge they possessed. However, the pre-Meiji students were few in number, and it was their very scarcity that gave them importance. (p. 30) Schwantes (1955) also noted that "they could apply their new knowledge immediately to the problems of the rapidly changing Japanese society, and education in a foreign country often proved a passkey to an illustrious career" (p. 375). According to the study by Ishizuki (1972), it was estimated I that between 1860 and 1867 a total of 153 Japanese were sent to Western ! countries, in which 33 went to the United States. The Shogunate spon- I sored students usually went to Europe, while other students, lacking I I necessary connections and status for official sponsorship, often ended i up in the United States . Conte (1977) stated that "if more students I j did not go to the United States during these years it was because of the American Civil War" (p. 22). In any case, the United States has always been an influence to be reckoned with since then. The pre-Meiji Japanese students who studied abroad, besides j their direct contributions to the country, left another important con sequence. Conte pointed out that many of such students became active influences on sending students abroad in the Meiji period. All who had experienced overseas study at the end of the Edo period continued to have a respect for what they had experienced abroad and to realize the importance of sending more Japanese nationals to the developed 68 IWes tern countries. Conte further pointed out that overseas study by Ipre-Meiji Japanese students had been more observation than actual jstudy, and that those who went after the Meiji government was formed I were most insistent on a formal and specialized course of study be- I cause of the kind of knowledge Japan needed at that time. I 2. From the Meiji Era through i World War II I I jLearning of Western Knowledge jduring the Meiji Period j The year 1868 marked the end of the feudal era in Japan, and, I thereafter, this nation entered a period of rapid modernization. Even I though Japan took off on her modernization belatedly, she had an ad vantage in that much of the knowledge necessary to that process already existed in the Western countries. The problem was how to import it into Japan and place it in Japanese hands. There were mainly the fol lowing three methods by which such knowledge could be transferred from Western countries to Japan: 1. Translation of the foreign literature. j 2. Utilization of foreign experts and teachers. ! j 3. Sending of Japanese nationals overseas to study. , All three of these methods were used extensively, but it is generally agreed that dispatching Japanese nationals overseas to study was most directly and continuously encouraged by the new government (Conte, 1977). The Charter Oath of the new Emperor Meiji, delivered on April 6, 1868, announced the principle that "knowledge shall be sought among 69 I ithe nations of the world so that the welfare of the Empire may be pro- I I Imoted" (Hall, 1949, p. 30), In 1871, the feudal lords were each in structed by the government to select from one of three promising young jmen for foreign study. Two hundred and fifty were so picked and were jsent abroad with government stipends, more than half of them selected Ito go to the United States (Bennet et al., 1958). The Educational Law of 1872 made formal provision for overseas jstudy. Each year 180 government scholars were to be sent abroad, 150 {graduates of the middle school for terms of 5 years each, and 30 gradu- iates of the university for terms of 3 years each. The students in both I {groups were to be under the careful supervision of the Ministry of Edu- j ; cation, and, upon their return to Japan, they were required to work for jthe government or else refund the money advanced for their education I(Mombusho, 1954, p. 30). William Griffs (1916), an American teacher who taught science in Japan from 1871 to 1874, and an authority on things Japanese, characterized this experience: "Never before, on so large a scale and for so long a period, was there such a migration of elected young people, a body of real students, leaving their country, not for trade or gain, but for the definite purpose of mental culture" (p. 9). One of the significant points of Japanese experience in educating students abroad in the late 19th century lay in the size and scope of the move ment . 70 I Japanese Students Who Studied j in the United States Because of America's role in the opening of Japan, early stu- I dents were in large part directed to the United States to learn what they could from this great nation. In 1872, a state mission headed by •Prince Iwakura, which took five girls along with it for study in the United States, reported that they found an estimated 500 Japanese stu dents already in attendance at American institutions of learning (Bennet et al., 1958). Basically, what Japan needed at the time was Western-trained people, and it would have sent its students to any Western country that would provide suitable education, but the United States captured, and for some time held, Japanese attention. In the I j first decade of the Meiji period American influence was very strong in I 1 Japanese education (Bennet et al., 1958). I The students who went abroad in the early Meiji years were j virtually guaranteed subsequent success at home because of the urgent I need for foreign skills in the country. However, after about 1900 : the young Japanese who wished to make a success in his career found it ! necessary to choose his course very skillfully, to establish his con nections as early as possible, and to maintain them carefully (Bennet ! et al., 1958). Following the establishment of institutions of higher learning and the formation of school cliques, elite networks were I taking root in Japanese soil. The student who interrupted his normal I educational process to go abroad for study or who left Japan before I these clique connections were established, very often found himself outside the channels of the standard achievement route and experienced 71 ’difficulty in making his way in his career development in spite of his lability and professional training (Bennet et al., 1958). j There are several studies done about Japanese overseas students in the Meiji period. But differences in focus, purpose, and methodol ogy have resulted in many discrepancies among the number of Japanese who studied abroad. However, James Thomas Conte (1977) in his doctoral I dissertation. Overseas Study in the Meiji Period: Japanese Students in [America. 1877-1902, obtained a general understanding of the size and I scope of the movement through the records of passports issued annually by Japanese Foreign Ministry. According to Conte's study, a total of 11,248 passports were I issued to students to study overseas during the Meiji period (1868- ! 1902), and 6,395 (56.9%) of them were issued for travel to the United (States. Approximately 1,000 Japanese studied in American institutions jof higher education, which would represent 16.5% of the total of 6,395 'Overseas study passports issued for the United States in those years. Conte stated: Considering that only a small percentage of the total number of students would have had the combination of ability, money, and time to attend an American college, it is not unreasonable to assume that if 1,000 Japanese were studying at that level, 5,000 more would have been attending grade or high schools, business or commercial colleges, or unaccredited institutions. (pp. 27-29) Conte covered 655 Japanese students for his study and found a very high return rate for those college level students. Over 90% of those students had returned to Japan to live and work for the mature parts of their lives. Another 5% of the students, for whom information 72 •was available, then either died while studying in the United States lor settled abroad permanently. Although other Western countries such as Germany, France, and England were also popular countries of students' choice, the United 'States, beginning in 1885, acquired and maintained a solid majority i - I ■of the students who were going abroad each year. Conte stated the fol- I 'lowing four reasons for the popularity of the United States: 1. For the Japanese, America was the most inexpensive country in which to travel and live. 2. The spiritual affinity many Japanese felt with the United States and its citizens. 3. The influence of American missionaries and teachers in Japan. 4. The change in the American educational system in the latter part of the 19th century, which included the introduction of graduate level studies, the development of the social science curriculum, and the advancement of physical and natural sciences. (pp. 33-39) Japanese Students in Europe and the United States Although the popularity of the United States grew steadily among the total number of students throughout the period, Conte indi cated that there were also opposite trends that developed between foreign countries vis-à-vis officially and privately sponsored students; Of the 415 officially sponsored students sent overseas between 1868 and 1881, 34% were in the United States, 26% in England, and only 11% 73 in Germany. But between 1882 and 1895 the position of the United States and Germany were practically reserved. Of the 186 officially sponsored students sent in those years, only 8% went to the United States, while I 35% went to Germany. By the middle of the 1880s, Japan underwent a I ; process of Germanification in which the German example was replacing I those of other Western countries, including the United States, as the I route which Japan should follow in many aspects of its development j(Ishizuki, 1972). This growing emphasis on Germany for foreign study I was directly influenced by the government's increasing interest in Ithe scientific, military, political and legal methods, and the excel- ilent educational system of that country (Conte, 1977). I In comparison to the government's program, the number of pri vately sponsored students for the United States increased dramatically I between 1868 and 1895. Conte reported that from 1868 through 1881 ! there were 530 passports issued for privately sponsored students, of I which 31.5% were for the United States, 25.5% China, 15.6% England, and 5.8% Germany. During the years between 1882 and 1895, the number of such passprts increased to 4,210; of these 61.4% were for the United States, 10.2% China, 6.3% Germany, and 3.7% England (Conte, 1977). Throughout the Meiji period (1868-1912), the United States held the dominant position in educating Japanese overseas students. From the beginning of the 20th century, there was a change in Japanese attitudes toward foreign nations, and an American scholarship, I I except in a few fields, came to be looked upon as inferior to European. i : It was generally viewed that although America was highly developed 74 ■technologically, it was lacking in culture, philosophy, and theoretical ^ ! science (Schwantes, 1955). The more serious scholars headed for Eu rope--to Germany for medicine, theoretical sciences, philosophy, law, and economics; to England for law and engineering; to France for the arts (Bennet et al., 1958). Germany, then was getting the focus of students and gained popularity. However, Japanese participation on the Allied side during jworld War I brought a reversal in the attitude of Japanese toward t foreign countries. With Europe embroiled in war, the government began to send students to the United States again. While, in 1903 there was only 1 Japanese student with a government scholarship in the United States, in 1919 there were 80. There was a revival of American pres tige among the Japanese, and students turned their eyes toward the United States again (Bennet et al., 1958). In the latter 1920s, the mood of friendliness toward the United States began to give away to growing hostility and finally resulted in tragic conflict. The Japanese immigration problem, and the continuing discriminatory actions by government and private agen- icies in the United States, heightened the tension and hostility. In I Iaddition, the Great Depression hit the world economy and Japan, along [with other nations, was under pressure. Finally the expansionistic [program of the Japanese government led toward hostility and coolness I between the two nations (Bennet et al., 1958). I The deterioration of Japanese-American relations reached its jtragic climax in World War II, and in the process study in the United States became increasingly disadvantageous. Bennet et al. reported 75 that the Japanese government sent almost no leading scholars to the United States, and fewer good students went of their own accord. I I The returnees were regarded with increasing suspicion and gradually I jhad less influence in Japan. During the war years, Japanese who received education in the United States experienced a hard time in Japan, both socially and professionally. Not only had their American experience given them no special prestige, but it became a positive handicap in many cases-- especially for those who were identified as entirely American trained ! (Bennet et al., 1958). ' Because of the world-wide war and intense hostility between I I Japan and the United States, students had virtually ceased to leave I Japan for overseas study by the middle of 1941. It is reported that {only about 40 students chose to remain in the United States throughout !World War II (Bennet et al., 1958). I ; 3. After World War II i 'American Influence ! In August 1945 Japan surrendered, and, thereafter. Allied forces occupied Japan for about seven years. The leadership of the occupation was in the hands of the government of the United States, which carried out the policies of demilitarization and democratization in all aspects of government and life in Japan. The attempt was made to put new ideas and institutions expressing the American concept of a democratic society in place of the old order in Japan. Japan, then, needed new ideology to make the nation strong. 76 ! wise, and peaceful. Many people were attracted not only by America's I democratic ideas, but by its abundance, order, and prosperity. Once again, Japan looked to the West, particularly to the American con queror, to fill new needs. Many Japanese felt that it was necessary to study the ideas that underlay the reforms by the Americans, as well as the actual practices of the new institutions. Consequently, many of those who were most deeply involved in the operation of the reforms I were strongly motivated to visit the United States (Bennet et al., ; 1958) . 1 Japanese Who Studied in I the United States ! American-educated persons found doors were open for them again j In many fields such as education, technology, and bureaucracy, they j came to seek the assistance of those who could contribute to the j building of new Japan. The Japan Radio Corporation, for instance, I recruited people with American radio and television skills and experi- { ences; the National Personnel Authority welcomed people with American I experience who might explain American bureaucratic procedures; and ! educators paid new attention to American-trained people who could help promote the Occupation's educational reforms (Bennet et al., i 1958) . j It should be noted here that the development of the new uni- j versity system had had a very important impact on studying in the : United States . The Japanese university became identical to that of j the United States, so that American academic degrees represented the j same number of years of schooling as did degrees from Japanese I 77 .■universities. Hence, the American degree has attained legal recogni tion and equivalency; officially, though, sometimes not actually, American degrees are accorded the same treatment as Japanese degrees . I Also, because of the Americanization of the Japanese university system, I there has been a great need for Japanese administrators to learn about the operation of American university curriculum, the general education : program, etc. (Bennet et al., 1958). During the early years of the Occupation, Japan was too poor to finance overseas scholars, and travel abroad was prevented except in special cases. Therefore, up to 1949 very few Japanese were able to leave Japan for overseas study. In 1949, the Occupation allocated a portion of the Government and Relief in Occupied Areas (GARIOA) fund for scholarships. At the same time, private support for overseas educa tion of Japanese occurrs on a large scale. Although it was very compe- I jtitive, a large number of Japanese applied for a chance to study in the I United States. From 1949 to 1956, over 4,000 received either American i ; government or private scholarships (Bennet et al., 1958). I I The GARIOA scholarship program was terminated during the 1952- [53 school year when the Fulbright and Smith-Mundt programs were started and administered by the State Department of the United States. However, I [during the peak year of GARIOA scholarships, 1951-52, 500 Japanese I [students were sent to the United States. The Fulbright and Smith-Mundt grants have been far fewer, approximately 150 per year, and tended to be awarded to more mature scholars, often with American connections already established (Bennet et al., 1958). 78 j In the 1951-55 period there was a growing normalization in the ! overseas study program. Even though American government funds were [reduced in volume, other sources, both Japanese and American--such as I [foundations, universities, corporations, private persons, and Japanese i government --began to take over (Bennet et al., 1958). I Today, the number of Japanese students in the United States has I increased tremendously. The annual census of the Institute of Interna tional Education (1983) reported that 14,020 Japanese students were enrolled in American colleges and universities in the year 1981-82. If the Japanese students enrolled in all the universities, summer pro grams, commercial English schools, and vocational programs in the United States were included, this number would be much greater. In the past, Japanese students successfully took back much new knowledge and technology to Japan, and American education received by them manifested itself in forms of a long-term, rather than an imme diate, impact. Especially at the time of the modernization of the nation, these students had played a significant role. One of the rea sons for the success of those early study-abroad programs was very careful selection of Japanese student participants, and a very great need by society for the knowledge they brought back with them. On the whole, Japan's achievement today is substantially derived from the experiences gained by those students who studied abroad and later contributed to the building of the nation with their overseas-trained- brains. 79 Readjustment Problems When a person lives in a culture other than his own for a significant length of time, his attitudes and outlook change (Useem & Useem, 1955; Bochner, 1972). Japanese students who engage in overseas education are not an exception, and they often experience severe mal adjustment upon returning to Japan. As stated in the previous section, returned Japanese students contributed greatly to the nation, but in many cases, such contribu tions had been made because of their great striving and often at the expense of individuals. Nearly all of the literature dealing with Japanese who have returned from their foreign experience reveal prob- 'lems in their readjustment to Japanese society. Also, it is often mentioned that many Japanese who have studied in overseas institutions for a certain length of time encounter difficulties in employment, adjustment to the job, and interpersonal relations at work. In this part, certain cultural, social, and educational as pects, women's position and the employment system in Japan which often i become the cause of such problems were explained. 1. Characteristics of Japanese Culture and Society Japan, a homogeneous country with an experience of over two centuries of national isolation from foreign countries, forms an unique culture and society. Moreover, although Kneller (1965) stated that no culture is wholly integrated, Japanese culture is quite strongly integrated to its own foci because of its topography, racial homogeneity and historical background. 80 Looking at the culture of Japan and that of the United States, there are similarities in many respects; their industrial orientations toward life and nature, their interest in mass-cultural pursuits like spectator sports and TV, and their success with capitalist enterprise. However, there exist many significant differences between the two na tions; among these differences the greatest are probably those relating to the norms and patterns of interpersonal behavior (Bennet et al., 1958). And for those returning to Japan after a lengthy absence from home, such differences bring about bitter adjustment problems. Reischauer (1977) in The Japanese stated that the key Japanese cultural and social value is "harmony," and the emphasis on the group has a pervasive influence on every aspect of Japanese life such as family, school, work, life style, and interpersonal relations. Accord ing to Reischauer: Where the American may seek to emphasize his independence and originality, the Japanese will do the reverse. . . . A personality type which in the United States might seem merely bluff and forceful but still normal is defined in Japan as a neurotic state. Cooperativeness, reasonableness, and under standing of others are the virtues most admired, not personal drive, forcefulness and individual self-assertion. (p. 135) The tendency to act collectively has long been noted as an unique feature of the Japanese. Even the first constitution of Japan, | which was proclaimed by Prince Shotoku in the early seventh century, pointed out the importance of "harmony" in civil life. The first of 17 articles of the Constitution states: Harmony is a virtue, and make it a rule not to dispute. People tend to form factions and few men are reasonable. . . . When superiors maintain harmony while subordinates keep good company among themselves and do not argue, reason will stand on its own. (Imai, 1975, pp. 3-4) 81 Also Japanese often have been described as dependent in the matter of interpersonal relations, whereas Americans have been de scribed as independent (Benedict, 1954; Doi, 1973). Minoura (1979) in her doctoral dissertation indicated the basic difference in inter personal relationships between Japanese and Americans as follows: In the American conception, the person, as a basic unit of actions, has a self or ego with a definite boundary, in which the function of decision-making is considered to be located. To the Japanese [however] "the other" is the point of refer ence used to define one's position in the world. (p. 52) Interdependence rather than dependence may be more suitable to describe Japanese interpersonal relations. And maintenance of such "harmony" and understanding "the other" is the essential key to smooth inter- 'personal relations in Japan. ! i In contrasting Japanese and American societies, Reischauer (1977) also mentioned that "there is much greater Japanese emphasis ; on hierarchy" (p. 127). Japanese interpersonal relations and the group into which Japanese belong are usually structured on the assump- I ition that there will be hierarchical difference, and it is natural for a Japanese to shape one's interpersonal relations in accordance with : the various levels of hierarchy (Reischauer, 1977). On the other hand,j in American society, its egalitarian culture implies the equal hori- j zontal relationships among interacting individuals within the same, I I class . I I Nakane (1978) in her Japanese Society indicated the unique nature of Japanese social structure as the "vertical principle," and called the structure of Japanese society the "vertical society," The main idea of the vertical principle is found in the basic social 82 jrelationship between two individuals belonging to the same hierarch- jically organized group where an explicit gradation of status and rank- !ing relationship from superior to inferior exists. This superior- I inferior relationship represents the characteristic feature of social I structure in the formation of various institutions in Japan, such as [family and kinship relationships, schools and universities, business firms, and government bureaucracy. And it is considered essential that every Japanese be aware of his or her own status and rank in the inter action situation. In the analysis of relationships between individuals and Jap anese social structure, Nakane also introduced two concepts: attribute and frame. One type of social structure is organized on the basis of i ithe individual's attribute, shikaku: the other, on the basis of the [individual's situational position in a given frame, b^. Japanese have a strong group consciousness, and for example, when one is asked about his occupation he is more likely to answer with the name of his company rather than the type of work he does. A Japanese prefers to identify himself not by attribute, but by frame or W . In Japanese society, ba (frame) is of primary importance and shikaku is a secondary matter. Nakane further indicated that all phases of Japanese society is the extension of kin relationship and Japanese have a strong con sciousness about the distinction of uchl (gemeinschaft) and soto (gesellschaft). As long as one belongs to uchi, he is very secure, but being outside, soto, can be very painful to survive. Thus, belonging to uchi and awareness of are important elements in Japanese inter personal relationship. And, unlike the individualism in the United 83 •States, kin relationship is the basic clue which penetrates all phases ! ! of Japanese social structure. ! Kumagai (1976) in her doctoral dissertation found that Japanese I students preferred Japanese patterns before their departure for the I I United States, but upon their return to Japan, the trend was reversed. The returned Japanese students showed significantly higher favorability I toward American egalitarian culture than Japanese hierarchical culture. i [For those who favor American egalitarian culture, readjustment to "ver tical society" has been uneasy and often painful. I In Japanese society, deviated Japanese are often put in an I I ambiguous state. Vogel (1971) in Japan's New Middle Class noted that jhis research informants in Tokyo showed no feeling of obligation and ,little feeling of sympathy for strangers. Or in Japan as Number One. Vogel (1979) also mentioned the following: j In Japan the deviant in a group can be isolated, ridiculed, f ignored, and banished (mura hachibu) from the group as in the 1 traditional village. It is difficult for a deviant to stand ; against a group or for a creative misfit to gain the support j he would gain in America. (p. 238) I Those who are acculturated to foreign culture after a long period I abroad and cannot fit back into Japanese society naturally encounter I difficulties in being accepted in the society. I i 2. Japanese Female ! Almost from the beginning of the Meiji period, women have been I included among the Japanese students going to the United States for I study. As mentioned earlier, in 1872 five Japanese girls were sent to I the United States with the Iwakura Mission to be educated along Western i I 84 lines. Young Umeko Tsuda was one of them, who later founded the well- jknown Tsuda College for Women in order to train girls for self- I I supporting careers as teachers of English (Schwantes, 1955) . Many jalumnae of this school went to the United States for further study iand subsequently contributed to women's education and status in Japan. I i j However, almost every woman receiving overseas education has I encountered difficulties in readjustment to society upon returning to ! jJapan. Bennet et al. (1958) examined autobiographies written in the last 100 years by Japanese women who once received education in the United States. They found that all of them disclosed happiness during their sojourn in the United States and frustration when they returned to Japan because of traditional women's position in Japanese society. Traditionally women have been given a lower status in the family and society in Japan, The old Confucian saying that "a woman should in youth obey her father, in maturity her husband, and in old age her son" still has some validity (Reischauer, 1977). This philos ophy has always been at the bottom of the Japanese mind, and along with I I the long feudal experience it restricts the freedom of women and forces jthem to subordinate to men. j The moral code before World War II enjoined the wife "to be first up in the morning, the last to go to bed, to take her bath only after her husband and all his family members had bathed, and, in most matters, to sacrifice her own 'self interests for those of her husband and his family" (Pharr, 1975, p. 174). The main objective of education for women was to prepare women for their roles as good wives and wise mothers. The status of women in a typical family in the modern period 85 up to 1945 can be well seen in The Chrysanthemum and the Sword; Whatever one's age, one's position in the hierarchy [in Jap anese society] depends on whether one is male or female. The Japanese woman walks behind her husband and has a lower status. Even women who on occasions when they wear American clothes walk alongside and precede him through a door, again fall to the rear when they have donned their kimonos. The Japanese daughter of the family must get. along as best she can while the presents, the attentions, and the money for education go to her brothers. Even when higher schools were established for young women, the prescribed courses were heavily loaded with instruction in etiquette and bodily movement. Serious intellectual training was not on a par with boys', and one principal of such a school, advocating for his upper middle class students some instruction in European languages, based his recommendation on the desirabil ity of their being able to put their husband's books back in the bookcase right side up after they had dusted them. (Benedict, 1954, pp. 53-54) Since the end of World War II, the definition of women's role I in many areas of Japanese society has changed drastically toward reduc ation of segregation of the sexes. Under the new constitution in 1946, (Japanese women gained full political rights and a guarantee of their equality as men. Theoretically, the legal basis for Japanese women's ■participation in family and social life is similar to that of the United {states . However, the traditional concept toward women still has been rooted firmly in historical concepts and women have not gained as many opportunities as men in the society. Today, there is no question that women's education has been improved and their enrollment in schools at all levels has been increas f I ing at a remarkable rate during the postwar period. In 1955, only 47.4% of the female students went beyond compulsory education to enter upper secondary schools, whereas by 1979, the figure stood at 93%, Changes at the college level are equally dramatic. In 1955, only 14.9% of the female students went on to higher education, but by 1979 the 86 figure had increased to 33.1% (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan, 1981) . These figures indicate that Japanese women today are climbing up the educational ladder. However, educational patterns for males and females are not exactly the same. Women now go on to higher education, but a great many often choose junior colleges for women instead of the four-year universities. In 1979, women made up 88.5% of the enrollment in junior colleges, but only 22.1% of the enrollment in four-year universities (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan, 1981). When girls choose their fields of study, fewer girls in second ary school take vocational courses that will leave them with some skill. Significantly more girls than boys take a general academic course even though they do not plan to go to college (Tomoda, 1972). Differences between men and women's study patterns are even clearer at the college level. The largest number of female students enroll in literature courses instead of those that lead more directly to careers (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan, 1981). These trends are indicative of the concern of Japanese parents about the roles their daughters should play in society. Parents tend I to emphasize university education for their sons and regard the upper I secondary or junior college level as adequate for their dzughters. Besides, many parents, and daughters as well, continue to feel that I jgirls and boys have totally different goals, and that girls' goals are I compromised if a young woman goes to school in a tough, competitive ! coeducational environment. i The number of women in the labor force has also increased I -greatly over the last three decades. Takeuchi (1982) reported that in |l981 70% of the women aged 23 had jobs, and these 63% worked for busi ness corporations. This ratio of working women to the total female I population ranks Japanese women among the world's highest. i j In spite of such improved figures in employment, there exists ja great difference between men and women in types of work, promotions, wages, and working conditions. Cook and Hayashi (1980) reported that j"the Japanese employment system probably exploits women more exten sively than in the case of any other industrialized country" (p.^2). Women tend to be assigned to jobs that are secondary to men's on vir tually every count. It is obvious that the office and work style of a Japanese or ganization- -which most often requires task assignments to teams, not individuals--long hours, and total commitment is very hard for women to i jachieve, particularly in a society where women are assigned the tasks jof home and child care (White, 1981). It is assumed that paid work jfor women occurs only before marriage and pregnancy. Most women, as iReischauer (19 77) pointed out, have been considered "temporary employ- I ees ." i I In a poll conducted in 1972, 80% of the respondents indicated agreement with the idea that "the role of the man is to work outside jthe home and the role of the woman is to remain inside and protect the 1 {home" (Jameson, 1978a, pp. 1-2). And in 1976, 40% of the respondents [still showed agreement with the same idea (Jameson, 1978b). I ' The notion that a woman's place is in the home is gradually fading. But most parents still believe that a woman's main life 88 purpose is to marry and become a full-time housewife. The expectation that a woman should be "a good wife and wise mother" is still permeat ing every corner of Japanese society. Then, what would happen to a liberated woman who received an overseas education and returned to Japan? Naturally she encounters tremendous difficulty in adjusting to the role and behavior that the •society expects of a woman. White (1981) stated the experience of jJapanese female students who studied overseas and returned to Japan as jthe following: I The woman students I've known have had a relatively easy adjust ment to life overseas, but a much harder adjustment back to Japan. Their personal life in Japan was suddenly hedged-in by restric- tions--a 10 p.m. curfew, an onslaught of omiai [meeting to intro duce prospective spouses], a sort of unspoken "dress code." They also become aware that being different is suspect and that the behavioral requisites for all kinds of relationships must be re learned, often along with the polite language which had fallen into disuse overseas. In terms of employment, the foreign- educated are often seen as possessing specialist skills not use ful in many contexts. (p. 25) In such ways, the traditional women's role made them dissatisfied and often caused them unhappy consequences. 3. Japanese Education Today Japan has achieved high levels of educational participa tion and achievement. Education is compulsory in elementary and junior high school. Over 90% of the students go to senior high schools and almost all of them graduate, and approximately 35 to 40% of those students proceed to postsecondary education. Not only has Japan such large enrollment figures, but it has been maintaining a high quality of education. It is not an exaggeration that the present economic success of Japan owes much to its educational achievements. ________________________________________________________________________________ 89 Then, what would happen if students do not go through the formal education channel in Japan because of their study abroad? Many students, especially those who take undergraduate work abroad, en counter great difficulties in establishing themselves upon their return to Japan. As the cause of such difficulties, one of the major characteristics of Japanese education can be raised here. Namely, Japan has formed Gakureki-shakai where one's success in life tends to be determined by what kind of formal education he has received. Reischauer (1977) called Gakureki-shakai "Japan's modern merit- Jocracy," and stated that "formal education and examinations, have taken I the place of class and birth in determining which organizations and ! career patterns one qualifies" (p. 167). If one wants to obtain a {higher and more desirable post in Japanese life it has been almost ■essential to go to an elite school, and in order to pass the severe entrance examinations of such a school he must endure a torture of i ["examination hell." I Gakureki-shakai originates from the establishment of Japan's I ■modern educational system in the 1870s. Until then, the society was I ihighly stratified and one's profession and social status were destined Iby his birth. Since the establishment of the Meiji government in 1868, I jthe way to climb the ladder of success is according to ability, and it has been opened to everyone. Education has become the key to personal development and, furthermore, to success in life. The appearance of the Imperial universities, which aimed to train capable youths useful for the nation, accelerated Gakureki-shakai. Tokyo Imperial University, which dropped the term "Imperial" after 90 I World War II, was founded in 1877, and until 1897, when another Imperia I {university was founded in Kyoto, it was the only university in the I country. The development of university education was a slow growth and only a limited number of people could obtain it. ; It is reported that as late as 1904, Tokyo Imperial University I had only produced about 5,000 graduates ; the newer Kyoto University, about 100; and between 1912 and 1925, Japan produced a total of only 42,000 graduates (Passin, 1965). Against such a small number of gradu ates, there were overwhelming needs of high-level manpower in various fields, thus these graduates occupied higher administration and execu tive positions. As only a limited number of people were admitted to universi ties in Japan, a larger number of young people went abroad for their higher education. In 1885, for example, when Tokyo Imperial University I was the only institution of university standing and had only 551 stu- ! dents enrolled at the university level, there were several hundred Japanese working on a university level in foreign countries (Bennet et al., 1958). Until the early 20th century, when the University Code of 1918 was promulgated and other Imperial universities as well as other forms of higher education were created, Tokyo Imperial University enjoyed a monopoly in producing the elite groups (Kobayashi, 1976). Even after this monopoly was forced to end, Tokyo Imperial University still re tained its peak position and Gakureki-shakai firmly took root in Jap anese soil. 91! The hierarchical distinction that grew up among the universi- I ties and higher technical colleges had an immediate impact on one's I I career chances, Many government bureaucracies and big companies took I their executive level entrants only from a particular higher institu tion, and often assigned quotas to different schools. Even the salary scales within the company were found to vary depending upon the school from which one had graduated (Passin, 1965). Thus, the successful entrant to the elite school had the all-important passport into high- ranking main channels of Japanese society. The less elite schools provided entrée into the lower levels of government and lesser busi nesses . j After World War II, a radical education reform including re -organization of higher education took place in Japan. By this reform I I a total of 658 higher institutions including higher technical colleges, i ihigher normal schools, and non-credited private colleges were reorga- |nized into 201 universities with 4-year programs, with the exception of 6-year medical and dental programs, and into 150 two- or three-year junior colleges (Kobayashi, 1976). However, the hierarchical ranking of universities has remained essentially what it was before the war. Tokyo University still ranks at the top and after it other former Imperial universities and a few specialized prewar national universi ties, such as Hitotsubashi for economics. Keio and Waseda, the two most prestigious private universities, come next and the national uni versities founded in each prefecture after the war by combining former higher schools and higher technical schools and up-grading them. Next comes the great mass of private universities, divided into several 92 prestige levels, and finally with junior colleges at the bottom I (Reischauer, 1977). Another important function of the universities in Japanese Gakureki-shakai is that they have not only been providing training and connections, but, perhaps more important, they have been providing lifetime identification with a clique, batsu. Passin (1965) stated: These cliques or batsu as they are called, are intimate, informal groups based on personal loyalties that span many fields from the university into business, the professional world, government and politics . A person without batsu faces Japanese society unsup ported, with no one to sponsor him or to help him in times of crisis. It is one's batsu that opens the closed doors. Charac teristically, each batsu has its own sphere of influence, which it guards jealously against outsiders and opens only to its inti mates . Universities form their own batsu. and even individual departments within the university may have batsu on their own. (p. 125) Batsu has permeated both the school and the world outside the school. forming loose networks that support the individual throughout his life and providing the necessary entree into different areas of Japanese society. In order to secure a job, it is most sagacious that students depend on their batsu. Although the strict correlation among university affiliations, jjobs, and status in one's later life gradually enervates, the elite I 'positions in Japanese government have continued to be dominated by the igraduates of the prestigious national universities, particularly Tokyo IUniversity. Keio is noted as a producer of business executives, Waseda {as a source of politicians and journalists, and the graduates of the less prestigious private universities stretch out into the lesser busi nessmen and white collar workers' ranks (Reischauer, 1977). 93 ! Recruitment into business enterprise and government normally occurs through examination. However, bit enterprises once laid down {the designated school system and recruited workers only from such company-designated schools. Prestigious national universities were so designated in the first place followed by other schools, according I to the university hierarchy. After the severe criticism, the govern- ! Iment asked business enterprises to refrain from the designated school I I system, but this system, although unofficially, still exists and con- jtinues to have a big influence on their employee recruitment procedures, I In addition, the influential connection called kone is an im~ I portant element in Japan. Some individuals establish kone through jtheir families or relatives who are owners, important stockholders, I important clients or customers, high officials, etc. Such kone can be effective, for instance, in the case of employment in a family-held I enterprise or less prestigious company. The schools also establish connections with companies depending on a school's prestige, the qual- ! |ity of its graduates, and the number of alumni it has in important ! j positions. Kone established by schools often enhances favoratism in }employment and job achievement of the graduates. Thus, if one does not have such proper kone or fails to estab lish relations with batsu because of study abroad and a long absence from Japanese society, he will encounter great difficulties in estab lishing himself upon returning to Japan in spite of his ability and training. As Du Bois (1956) quoted Passin, if one goes abroad after these relations are well established, then such foreign experiences 94 I - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - :- - - - i I are regarded as a "plus" to one's career. Otherwise, foreign study I becomes disadvantageous in employment. j In recent years, some companies have begun to recruit foreign educated Japanese actively because of their foreign experiences, for eign language abilities, and their fields of study--all of which com panies need. Such students are becoming more attractive especially to Japanese companies which have markets abroad and to foreign companies seeking markets in Japan. However, this is a relatively new phenomenon and Gakureki-shakai is still treating returned students in a cold manner. Employment System in Japan During the early stage of modernization of Japan, many of those who studied abroad found themselves in positions of responsibility and influence and attained rapid advancement when they returned to Japan. In order to meet the challenges of modernization, new and important positions were constantly created and the returned youths were fre quently the only people possessing the knowledge that Japan needed. However, with the accomplishment of its modernization and the formation of a relatively stable society, the needs for such foreign educated students underwent gradual change. At present, foreign educated Japanese often encounter difficul ties in securing a satisfying job and a position in spite of their knowledge and the skills they have acquired. Especially those who step outside of the frame of Gakureki-shakai and do not have proper employ- I ment connections in Japan face tremendous difficulties in employment. 95 j [As the source of such problems, the following three characteristics of the Japanese employment system exists; (1) the practice of lifetime employment and seniority wage system, (2) the custom of hiring new graduates from school, and (3) the strong orientation to collective ■values. These three characteristics are the foundation of the present jJapanese employment system, which may have been enhancing economic advancement of Japan. I Ii• Lifelong Employment j and Seniority System I The practice of lifetime employment and seniority wage scales I are closely related and are seen in the typical social structure of a [Japanese company. Lifetime commitment to the employment in one's [Company or government bureaus is by no means universal but it is the ! I I predominant pattern, and the larger the organization the more firmly it [is entrenched (Brown, 1974). And it is a goal of employers and desired I I by employees in Japan. I I Permanent workers in Japanese companies expect that once they I are hired, they should stay with the firm for an indefinite period of time until retirement. Also they are generally not subject to being released, even during times of recession. I 1 Reischauer (1977) stated: A job in Japan is not merely a contractual arrangement for ! pay but means identification with a larger entity--in other words, 1 a satisfying sense of being part of something big and signifi- [ cant. Employment for both management and labor is likely to be I until the normal age of retirement. For both, this brings a I sense of security and also a sense of pride in and loyalty to the firm. There is little of the feeling, so common in the j West, of being an insignificant and replaceable cog in a great I ! 96 I machine. In other words, there is no loss of identity but rather I a gaining of pride for both workers and executives through their 1 company, particularly if it is large and famous. Company songs ! are sung with enthusiasm, and company pins are proudly displayed ! in buttonholes. (pp. 131-132) This lifetime employment system had been gradually molded since the time of Japan's modern industrialization in the Meiji period and formed its present patterns during the post-war time of Japan's high economic growth (Kaneda, 1978). Unlike Western nations which developed indigenous modern industry earlier, late-comer Japan relied on more arranged planning, training, and investment. In order to acquire the skills needed for modern industrialization, considerable time and capi tal investment were required to train people and keep them. And since new companies and industries were supported by the government and well- financed , they were in a position to guarantee lifelong employment. Also they developed a seniority wage system so that the newly trained employee hired by the company would be motivated to remain permanently (Vogel, 1979). Finally, at the time of the economic expansion of Japan, companies which needed more trained employees and had financial capability anchored down the system. In the lifelong employment system, the company guaranteed em ployment of its workers in exchange for their loyalty to the company. For instance, company employees are generally not subject to lay-offs, but they share their labor with the company when a company encounters economic difficulties. The company may reduce wages, from the presi dent down to the assembly line workers, and make cutbacks in all areas before anyone would be laid off. Also this system often looks after workers even after their normal retirement at the age of 55. A govern- 97 jment official is often appointed to a responsible position in a private !company after receiving a retirement lump sum grant. Or an employee of la large company often gains opportunities to work at so-called "satel lite" firms to earn wages after the retirement. However, one who be- jgins a career in a satellite firm or local government bureau has less [prestige. He may open a noddle shop of his own after taking the lump i sum payment or move in with the family of his eldest son (Ouchi, 1981). In the seniority wage system, the basic wage and promotion are determined by the length of time spent in the company. Even if the starting salary is low, newly employed youths can expect a gradual increase in wages and promotion in the company. Thus, this so-called {"escalator system" helps provide security to the employees. These systems provide security not only to the company employ ees but also to the employers. Employers can avoid the risk of losing trained and skilled employees. Unlike in the United States where one can start in one company, shift to another, and then still another, in Japan this has been virtually impossible (Bennet et al., 1958). One does not go to another company simply because of better payment or bet ter conditions, but remains in a company for life slowly moving up the ladder in accordance with the rule of seniority. On the other hand, owing to the norm of lifetime commitment to one company, anyone who changes his job is suspected, and, it is likelyj considered, that there is something wrong with his character or that he cannot get along well in any company. And it becomes extremely dif- jficult to find other permanent employment, especially if he is past the normal entrance age. Under the seniority system, an employee, espe- 98 I ' jcially a low-paid and low-skilled employee, who has past age 30 or 35 Iencounters tremendous difficulty in finding a job. At that age, he [would have to be paid twice the entrance wage. But because the wage ! I is based on seniority, he cannot be paid the entrance wage; thus, he is i basically unemployable (Drucker, 1978). I Under the Japanese employment system, women are extremely dis criminated against and are considered "temporary employees" who are expected to work in the interlude between completing school and getting married (Ouchi, 1981). Typically women obtain clerical jobs or work in the service industries, small shops, small artisans' factories, etc. It is still uncommon for a major Japanese company to hire women into {professional or managerial jobs; such jobs are reserved for the male [employees. These systems, especially the seniority system, have been I criticized on the grounds that they reward seniority over competence. For instance, in postsecondary education, faculty position and salary j jdepend almost entirely on age and seniority, not on publications or [advanced degrees. Seniority alone determines when a person acquires l a full professorship, and usually a male, often a graduate of the same {university in which he is teaching, is eligible for promotion (Chapman, 1981). Since the late 1950s, several attempts have been made to change the "escalator system" by introducing various methods of job-evaluation and skill-evaluation. But so far such attempts to modify the seniority system, acceptable to both employers and employees of the major firms and organizations, have achieved modest success. And even where the 99 system based on competency is utilized, there is no clear distinction rn evaluation between skill and length-of-service (Brown, 1974). I j Consequently, these practices, lifelong employment and seniority wage system, have been the core of Japanese labor relations and the [pillar of social order and harmony in Japan. In order to understand I what makes these practices possible, it is important to look into the unique hiring practices in Japan. 2. Hiring Practice It was explained in the previous chapter that Japan has formed Gakureki-shakai and there is strong correlation between school affilia tion and employment; the designated school system still has an influence on recruitment and that it is very important to establish relations with batsu. clique, and to have proper kone. and influential connections in order to obtain better employment. However, when overseas educated Japanese seek employment in Japan, they must face additional ordeals which derive from the characteristics of hiring practice in Japan. A major firm or government bureau in Japan hires its employees once a year--in the spring when young people graduate from the school. Each school has its employment office or vocational advisor that ob tains recruitment information nearly one year ahead of time and assists students in finding employment. Students look for a better job through this office and usually after the summer vacation when the recruitment is officially allowed to start, they visit their targeted firms to obtain more information. Then, they take the employment examination 100 i ! being offered by each firm or government bureau, and, by the end of the lyear, their employment is informally decided. I One of the characteristics of Japanese hiring practices is that most of the large firms and government bureaus in Japan make it a policy to hire new graduates from school all at the same time of the year ("Shuushoku ni Yakudatsu Ryuugaku no Hoohoo," 1981). Students graduate from Japanese schools in March and they are officially em ployed and start working in April. Those who leave the blank periods between graduation and employment or change jobs after a certain period of time miss the chance for better employment positions. Thus, students who graduate from overseas schools often miss timely chances to secure Iemployment with major Japanese firms. I • Another characteristic is that Japanese firms, especially large ! ones, tend to set employment age limits and are reluctant to hire a mid-career person or one who has passed tJae normal employment age. {Because of the seniority system, it is to the company's advantage to hire people during low-priced younger years (Vogel, 1979). Also, since Japanese employees are hired as a group or "class" once a year and they share much of their lives together, it often becomes difficult to main tain the harmony of the group if someone whose age is different joins the group. Because of lifelong commitment to one company, the selection of candidates to be employed is processed very carefully. Brown (1974) stated some prevailing selection procedures of the candidates as fol lows : 101 Large firms usually call upon a certain few famous and highly rated universities to present candidates for the company entrance examination. These candidates first must present a record of their experience, their academic record, information about their family, and the names of those whom they know in the company who are willing to sponsor them. Then they are informed whether they may be admitted to the exam. Perhaps one-tenth of these may pass the exam and thus be admitted to the firm for life. (p. 178) In order to have an opportunity to take the employment examination in the large firms which tend to provide more security, it is an important asset to have graduated from a famous and prestigious university. In addition, kone, influential connection,^may add a better chance to get the opportunity. In the case of employment by universities and colleges in Japan, the schools tend to recruit their own graduates into their own faculty. The faculty of a reputable school has a great deal of prestige, advan tages of better research facilities, and, therefore, greater opportuni ties for publication and better working conditions. These factors have led to establish Gakubatsu. a school clique, which practices favoritism among graduates of the same school in employment, promotion, and ad vancement (Befu, 1971), The entrance examination of the company or government office usually consists of two parts: a written examination and an interview. The written examination includes Japanese language, general education subjects, and some specialized subjects. What the candidates learned in the school is important, but it is unquestionable that "these per sons who were best at taking the examinations for entrance into the most prestigious universities, again prove to be the best age, 22 or 23, when they take the examinations for business or government" (Reischauer, 102 I 1977, p. 174). On the contrary, it will be a positive handicap for I those whose knowledge about Japanese language and other subjects is I not competitive with that of their counterparts, because they have been away from Japan for a certain period of time. Those who survived the written examination proceed to the interview by high officers of the organization, on the basis of which final decisions are made. While the written examination is objective and impersonal, this interview examines a variety of subjective items: personality, appearance, manner, background, and their future prospects Knowledge and ability of the candidates are important but their personality, family background, and school attended are equally impor tant in the screening procedure (Takemura, Kase, & Passin, 1979). Employers favor those who will strive for the company throughout life and maintain the harmony of human relations in the organization. When the employment is settled, rookies are to receive orienta tion training at a place designated by the company for a certain length of time. In the training, rookies, who usually live and study to gether for 24 hours a day, learn numerous technical skills and acquire necessary knowledge expected of them on the job. But more importantly, they are involved in moral training to train their self-discipline, to reinforce employee identification with the company, to strengthen their bonds of solidarity, and to enhance the harmony among the people who work together (Rohlen, 1974) . As stated earlier, harmony in the group and collectivism are essential values in Japanese society. And in the organization such as company or government office where people work lifelong until retire- 103 j to have good times together to subdue tensions and rivalries and to I ' reinforce camaraderie at work (Vogel, 1979). I ' Because of the lifelong employment, maintenance of each other's [good will through socializing is vital. Unlike an American company, which is considered primarily a place of work apart from one's family, religious and social groups, a company in Japan is intimately involved in each employee's life. Among the employees, individual relations are often interwoven by the senpai-kohai (senior-junior) relationship or the mentor-protégé relationship. This relationship, depending upon age, the length of experience, or service, is seen in every corner of Japanese society and especially in school and the place of work. Pascale and Athos (1981) noted: The Japanese unabashedly acknowledge that the senpai-kohai rela tionship is made up of emotional as well as functional ties and they harness both. Senior and junior are seen as inescapably linked; one's failure or success necessarily affects the other. The senpai-kohai relationship is not a hierarchical imperative force that binds. (p. 136) Senpai cares for his kohai and kohai respects his senpai, and they often help each other. It is probably one of the most important and constructive forces for productive and harmonious working relationship in a Japanese company (Pascale & Athos, 1981). There is also a close relationship between employers and em ployees in a Japanese company. Under the practice that employees work together lifelong in the same company, such a close relationship is especially important--this relationship is bound up with the loyalty to each group. _______________ 104 ment, these values are considered respectably important. i j In recent years, as Japan has been increasingly exposed to 1 international business contacts, some major Japanese companies have I started to recruit foreign educated Japanese actively (OCS News, 1979); or foreign companies in Japan have been seriously interested in hiring Japanese with foreign experiences. Owing to the expansion of the Jap anese economic impact in the world, the need for bicultural and bi lingual employees who have acquired special knowledge is increasing. However, such trends are merely recent ones. Many major com panies have their own systems of sending their own employees for over seas training, and they tend to feel secure hiring those who go through I I a conventional process. I I I 3 . Esprit de Corps I j People in Japan often quote the proverb, when they talk about I harmony in the group, that "the nail that sticks up is hammered down." I This indicates that Japanese prefer to work as members of groups rather I I than individually, and this literally applies to most employees in a jJapanese company. This characteristic is often used as one of the most important in explaining Japan's economic success. However, this turns out to be the toughest problem in the readjustment of Japanese returned from overseas. Cathcart and Cathcart (1976) stated the relationship between individuals and groups in Japan as following: Groups in Japan are permanent and determinate. Individuals are temporary and have no existence, in theory, outside the group. This outlook does not negate the important functions and contribu tions of individuals within groups but it does subordinate the 105 "self" to the group. Individual fulfillment of self is attained through finding and maintaining one's place within the group. If the group is successful, so is each part of it. (p. 59) I I In a Japanese company, individual employees must endeavor, as members I of the group, for the benefit of their company, which, in turn, brings 1 benefit to the individuals. There is no individual play even apart from the company. In innumerable ways, Japanese are encouraged to think first of being a part of a large group. "We" comes before "I," we of this family, we of this school, we of this company, or simply we of a cer tain group. The individual person is never fully independent, but is ; always conscious of others (Condon, 1981). The origin of such a strong orientation to collective values I was probably formed under the unique agrarian culture of Japan. Brown j j (1974) explained: I The cultivation of rice requires a constant and abundant supply I of water, which in Japan could only be insured by an elaborate I system of irrigation. Since numerous canals, dams, etc., which I make up this system could not be built or maintained by individ uals, cooperative forms of labor were needed. (p. 183) I And such collective values were expanded during the feudal experience I and today they form foundations which support Japanese organizations such as company, school, family, etc. In a company, steady personal contact is usually required to maintain healthy relations among workers, Typically, employees spend time socializing with group members in the evenings after their work i j or on weekends. Even their families often spend their time with other I families connected with the same company. Such socializing is partly I just to have fun together, but more importantly, many consciously try 106 ! Japanese companies, especially large ones, very often devote a I I I considerable amount of effort indoctrinating workers to be loyal to the company and to have a sense of pride in belonging to it (Befu, 1971). Initial inservice training naturally includes a great deal of company indoctrination. Companies commonly have pins, songs, mottos, and sometimes, their own uniforms. All these efforts enhance employees' loyalty to and pride in the company. At the same time, many companies provide dormitories, apart ments, resort houses, and activities such as parties, group trips, i I special-interest clubs, lectures, etc. to their employees. And often I a high proportion of mortages are obtained through their company at j subsidized interest rates (Vogel, 1979). ] I Employers, who play a paternalistic role, provide full security , to their employees; and their employees, in return, make all-out ef forts for their company. Such a relationship is often compared to that of lord and vassal in feudal times. Intimacy, loyalty, and trust j between employers and employees are encouraged for the good of the I I company. e I Also, in Japan the prime qualification which is required for a ! group leader is the acceptance by the group and the capability to main- 1 tain the group's harmony and spirit. Unlike in the West where a work i group leader tends to emphasize tasks and often neglects maintenance activities, in Japan maintenance of a satisfied work group is essen tial (Pascale & Athos, 1981). Under the circumstances of the Japanese employment system, it 107 I is extremely difficult for women to achieve successful careers in Jap- I Ianese companies. And it is especially hard for women to take a leader- { ship role in a Japanese company since their major tasks are assumed to I be good wives and wise mothers ; thus a 100% commitment to the company is hard to achieve. Employees with foreign experience often encounter difficulties in a Japanese company. In an extreme case, those who served abroad for a very long period of time have virtually no chance to rise to the very top positions in their company, because they are considered a bit too gai jinkusai (contaminated by foreigness), They may first have to prove their superior loyalty to Japan, even if it means rejecting part of their foreign experiences (Vogel, 1979). After all, an individual talent is of importance in Japanese ; organization, but, more importantly, comradeship, loyalty, total com- I jmitment, and maintenance of the harmony are far more essential. I I Chapter Summary ! This chapter has been concerned with the background of Japanese; joverseas students, and it was divided into three sections: a brief jhistorical overview of Japanese students who studied abroad, particu larly in the United States; cultural and social problems that often cause readjustment difficulties for returned Japanese students from overseas study; and the Japanese employment system. Throughout the history of Japan, many Japanese overseas stu dents successfully brought back new knowledge and technology to Japan. In ancient times, neighboring China was the main destination for over seas study, and since the 16th century, Japan started absorbing Western 108 ; knowledge, Since the year 1868 after the national isolation for over I two centuries had finally ended, Japan entered a period of rapid mod- I ernization, and the overseas study was promoted by the new government. Early overseas students in the Meiji period were in large part directed to the United States for learning. The popularity of studying in the United States by Japanese declined during the early 20th century due to the attraction to Euro pean countries; and during World War II, Japanese students studying in the United States had virtually ceased. However, after the end of the I war, the United States once again attracted attention of the Japanese, {in order to build the new nation, a growing number of Japanese students I were sent to the United States mainly by the assistance of the American I government. In the early 1950s, the overseas study program was normal- I ized and funds from other sources, both Japanese and American, began I to take over. I I Today, the number of Japanese students in the United States has been increasing tremendously, and the number of Japanese students enrolled in American colleges and universities reached 14,020 in the year 1981-82. As one of the important characteristics of Japanese culture and society which often cause readjustment difficulties for returned Japanese students, the Japanese interpersonal relation was focused. The key Japanese cultural and social value is "harmony," and the empha sis on the group has a pervasive influence on every aspect of Japanese life. Japanese interpersonal relation is symbolized as "interdepen dence," and Japanese forms one's interpersonal relation in accordance 109 I iwith the various levels of hierarchy. The concepts of "vertical ' society," "shlkaku," "W," "uchi," and "soto" by Nakane were also introduced. Traditionally, women in Japan have been given a lower status in the family and society of Japan. Although, since the end of World War II, the definition of women's role in many areas of Japanese soci ety has changed drastically toward reduction of the sex segregation, I f j the traditional concept of women is still rooted firmly in historical j concepts. Today, women's education has been improved remarkably and the number of women in the labor force has increased; however, their types iof education and career are apparently different from those of Japanese males. Many people still believe that a woman's main life purpose is ; to marry and become a full-time housewife. As the main characteristic of Japanese education which often causes difficulties to returned overseas students, the problem of !Gakureki-shakai was raised. Japan has formed Gakureki-shakai where j ! one's success in life tends to be determined by the type of formal I I education he has received. One of the important functions of the I universities in Japanese Gakureki-shakai is that they have not only been providing training and connections, but they have been providing lifetime identification with a clique, batsu. If one does not have proper connections or fails to establish relations with batsu because of study abroad and long absence from Japanese society, he will en counter great difficulties in establishing himself upon returning to Japan, 110 In the last section, some of the main characteristics of the employment system in Japan were described. The practice of lifetime employment and seniority wage scale have been predominant in Japanese employment system. Permanent workers in Japanese companies expect that once they are hired, they should stay with the companies for an indefinite period of time until retirement. Also, they are generally not subject to release even during times of recession. The basic wage and promotion are usually determined by the length of time spent in the companies and this so-called "escalator system" helps provide I security to the employees. I On the other hand, owing to the norm of lifetime commitment j to one company, anyone who changes his job is suspected, and, it is jlikely, considered, that there is something wrong with his character I j or that he cannot get along well in any company; and it becomes ex- j tremely difficult to find other permanent employment, especially if I he is past the normal entrance age to the company. Also, under this system, women are extremely discriminated against and are considered "temporary employees" who are expected to work in the interlude be tween completing school and getting married. One of the characteristics of Japanese hiring practices is that most of the large firms and government bureaus in Japan make it a principle to hire new graduates from schools all at the same time during the year they graduate. There is a strong correlation between school affiliation and employment, and it is important to establish relations with batsu, and to have proper kone. In the case of the 111 employment by universities in Japan, the schools tend to recruit their own graduates into their own faculty. The large company or government bureau usually gives the re cruitment examination which consists of a written examination and an interview. The written examination includes Japanese language, general education subjects, and some specialized subjects. Often it is a positive handicap for those whose knowledge about Japanese language and other subjects is not competitive with that of their counterparts, because they have been away from Japan for a certain period of time. Japanese emphasize harmony in the group and most Japanese em ployees work as members of groups rather than individually. Such a strong orientation to collective values is often the toughest problem in the readjustment of Japanese returned from overseas. Because of the lifelong employment, maintenance of harmony in the group is particularly important. Individual relations among the employees are often interwoven by the senpai-kohai (senior-junior) I relationship. This relationship in which senpai cares for his kohai I and kohai respect his senpai is probably one of the most important and constructive forces for productive and harmonious working relationship in a Japanese company. Also, employers, who play paternalistic roles, provide full security to their employees; and their employees, in return, make all-out efforts for their company. In Japanese organizations, an individual talent is of impor tance, but, more importantly, comradeship, loyalty, total commitment, and maintenance of the harmony are far more essential. 112 This chapter has dealt with a brief historical background of Japanese overseas students as well as idiosyncratic features of Japan ese culture, society, and its employment system which make it difficult in numerous ways for returning Japanese students to readjust to their native soil. 113 CHAPTER IV METHODOLOGY AND PROCEDURES The purpose of this chapter is to present the research method ology and to describe the procedures employed in this study. This was a descriptive survey study for which a questionnaire and interview were mainly used in order to obtain the necessary data. The data from these sources were analyzed to determine those important elements that af- I : fected the vocational impact of American educational experiences on Japanese students after returning to Japan. Population Names of Japanese USC alumni for this study were taken from the Office of International Services and Alumni (OISA) of the University of Southern California with the permission of the director of that office. The OISA compiled the index of foreign students enrolled at USC from I which the names of Japanese alumni were obtained. I After examination of the names, addresses, and the years of their enrollments, a list of 620 Japanese USC alumni enrolled between 1945 and 1980 with sufficient data available was prepared (about 100 < I ! were omitted). A total of 620 questionnaires were distributed to these Japa nese USC alumni by mail in Japan. 114 Research Instruments Data for this study were gathered from two sources: (1) a questionnaire mailed to 620 Japanese USC alumni who had returned to Japan and (2) interviews with 15 Japanese USC alumni who responded to the questionnaire. The questionnaire was designed primarily to elicit information from alumni concerning their backgrounds and reactions to their educa tional experiences in the United States, as well as information con cerning their occupations and activities since leaving the University I i of Southern California. A preliminary questionnaire was prepared by the researcher with a reference to the study by Susskind and Schell (1968), Smart (1958), and Cortes (1969), and was submitted to the doctoral committee ! members at the University of Southern California. The revised ques- . tionnaire was then presented to 15 Japanese USC alumni who had re mained in the United States and 5 Japanese alumni who had returned to Japan. After consulting with each of these alumni groups concerning the appropriateness of the questions, the wording, and the general format of the questionnaire, a revised questionnaire was prepared. The revised questionnaire was then submitted to three profes- I sors on the Dissertation Committee. Minor changes occurred and the i final questionnaire was mailed to the alumni together with a cover I letter signed by the Dissertation Committee Chairman. The questionnaire consisted of two sections: Part one included questions to elicit personal and predeparture 115 data as well as information concerning their educational experiences at the University of Southern California. Part two included questions to elicit information concerning the work-related activities of the alumni since returning to Japan as well as information concerning their readjustment to Japan and their reactions to their educational experiences at the University of South ern California. A cover letter and a questionnaire were included in Appendix B of this study. The following steps were taken to elicit frank and relevant responses from the questionnaires: I j 1. Pretesting the questionnaire items to clarify ambiguous questions and to make them pertinent to the major problems I of the study. ! 2. Assuring the anonymity of the respondents. 3. Suggesting in the accompanying letter that respondents' comments would be beneficial for foreign student exchange programs by contributing to the establishment of more ade quate programs for future students from overseas. 4. Adding partial explanations in Japanese so that respon dents would not misunderstand the questions. 5. Allowing respondents to answer comments in either English or Japanese or both. 6. Making the questions "open-ended" to allow the respon dents free expression. 7. Allowing sufficient time for respondents to respond. 116 | , Interviews were also conducted in Japan as a supplement to the I questionnaire research. The purpose of the interview was to follow up ion the results of questionnaire items and to probe deeper into some of the responses. Interviews were structured according to the content of the questionnaire and were conducted in person with 5 alumni and by telephone with 10 alumni. Procedures This research was conducted as follows ; Literature Search The literature search was conducted both in Japan and the United States with the focus on the literature which dealt with Japa nese students who had studied in the United States. Also, the search involved both computer and manual searches of indices and abstracts in the fields of education and social sciences, The literature search by computer was carried out in coopera tion with the staff of the University of Southern California library and covered the literature in the Educational Resource Information Center, Dissertation Abstracts, and Sociological Abstracts. The results of the computer searches were in general disap pointing. However, the items that were uncovered led to more appro priate bodies of literature that were not a part of the computer searches, Manual searching and browsing brought to light the most relevant literature. Through the search at the National Diet Library in Japan, some additional sources were added. In general, the literature search 117 'provided little of direct relevance to this study. A bibliography of ■relevant literature was included in this study. Questionnaire Survey j The questionnaire was mailed to Japanese USC alumni in Japan I I' i n May 1982. Included with each questionnaire was a self-addressed stamped envelope. By the end of the second week after the questionnaire was mailed, a total of 107 replies had been received and 159 envelopes were returned "Address Unknown." Then a follow-up reminder written in Japanese was sent to those who presumably received the questionnaire, ! By the end of the fourth week, an additional 105 replies had {been received. Also, an additional 80 envelopes were returned "Address , Unknown." i In order to enhance more replies, a second mailing of the ques- I jtionnaire with a cover letter from the researcher was sent at the end {of June 1982. From this mailing, 36 replies were received by the end |of July 1982. Therefore, out of 379 questionnaires presumably received I iby alumni, a total of 248 or 65.4% were returned. I j Forty-seven responded questionnaires were excluded because 41 I respondents were found to be residing overseas and 6 alumni were de ceased. These were uncovered as a result of the responses by the alumni*s family members. Thus, a total of 201 responses were appro priate for analysis of this study. 118 Interview j — I I In August 1982, interviews were conducted in Japan with 15 I alumni in order to check the validity of the questionnaire and to I obtain more profound information. Twenty alumni who lived in Tokyo, Nagoya, and Kyoto were ran domly chosen and telephone numbers of these alumni were checked in the telephone directory. The researcher reached 15 alumni by telephone-- 10 alumni were interviewed only by telephone and 5 alumni were inter viewed in person. The interview was semi-structured and followed the content of the questionnaire. Sample The year of the sample's birth with sex breakdown is shown in Table 1. Out of 201 respondents, 163 or 81% were male and 38 or 19% were female. This indicates that there was a slightly more male rep resentation in terms of the sex ratio compared to Japanese male stu dents who were enrolled at USC in the fall of 1976 (Table 1). The largest group of the sample was born during the period immediately after World War II, 1946-1950. It is indicative that the majority of the sample were in their 30s and 40s at the time when this survey was conducted (Table 1). Employment in Japan Out of the total of 201 respondents, 177 or 88.1% were employed and 24 or 11.9% were not employed at the time of this survey. Among 119 Table 1 Distribution of Sample’s Birthdates by Year and by Sex Birth Male Female Total Percentage Before 1920 1920-1925 1926-1930 1931-1935 1936-1940 1941-1945 1946-1950 ■ 1951-1955 1956-1960 Total 3 4 4 7 24 24 59 29 9 0 1 0 0 2 4 7 18 6 3 5 4 7 26 28 66 47 15 1.5 2.5 2.0 3.5 12.9 13.9 32.8 23.4 7.5 163 (81%) 38 (19%) 201 100.0 Table 2 Sample's Employment at the Time of the Survey Male % Fem. % Total % Currently employed Currently not employed Total 15 6 7 95.7 4.3 21 17 55 .3 44.7 177 24 163 100.0 38 100.0 201 88.1 11.9 100.0 120 jmales, there were only 7 or 4.3% who were unemployed; however, among {females, 17 or 44.7% were not employed (Table 2). I I j Among the 7 males who were not employed at that time, 3 were doing graduate studies in Japan, 1 was enrolled in medical school, I ]1 was awaiting an opening at a research institute, 1 had retired, and 1 was engaged in part-time work but was looking for a full-time job. Among the 17 females who were not employed, 15 were full-time house wives and the other 2 were unemployed because they were unable to find jthe kind of employment for which they were searching. ! The level of work in which the samples were engaged are in- jcluded in Table 3. There were only 2 people who were engaged in either Imanual labor or blue collar work. Of the others, approximately 99% of jthe total 177 were engaged either in white collar work or in executive I or managerial work. Seventy-nine respondents or 44.6% of the total were in executive or managerial positions, but there were only 4 females out of the 21 respondents who were engaged in this level of work (see Table 3). Of the 175 respondents who were employed, 38 (21.7%) were self- employed, and 137 (78.3%) were not self-employed. A slightly higher portion of females were self-employed than their male counterparts. A great majority of the sample worked in business, professional, or educational fields. Out of 173 respondents who were employed, 53,2% {were in the business field, 20,8% in the professional field, 20.2% in i jthe educational field. The remaining people were in the governmental I field (3.5%) or were self-employed (2.3%). (See Table 4.) 121 Table 3 Level of Work in Which Respondents Were Employed Male Female Total Percentage Manual labor 1 0 1 .6 Blue collar 1 0 1 . 6 White collar 79 17 96 54.2 Executive/managerial 75 4 79 44.6 Total 15 6 21 177 100.0 Table 4 Sample’s Field of Work Male Female Total Percentage Business 88 4 92 53.2 Professional 28 8 36 20.8 Education 26 9 35 20.2 Government 6 0 6 3.5 Self-employed 4 0 4 2.3 Total 152 21 173 100.0 Note. Four respondents gave no answer. 122 ' Further details of each field of work are shown in Tables 5, 6, i |7 , and 8 . I Among the 4 respondents who were classified in the self- I'employed category in Table 4, 2 people were restaurant owners, 1 an I ;owner of a textile factory, and 1 an owner of a retail store. t More details about the sample will be found in the first sec tion of the next chapter. Data Processing and Analysis The data compiled from questionnaires were processed on an IIBM 370-158 using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences I I(SPSS). I The findings were tabulated by means of tables. The comments Lnd explanations by the respondents were also briefly stated. I As stated in Chapter I, there were 6 research hypotheses and ,15 research questions to be answered. Chi-square analysis and con tingency coefficient analysis were utilized in the statistical treat- ■ment of the data in order to test hypotheses. 123 Table 5 Sample's Work in Business Field Number Percentage President, vice president 17 18.5 Executive 15 16.3 Manager, dept. head, dept, director 23 25 .0 Division manager, division chief 14 15 .2 Asst, manager. Asst, chief 7 7.6 Staff, office clerk 13 14.1 Secretary 3 3.3 Total 92 100.0 Table 6 Sample's Work in Professional Field Number Percentage Technician, programmer, analyst, researcher, coordinator, planner 12 33.3 Engineer 9 25 .0 Medical doctor, dentist 3 8.3 Interpreter, translator 3 8.3 Consultant, therapist 3 8.3 Architect 3 8.3 Priest, monk 2 5.6 Newspaper reporter 1 2.8 Total 36 100.0 Table 7 Sample's Work in Educational Field Number Percentage Professor 7 20.0 Adminis trator 6 17.1 Asst, professor 5 14.3 Associate professor 4 11.4 Language school instructor 4 11.4 Lecturer, instructor Q 8.6 at college j Researcher 3 8.6 Secondary school 2 5 7 teacher Commercial school instructor 1 2.9 Total 35 100.0 Table 8 Sample's Work in Governmental Field Number Percentage Deputy director or 3 50 0 Head of the office Secretary of political 1 16 .7 party Assistant 1 16.7 Coordinator 1 16.7 Total 6 100.0 CHAPTER V FINDINGS AND ANALYSES OF THE STUDY The results of the data collection from the survey will be analyzed and discussed in this chapter. The three divisions of the chapter are: First, the findings of the 15 research questions will be presented in order to provide a clear picture of the study partici pants in Japan and in the United States; second, the findings from the survey will be analyzed for the purpose of testing the 6 hypotheses iand an analysis of these hypotheses follows; third, the last section {of the chapter will present a discussion and summary of the findings. i I Findings of the Research Questions j Because of the nature of the study, the descriptive findings of jthe study participants are equally as important as the analysis of the .hypotheses. This section presents a thorough description of the re spondent according to the 15 research questions in the following areas: {the respondent's background prior to study in the United States, his I jeducational experiences at the University of Southern California, problems of getting a job in Japan, perceptions toward readjustment to Japan, and benefit of his US study for a job in Japan. 126 1. Background Prior to US Study Family Background I of the Students ; The first question dealt with the family background of students I such as parents' occupation, SES, and educational attainment. Occupa tion of the student's parents at the time of the educational sojourn in the United States are shown in Table 9. The majority of parents were engaged in highly ranked positions such as company president, company executive, medical doctor, dentist, college professor, 'lawyer, etc. Out of 6 people who responded that their parents had no job at the time of their educational sojourn, 2 indicated that their fathers were deceased, and 2 others indicated that their fathers were I retired. It was also found that about half of the parents were self- I I employed. I The majority of the respondents classified their parents to be either upper-middle class or middle class . Thirty-four respondents or 17.1% of the total classified their parents to be in the wealthy cate gory. Parents' SES (Social and Economic Status) classification is shown in Table 10. Table 11 shows the parents' educational attainment. The ma- i ’jority of parents attained more than a high school education. In com- jparison to the average educational level of pre-war Japanese, the respondents' parents attained considerably higher levels of education than the average. It is interesting to note that the largest group among the respondents' mothers (46.8%) was comprised of high school graduates and the second largest (17.4%) of those with college degrees 127 Table 9 Parent Occupational Level Occupation Number Percentage Company president, executive, director, advisor 88 46.1 Factory owner, shop owner 18 9.4 Government official, diplomat 18 9.4 Professional (medical doctor, dentist, engineer, CPA, lawyer) 17 8.9 Company employee, factory worker 17 8.9 F armer 12 6.3 Educator (professor, principal, teacher, etc.) 11 5 .8 Others 4 2.1 No job 6 3.1 Total 191 100.0 Note. Ten respondents gave no answer. Table 10 Parent SES Classification Number Percentage Wealthy 34 17.1 Upper middle 79 39.7 Middle 73 36.7 Lower Middle 12 6.0 Others 1 .5 Total 199 100.0 while the largest group among the fathers (41.8%) was college graduates and the second largest (21.4%) was high school graduates (Table 11). Table 11 Parent Educational Attainment Mother # % Father # % Some elementary schooling 3 1.5 1 .5 Elementary school graduate 21 10.5 19 9.5 Some high school education 22 10.9 21 10.4 High school graduate 94 46.8 43 21.4 Some college education 22 10.9 12 6.0 College graduate 35 17.4 84 41.8 More than college graduate 2 1.0 17 8.5 None of the above 1 .5 1 .5 No answer 1 .5 3 1.5 Total 201 100.0 201 100.0 Overall it can be summarized that the majority of the respon dents' parents were fairly well-off, being engaged in highly ranked occupational positions and with a considerably higher level of educa tional attainment than their peers. Educational Background in Japan The second research question concerned the level and type of education that students had previously completed in Japan. Out of the total of 201 study participants, 163 or 81.1% of them went to universi ties or colleges in Japan prior to their US studies. Among males. 129 184.7% received higher education in Japan while 65.8% of the females 'did so. j Over 60% of the respondents attended private universities, ;while over 30% attended national or local public universities, which indicates a ratio of approximately 2-to-l private-to-public Japanese university enrollment. Japanese university attendance by males also met this 2-to-l private-to-public university ratio. Among females who attended Japanese universities, a slightly larger proportion went to private universities than their male counterparts. Table 12 shows the types of Japanese universities or colleges attended by the respondents prior to their US study. Table 12 Type of University or College Attended in Japan Japanese Univers ity Male # % Female # % Total # % National 46 33.3 4 16.0 50 30.7 Local public 3 2.2 3 12.0 6 3.7 Private 87 63.0 17 68.0 104 63.8 Junior college 0 0 1 4.0 1 . 6 Technical college 2 1.5 0 0 2 1.2 Total 138 100.0 25 100.0 163 100.0 Table 13 shows the respondents' major fields of study at Japa nese universities and colleges with a breakdown by degree level and sex. The most popular field was Economics, and Engineering, Literature, Business, English, and Law followed. In the fields such as Economics, Engineering, Business, and Law, there were no females, while in the fields of literature and English, there were some. _________________________________________________________________________130. Table 13 Major Field of Study at Japanese Universities and Colleges Degree Level Major Ph .D. Master Bachelor A .A. Non- degree M F M F M F M F M F Total Economics 0 0 2 0 38 0 0 0 2 0 42 Engineering 1 0 5 0 15 0 0 0 2 1 24 Literature 0 0 1 0 4 5 0 2 2 1 15 Business 0 0 0 0 11 0 0 0 0 0 11 English 0 0 2 0 4 4 0 0 1 0 11 Law 0 0 0 0 10 0 0 0 0 0 10 Politics 0 0 1 0 5 0 0 0 1 1 8 Education 0 0 1 1 4 1 0 0 0 0 7 Sociology 0 0 1 0 4 0 0 0 1 0 6 Architecture 0 0 1 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 5 Chemis try 2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 5 Physics 0 0 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 Psychology 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 3 Management 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 Music 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 Geology 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Dentistry 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Linguistics 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 International Rela, 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Insurance 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Nurs ing 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 English-American studies 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 Mathematics 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Agriculture 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Total 5 0 17 1 107 17 0 3 9 4 163 131 Out of 163 who attended Japanese universities or colleges, 124 jor 76.1% were awarded Bachelor's degrees; 18 or 11%, Master's degrees; b or 3.1%, Doctorate degrees; and 3 or 1.8%, Associate's degrees. jThirteen or 8% did not obtain any degree, even though they attended I ■universities in Japan (Table 13) . In summary, approximately 80% of the respondents, and more males than females, went to universities or colleges prior to US study, and their enrollment figures formed approximately a 2-to-l private-to-public university enrollment ratio. The most popular fields of study among them were Economics and Engineering, followed by Literature, Business, English, and Law. The majority of those who went to Japanese universi ties or colleges obtained Bachelor's degrees; and 14.1% obtained gradu ate degrees. Eight percent received no degrees even though they at tended universities or colleges in Japan. 2. Educational Experience at USC Reasons for US Study The third research question concerned the reasons for study in the United States . Respondents were asked to indicate the degree of importance for them among the 4 most prevailing reasons by foreign stu dents in the United States in general. Other important reasons were also solicited. Nearly half indicated that gaining advanced training in their fields was a very important reason for coming to the United States for their studies. Over 90% considered it important and only 9.4% not important (Table 14). 132 r ................. / — s g-S B-5 B ^ O o o o r— 1 o o o o cd o o o o ■U 1 “^ 1 — 4 r-4 r-4 o ■ > —/ H m vD rH r 4 CO v d O CO m CO o \ CO uo CO c r\ 14 0 CO OO r-4 % —1 r-4 r-4 r-4 r-4 r-4 r-4 1 4 -1 B-S B ^ B ^ B ^ s d -d" CM CO 0 0 c d ■u 4 -1 a\ 0 0 14 0 •c f o u CO o ■ > —/ / V — ^ 9 - a CO m CO C \ Cd\ 0 0 OO CM O OO I—1 o\ •p4 r-4 r-4 cn vO r-4 ■u 4 -1 d m s f 1 c d 4 -1 o r - OO 1 40 § }- 4 r-4 C M 1 “^ r-4 3 % o ■ > —/ ■ M 1 CU zn a UO m o 1 40 r-4 140 <T\ • 1 - 4 r-4 CM CO 1-4 CO CO CM CO u o iw zn 4 -1 B ^ S B^ B^ B ^ Î 3 d c3\ 0 0 O CM C d C U 4 -1 r-4 m O rd u CO CM •c f <1- ■u o ■ > —/ r-1 o a O , —1 1-4 Cd\ r~- vd O vO vD CM r-4 CO 0) ■ M f— 4 m r-4 vO CO VO r —I CM C T r 1 “^ Xi tx O cd d E ~ 4 *r4 \ a 4 -1 B ^ S B ^ B ^ B ^ o d CM CO CM o c d 4 -1 CO OO \ o O u U CO CO o > O d . a r>- m CM CO 14 0 1 4 0 OO r - C O •r4 r-4 r-4 1 40 r-4 vO 14 0 d o C O c d C U C U < u < u C U r-4 1-4 1-4 1-4 r— 1 1 — 1 r-4 r-4 pci C U C d C d C U c d C d C U cd cd C U C d T —t a 4-i T — i a 4 -1 r-4 S 4-J 1 —1 4 -1 C d C U o C U o C d C U O C U O S p C 4 H P4 H S pL, E-4 P = 4 H C O rO C U o o 1 d cd d " d r d o a C U C U o o 0 0 o % 00 d cd d a O 3 zo cd a cd 00 C U > d CU d 54 3 ) 'd • 1 - 4 C U 0 0 3 cd Q cd > d r-4 a C U 0 0 O •r4 d rd r d d d u 4 -1 cd C O rd 15 4-1 •H •r4 CU 4-) CU 3 (0 4 -1 o cd d d a C U cd U t 4 •!-> d 4 -1 0 0 •r4 r-4 •r4 0 0 *o> r d r —1 rilj 3 C d C U 0 0 -H o o Î4 •r4 O U4 d O d r d o r d E-I 4 -1 < 4 4 E -4 O •|4 H W cd H C d . . . . r— 1 CM CO 1 3 3 As for the reason of improving the chances of getting a good job in Japan, 38.2% indicated it was not important, while 61.8% of them considered it important. It should be noted that only 8.4% considered it very important. Of the 38.2% who thought it was not important, 59 were males (Table 14). Brushing up on English language ability was cited as an impor tant reason for study. Out of 190 people who responded, 36.3% indi cated it was very important; 40%, important; and 18.4%, somewhat impor tant. Only 5.3% responded that it was not important (Table 14). To know more about the United States was also cited as an im portant reason for coming to the United States to study. Out of 189 people who responded, 30.2% indicated this to be very important; 49.2%, important; and 15.9%, somewhat important. Only 4.8% responded that it was not important (Table 14). Thirty-five respondents indicated other important reasons for coming to the United States for their studies. Some of the most fre quent reasons are listed below: To widen intellectual horizon or perspectives . To know more about Japan from an outside point of view To broaden worldwide view To make friends in the United States To gain prestige in Japan To get an American degree To establish myself To know more about American companies in the same field as my company 134 To proceed my research To meet my father's desire Areas of Study at USC The fourth research question asked to what extent the area of study at USC related to occupational placement in Japan. In order to facilitate more understanding, the details of the respondents' educa tional achievement at USC is brought out. The respondents' major fields of study at USC with breakdown by degree level and sex is included in Table 15. The most popular field of study among the respondents was Business Administration, followed by Engineering, Education, and so on. There were no female representatives in Business Administration and Engineering. Out of 66 who majored in Business Administration, 24 obtained Master's degrees; 15, Bachelor's degrees;.and 28 obtained no degree. Three males who obtained certificates were included in this non-degree category. In Engineering, out of a total of 23, 3 had Doctorates, 8 had Master's degrees, 7 had Bachelor's degrees, and 5 received no degree. In Educa tion, out of a total of 14 respondents, 7 males and 4 females obtained Master's degrees. Although there was one female who had obtained both a Bachelor and Master's degree, only the higher degree was listed. Economics, Linguistics, and Public Administration had equal numbers enrolled--each had 8. In American Language Institute (ALI), which provides classes of English as a Second Language for foreign students, there were 6 males and 3 females (Table 15). 135 Table 15 Major Field of Study at USC Degree Level Major Ph .D. Master Bachelor Non degree M F M F M F M F Total Business Adm, 0 0 24 0 15 0 28 0 66 Engineering 3 0 8 0 7 0 5 0 23 Education 0 0 7 4 0 0 2 0 14 Economics 0 0 4 0 4 0 - - 8 Public Adm, 1 0 2 0 0 0 5 0 8 Linguistics 1 0 3 1 0 1 1 1 8 ALI (ESL) 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 3 9 Management 0 0 2 0 1 0 1 0 4 Architecture 0 0 0 0 2 0 3 0 5 Political Science 2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 4 Music 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 3 Fine Arts 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 2 4 Occupational Therapy 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 3 Chemistry 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 4 Literature 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 3 Sociology 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 3 Cinema 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 2 Biological Science 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 2 Computer Science 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 2 Accounting 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 2 Physics 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 Finance 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 2 Communient ion 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 2 Spanish 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 EALC 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 2 American Studies 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Social Work 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Psychology 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Journalism 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 French 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 German 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 Dentistry 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Anthropology 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Religion 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 Humanities 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Inter. Relations Unknown 0 0 0 0 i 0 1 0 0 3 Total 10 0 56 12 36 13 58 13 201 136 Out of the total of 201, 24.4% received Bachelor's degrees; 33.8%, Master's degrees; 5%, Doctorate degrees; 2%, certificates; and 25.4% did not receive any degree or certificate. In addition, 9.5% of the total were sent by a company or a school in Japan and did not re ceive any degree or certificate. No females received Doctorate degrees. The relationship between occupation and major field of study at USC is shown in Table 16. The majority of the respondents indicated that their occupations were either in the same field as their studies at USC or in related fields. Thirteen, or 7.3% of the total, chose occupations that were entirely different fields from those studied at USC; and 12, or 6.8%, entered entirely different fields of work without having had any choice (Table 16) . It was found that a majority utilized what they gained in their fields of study at USC, with 48% of the 175 who responded to this survey item indicating quite extensive use. However, 20.6% re ported that they did not feel they utilized their educational experi ences or felt they used their experiences very little (Table 17) . A majority of respondents said they did transmit what they learned in their US study, however, the extent of the transmission differed. About half transmitted some of what they learned; 28.5%, quite a lot; 1.7%, all or almost all; and 19.2% did not transmit at all or transmitted very little of it (Table 18). On the whole, it can be concluded that occupational placement of the students in Japan was mostly related to the area of study at USC. Also, a majority did utilize what they learned at USC and suc cessfully transmitted this knowledge to other people in Japan. 137 Table 16 Relationship between Occupation and Major Field of Study at USC Field Male Female Total Percentage Same field as studied in the U.S. Different but related field Entirely different field by choice Entirely different field, not of my own choosing None of the above Total 75 57 12 11 1 13 81 70 13 12 1 45 .6 39.5 7.3 6.8 . 6 15 6 21 177 100.0 Table 17 Utilization of American Educational Experiences (Fields of Study) on the Job Male F emale Total Used all or almost all I learned 20 4 24 ( 13.7%) Used quite a lot 53 7 60 ( 34.3%) Used some 48 7 55 ( 31.4%) Used very little 24 1 25 ( 14.3%) Used none 9 2 11 ( 6.3%) Total 154 21 175 (100.0%) Note. Two respondents gave no answer. 138 Table 18 Transmission of What You Learned in US Study to Other People in Japan How much transmitted? Male Female Total Percentage All or almost all 3 0 3 1.7 Quite a lot 40 9 49 28.5 Some 79 8 87 50.6 Very little 24 3 27 15 .7 None 5 1 6 3.5 Total 151 21 172 100.0 Note. Five respondents gave no answer. [Length of Stay at USC j Three research questions investigated the length of stay at USC [ {as well as the age and year when respondents left Japan for their US I study. The duration of stay at USC is shown in Table 19. Thirty-seven, or 34.8%, of the total stayed at USC for approximately 2 years; 43, or 21.4%, approximately 3 years; 40, or 19.9%, approximately 4 years; 37, or 18.4%, approximately 1 year. There were 4, or 18.4% of the total, who stayed less than a year; and 7, or 3.5%, stayed 5 or 6 years (Table 19). Survey findings revealed that a fairly good-sized majority of students left Japan when they were in their 20s: 33.3% left Japan be tween the ages of 25-29; 38.3%, between the ages of 25-29; and 13.4%, younger than 19 years of age. In comparing males with females, it was found that many more females left Japan at a younger age than did males (Table 20) . 139 Table 19 Length of Stay at use Male Female Total Percentage Less than 1 year 4 0 4 2.0 Approx. 1 year 33 4 37 18.4 Approx. 2 years 60 10 70 34.8 Approx. 3 years 34 9 43 21.4 Approx. 4 years 28 12 40 19.9 Approx. 5 years 2 1 3 1.5 Approx. 6 years 2 2 4 2.0 Total 163 38 201 100.0 Table 20 Age When Left for US Study Male Female Total Percentage Younger than 19 16 11 27 13.4 20-24 52 15 67 33.3 25-29 67 10 77 38.3 30-34 13 1 14 7.0 35-39 10 0 10 5.0 40-44 2 1 3 1.5 45-49 1 0 1 .5 Older than 50 2 0 2 1.0 Total 163 38 201 100.0 140 I The majority of the students came to the United States in the '1970s as can be seen in Table 21. Between 1946 and 1950, 2.5% of the I jtotal of 200 respondents left Japan for their studies in the United States, and there were only two females who left Japan during the same period. More students left between 1961 and 1965; and, during the period between 1966 and 1970, 13.5% left Japan to study in the United States. Table 21 Year When Left for US Study Male Female Total Percentage 1946-1950 4 1 5 2.5 1951-1955 5 0 5 2.5 1 1956-1960 4 1 5 2.5 1 1961-1965 12 1 13 6.5 j 1966-1970 23 4 27 13.5 1971-1975 67 14 81 40.5 1 1 1976-1980 48 16 64 32.0 Total 163 37 200 100.0 Note. One respondent gave no answer. Hence, the findings of the three research questions can be sum- marized as follows: a majority of the students came to the United States between the ages of 20 and 29, stayed at use from 2 to 4 years. and left Japan in the 1970s. 141 Financial Support The eighth research question dealt with the type of financial support received while studying at USC. According to the responses listed in Table 22, there were 119, or 59.2% of the total, who received financial support from their families. Twenty-seven, or 13.4%, consist ing only of males were sent by their companies in Japan and apparently received financial support from them. Four males and 1 female received the support from Japanese universities, while 6 males and 1 female were supported by American universities. Twenty-three students, or 11.4%, received government scholarships and 5, or 2.5%, had privately- sponsored scholarships. There were only 15 students, or 7.5%, who were self-supported. Thus, the major findings of the eighth research question was that nearly 60% of the respondents received financial support from their families and a little over 13% received scholarships or were sent by companies, respectively. Table 22 Major Source of Financial Support Male Female Total Percent. Government scholarship 20 3 23 11.4 Privately-sponsored scholar. 4 1 5 2.5 Family 91 28 119 59.2 Self 11 4 15 7.5 Sent by company 27 0 27 13.4 Japanese university 4 1 5 2.5 US university 6 1 7 3.5 Total 163 38 201 100.0 142 English Language Ability The ninth research question concerned the utilization of En glish language ability in the performance on the job in Japan. As supplementary questions, the respondents were asked how much English language difficulty they experienced in 4 different contexts while attending USC; the results appear in Table 23. Of the 197 students who answered these questions, 19.2% said they experienced considerable language difficulties in classroom activ ities, 62.4% said some difficulties, and 17.8% said no difficulty at all. As for English language difficulties in reading and writing assignments, 25.8% of the total experienced considerable difficulties, 52.5% had some difficulties, and 21.7% had no difficulty at all. Also, 15 .7% of the respondents indicated that they experienced considerable language difficulties in conversation with professors, 53% had some difficulties, and 31.3% had no difficulty at all. As for English language difficulty in daily conversation, how ever, a different trend is indicated. Only 6.1% of the total of the 196 respondents experienced considerable difficulties; 55.6% had no difficulty at all, and 38.3% had some difficulties. Thus, except for daily conversation, a majority of the respondents experienced a certain degree of language difficulty, and, especially, one-fourth of the re spondents experienced considerable difficulties in reading and writing assignments. As indicated earlier, the majority of the respondents consid ered that brushing up their English language ability was one of the 143 en C M < U T —{ rd a s g A C O < U Pi < u cw o & • l - ( I —I • i M < Q ) b O § 00 g 1 - 3 rC C Q •H T—4 00 c M c e ) rû X ü B - S B^ O O O O 1 — i c ü O o O O 4 - J O o 1 — 1 O O « — 1 « — 1 I — f « — 1 H 'w ' o \ oo O O O oo O 00 oo O V vO m en as vO en (T, vO en < y \ m en O V 1 — i I — f 1 — i rP rP iP ✓ * " S I — f B -5 B - e B^ 1 — i 00 en vO < rP rP m + J T — ( C M en m C t i 'w ' +J r». 00 m \o en m C M en p f < 3 V o C M en en 'd' 'd' I — f V O 00 C M o % I — f /-X X — \ B^ B - S B - S C J N m O en 9i C M C M en 00 S \o m m en o C O C M C M < t -d " O -d" 00 r». m <1 - rP m O C M C M 00 C M o 00 I — f o vO I — f f". I — f I — f rP r — 1 X B - 5 B - 5 o en 00 X s (3\ L O m vO I — f C M rP tn u 0) o O O oo o I — f P i I — f O C M C M > en en -d" I — f en C M en I — f 1 — i e u e u e u e u I — f I — f I — f ip ip 1 — 1 I — f r — 4 e u c e ) e u c e ) c e ) e u c e ) e u ç g c e ) t — 1 p « — 1 B p p ip B p e g e u O c e ) e u o e u O e u O s p C H E-f S (P E H p C H E H p C H E p ; C O 00 e u P •iM •p C e u •r4 p 3 •I-l •P Pd 1 5 c e ) 00 P C O c ïn O C P c t f ■p c e ) C O O e u I — f p •P > p B C 00 P P f l X i Ü O C c e ) O O C O •r4 o B -P C O C O C J •iH M-) P ü P P C O I — f M -) C O 00 •P e u e u fn 00 •r4 C O •p U > M H « — 1 c Q c e ) C O rs C O 'P M « — 1 C O O p c e ) O C o eu Q . . . . Ip C M en 'd- P p e u P eu 15 eu C O 15 C O e J C O C c e ) e J c e ) o c e ) O e J o e J eu e J e u > eu > c e ) > c e ) 00 c e ) 00 C O 00 C O p C O p e J P td eu e: eu T) eu T3 e J nd C J o e: o eu o e u C O eu C O eu C Q eu P eu P eu p P e u eu 3 P > o X •p Pp E H Pp 144 important reasons for coming to the United States to study (Table 14). Then, what was the utilization of English language in performance on the job in Japan? The majority of the respondents indicated that they utilized English language on the job, and nearly 50% utilized it quite exten sively. Approximately 20% did not use it at all or used it very little. It is interesting to note that females tended to use English language more than what they achieved in their fields of study at USC. 2. Problems of Getting a Job in Japan The tenth research question explored the extent to which stu dents realized their professional expectations upon returning to Japan The details of their employment in Japan were already presented in the previous chapter. Thus, the supplementary questions which concerned the problems in getting a job in Japan will be included here. Work Experience Prior to US Study Prior to US study, 40.3% of the total of 201 respondents indi cated that they had had full-time jobs for a year or more; 16.9%, had had part-time jobs while at school; and 42.8%, had had no working ex perience. Although 55.2% of the males had not had any full-time job, there were slightly more who had had full-time job experiences than those who had had no working experience. Among the females, only 21% had had full-time jobs and there was a smaller number who had had part-time jobs than those who had not worked at all. 145 Seventy-two of the respondents completed the survey item which 'asked them to specify the types of jobs they had prior to US study. Those full-time and part-time jobs are listed in Table 24. Among those who had had full-time jobs, one-third were employed by companies such as a trading company or an oil company, but nearly 40% had had full-time jobs in educational, professional, and governmental fields in succession. Teaching had been the most frequent part-time job (Table 24). Time Spent in Finding First Full-time Job in Japan Table 24 shows the time spent in finding the first full-time job after US study. Out of 177 respondents who were employed at the time of the survey, 67.2% had a job promise before returning to Japan or they returned to jobs they had held prior to their US study. It is interesting to note that a majority of the males had their jobs ar ranged before returning to Japan, but only 3 females out of the 21 females were in this situation. Nearly 20% of the total took less than 3 months finding their first full-time jobs after returning, 2.8% be tween 6 months to 1 year, and 5.1% more than 1 year (Table 25). Problems in Getting the First Full time Job Upon Returning to Japan It is surprising that 156, or 88.6% of the 176 respondents who were employed at the time of this survey, had had no problem when get ting their first full-time jobs after completing their US study. Whereas 13 males (8.4%) had had problems, one-third of the females had had problems in getting full-time jobs following their US study. 146 Table 24 Full-time or Part-time Work Held Prior to US Study Full-time Number Business; Company employee (Trading company. Oil company, etc.) Bank clerk Sales person Education: Professor Assistant professor College instructor College teaching assistant Research assistant High school teacher Instructor at language school Professional: Engineer Architect CPA Interpreter Typist Government: Japanese government service Local government service Part-time Teacher/tutor/instructor Research assistant Office work Sales person Dentist Total 24 4 1 7 1 2 1 1 72 147 j i Table 25 ! Time Taken to Find the Firs t Full-time Job after US Study i Male Female Total Percentage Returned to work I had prior to US study 49 2 51 28.8 Had a job promised before returning to Japan 67 1 68 38.4 Less than 3 months 24 11 35 19.8 More than 3 months but not more than 6 months 6 3 9 5 .1 More than 6 months but not more than 1 year 4 1 5 2.8 More than 1 year 6 3 9 5 .1 Total 156 21 177 100.0 Twenty respondents who had experienced difficulties did specify what those were. Six males and 2 females indicated that limited open ings in their fields of specialization had been the major problem, 2 stated that there had been absolutely no job openings suitable to their training and specialization, and 2 said that degrees from US colleges and universities were not valued highly. One respondent de clared that jobs offered were not related to the type of work he cared for, and 1 had had no proper connections in the agencies in which she desired to work (Table 26). Six respondents listed other major problems and they were sum marized as follows: At the time of employment in Japan, there is an age limit espe cially for women, and many companies recruit only new graduates from Japanese universities. Also, many Japanese companies do not like to hire graduates of foreign universities. 148 Anticipation of Facing Problems in Getting a Full-time Job Upon Returning to Japan It is interesting to note that two-thirds of the female re spondents anticipated problems whereas only 16% of the males antici pated problems. Also, more students had anticipated facing problems than those who actually experienced them upon returning to Japan. Out of 177 students answering this survey item, 138, or 78%, did not anticipate employment problems; 39, or 22%, anticipated problems. Realization of Professional Expectations It is impressive that the majority of the respondents had pro fessional plans, and especially among males it reached 90%. Compared to males, a much smaller portion (64.9%) of the female respondents had professional plans prior to their US study. The details of the professional plans held by those sampled prior to their US study are offered in Table 27. Upon checking their occupations after return to Japan, it was found that the 167 who had professional plans prior to their US studies, 41.3% pursued their plans and 19.8% pursued jobs different from what they had planned. Profes sional plans of 28 males, consisting only of males--or 16.8% of the total--were to succeed in their parent’s job or position, and 37, or 22.1% of the total, were to return to the jobs they had had prior to their US studies (Table 27). 149 Table 26 Major Problems in Getting a Full -time Job upon Returning to Japan Male F emale Total Limited opening in my field of specialization 6 2 8 Absolutely no job opening suitable to my training and specialization 1 1 2 Degree(s) from US colleges and universities were not valued highly 1 1 2 Jobs offered were not con cerned with the type of work I cared for 1 0 1 No proper connections in the agencies I desired to work 0 1 1 Others 4 2 6 Total 13 7 20 Table 27 Details of Professional Plans Prior to US Study Male Female Total Percentage Had plan and pursued it upon returning 9 69 41.3 Had plan but pursued different job upon 19 returning 14 33 19.8 Had plan to succeed parent’s job or 28 position 0 28 16.8 Had plan to return to job held prior to 36 US study 1 37 22.1 Total 143 24 167 100.0 150 Social and Economie Status Perceptions of social and economic status based on their posi tions and jobs are presented in Table 28. Out of 176 respondents, 121, or 68.8%, ranked themselves high or somewhat high socially, and 51, or 29%, selected the average ranking. There were 2 respondents who each ranked themselves very high and below average, respectively. In com paring males with females, the males tended to be higher socially than the females. It is interesting to point out that those respondents somehow ranked their economic statuses lower than their social statuses. Out of 176 responding, 104, or 5 9.1%, ranked themselves very high econom ically while 8, or 4.5%, said they were below average. Economic sta tuses of the females also tended to be lower than those of the males (Table 28). Career Satisfaction in Japan It is always of interest to determine the degree of satisfac tion that people find in their careers. A majority of respondents said they considered their careers to be satisfying. However, 16 of the 176 who answered this question said they thought of their careers as un satisfactory but were expecting improvement. There were 10 respondents who considered their careers as frustrating. As many as 23.8% of the females were frustrated about their careers, and their degree of satis faction in general were somewhat lower than that of the males (Table 29) . 151 Table 28 i Social 1 and Economic Status Based on Position and Job Male Socially Female Total Percent. Very high 2 ( 1.3%) 0 ( 0 ) 2 1.1 High 43 ( 27.8%) 5 ( 23.8%) 48 27.3 Somewhat high 67 ( 43.2%) 6 ( 28.6%) 73 41.5 Average 42 ( 27.1%) 9 ( 42.8%) 51 29.0 Below average 1 ( .6%) 1 ( 4.8%) 2 1.1 Total 155 (100.0%) 21 (100.0%) 176 100.0 Finaneia lly ! Male F emale Total Percent. Very high 2 ( 1.3%) 1 ( 4.8%) 3 1.7 High 35 ( 22.6%) 1 ( 4.8%) 36 20.5 Somewhat high 60 ( 38.7%) 8 ( 38.1%) 68 38.6 Average 55 ( 35.5%) 6 ( 28.6%) 61 34.7 Below average 3 ( 1.8%) 5 ( 23.8%) 8 4.5 Total 155 (100.0%) 21 (100.0%) 176 100.0 Note. One respondent gave no answer. 152 Table 29 Satlfaction with Present Career Male Female Total Percent Very satisfactory Satisfactory Somewhat satisfactory Unsatisfactory but ex pecting improvement Frustrating 23 ( 14 .8%) 2 ( 9,.5%) 25 14.2 71 ( 45,.8%) 8 ( 38 .1%) 79 44.9 41 ( 26 .5%) 5 ( 23 .8%) 46 26.1 15 ( 9 .7%) 1 ( 4 .8%) 16 9.1 5 ( 3,.2%) 5 ( 23,.8%) 10 5 .7 Total 155 (100.0%) 21 (100.0%) 176 100.0 Note. One male respondent gave no answer. The most frequent reasons for career frustration, identified through questionnaires and interviews, were those of receiving too small a salary and inability to use American experiences on the job. As a result, the findings to the tenth research question re vealed that the majority of the respondents did have professional plans prior to US study and 41.3% of them pursued these plans while 19.8% pursued different jobs, 16.8% succeeded in their parents' jobs or positions, and 22.1% were to return to the jobs they had prior to US study. Also, a majority of them, especially the male respondents, had their jobs arranged before returning to Japan and they did not have any problem finding their first full-time jobs in Japan. Naturally, a ma jority did not anticipate facing employment problems upon returning to Japan. Moreover, a majority were satisfied with their careers in Japan 153 and nearly 70% of them ranked themselves high or somewhat high socially and about 60% indicated similar rating, economically. The females' satisfaction on career or social and economic ranking tended to be lower than the males. Employment Connection As stated in the previous chapter, the employment connection is very important in securing a job in Japanese society. The eleventh research question asked if the employment connection that the students had had prior to their studies at USC assisted them in securing jobs upon returning to Japan. Out of 198 respondents, 128, or 64.6%, pointed out that they had had employment connections prior to their US studies and 70, or 35.4%, said that they did not have any. While 72.5% of the males indi cated that they had had employment connections, the picture was re versed among the females with 68% having no connections. The nature of the employment connection held prior to US study is offered in Table 30. The employment connection through family was the most frequently cited accounting for 43.3% of the total, and the j connection through previous jobs and schools followed. Those who were I sent by a company to the United States to study were included in pre vious job category (Table 30). 154 Table 30 Nature of Employment Connection Prior to US Study Male Female Total Percent 'Family 49 6 55 43.3 Relatives 6 0 6 4.7 School (college/university) 11 2 13 10.2 Previous job(s) 40 2 42 33.1 Personal acquaintance 9 0 9 7.1 Others 1 1 2 1.6 Total 116 11 126 100.0 Note. One female respondent who had employment connection gave no answer. The method of getting the first full-time Job upon returning to Japan can be found in Table 31. Out of 175 respondents, 42.9% obtained their first full-time job through the connections previously indicated in Table 30; 29.1% returned to the jobs they held prior to departing from Japan; 7.4%, through professors or schools in Japan; 5.7%, through newspaper advertisements; 4.6%, through professors or schools in the United States; 3.4%, through public advertisement by companies and who took recruitment examinations; 2.3%, through direct contact with com panies in Japan; and 1.1%, through employment agencies (Table 31). As a result, it can be concluded that approximately 65% of the respondents had the employment connections prior to US study and a little over 40% of them secured the first full-time job through these connections. In addition, other connections through professors or schools both in Japan and the United States were also important. 155 CO O ) t —i 'S E - » 0 •o I -M 1 3 4 - 1 CO U • 1 - 4 p L , O s >•, s 0) g < u Ü O C C S 4 J ( 7 \ r - 4 H t C D H t - d " C O r — f o S C M ( 7 \ L T ) H f C O C O c s l r — 4 o C J - d " C M o P 4 r — 4 (V F L , r— 1 C C S m 1 - 4 C O o 0 0 C D v O - d " C \ J H t + J L O r — 4 t - H f H . O <— t P 4 C L ) r - 4 \ o C M H t C O r - 4 - C M e r v l o r — 1 ]— 1 C M < T « o \ C T v H t H t H t r — 4 H t C C S H t t n S 1— 1 d d C C S C C S C O C L e u 9 - e u e u q O d d S d • r 4 • p 4 4 J •o 4 - J o d 4 J d C J o c c S TS U d d • i H d 9 * e u o • H 4 - ) • r 4 t O 4 - 1 • r 4 S 4 - 1 • i H d d i C C S o C C S C Q d C O d no o C J C L 1 — 1 6 r H 4 - 4 * r 4 eu • r 4 o e u O d S d d 1— 1 XS 'd o C O o 0) C C S • T — 1 4 . 4 c c S C r — 4 dS • r 4 d B X C C S P H 4 - 4 • r 4 ( U C J 4 J o eu eu 60 ; ? C J O - d C O E t C O C O d E H C 3 d eu • i H 4 - 4 d 4 - 4 e u O M C C S u > / - H E t 4 - 4 d o O 60 • r 4 C L o x s O E 4 eu • H C C S c e s 4 J , d C C S C C S C J ( U S 4 - 1 4 - 4 C J O * o C O 4 - i C O > 4 - J C J d D g u ÎH e u E l n d « i H eu o d a s o eu O C C S d d o e u d > ü 4 J 1 4 - 1 e u CL eu e u 4-1 • r - i e u ü 4 . » Ü o C 4 H C O S 1 4 - 4 c e s r - 4 C C S eu T — 4 < u O 60 o 1 5 - . H o 4-1 d e u 4 J Et CL r Ü O 4 J d u eu H El C O p ^ d CD • r 4 d 6 4 - » C O • i H CL d (L CL O 4 J nu c c S e u T 3 4 - 1 d n o O CL r d (U O J d d î d ! c e s d eu d f 4 . 4 d eu d c e s d £ > 0 r— 1 d C C S 60 6 0 CL 00 4 J 60 6 0 +J 6 0 4-3 60 d rO u çu d 3 c e s p - H d n o d " H d d O C C S d 0) o o O d O d o d o d o Î-I E - 4 4 - 1 > X J E l }-l —^ Et ! 3 El C C S Et ! 3 Et -iH El rd (U rd d î d d d d d EH od H H EH EH EH EH EH P 4 (Ü § S U C C S 0 c : 1 C O 4J 5 • s 6 C O Q > U S I ü > 4J 156 I Maintenance of Professional Contacts I The twelfth research question concerned the maintenance of professional contacts with people In Japan while studying at USC. Un expectedly, only about 30% of the respondents kept professional con tacts with people In Japan, and a majority of them did not keep any professional contact. Among those who did maintain professional con tact, 52.5% Indicated that It was beneficial In getting a job In Japan, 37.3% said It was beneficial to a certain degree, and 10.2% said It was not beneficial at all. Thus, It can be concluded that, although only about 30% kept professional contacts with people In Japan while studying at USC, the majority of those who did so thought It was beneficial In securing a job returning to Japan. Participation In Extra-curricular Activities The thirteenth research question asked about the participation In extra-curricular activities while studying at USC and Its Impact on getting a job upon returning to Japan (Table 32). It Is somewhat sur prising that only 24.4% of the total participated In some type of extra curricular activity and a majority, 75.5%, did not participate In any extra-curricular activity. Some of the popular extra-curricular activ ities were: joining an athletic group, professional society activity, church-related activity, fraternity activity, joining the International |Club, etc. As to whether or not participation In extra-curricular activity was beneficial to their employment when they returned to Japan, 10.2% 15 7 of those who participated in the extra-curricular activity Indicated 'it was very beneficial, 30.6% thought It was somewhat beneficial, and ! 59.2% said It was not beneficial at all. Thus, the major finding In the thirteenth question appeared to be that participation In extra-curricular activities was not very help ful In getting a job upon returning to Japan. Table 32 Participation in Extra-curricular Activities Male Female Total and Percentage Yes 39 10 49 ( 24.4) No 123 28 151 ( 75.5) Total 162 38 200 (100.0) Note. One respondent gave no answer. 3. Perception of Readjustment to Japan The major fourteenth research question investigated respondents' perception toward readjustment to Japan. Not as many respondents as had been expected reported experience of readjustment difficulties to Japan. Immediate Return to Japan It was found that 73% of the students returned to Japan Immedi ately after their studies at USC; the remainder did not return Immedl- 158 ately. Forty-four gave specific reasons why they did not return to Japan Immediately after completing their studies. Seventeen Indicated that they had traveled In the United States or Europe; 13 had worked temporarily; 8 had experienced practical training; 2 got married; and others were continuing further research, being hospitalized due to an accident, looking for a job, etc. Readjustment Difficulty In readjusting to their family's life style, 64.1% of the total of 198 respondents encountered no difficulty at all, 30.3% had some difficulties, and only 5.6% encountered considerable difficulties. Table 33 shows readjustment difficulties encountered by the respondents upon returning to Japan. As for readjustment to friendship relations, about the same pattern as readjustment to family life style was seen with the excep tion that more males Indicated that they experienced considerable difficulties (Table 33). In readjustment to social relations, the majority encountered no difficulty at all and the same held true for personal relations at work (Table 33). Thus, It can be Interpreted that In the more private phases of life such as family life style or friendship relations, a minority of the students encountered considerable readjustment difficulties. On the other hand. In the relations such as social and personal relations at work, more students encountered some readjustment difficulties. In comparing the males with the females, more females tended to encounter difficulties In all four areas (Table 33) . 15 9 g o o o o o I —l o o o o o o 4- J o 00 00 ' S i en T — ( C ) 0 0 o o Si en o\ r - 4 1 —l 00 - d" vO 4J O ' —I I —I CNj T —4 T —4 oo OO CO O vO r- CO <± T - i X) o o I —I vO LO 4- J g CO W r-4 00 LO 4 - 1 LO lO r-4 CNI CNl LO CM 4 - 1 4 - 1 r-4 4 - 1 U 4 - 1 4- J O 4 - J 4 - 1 r- 4 O. L4-4 O CM CO 160 I Twenty respondents specified readjustment difficulties which I they encountered in other areas. The most frequently mentioned was I readjustment to Japanese language, especially the usage of kanji (Chinese character) and honorific style. Two indicated that they ex perienced considerable difficulties in readjusting to the usage of proper Japanese language and 5 experienced some difficulties . Other readjustment difficulties encountered were concerning their children's education, interpersonal communication, and traffic conditions in Japan Table 34 shows adjustment difficulties to their careers or positions due to the American experiences. Out of 175 respondents who were engaged in work at the time of the survey, 68.6% reported that they experienced no difficulty at all, and 27.4% experienced some dif ficulties. While 27.4% of the males who experienced some difficulties, 42.9% of the females experienced some difficulties. There were only 4% of the total who experienced considerable difficulties (Table 34). Table 34 Adjustment Difficulty to Present Career or Position Due to US Experiences Male Female Total Percent I Very much I Some Not at all Total 7 ( 4.5%) 39 ( 25.3%) 108 ( 70.1%) 0 ( 0. 0%) 9 ( 42.9%) 12 ( 57.1%) 7 48 120 4.0 27.4 68.6 154 (100.0%) 21 (100. 0%) 175 100.0 Note. Out of the total of 177 who were employed at the time of the survey, 2 males did not respond. 161 Seven students explained difficulties which they encountered in their careers or positions. Some of these were related to women's loweiq status in Japanese society in general, decision-making process, and human relations, especially senpai-kohai (senior-junior) relationships. Overall readjustment by the respondents to the Japanese way of life is presented in Table 35. Out of 199 responding, 60.3% considered that they definitely readjusted to the Japanese way of life, and 31.2% considered themselves having readjusted with some difficulties. In comparing males with females, rather more female students experienced difficulties in readjustment to the Japanese way of life. Seven percent thought that they did not readjust very well, and 1.5% said they did not adjust at all (Table 35) . Table 35 Overall Readjustment to the Japanese Way of Life Male Female Total Percent. Definitely yes 101 ( 62.7%) 19 ( 50.0%) 120 60.3 Yes with difficulties 46 ( 28.6%) 16 ( 42.1%) 62 31.2 Not very well 12 ( 7.5%) 2 ( 5.3%) 14 7.0 Not at all 2 ( 1.2%) 1 ( 2.6%) 3 1.5 Total 161 (100.0%) 38 (100.0%) 199 100.0 Note. Two respondents gave no answer. 162 Comments on problems in readjustment to the Japanese way of life were obtained from the questionnaire forms and from interviews. Some of the most common comments were the following; (By those who definitely adjusted) Because I was mature enough as a Japanese when I left for US study, I did not have any problems. Because I went to the United States after graduating from a Japanese university, I could judge both good and bad points of the United States and Japan, and thus, I could prepare myself. Because I stayed with my family in the United States, I did not experience any difficulty in readjusting. (By those who experienced difficulties in readjustment) In a hierarchical society (like Japan's), there is an established pattern governing associations with colleagues and superiors at work, but I feel very uncomfortable that they often require that kind of association even after work. Human relations in Japanese society are very complicated. It was hard to adjust to family life which lacks privacy. It took a few years to adjust. (By those who did not readjust very well) Simply because I am a woman, I experienced tremendous difficulties in readjustment. What I studied in the United States is not recognized very much and people sometimes turn a cold shoulder on me because of my experience overseas. In summary, a majority of the respondents returned to Japan immediately after their studies at USC. Many of those who did not return to Japan immediately traveled, worked temporarily, or experi enced practical training before returning to Japan. 163 Upon returning to Japan, although approximately 30% had some difficulties, only a smaller number of them encountered considerable difficulties in readjusting to family life style or friendship rela tions. However, in other social and personal relations at work, more of the respondents encountered difficulties. Also, females tended to encounter more difficulties than their male counterparts . Nearly 70% of those working at the time of the survey reported that they experienced no difficulty in adjusting to their careers and positions due to their American experiences; about one-third experi enced some difficulties in adjustment. Over half of the respondents considered that they definitely readjusted to the Japanese way of life, and about one-third experi enced some difficulties. Again, more females experienced difficulties in readjustment to the Japanese way of life. Some of the problems which caused readjustment difficulties were readjustment to the usage of Japanese language, interpersonal relations, and children's education back in Japan. 4. Benefit of US Study in the Job The last major research question concerned the students' per ception of the benefits of US study to their jobs. Impact of US Study on Getting a Job or Position Of 169 respondents who had a job at the time of the survey, 74% considered that their US studies helped increase their chances of getting their positions and jobs: 18.3% thought US study was very 164 helpful, 31.4% saw it as helpful, and 24.3% indicated the study some what helpful. Approximately one-fourth of the total considered their US studies not very helpful or not helpful at all. It is interesting to note that the female respondents tended to consider it more helpful than their male counterparts (Table 36) . Table 36 Impact of US Study on Getting Present Position or Job Was the US Study Male Female Total Percent helpful?_____________________________________________________________________ Very helpful 26 ( 17.6%) 5 ( 23.8%) 31 18.3 Helpful 46 ( 31.1%) 7 ( 33.3%) 53 31.4 Somewhat helpful 37 (25.0%) 4 ( 18.1%) 41 24.3 Not very helpful 17 ( 11.5%) 3 ( 14.3%) 20 11.8 Not at all 22 ( 14.8%) 2 ( 9.5%) 24 14.2 Total 148 (100.0%) 21 (100.0%) 169 100.0 Note. Eight male respondents gave no answer. Some additional comments were obtained: three respondents stated that US study was very helpful because they joined American companies in Japan; 2 thought it helpful because their companies needed experts in the fields they had studied. On the other hand, 2 thought it was not very helpful because they could not even take the recruitment examinations of certain companies because they did not have degrees from Japanese universities. Table 37 shows the responses as to whether they thought their US studies were more beneficial in their position and job than their studies in Japanese universities. Approximately 70% of the 176 thought 165 that US study was more beneficial than study in Japanese universities would have been, and of this total 37.5% thought it had been of much or very much benefit. About 20% indicated that it had not been very beneficial or not beneficial at all (Table 37) . Seven students who thought their US studies were more benefi cial stated that it was more practical, and acquiring the English lan guage was very beneficial. Two others stated that no university in Japan provided the fields of study in which they majored in the United States. There were no comments from those who thought US study not beneficial. Table 37 Responses to Survey Item; Would US Study be More Beneficial in the Present Position and Job than Study in Japanese Universities? ,Was US study Male Female Total Percent mo re beneficial? Very much 31 ( 20 .0%) 4 ( 19.0%) 35 19.9 Much 27 ( 17 .4%) 4 ( 19.0%) 31 17.6 Somewhat 49 ( 31 .6%) 6 ( 28.6%) 55 31.2 Not very much 21 ( 13 .6%) 4 ( 19.0%) 25 14.2 Not at all 11 ( 7 .1%) 0 ( 0.0%) 11 6.3 Don't know 16 ( 10 .3%) 3 ( 14.3%) 19 10.8 Total 155 (100 .0%) 21 (100.0%) 176 100.0 Note. One male respondent gave no answer. Employer's Evaluation on US Study It is impressive that a great majority of the employers valued the students' study in the United States highly. However, about 20% 166 of them did not evaluate it highly (Table 38) . Twenty comments were obtained concerning the employer's évalua- Ition of US study. Most of them concentrated on a secondary skill such I ias English language ability, 2 stated that their employers rated their other acquired knowledge and skills highly. Two others stated that their employers tended to devaluate their US studies due to the diffi culties in interpersonal communications at work. Table 38 Employers' Evaluation of US Study How do they evaluate? Male Female Total Percentage Very highly Highly Somewhat highly Not very highly Not at all Total 11 52 51 19 12 13 57 57 21 14 8.0 35.2 35 .2 13.0 8.6 145 17 162' 100,0 Twenty-five gave an answer even though they were self-employed at the time of the survey. ‘ Recommendation of US Study Table 39 presents survey findings about whether or not respon dents would recommend the same kind of education they experienced in the United States to others . A great majority indicated that they would recommend US study: 26.9% of the 193 responding indicated that they would recommend it very highly, 44.6% marked would highly 167 recommend, and 22,8% marked somewhat highly recommend. Eight, or 4.1%, stated that they would not recommend it very highly and only 3, or 1,6%, would not recommend it at all (Table 39). Table 39 Recommendation of US Study to Others Would you recommend? Male Female Total Percentage Very Highly 46 6 52 26.9 Highly 72 14 86 44.6 Somewhat 34 10 44 22,8 Not very highly 8 0 8 4.1 Not at all 1 2 3 1.6 Total 161 32 193 100.0 Note, Two males and six females Study at USC in Retrospect gave no answer • The respondents were asked whether USC was their first choice among many other American universities and colleges at the time of their studies in the United States. Out of 195 who answered this item, 61% indicated that USC was their first choice, 39% indicated otherwise. More females than males indicated that USC was their first choice (Table 40). Fifty-two respondents stated their reasons for choosing USC. The reasons given by 28 were good reputation, good departments, or good faculty; and 21 because USC was recommended by their relatives, friends, companies, or professors in Japan. Other reasons were: USC has estab lished a good system of admission for foreign students, USC granted 168 scholarships, USC was the first school which accepted their applica tions, etc. Of the 35 students who said USC was not their first choice, 13 stated that Stanford University was their first choice; 5 chose the University of California at Berkley; 4 chose the University of Michigan; 4 chose the University of California, Los Angeles; 2 chose the Univer sity of Chicago; and 2 chose Yale University. Table 40 Choosing USC from Among Other American Universities and Colleges Was use your first choice? Male Female Total Percentage Yes 92 ( 57.9%) 27 ( 75.0%) 119 61.0 No 67 ( 42.1%) 9 ( 25.0%) 76 39.0 Total 159 (100.0%) 36 (100.0%) 195 100.0 Note. Six respondents gave no answer. Benefit of Study at USC to Career Table 41 includes the students' responses on whether they thought their study at USC was more beneficial in their careers than study in other institutions in the United States would have been. Nearly half indicated that they thought studying at USC was more bene ficial in their present careers than study at other American institu tions --9 .6% stated USC as very much more beneficial; 15.2%, much more beneficial; and 22.7%, somewhat more beneficial. However, approxi- 169 ■mately 20% indicated that USC was either not very beneficial or not [beneficial at all. About 32% responded that they did not know whether I IUSC had been more beneficial than other US institutions (Table 41). Table 41 Response to Survey Item: Would USC be More Beneficial in Present Career than Other Institutions in the United States? Would USC be more beneficial? Male Female Total Percent. Very much 14 5 19 9.6 Much 24 6 30 15.2 Somewhat 36 9 45 22.7 Not very much 21 7 28 14.1 Not at all 12 0 12 6.1 Don * t know 54 10 64 32.3 Total 161 37 198 100.0 Note. Three respondents gave no answer. Some comments were obtained from 24 respondents. Six stated that the departments in which they studied were among the best in the United States or that the curriculum of USC was well organized. On the other hand, 4 stated that USC was not the best school in their fields of study, and 15 indicated that USC was not yet as well-known as more prestigious schools on the East coast. As a result of the findings to the last research question, it can be concluded that the majority perceived their US studies as bene ficial in their jobs. More specifically, approximately 70% considered that their US studies helped increase their chances of getting posi tions and jobs, and it was more beneficial than their studies in 170 Japanese universities. Also, a majority responded that their employ ers evaluated their US studies highly and that they would recommend the same kind of American education to other people in Japan. As for the study at USC, about 60% selected USC as their first choice among other institutions in the United States , and nearly half of them thought the study at USC was more beneficial in their careers than study at other American institutions would have been. This concludes the first part of this chapter. Discussion for this section appears in the last section of this chapter. The next section presents analyses of the findings based upon 6 hypotheses. Analyses of the Research Hypotheses The second section of this chapter presents an analysis of the findings for the 6 research hypotheses. Chi-squares and contingency coefficients were applied to the survey findings to test the hypotheses, All of the 6 hypotheses dealt with the occupational placement of the survey respondents. For purposes of testing the hypotheses, occupa tional placement was defined in terms of 4 major variables and 4 aspects of employment. The 4 major variables were as follows ; (1) Level of Work--manua1 labor, blue collar, white collar, or executive; (2) Employer--self-employed or not self-employed; (3) Occupational Field--business, professional, educational, or governmental; and (4) Employer Evaluation of US Study. Employment aspects investigated were; (1) Economic Ranking of Current Position, (2) Social Ranking of Current Position, (3) Feeling of Career Satisfaction, and (4) Feeling of Cul ture Shock. 171 I In the process of the analysis of the research hypotheses, over I 1200 tables were developed. Of these, significant chi-squares were re- i jported in 23 tables. This section contains only the important summary tables of the variables which showed significant relationships. Other significant tables as well as non-significant tables are available upon request. Occupational Placement and Program Completion at USC The first research hypothesis investigated the relationship between occupation in Japan and completion of a USC study program. All of the occupational variables and employment aspects were utilized in the testing of this hypothesis. Furthermore, the respondent was divided into three groups: Completers of Degree Programs, Obtainers of Certificates--this category included those who were sent for study by their companies or school in Japan and those who sought certificates versus degrees, and Non-completers of Degree Programs (in which they were enrolled). Comparisons were also drawn between the current posi tion held and the position attained upon first returning to Japan. The first research hypothesis was: There is a significant difference in occupational placement of returned Japanese students who completed degree programs, those who either obtained certificates or were sent by com panies or schools, and those who did not complete their degree programs at USC Significant relationships were in evidence for three occupa tional variables--Level of Work, Employer, and Occupational Field. Positions held within the field of business for both current and first- attained placements also revealed significant chi-squares. Table 42 172 1 Table 42 j Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients for Occupational Variables and Degree Completion Placement : Variable df C Level of Work 6 16.751* .294 Employer 2 10.013* .233 Current Occupational Placement Field of Current Placement: Bus iness 12 31.323* .504 Profess ional 14 13 .661 Educational 16 21.022 Governmental 6 12 .000 First Occupational Placement Field of First Placement: Business 12 35 .215** .548 Professional 16 22.403 Educational 16 22.233 Governmental 6 10.999 Employer Evaluation of US Study 8 5 .890 Employment Aspects: Economic Ranking 8 7.839 Social Ranking 8 5.742 Career Satisfaction 8 7.973 Culture Shock 4 5 .523 *p < .01. **p < .001. 173 presents the results of the chi-square analysis. Contingency coeffi- Icients showed the correlation between occupational placement and the significant variables to range from low to moderate. Inspection of the data produced an unexpected finding: more students who had not obtained degrees were in executive or managerial positions than students who had obtained degrees . Approximately 40% of those who obtained degrees, certificates, or were sent by a company or school were classified into executive or managerial work, whereas approximately 60% of those who did not complete degree programs were classified into the same category. Then, too, fewer non-degree stu dents were found at the white collar level of work than at the execu tive level. For degreed/certificated students, the majority (60%) were in white collar and not executive level positions. An explanation of this surprising finding might be, in part, in the fact that a signifi cant relationship was found for the variables of Employer with a larger percentage of non-completers than competers being self-employed. Only 17% of the completers were self-employed versus 37% of the non completers . In summary, it can be stated that considerable numbers of those who did not complete degree programs at USC were in executive/managerial positions or self-employed and among those who completed degree or certificate programs and those who were sent by a company or school, the majority of them were not self-employed and about 60% were in white collar work. Occupational Field was significantly related to degree comple tion. This held true for the job placement at the time of the survey 1 7 4 ( p < .05) and for the job first obtained upon return to Japan (p < .05)^ but only with respect to the Business Field, p < .01 for current posi tion, p < .001 for first position attained (see Table 42). At the time of the survey, out of the total of 173, 92 worked in business; 36 were professionals; 35 in education; 6 in government; and 4 were self-employed. Approximately 80% of those in professional fields, approximately 70% in education and government fields, and ap proximately 60% in business obtained degrees, whereas the majority of those in self-employed category did not complete degree programs. This distribution of the respondent across occupational fields was very similar to the distribution for the first employment upon returning to Japan. Very little change was in evidence; approximately 3% of the respondents indicated a change of fields from professional/ governmental to business/education. The contingency coefficients for Occupational Field--Business were fairly impressive, C = .504 for cur rent position, G = .548 for first-job position. Surprisingly, 75% of those in the field of business were in high powered positions at the time of the survey, e.g., president, vice-president, executive, manager, director, department head, etc. In the president/vice-president category, approximately 60% of those sampled had obtained degrees and approximately 40% of them had not, whereas in the other executive categories, nearly the opposite trend was seen. No one in these two categories (president/vice-president and executive) obtained certificates nor were sent by a company. In assistant manager, assistant chief, and secretary categories, all of those in the sample had obtained degrees. 175 The chi-square analysis on the field of business held upon returning to Japan revealed a more significant relationship, p < .001. The contingency coefficient analysis also confirmed the significance, C = .548 (Table 42). Consequently it can be stated that getting a degree or certifi cate in the United States or being sent by a company or school was more significantly related to positions in business held immediately after returning to Japan than those held at the time of the survey. Also, approximately 40% of those sampled in the field of business were in high powered positions upon returning to Japan. Thus, approximately 35% of those in business had been promoted to top-level positions by the time of the survey. The chi-square analysis of variables concerning other occupa tional fields in the professional, education, government, and self- employed were found to be non-significant. Also, no significant rela tionships for the employment aspects of social or economic ranking of career satisfaction or of culture shock were reported. Level of Study at USC and Occupational Placement The second research hypothesis looked at the relationships be tween occupational placement and educational level, i.e., graduate study versus undergraduate study. There is a significant difference between occupational place ment of returned Japanese students who completed graduate programs and those who completed undergraduate programs at USC. Of all the occupational variables analyzed to test this 176 hypothesis, only 2 were found to be significant; Current Occupational Placement (p < .05) and Occupational Placement upon Return to Japan (p < .02). The contingency coefficient analysis on these two variables also showed significance. Thus, the research hypothesis on these two variables was tenable. It would seem that having completed graduate programs or under graduate programs at USC was more significantly related to the occupa tional placement obtained upon returning to Japan than to that of the placement at the time of the survey. Out of 113 who completed either graduate or undergraduate pro grams at USC, 49% were in business; 26%, professionals; 21% in educa tion; and 4%, either government or self-employed. A finding which has implications for US education is that ap- jproximately 60% of those in business and professional fields had com- i ipleted graduate programs at USC, whereas nearly 90% of those in the field of education had completed graduate programs. Additionally, a very small percentage of those sampled had changed their occupations from business or professional to education; the respondents had generally remained in the same field of occupation. The chi-square analysis on variables concerning the internal ranking of each occupational field and respondents' perceptions of their job were unexpectedly found to be non-significant. Sex and Occupational Placement Whether or not there were significant differences in occupa tional placement for males as compared to females was the central focus of the third research hypothesis. 177 Table 43 Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients for Occupational Placement; Variables and Degree Level (Graduate and Undergraduate) Completed at USC Variable df x" C Level of Work 1 .028 Employer 1 .803 Current Occupational Placement Field of Current Placement: Business 6 3.412 Professional 7 7.245 Educational 7 7.542 Governmental First Occupational Placement Field of First Placement: Business 6 8.809 Professional 7 11.964 Educational 7 3.158 Governmental 2 3.000 Employer Evaluation of US Study 4 1.245 Employment Aspects: Economic Ranking 4 .894 Social Ranking 4 2.307 Career Satisfaction 4 1.822 Culture Shock 2 .344 178 There is a significant difference based on sex between occupa tional placement of students who completed their studies at USC . To investigate this hypothesis, the occupational variables for males were subjected to the chi-square analysis and those same varia bles for females were analyzed through chi-square. Significant for males were the current occupational placement and that of the one first obtained upon returning to Japan (p < .05) as well as the field of work variables, especially for positions in the field of business, a very significant relationship indicated with p < .001. On the other hand, these variables showed non-signficance among females; for the latter, the level of work and perceptions of economic ranking based on their I jobs did show significance. The chi-square analysis on female level of work showed signifi cance (p < .05), with the contingency coefficient indicating C = .501. A review of the data showed no females classified in either manual labor or blue collar categories. It is interesting to note that almost 80% of the females were classified in the white collar category and about 30% of those who obtained master's degrees were in executive or managerial categories. Table 45 offers the Level of Work by educational category both for males and females. In contrast to 20% of the females, a little over 40% of the males were in the executive or managerial category. Also, all females who had obtained bachelor's degrees were classified into the white collar category, whereas one-half of the males who ob tained bachelor's degrees were in the same category and the other half in the executive or managerial category (Table 45). 179 Table 44 1 Ghi-squares and Contingency Variables and Educational Coefficients Category for for Occupational Placement: Both Males and Females 1 Variable df C Level of Work M F 8 2 7.571 6.363* .501 Employer M F 4 2 5.410 2.561 Current Occupational Placement Field of Current Placement: Business M F 18 2 13.990 2.000 Professional M F 18 2 17.260 2.917 Educational M F 21 8 27.855 12.267 Governmental M F 6 10.000 First Occupational Placement Field of First Placement: Business M F 15 2 31.706*** 2.222 .608 Professional M F 15 6 16.393 7.000 Educational M F 14 6 20.747 7.000 Governmental M F 8 8.167 Employer Evaluation of US Study M F 16 8 10.203 6.357 Employment Aspects: Economic Ranking M F 16 8 8.794 20.045** .716 Social Ranking M F 12 6 10.892 4.641 Career Satisfaction M F 16 8 8.670 6.769 Culture Shock M F 8 2 11.903 1.053 *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. 180 Table 45 Level of Work by Educational Category for Both Males and Females (N=136) Educational Level Level of Work Blue Collar White Collar Executive/ Managerial Total Male Bachelor 0 17 (25.8%) (50.0%) 17 (34.0%) (50.0%) 34 (100.0%) Master 0 32 (48.5%) (60.4%) 21 (42.0%) (30.6%) 53 (100.0%) Doctoral 0 5 ( 7.6%) (55.6%) 4 ( 8.0%) (44.4%) 9 (100.0%) Certificate 0 1 ( 1.5%) (33.3%) 2 ( 4.0%) (66.7%) 3 (100,0%) Sent by a company/school 1 (100.0%) (5.6%) 11 (16.5%) (61.1%) 6 (12.0%) (33.3%) 18 (100.0%) Total 1 (100.0%) (.9%) 66 (100.0%) (56.4%) 50 (100.0%) (42.7%) 117 . (100.0%) F emale Bachelor 0 8 (52.3%) (100.0%) 0 8 (100.0%) Master 0 7 (46.7%) ( 70,0%) 3 (75.0%) (30.0%) 10 (100.0%) Sent by a company/school 0 0 1 (25.0%) (100.0%) 1 (100.0%) Total 0 15 (100.0%) (78.9%) 4 (100.0%) (21.1%) 19 (100.0%) 181 The chi-square analysis of males’ current occupational place ment indicated at the p < .01, whereas for females the same variable was not significant. The contingency coefficient analysis also upheld the result. Table 46 shows the Field of Current Placement for males and females who had completed studies at USC. Approximately 50% of the males were in the field of business, while approximately 20% of the females were in the same field of occupâtion--business. However, in contrast to about 20% of the males being in the field of education, about 40% of the females were in the same field of occupation--educa tion. There was no female who was in either in the government or the self-employed category, and more female representatives were found in the professional field than males (Table 46). For the field of occupation held upon returning to Japan, chi- square was significant (p < .05) for males, but not for females. The contingency coefficient for both male and female was approximately C = .46. Thus, it can be concluded that the difference between males and females sampled was greater for first job placement than for current placement. Also, for males, having completed studies in the United States had more effect on decisions made later in their careers than on the one made right after returning to Japan. A relatively small percentage of males did change their fields from business or education to one of the professions or to a governmental position. On the other hand, as many as 10% of the females had changed their occupational fields from education to business or government. 182 1 & î II I o P îx9 5 - a ^a P 55 O O o o O o o o o o ■ u C M • M • o • OO • m • 00 • o • o\ • O m O r - t O o e-. O r - i O o O o ” 9 H O o O o O e - t o o O o o 3 S' S (S 8-g S X ? S' S o e x a O ^ O o /- s o e x • 5 ^ g * 8 ^ • * * S ' S O en c O f-4 O 00 o o en O * «M • - f * C M • '-- -t x f « en m — ' en > en o r-4 C M w O m o o o o o c "a t u a 5^ 6 ^ O e x S ' S g - a e x O 2 o m %-s iD /-X ■ — < e x r— 1 e x • g-a o e x m e x in g-a * e x • • > s • M • S'S o o * 8 - a • s x a • o O ga u Jj < f m cTi sO rx o • m O C M O C M • o ' - t ta tO - a - C M «M • e4 O C M • sO • <-4 O u ' en 00 x-e en x e C M x-e u -i x e O x ^ O x e C M P . • 3 vO en u"> s r •O o s - ' O M> x e en C M w ir t x e oo — ' C d C M c t u V . 3 O g e x t w Fg g - a O S ' S Ï ' S O e x o o X " \ O ^ O ex. O e x • r® t— 1 e x c r > e x •3 * * S' S * ï® o r x • 5^ • &a o ga «M O oo tO 00 C M C M r x O • r x o C M O o oo o > M • < t • r - l • x f • w u -1 C M x e C M XV vO X -/ C M -xe o x-e o (X. « N I C M C M en en 2 oo C M w o en x-e m <f —' en w O 1 0 ga 8-S o e x s x a g-a o lO oo x-x C M e x m e x • S'S o e x o e x • • * * 5 - S o o\ • 5 > a o ë o &a fi OO tO r x en ï x xf o o • o o o r-4 M * 1 - 4 • eM en in • s '-'OO X± x e o ' — m x-e in x e o A vO t f l C M C M C M «M C M t 3 X w C M O C M ■ —' 0> x - f C M yO C M "xe C M '- e o x tf x e i - M O "o o o 3 JS 2 o ' O C t u < a t a x x . < a 3 x _ 2 w u >» u U >x 3 O P > . c o O Sx C O T — 4 b U H (U * — 4 V * J3 3 H ; t u V O g . Q ) t u e x. t u | x: w g 1 J2 u ■ U S bl o o M 3 p U 3 O t a l < a t a o t u < a t a £ 3 S o u t y j b i £Q S 183 Sex proved to be a significant variable in terms of the employ ment that Japanese students first attained in the field of business when they returned to Japan. For males, the level of position was very significant (p < ,001); 35%. were in high powered positions (19 out of 54) , but only 1 of the 5 females responding held jobs of similar stand ing. Three of the 5 females in the business field were secretaries. It was also found that the type of studies males had completed at USC was more significantly related to their occupations and posi tions in the field of business than it was for females. Thus, it can be concluded that the level of work or occupation was tenably different between males and females who had completed their studies at USC. Positions in the field of business help upon returning to Japan especially differed between males and females. Many more males were in high powered positions than females. Female perception of economic status based on their jobs re vealed high significance by the chi-square analysis at the .01 level and the contingency coefficient analysis, C = .72, whereas the same variable for males was not significant. It is important to point out here that a larger proportion of females perceived their economic status as below average than males, and proportionately more males perceived their economic status as average than did females (see Table 47). However, surprisingly, there was no clear difference indicated by the chi-square analysis on perceptions about social status based on their jobs between males and females . The chi-square analysis on variables concerning other percep- 184 o o c o o o o o C x . o o o o o s f4 00 o o EH O O O o 00 s o § o o o o o o o o ea 185 j tions toward jobs as well as those variables dealing with internal 1 ranking in the fields of professional, educational, government, and self-employed were found to be non-significant. Previous Education and Occupational Placement The fourth research hypothesis was: There is a significant difference between occupational place ment of returned Japanese students who had previously ob tained degrees from Japanese public or private universities and those who did not. The only variables on which the chi-square analysis revealed a significant difference between graduates from Japanese universities and non-graduates from Japanese universities were the Field of Educa tion in the Current Position, the First Occupational Placement, and the Field of Education in First Placement. Contingency coefficients for both variables having to do with the Field of Education were 2 of the highest reported for any of the hypotheses: C = .571, Education-- Current Placement; C = .603, Education--First Placement (see Table 48). It is interesting to note that nearly 90% of those in the Field of Education had previously obtained degrees from Japanese universities Non-degree-holders from Japanese universities appeared in only 3 cate gories: language school instructor, commercial school instructor, and administrator (Table 49). Table 49 also presents the internal ranking of occupation in the Field of Education held upon returning to Japan. In comparison with responses data for Current Placement, it was found that a small percentage of those who had degrees from Japanese universities among 186 ■ .......... .... . ....... yable 48 Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients Variables and Previous Degrees from for Occupational Placement: Japanese Universities Variable df C Level of Work 3 4.069 Employer 1 3.599 Current Occupational Placement Field of Current Placement: Business 6 6.190 Professional 7 6.682 Educational 8 16.888* .571 Governmenta1 3 6.000 First Occupational Placement Field of First Placement: Bus iness 6 9.991 Professional 8 11.240 Educational 8 16.541 .603 Governmental 3 2.250 Employer Evaluation of US Study 4 2.474 Employment Aspects: Economic Ranking 4 4.754 Social Ranking 4 1.896 Career Satisfaction 4 4.944 Culture Shock 2 3.564 *p < .05. 187 Table 49 Occupational Placement and Educational Attainment In Japan Current Placement^ First-job Placement^ Category Degree # % Non # -degree % Degree # % Non-degree # % Administrator 5 16.1 1 25,0 4 14.8 0 0 Professor 7 22.6 0 0 3 11.1 0 Associate Professor 4 12.9 0 0 3 11.1 0 0 Assistant Professor Lecturer, 5 16.1 0 0 2 7.4 2 0 Instructor at college 3 9.7 0 0 3 11.1 0 0 Researcher 3 9.7 0 0 4 14.8 0 0 Secondary school teacher 2 6.5 0 0 4 14.8 0 0 Language school instructor 2 6.5 2 50.0 4 14.8 1 50.0 Commercial school Instructor 0 0 1 . 25.0 Ï 0 0 1 50.0 Total 31 100.0 4 100.0 27 100.0 2 100.0 Four respondents gave no answer. ^Seven respondents gave no answer. 188 |non-college categories moved to college categories, and among college categories, some promotions were identified (Table 49). In Table 50 can be found the distribution of the respondent jfor the occupational field upon returning to Japan. The majority of [those in the fields of business, government, and, especially, education I {obtained degrees from Japanese universities. In the professional field, 1 approximately 70% of those sampled obtained degrees from Japanese uni versities; approximately 30% did not receive any degree from a Japanese university (Table 50). Table 50 Field of First Occupational Placement and Educational Attainment (N=158) Business # Professional # Educational Governmental Degree from Japanese university Non-degree from Japanese university Total 64 18 78.0 22.0 26 68.4 27 12 31.6 93.1 6.9 77.8 22.2 82 100.0 38 100.0 29 100.0 9 100.0 Note. Respondents in self-employed category were excluded. Field of occupation at the time of the survey showed non significance in the chi-square analysis. Thus, it can be concluded that getting a degree from a Japanese university is related to deter- 189 mining the fields of occupation only upon returning to Japan. It can also be concluded that getting a degree from a Japanese university prior to US study makes a difference with respect to attain ing positions only in the field of education. It is surprising that none of the chi-square analyses on the other occupational variables, especially on the internal ranking in business or on the employment aspects showed significance. Kelationships for Sex, Previous Edu cation and Occupational Placement The fifth research hypothesis was: There is a significant difference based on sex between occu pational placement of returned Japanese students who had pre viously obtained degrees from Japanese public or private universities and those who did not. Table 51 shows the results of the chi-square analysis and sup plementary contingency coefficient analysis on the variables which indicate occupational placement of returned male and female Japanese students who had previously obtained degrees from Japanese universities and those who did not. The chi-square analysis revealed that only 3 variables for males were significant. None of the variables including these 3 showed significance for females. For males sampled, the field of occupation at the time of the survey showed significance at the .05 level, whereas for females sam pled no significant finding was reported. Inspection of the data revealed no female representatives in the field of government and the category of self-employed. A slightly 190 Table 51 Chi-squares and Contingency Variables and Previous for Both Coefficients for Occupational Placement: Degrees from Japanese Universities Males and Females Variable df X C Level of Work Employer M F M F 3 1 1 5 .584 1.373 1.967 Current Occupational Placement Field of Current Placement: « . M Business p 6 2 11.797 4.000 Profess ional M F 6 2 6.350 1.333 Educational M F 7 5 5.720 6.000 Governmental M F 3 6.000 First Occupational Placement Field of First Placement; Business M F 5 2 9.975 2.222 Professional M F 6 3 7.898 3.000 Educational M F 4 3.733 Governmental M F 3 1.778 Employer Evaluation of US Study M F 4 4 1.705 2.412 Employment Aspects: Economic Ranking M F 4 4 1.688 4.427 Social Ranking M F 4 3 1.083 1.777 Career Satisfaction M F 4 4 6.810 8.809 Culture Shock M F 2 1 6.639* 1.683 .203 *p < .05 . 191 larger proportion of males than females who were in the field of busi ness had obtained degrees from Japanese universities and nearly 20% more males were in the professional field. It should be noted that in the field of education, only 3.8% of the males had not obtained degrees from Japanese universities, whereas 33.3% of the females in the same field had not obtained degrees from Japanese universities (Table 52). Table 52 Field of Current Occupational Placement and Educational Attainment in Japan for Males and Females (N=169) Bus iness Professional Educational Governmental # % # % # % # % Male 72 81.8 16 18.2 19 67.9 9 32.1 25 96.2 1 3.8 5 83.8 1 16.7 Degree from Japanese university Non-degree from Japanese university Total 88 100.0 28 100.0 26 100.0 6 100.0 F ema le 3 75.0 1 25 .0 4 50.0 4 50.0 6 66.7 3 33.3 0 0 0 0 Degree from Japanese university Non-degree from Japanese university Total 4 100.0 8 100.0 9 100.0 0 0 Note, Respondents in self-employed category were excluded. 192 For males, the field of occupation held upon returning to Japan also indicated a highly significant relationship at the .001 level; for females, again no significant finding was noted. Almost the same pattern as occurred with current placement was found in first placement for males and females sampled (Table 53). In summary, it can be concluded that there is a significant difference based on sex in the field of occupation, especially in edu cation and occupational placement held upon returning to Japan between Japanese students who obtained degrees from Japanese universities and those who did not. One^of the variables for males indicating perception toward the job--Gulture Shock or adjustment difficulty in the career due to US study--was found to be significant at the .05 level. Among females, this variable unexpectedly was found to be non-significant. This in part probably occurred because of the different pattern of occupational choosing between males and females. Among males, the majority of those who had degrees from Japanese^ universities did not experience adjustment difficulties in their careers due to their US studies. However, one-half of the males sampled who had not obtained degrees from Japanese universities indicated experi encing some or considerable adjustment difficulties. On the other hand, no one experienced considerable adjustment difficulties to the career among females. It is surprising that 75% of the females who had not Obtained degrees from Japanese universities had not experienced any adjustment difficulty in their career (Table 54). 193 Table 53 Field of First Occupational Placement and Educational Attainment in Japan for Males and Females (N=15 7) Educational Governmental Professional Business Male Degree from Japanese university 61 79.2 22 73.3 22 100.0 75.0 Non-degree from Japanese university 20.8 26.7 16 25.0 100.0 100.0 Total Female Degree from Japanese university 60.0 71.4 50.0 100.0 Non-degree from Japanese university 28.6 50.0 40.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total 100.0 Note. Respondents in self-employed category were excluded 194 Table 54 Adjustment Difficulty in Career and Educational Attainment in Japan for Males and Females (N=175) Culture Shock Very Much # % Some # % ^ot # at All 7o Male Degree from Japanese university 5 71.4 27 69.2 94 87.0 Non-degree from Japanese university 2 28.6 12 30.8 14 13.0 Total 7 100.0 39 100.0 108 100.0 Female Degree from Japanese university 0 0 7 77.8 6 60.0 Non-degree from Japanese university 0 0 2 22.2 6 50.0 Total 0 0 9 100.0 12 100.0 Thus, it can be concluded that there is a significant differ ence based on sex in adjustment difficulties to the career in Japan due to US study between Japanese students who obtained degrees from Japanese universities and those who did not. 195 Unexpectedly, the chi-square analysis of the other occupational variables or employment aspects did not show any significance. Occupational Placement and Type of University in Japan The last research hypothesis sought to determine the relation ship of occupational placement and attendance at public versus private Japanese universities. There is a significant difference between occupational place ment of returned Japanese students who had previously attended Japanese public universities and those who had previously attended Japanese private universities. This compared the occupational placement of returned Japanese students who had previously attended Japanese public universities and those who had previously attended Japanese private universities. Variables for which significance was reported were Level of iWork, Current Placement, First Placement, and the Field of Business (see Table 55). The chi-square analysis on Level of Work indicated significance at the .05 level; the contingency coefficient analysis was equal to .240. As can be seen in a review of the data (Table 5 6), there was only one respondent classified in the manual labor category and in the blue collar category, respectively; 53.4% were in the white collar category and 45.3%, in the executive or managerial category. Approxi mately 70% of those who had previously attended Japanese public uni versities were in the white collar category and approximately 30% were in the executive or managerial category. Approximately 46% of those 196 Table 55 Chi-squares and Contingency Coefficients for Occupational Placement: Variables and Type of University Attended in Japan Variable df c Level of Work 3 9.026* .240 Employer 1 3.098 Current Occupational Placement Field of Current Placement: Business 6 24.143** .491 Professional 6 8.676 Educational 7 5.676 Governmental 2 .833 First Occupational Placement Field of First Placement: Business 6 10.904 Professional 6 9.907 Educational 7 11.812 Governmental 3 2.667 Employer Evaluation of US Study 4 3.530 Employment Aspects: Economic Ranking 4 8.396 Social Ranking 4 1.445 Career Satisfaction 4 4.259 Culture Shock 2 3.695 *p < .05. < .001. who had previously attended Japanese private universities were in the white collar category and approximately 53% were in the executive or managerial category. As a result, roughly 20% more of those sampled who had attended private universities than those who had attended public universities were in the executive or managerial category (Table 56) . 197 Table 56 Level of Work and Type of University Attended in Japan (N=148) Manual Blue White Executive/ labor collar collar managerial Total % # % # % # % # % Public 0 0 1 100.0 35 44.3 16 23.9 52 100.0 univ. (0) (1.9) (67.3) (30.8) (35 .1) Private 1 100.0 0 0 44 55.7 51 76.1 96 100.0 univ. (1.1) (0) (45.8) (53.1) (64.9) Total 1 100.0 1 100.0 79 100.0 67 100.0 '148 100.0 (.7) (.7) (53.4) (45.3) (100.0) Then, too, the field of occupation at the time of the survey was found to be very significant, p < .001. Among those who had at tended public universities in Japan, 27.5% were in the field of busi ness; 31.4%, in the professional field; 31.4%, in the field of educa tion; 7.8%, in government; and 2% were self-employed. Among those who had attended private universities in Japan, 66.7% were in the field of business; 11.8%, in the professional field; 17,2%, in the field of education; 1.1%, in government; and 3.2% were self-employed. Thus, those who had attended private universities in Japan, employment in business was most frequent, 66.7%, whereas among those who had attended public universities, the professional and educational fields were most often their fields of employment, 31.4%, respectively (Table 57). The chi-square analysis on the variable Field of First Place ment, the field of occupation held upon returning to Japan, also achieved a high level of significance, p < .01. 198 Table 57 Field of Occupational Placement and Type of University Attended in Japan Business Professional Educational Governmental Total # % # % # % # % # % Current Placement Public univ. attended 14 27.5 (18.4) 16 31.4 (59.3) 16 31.4 (50.0) 4 7.8 (80.0) 30 <100.0 (35 .4) Private univ. 1 attended 1 62 6&.7 (81.6) 11 11.8 (40.7) 16 17.2 (50.0) 1 1.1 (20.0) 90 100.0 (64.6) Total 76 52.8 (100.0) 27 18.8 (100.0) 32 22.2 (100.0) 5 3.5 (100.0) 140 100.0 (100.0) I ! First iPlacement Pub 1 ic univ. attended 16 32.0 (24.2) 16 32.0 (55.2) 12 24.0 (44 .4) 6 12.0 (75.0) 50 100.0 (37.5) {Private juniv. attended 50 59.5 (75.8) 13 15.5 (44.8) 15 17.9 (55.6) 2 2.4 (25.0) 80 100.0 (62.5) Total 66 49.3 (100.0) 29 21.6 (100.0) 27 20.1 (100.0) 8 6.0 (100.0) 130 100.0 (100.0) Note. The Self-employed category was excluded 199 It was found that the distribution of the sample population in e fields of occupation upon returning to Japan was nearly identical the one at the time of the survey. However, it is interesting to ;e that among those who had attended public universities, a rela- vely small percentage had changed their occupation to the fields of iUcation (or were self-employed) from the fields of business, govern- nt, or professional, whereas among those who had attended private diversities, approximately 7% of those sampled had changed their occu- Itlon to the field of business from other fields (Table 57). ' The chi-square analysis on the variable, Field of Current jlacement--Business, the internal ranking in the field of business, fas found highly significant at the .001 level. The contingency coef ficient was equal to .491 (Table 55). Surprisingly, nearly 70% of those who had attended private universities in Japan were in high powered positions such as president, vice-president, executive, manager,, department head,or director, whereas only about 20% of those who had attended public universities were in the same categories . Among those who had attended public universities in Japan, approximately 60% were in the category of division manager, assistant chief. It should be a Iso noted that while no one among those who had attended public uni versities in Japan was in the category of secretary, there were 3 or 4.8% among those who had attended private universities in this posi tion (Table 58). In contrast to this finding, chi-squares for the internal rank ing in the occupational field of business held upon returning to Japan were non-significant. 200 Table 58 Field of Placement--Business and Type of University Attended Current Placement^ First-job Placement^ j Category ( f Public % Private # % # Public % Private # % President, I Vice-president 1 7.1 11 17.7 1 6.3 2 4.0 j Executive 0 0 13 21.0 0 0 3 6.0 Manager, Dept. ' Head, Director 2 14.3 19 30.6 1 6.3 14 28.0 Division Manager, Division Chief 8 57.1 4 6.5 2 12.5 4 8.0 Asst. Manager, Asst. Chief 1 7.1 4 6.5 5 31.3 3 6.0 Staff, Office Clerk 2 14.3 8 12.9 7 43.8 22 44.0 Secretary 0 0 3 4.8 0 0 2 4.0 Total 15 100.0 62 100 .0 16 100.0 50 100.0 i^Sixteen respondents gave no answer. ^Twenty-six respondents gave no answer. 201 ; Upon examining the data, it became evident that about 75% of ; those who had attended public universities and about 50% of those who I had attended private universities were in less powerful positions upon I returning to Japan, e.g., assistant manager or chief, staff, clerk or secretary. However, about 54% of the public university attendants and about 26% of the private university attendants had been promoted to high powered positions at the time of the survey (Table 58). The chi-square analysis of variables indicating internal rank ing in the occupational fields such as professional, educational, governmental, and the analyses of those indicating the respondent per ceptions toward the job all showed non-significance. Discussion The primary concern of the study was to investigate about Japanese students who had studied at USC and returned to Japan, and to find out whether there was a difference in their occupational situation by virtue of the type of study program pursued at USC, prior enrollment at a Japanese university, or sex difference. The results of the data I collection were analyzed and they revealed the students' educational iexperiences in the United States and their vocational activities in I iJapan. Also, the analysis of the data disclosed the importance of the j program at USC, attendance at a Japanese university prior to the US study, and difference in sex. For Japanese people who have studied overseas, the importance of completing their studies in the United States, enrollment at Japa nese universities prior to their US study, and sexual difference have 202 jbeen well acknowledged In literature as important factors in achieving I {desirable employment upon returning to Japan (Du Bois, 1956; Bennet et al., 1958; Susskind & Schell, 1968; Yang, 1976). The literature jpointed out that because of idiosyncrasies in the Japanese culture, I society, and employment system, students who differ from the norm encounter difficulties in securing satisfactory jobs and positions in Japan, Furthermore, it was noted that lengthy periods abroad might promote a loss of professional contact, isolation from professional people, and exclusion from channels of employment reached normally through contacts made at Japanese universities (Bennet et al., 1958). In general, the majority of those sampled in this study ap peared to be successful in occupational placement in Japan. This was, : probably due to the fact that the majority of them completed their jstudy programs at USC, attended Japanese universities prior to the US study, maintained employment connections in Japan, and male and female returnees were engaged in different types of work. However, variables such as the type of occupation or internal ranking of a certain field of occupation showed significant differences between Japanese returnees who completed and non-completed the study program at USC, those who I 'attended and non-attended Japanese universities prior to US study, and :between male and female returnees. The following discussion will focus upon differences between completion and non-completion of the study program at USC, attendance and non-attendance at Japanese universities prior to the US study, and difference in sex in terms of the occupational placement of the Japanese 203 ! returnees. Some of the important findings from the research questions iwill also be included in the discussion. The results of the analysis of the first hypothesis revealed j that the completion of the study program at USC was related to the I returnees' level of work, type of occupation, and the internal ranking in the field of business in Japan. In the case of the level of work engaged in by returnees in Japan, however, some unexpected findings were disclosed. Approximately 60% of those who did not ccmplete the study program at USC were found to be in executive or managerial type of work, whereas approximately 40% of those who completed the study program at USC or those who were sent by a Japanese company or school engaged in the same type of work. Also, it was found that about 40% of those who did not complete the study program were self-employed, whereas the majority of those who completed the study were employees. These findings indicate that a considerable number of those who did not complete the study program at USC might have been destined to engage in executive or managerial type of work or to be self- employed upon returning to Japan. Since the majority of the samples' parents were found to be affluent with high-ranking occupations, and a little over 50% of them were self-employed. Many of those who did not complete the study program at USC had, at least, a good chance to be employed by their parents or to succeed in their parents' businesses! It was also found that many more returnees in the field of business did not complete study programs at USC than did those working in professional, educational, and governmental fields. Nearly 30% of 204 I those in business did not complete the program as against a little over ; 10% in the other three fields of occupation. However, an interesting result was revealed upon looking at the {positions of the returnees' in the business field. Approximately 75% I I of them were in high powered positions at the time of the survey; and jyet, about 40% of those in the president/vice-president category and nearly 70% of the executive category did not complete studies at USC, whereas the great majority of those in other positions completed their study programs. Having completed the study program at USC or having been sent 1 I by a company or a school in Japan made a significant difference in the I jtype of occupation. These elements surely had some impact on subse quent positions in the business field; however, the top positions in this field of occupation were not positively affected by these factors . A considerable number of people who did not complete their study pro gram at USC held positions at the top level and it seemed that other elements such as their family backgrounds in Japan were more related to this result. The internal rankings in other occupational fields, such as professional, educational, and governmental tended not to be related jto the factors mentioned. Possible reasons for this will be included I in the discussion of the fourth hypothesis. Although the literature indicated that Japanese students who pursue undergraduate work abroad are often incapable of making the grade in Japanese society upon returning to Japan (Du Bois, 1956), radical differences between those who completed graduate programs at 205 jUSC were unidentified in the analysis of the second hypothesis. The ; only areas which were found to show significant differences between ! the two groups were the types of occupation held upon returning to I I Japan. It is noteworthy that many more returnees whose jobs were in the field of education completed graduate work at USC (approx. 90%) ! than those in business and professional fields (approx. 60%). In addi tion, although it will be discussed later, about 90% of those in the field of education obtained degrees from Japanese universities prior I to US study. This is partly due to the fact that the majority of * those in the educational field were university personnel and adminis- 'trators whose qualifications usually required graduate or other degrees I jin addition to degrees from Japanese universities. And, as Yang (1976) stated, obtaining an American graduate degree in the different fields ; is considered an important asset for success in the Japanese academic world, and led to the development of a new breed of academicians. Also, a considerable number of returnees in the business and professional fields were found to have been engaged in work in foreign or in internationally oriented fields, which usually appreciate both American undergraduate and graduate degrees . Other areas such as the internal ranking in business, profes sional, and governmental fields, social and economic rank based on the job and job satisfaction showed little difference between graduate and undergraduate degree obtainers. However, on the whole, American gradu- [ate or undergraduate degrees did relate to the field of occupation. 206 and, especially, a graduate degree is more important in education than | in business and professional fields. Differences in occupational placement between Japanese male and female returnees who had completed study at USC were analyzed in the third hypothesis. Much literature, such as by Du Bois (1956), Bennet et al. (1958), Susskind and Schell (1968), Cook and Hayashi (1980), and White (1981) indicated the differences in occupational placement between male and female and the disadvantageous situation for females in the Japanese employment system. The results of the analysis of the hypothesis generally support the findings of the aforementioned studies. It was revealed that a considerable number of female returnees 1(44.7%) were unemployed at the time of the research because they were ! full-time housewives or unable to find the kind of employment they were looking for. Also, in interviews with four working female returnees, a substantial amount of dissatisfaction toward their employment in Japan was expressed. These are important points to be noted before discussing the difference in occupational placement between male and 'female returnees . Generally, the occupational placement of female compared to male returnees appeared to be different. Especially, the type of work, the field of occupation, and their economic status based on the job held showed significant differences. In the level of returnees' work, only 20% of the female re turnees who completed study programs at USC were engaged in executive or managerial types of work, whereas approximately 40% of the male counterparts were in the same level of work. It should be noted that, 207 among female returnees, these executive or managerial positions were occupied only by those who completed the master program or those who were sent by a company, and all of those who completed undergraduate programs were engaged in white collar work. In the case of male returnees, unlike their female counterparts, the type of their study program at USC was significantly related to their types of occupation. The same result was disclosed concerning their positions in the field of business . It is noteworthy that approximately 50% of the male returnees were in the field of business as against 20% of their female counter parts, whereas the opposite trend was apparent in educational and pro fessional fields. As much as 40% of the female returnees worked in the educational field, and a larger percentage of the female returnees were found working in a professional field than the male returnees. Thus, it appeared that employment in the field of business was more likely avoided by the female returnees and they were more apt to secure jobs in the educational and professional fields. It is interesting to note at this point that one of the re search questions revealed a noticeable difference between male and female returnees in the utilization of knowledge acquired at USC on the job. As indicated in the first section of this chapter, the majority of the returnees utilized the English language on the job, and nearly 50% of them used it quite extensively. However, in the case of the female returnees, the English language was u s e d m o re than the knowl edge they achieved in their fields of study at USC. 208 j It was also found that the females* perception of their eco- ■nomic status based on the job they held was significantly related to I the type of study programs completed at USC. Those who received a I master degree or were sent by companies tended to rank their economic status higher than those who completed undergraduate work at USC. In addition, when compared to male returnees, the female returnees were found to perceive their economic status lower. Analysis of other variables such as perception toward social status based on jobs held, adjustment to their careers, and satisfaction toward their jobs showed no substantial difference between male and female. However, this was probably due to the different types of jobs ! between them and the relatively small number of female returnees who I were working at the time of the survey. The analysis of the fourth hypothesis focused on the returnees who had obtained degrees from Japanese public or private universities or colleges prior to their US study and those who had not. As noted in previous chapters, Japanese society is character- iized as Gakureki-shakai (Reischauer, 1977; Passin, 1965). in which I i universities provide not only training but they also provide an impor tant connection, kone, and a lifetime identification with a clique, batsu, It is very important to graduate from a prestigious university I if one wishes to secure a better job and position in Japanese society, j The majority of the returnees in this study were successful in their occupational placements, but such success might have been related j to the fact that the majority had graduated from Japanese universities ! prior to their US study. It should be noted that as much as 81.1% of 209 the returnees went to Japanese universities prior to US study and 92% of them had obtained Japanese university degrees . The statistical analysis revealed significant differences be- jtween obtainers and non-obtainers of Japanese university degrees prior to their US study in the following three areas: the type of occupa tion upon returning to Japan, the internal ranking of occupation in the field of education, and the jobs held at the time of the survey. As was discussed earlier in this chapter, nearly 80% of the returnees in business and government and over 90% in education obtained degrees from Japanese universities prior to their US study, whereas a smaller percentage of the returnees in the professional field had ob tained Japanese university degrees (68.4%) and there were only 25% of the returnees in the self-employed category who had obtained such de- 1 grees. It was found that having a Japanese university degree or not ,was significantly related to the internal ranking in the educational I field of occupation. All of those who were engaged in administrative or university related work received degrees from Japanese universities prior to their US study. The analysis of the internal ranking in occupation in the business field showed non-significance, but it should not be ignored that approximately 80% of the returnees in this field of work had Japanese university degrees, Also, a considerable number of returnees in this field were found to be working for foreign or internationally oriented companies which often find American training more useful. Based on the analysis, it can be stated that degrees from Japa nese universities were important in occupational placement in Japan, 210 especially for the first jobs that the returnees secured after return- !ing to Japan, and also they were very much related to the internal ranking in the field of education. The comparison of male and female returnees was added to the analysis of the fifth hypothesis. The statistical analysis revealed that three variables for male returnees and no variable for female returnees were of significance. Among male returnees, the types of occupation held upon return ing to Japan and the ones at the time of the survey were found to be significantly related to degrees from Japanese universities. In com paring male returnees with female returnees, a larger proportion of male returnees in each field of occupation was found to have obtained {degrees from Japanese universities; and especially, in the field of education, over 95% of the male returnees had received Japanese uni- J versity degrees compared to a little over 65% of their female counter parts . I Thus, getting a degree from a Japanese university prior to US jstudy was more importantly related to male returnees' types of occupa tion than was the case for females. Also, it was nearly essential for male returnees to have a degree from a Japanese university in order to i jsecure a position in the field of education. Adjustment difficulty to careers in Japan due to their US study experience was found to be predominantly related to the degrees from Japanese universities in the case of male returnees. The majority of male returnees who had Japanese university degrees did not experience adjustment difficulties to their careers due to their US study, whereas 211 ; one-half of the male returnees who had not obtained Japanese university 1 degrees experienced some or considerable adjustment difficulties. On the other hand, among female returnees, degrees from Japa- i nese universities were found to be unrelated to the adjustment diffi culty to careers in Japan. And, surprisingly, 75% of the female returnees who had no Japanese university degree never experienced adjustment difficulty in their careers. These results probably emerged due to the different types of occupational placement in Japan between male and female returnees . I Approximately 80% of the female returnees obtained jobs in profes- I sional and educational fields, and the proportion of those in the business field was much smaller than it was for male returnees. The female returnees tended to choose their careers in professional and ! educational fields which could relatively ease the sexual discrimina tion against them, and securing employment in the business field was still unpopular among them. The analysis of the last hypothesis dealt with differences in occupational placement in Japan between the returnees who previously j attended public universities and those who attended private universi- j ties in Japan, ' It was disclosed in the previous chapter that the hierarchical I ; ranking of universities still exists in Japanese society and success I in one's life is often determined by the school from which one had I graduated. In university hierarchy in Japan, as Reischauer (1977) I pointed out, Tokyo University ranks at the top and other former Im- I j perial universities and a few specialized prewar national universities ! 212 I follow. Keio and Waseda, the two most prestigious private universities I come next and then the local public universities. Next come the great mass of private universities, divided into several prestige levels. Generally, national or public universities are considered more presti- Igious than private ones except for a few exceptions. The statistical analysis showed significant differences be tween the two groups in areas of the level of work, the type of occupa tion, and the internal ranking in the business field. However, upon analyzing the findings for the level of work and the internal ranking in the business field, the following unexpected results were found. Approximately 70% of the returnees who had pre viously attended Japanese public universities were in the white collar category, of whom approximately 30% were in the executive or managerial category; whereas approximately 46% of those who had attended private universities in Japan were in the white collar category and of that group approximately 53% were in the executive or managerial category. Also, in the internal ranking in the business category, 70% of those who had attended private universities in Japan were in high powered positions such as president, vice-president, executive, manager, de partment head, or director; whereas only about 20% of those who had attended public universities in Japan were in the same category. These results imply that the returnees who had attended private universities in Japan were better off in their employment than those who had attended public universities in Japan, but it should be noted that a considerable number of them were found to have attended one or the other of the two most prestigious private universities in 213 iJapan. Also, the major field of study for many of them was related to 'business both in Japan and at USC. j The statistical analysis of the type of occupation also re- Ivealed significant differences between those who had attended public 1 universities and those who had attended private universities in Japan, and it also indicated different patterns in the choosing of their oc cupational fields . Among the returnees who had attended Japanese I jprivate universities, 66.7% were in the field of business and 29% in I I professional or educational fields; whereas among those who had at- itended public universities, only 27.5% choose the field of business land 62.8% were in professional or educational fields. I i This concludes the discussion on the important findings of the research hypotheses. The following part will include some important {findings from the research questions. Some of the findings from the 'research questions were important in supporting the results of the i ■ i hypothesis analysis. There is little in the literature concerning the family back- ! grounds of Japanese students who studied in the United States. In )this study, however, the researcher realized the importance of examin- ; ! Iing the returnees' family backgrounds as well as their educational back grounds in Japan so as to find out what types of Japanese students studied at USC. As was discussed earlier, the majority of the returnees' par ents were found to be well-off--they held high-ranking occupations and had attained a considerably higher level of education than the average. Looking at the financial support the returnees received while attending 214 use, approximately 60% were supported by their parents, while others were sent by companies or schools or received scholarships. Thus, the majority of the Japanese students who attended USC were from affluent families. Such family backgrounds of the returnees could be considered as one of the important reasons why the majority of them were success ful in occupational placement in Japan. It should be acknowledged that over 60% of the returnees had employment connections prior to their US studies of which nearly 50% were through family or relatives, and over 40% of the returnees secured their full-time jobs through connec tions . ' Also, the high percentage of attendance at Japanese universi- i ties or colleges prior to US study (approx. 80%) could be considered i another important reason. As indicated in the previous chapter, the influential connection, kone, through family, relative, or school, is one of the most important assets to secure good employment in Japan. Among the purposes for having studied in the United States, a great majority of the returnees considered the following as important: to gain advanced training in the field, to brush up on English language ability, and to gain more knowledge about the United States . However, an unexpected result was also found--the purpose that US study would I improve the chances of getting a good job in Japan. While approxi mately 60% of the returnees indicated that this was an important pur pose, as many as 40% of them considered it unimportant. This result was probably due to the fact that over 60% of the returnees had employment connections prior to their US studies, and, 215 imore or less, they already had good employment chances in Japan. I I Also, it could be corraborated by the finding that nearly 70% of the I returnees who were working at the time of the survey returned to the work they had had prior to US study or they had had a job promised before returning to Japan. However, it should not be ignored that 74% of the returnees who had jobs at the time of the survey considered that their US studies helped increase their chances of getting positions and jobs. Moreover, the majority of the returnees* employers evaluated the US study highly, and a great majority of the returnees indicated that they would recom mend US study to other people. Although the differences between male and female returnees were already discussed, the following differences found by the research questions should also be noted. Over 90% of the male returnees as against 65% of the female returnees had professional plans prior to their US studies. Although more returnees anticipated employment problems than actually experi enced them, two-thirds of the female returnees expected employment jproblems in Japan, whereas only 16% of their male counterparts did. I As against one-third of the female returnees, only a few male counter parts actually experienced difficulties in finding their first full time jobs after their US studies. As a matter of course, the female returnees generally spent longer times in finding their first full time employment in Japan, As for the perception toward social and economic status based on their jobs, the female returnees tended to rank themselves lower 216 jthan did their male counterparts> also, the female returnees showed (lower degrees of satisfaction in their jobs. j Thus, the differences between male and female returnees were disclosed markedly even by the research questions . The female return ees were generally considered as disadvantaged in employment after returning to Japan, In regard to readjustment to Japanese society, although a good deal of the literature reported difficulties encountered by the Japa nese students who studied overseas, a smaller percentage of the return ees experienced difficulties than had been expected. Approximately 60% of the returnees considered that they had definitely readjusted to the Japanese way of life, and approximately 30% had readjusted with some difficulties. However, it was found that the returnees encountered more dif ficulties in readjusting to social and personal relations at work than to family life style and friendship relations. Also, more female returnees tended to encounter difficulties--especially in adjusting to careers or positions--, over 40% of the female returnees, as against 127% of the males, experienced difficulties due to their American expe- j riences. j As one of the reasons for an unexpectedly smaller number of ,those who actually experienced readjustment difficulties, the large ipercentage (approx. 80%) of those who attended Japanese universities ^prior to their US study could be offered. Those who had attended I Japanese universities may have been more firmly rooted in Japanese 1 culture and society deeper than those who had not. 217 The length of their stay in the United States could be related to this question. It was found that the majority of the returnees stayed at USC from two to four years. Such limited lengths of stay in the United States might not have alienated the returnees much from the Japanese culture and society. Yet, although no exact statistics were available, it was dis- ! covered in the process of collecting the research questionnaires that a number of Japanese USC alumni had not returned to Japan after com pleting their study programs at USC or that some had worked in the US. There was a possibility that quite a few Japanese USC alumni were liv ing overseas, and those could be considered to be the ones who were the I most alienated from Japanese society and culture. I In summation, in this chapter findings from the research ques- Itions and results of the analysis of the hypotheses were presented, I followed by a discussion on the findings and analyses. A thorough description of the study participants was drawn in the following areas: backgrounds prior to US study, educational expe riences at USC, problems of employment in Japan, and benefit of their US study on the job. The primary purpose of the study was accomplished in the finding of significant differences between completion and non completion of study programs at USC, attendance and ncn-dttendance at Japanese universities prior to their US study, and differences in sex | in terms of the occupational placement of Japanese returnees . The next chapter will present the summary and conclusions of the study and make recommendations to perspective Japanese students who are interested in furthering their education in the United States. 218 — 1 CHAPTER VI SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND CONCLUSIONS Summary This descriptive type of study was designed and undertaken because, despite the increasing numbers of Japanese students enrolling in United States' colleges and universities, there has been a scarcity of research data concerning these students, and because there is an increasing need for more and improved academic and job counseling for those Japanese students. The Problem Many Japanese students, upon returning to Japan, have experi enced readjustment difficulties which mainly derive from the idiosyn cratic features of Japanese society and culture. Moreover, Japanese students often experienced difficulties in seeking a pertinent employ ment opportunity. iPurpose of the Study j The major purpose of the study was to investigate Japanese I jstudents who studied at USC and returned to Japan and to find out whether there were differences in their occupational placements by i ithe type of study programs pursued at USC, enrollment at Japanese universities prior to US study, or sex difference. 219 Research Questions The following questions were sought to find out: 1. What were the family backgrounds of students, such as par ents' SES, occupational, and educational backgrounds? 2. What were the levels and types of education students had pre viously completed in Japan? 3. What were the students' reasons for coming to the United States for studies? 4. To what extent did the area of study at USC relate to occupational placement in Japan? 5. How long did students stay in the United States? 6. At what ages did students study at USC? 7. When did students study at USC? 8. What types of financial support did students receive while studying at USC? 9. To what extent did students utilize subsequently the English language in the performance of their jobs in Japan? 10. To what extent did students realize their professional expectations ? 11. Did the employment connection that the students had prior to their studies at USC assist them in employment upon returning to Japan? 12. To what extent did professional contacts maintained by students while studying at USC help them in employment upon returning to Japan? 220 13. To what extent did participation in extracurricular activi ties at USC help students in employment upon returning to Japan? 14. What were the students' perceptions toward readjustment to Japan? 15. Hod did students perceive the benefit of US study to their jobs ? Research Hypotheses It was hypothesized in this study that: 1. There is a significant difference in occupational placement of returned Japanese students who completed degree programs, those who either obtained certificates or were sent by com panies or schools, and those who did not complete their degree programs at USC. 2. There is a significant difference in occupational placement between returned Japanese students who completed graduate programs and those who completed undergraduate programs at USC. 3. There is a significant difference in occupational placement between male and female Japanese students who completed study programs at USC, 4. There is a significant difference in occupational placement between returned Japanese students who had previously ob tained degrees from Japanese universities and those who did not. 221 5. There is a significant differenced based on sex in occupa tional placement between returned Japanese students who had previously obtained degrees from Japanese universities and those who did not. 6. There is a significant difference in occupational placement between returned Japanese students who had previously at tended Japanese public universities and those who had pre viously attended Japanese private universities. Methodology The literature search was conducted both in Japan and the United States with particular focus on the literature which dealt with Japanese students who studied in the United States . The necessary data were obtained through questionnaires and interviews in Japan, and pro cessed on the computer using the Statistical Package for Social Sci ences. The findings were tabulated by means of tables; chi-square analyses and contingency coefficient analyses were utilized in the statistical treatment of the data to test hypotheses. I The sample consisted of 201 Japanese who studied at USC be- I tween 1946 and 1980 and returned to Japan. Out of 201, 81% were male jand 19%, female and the majority of them were in their 30s and 40s at Ithe time of the survey. Whereas over 95% of the males were employed, I jonly about 55% of the females were employed. 222 Findings The major results of the research questions are summarized as 'follows : I I 1. The majority of Japanese returnees parents' were fairly jwell-off being engaged in highly ranked occupations and with consider- jably higher than average levels of education. 2. Approximately 80% of the Japanese returnees went to Japa- inese universities or colleges prior to their US studies; their enroll ments were approximately 2-to-l private-to-public university enroll ment. The returnees' most popular fields of study in Japanese univer sities had been Economics and Engineering, followed by Literature, Business, English, and Law. 3, The great majority of Japanese returnees indicated the I following as important reasons for having studied in the United States:| to gain advanced training in their fields, to brush up on their English language abilities, and to know more about the United States. More- jover, improving chances of getting good jobs in Japan was found to be Îless important. j 4. The areas of study at USC were mostly related to occupa it ional placement of Japanese returnees in Japan, and the majority of Japanese returnees utilized what they had learned at USC, 5. The majority of Japanese returnees came to the United States between the ages of 20 to 29 and stayed at USC from 2 to 4 years.- ! I Also, the majority of them left Japan during the 1970s. I 6. Nearly 60% of the Japanese returnees received financial ; support from their families while studying at USC, and a little over 223 113% either received scholarships or were sent by companies, ! 7. The majority of the Japanese returnees utilized the En- tglish language in on-the-job performance in Japan, and nearly 50% I utilized it quite extensively, 8, The majority of the Japanese returnees had professional plans prior to their US studies and 41.3% of them pursued those plans, while 19.8% pursued different jobs, 16.8% succeeded to their parents' jobs or positions, and 22,1% were to return to the jobs they had prior to US study. Also, the majority of them, especially the males, had their jobs arranged before returning to Japan and they did not have any problem in finding their first full-time jobs in Japan. 9. Approximately 65% of the Japanese returnees had employment connections prior to their US studies and a little over 40% of them secured their first full-time jobs through those connections, 10. Although only about 30% of the Japanese returnees kept professional contacts with people in Japan while studying at USC, the majority of those who did so thought it was beneficial in securing a job upon returning to Japan. 11. The majority of the Japanese returnees did not participate in extracurricular activities while studying at USC, and participation in extracurricular activity was not found to be very helpful in getting a job upon returning to Japan. 12. Upon returning to Japan, although approximately 30% of the Japanese returnees had some difficulties, only a small number of them encountered considerable difficulties in readjusting to family life style or friendship relations. However, in social and personal rela- 224 tions at work, more Japanese returnees encountered difficulties. Also, I females tended to encounter more difficulties than their male counter- i 1 parts. Nearly 70% of those working at the time of the survey experi- Ienced no difficulty in adjusting to their careers and positions due to their American experiences. 13. The majority of the Japanese returnees perceived their US studies as beneficial in their jobs. Also, the majority thought that their employers evaluated their US studies highly and that they would recommend the same kind of American education to other people in Japan. The principal results of the research hypotheses are summarized as follows: 1. There was a significant difference in the level and type of occupation among Japanese returnees who completed degree programs, those who either obtained certificates or were sent by a company or school in Japan, and those who did not complete their degree programs at USC. 2. There was a significant difference of the ranking of posi- 1tions in the field of business among Japanese returnees who completed 1 jdegree programs, those who either obtained certificates or were sent by a company or school, and those who did not complete their degree pro- I grams at USC. 3. There was a significant difference in the type of occupa tion between the Japanese returnees who completed graduate programs and those who completed undergraduate programs at USC. 225 j 4. There was a significant difference in the type of occupa- I j tion and the ranking of positions in the field of business between 1 male and female Japanese returnees who completed their studies at 'use. 5. There was a significant difference in the ranking of posi tions in the field of education and the type of occupation held upon ^ returning to Japan between Japanese returnees who had previously ob- Itained degrees from Japanese public or private universities and those I who did not. ! 6. There was a significant difference in the type of occupa tion between male and female Japanese returnees who had previously I obtained degrees from Japanese public or private universities and those j who had not. Î 7. There was a significant difference in adjustment difficul- I ties to their career due to US study between male and female Japanese i returnees who obtained degrees from Japanese universities and those ■ i I who did not. t 8. There was a significant difference in the level and type of occupation between the Japanese returnees who had previously at tended Japanese public universities and those who previously attended Japanese private universities . 9. There was a significant difference in the ranking of posi tions in the field of business between Japanese returnees who had pre viously attended Japanese public universities and those who previously attended Japanese private universities. 226 Conclusions The following conclusions are drawn from the present study: 1. The major aim of the study was to investigate Japanese students who studied at USC and returned to Japan and to determine whether there were differences in their subsequent occupational place ment by virtue of the type of study program pursued at USC, enrollment ! at Japanese universities prior to US study, or sex difference. Vari ables such as the type of occupation or internal ranking of positions in a certain occupation showed significant differences between the Japanese returnees who had completed and those who had not completed their study programs at USC, those who had attended and those who had i I not attended Japanese universities prior to their US study, and between ; male and female returnees. I j The results support the researcher's findings in the review of I I literature which noted the importance of completing a study program in Ithe United States, enrollment at Japanese universities prior to US I study, and sexual difference as important factors in achieving desir- ■i I 1 able employment upon returning to Japan (Du Bois, 1956; Bennet et al., 1958; Susskind & Schell, 1968; Yang, 1976). In general, it can be concluded from the findings that com pleting the study programs at USC, attending a Japanese university prior to US study, and sex difference influenced occupational placement! after returning to Japan, 2. The majority of the Japanese returnees in this study ap peared to be successful in their careers in Japan. This is probably due to the fact that the majority of them completed their study pro- 227 (grams at USC, attended Japanese universities prior to US study, main- ( I I tained employment connections in Japan, and male and female returnees were engaged in different types of work. Given these findings of the present study and research studies (cited in the review of literature, it appears reasonable to conclude I that the completion of the study program in the United States with previous attendance in a Japanese university is important in obtaining good jobs upon returning to Japan. In Japanese society, where schools provide an important connec- ition, kone, and a lifetime identification with a clique, batsu. gradu- I ■ating from prestigious universities before adding further academic I experiences overseas is very important. Adding advanced training and I (degrees, especially in demanding fields, could add more opportunities ! : in getting desirable employment in Japan. [ ■ 3. It can concluded also that completion of the study program at USC is more important if students want to get into professional, educational, and governmental fields rather than getting into the business field after returning to Japan. The study found that only a little over 10% of the returnees in professional, educational, and governmental fields did not complete the study programs at USC as against nearly 30% in business. Also, in the case of field of business, a considerable number of returnees who did not complete their study programs at USC held top level positions, and it appeared that other elements such as their family backgrounds ancl kone, influential connection, in Japan were more related to this result] 228 I 4. Although the literature indicated that Japanese students 'who pursued undergraduate work abroad were often incapable of making I (the grade in Japanese society upon returning to Japan (Du Bois, 1956), radical differences in occupational placement between those who com pleted undergraduate programs at USC and those who completed graduate programs at USC were unidentified. However, it was found that many more returnees whose jobs were in the education field completed graduate work at USC (approx. 90%) than those in business and professional fields (approx. 60%). This ! was partly due to the fact that the majority of those in the education I j field were university personnel and administrators whose qualifications i usually required graduate or other degrees in addition to degrees from Japanese universities. As Yang (1976) noted, obtaining an American ^ graduate degree in the fields which led to the development of a new 1 breed of academicians is considered to be an important asset for suc- I cess in the Japanese academic world. Thus, it can be reasonably concluded that completing under graduate programs or graduate programs at USC makes a difference in the returnees' occupational placement in Japan, and completing gradu ate programs is important if students want to get into the educational field in Japan. 5. It can be reasonably concluded also that the occupational placement of female returnees in Japan, compared to male returnees, is different; the female has disadvantages in occupational placement in Japan. 229 ! The findings from the study showed that a considerable number of female returnees (44.7%) were unemployed at the time of the survey (because they were full-time housewives or unable to find the kind of {employment for which they were looking. Also, it was found from the interviews with working female returnees that there was a substantial amount of dissatisfaction toward 1 their employment in Japan, ; Generally, the occupational placement of female compared to Imale returnees appeared to be different. Especially in terms of the level of work, the type of occupation, and their economic status based on the job held, there were significant differences. I These findings support studies by Du Bois (1956), Bennet et al. 1(1958), and White (1981) which noted the differences in occupational placement between male and female, and the disadvantageous situation I I for the female in the Japanese employment system. I Î 6. It can also be concluded that female returnees tend to I I jchoose their careers in educational and professional fields rather I . . than in the business field. 1 In Japanese society, women tend to be assigned to jobs that 'are secondary to men's, especially in the business field, and it is ■often difficult to demonstrate their abilities in the job situation. Thus, female returnees who have completed their study programs in the United States mi^t choose careers in which they can utilize what they had learned . 7. It can be concluded that obtaining a degree from a Japanese university prior to US study makes a difference in determining the type 230 of occupation in Japan, and it is especially important for the first job that a returnee secures upon returning to Japan, Also, possession of a Japanese university degree is important if a student wishes to enter governmental, business, and, especially, educational fields. In Japanese society, as the literature noted, there exists a correlation between school affiliation and employment; the designated school system still has an influence on recruitment, and it is impor tant to establish relations with a batsu, clique, and to have proper kone, influential connection, in order to obtain better employment (Passin, 1965; Reischauer, 1977) . Establishing such relations, as well as getting a degree from a Japanese university prior to US study, is important for students who study abroad in securing desirable employment. 8. It can also be concluded that having a Japanese university jdegree is particularly important if a student wants to get into the [educational field in Japan, and it is very important if a student I wishes to secure a position at a Japanese university. The study found that over 90% of the respondents in the educa tional field obtained degrees from Japanese universities prior to their US studies and all of those who were engaged in university related work jreceived Japanese university degrees. j In the case of employment by universities in Japan, as Befu I I(1971) noted, schools tend to recruit their own graduates into their | I t \ town faculty, and they practice favoritism among graduates of the same school in employment, promotion, and advancement. Such employment 231 I practices might have effects on returning students who seek employment I ; at Japanese universities. ' 9. It can be concluded also that getting a degree from a Japa- i nese university prior to US study is more importantly related to the I male returnees' types of occupation, rather than it is to those of the I females. It is nearly essential for a male to have a degree from a i Japanese university in order to secure a position in the field of education. In comparing male returnees with female returnees, the study revealed that a larger proportion of male returnees in each type of occupation had obtained degrees from Japanese universities prior to their US studies, and, especially, in the field of education, over I 95% of the male returnees had received Japanese university degrees I compared to a little over 65% of their female counterparts. Also, the I proportion of female returnees who had received Japanese university 1 I I degrees was much smaller than it was for their male counterparts. After all, the pattern of choosing the type of occupation is i different between male and female students who study at USC and more I female students might choose their careers which do not put too much | value on Japanese university degrees. j I It can be further concluded that male students who have degrees \ ! from Japanese universities tend to encounter less adjustment diffi- I culty to careers in Japan due to their US study experiences than those who do not have any Japanese university degree. Male students who came to the United States when they were young, or came without a degree from Japanese universities and did not __________ 232 jhave firm roots in Japanese society, appeared to encounter difficulties ,in adjusting to their careers in Japan. This finding supports the (study by Orr (1971) who noted that younger students who were alienated from home culture, those from rigid societies, and those uninfluential in their home culture usually experienced the most difficulty in re adjustment . Therefore, failing to take the first step on the ladder to social and economic success--a degree from a Japanese university--may cause difficulties when Japanese students subsequently graduate from jUSC and return home seeking job placement and rewarding careers . 11. In Japanese society which has formed Gakureki-shakai (Reischauer, 1977), it has been considered an important asset to gradu ate from a university which ranks higher on the university hierarchy in order to obtain better jobs and higher ranked positions in business and bureaucracies. The findings of the study lead to the conclusion that choosing the type of occupation are different between Japanese students who have attended public universities and those who have attended private univer sities in Japan. Those who have attended Japanese public universities tend to get into professional and educational fields, whereas those who have attended Japanese private universities tend to choose their careers in the business field. However, other findings indicated that more returnees who had previously attended Japanese private universities were at higher occu pational levels such as executive or managerial levels than those who attended Japanese public universities. Also, in the internal ranking 233 ■in the business field, nearly 70% of those who had attended Japanese private universities were in high powered positions, whereas only about |20% of those who had attended Japanese public universities were in the same category. j These results imply that the returnees who had attended Japa nese private universities were better off in their employment than those who had attended Japanese public universities, but it should be jnoted that many more private university attendants chose careers in the business field and that a considerable number of them were found to have attended either one of the two most prestigious private univer sities in Japan. Also, the major field of study for many of them was (related to business both in Japan and at USC. 1 Recommendations j This study has been undertaken because of the fact that the jenrollment of Japanese students at US colleges and universities has jbeen greatly increasing and as a result there have been increasing demands for more and improved counseling for those Japanese students. ) The findings and conclusions of this study led to the follow ing recommendations. [ Recommendations for Those Affiliated j with Foreign Student Programs J I 1, Japanese students who pursue their education in American Iinstitutions of higher education should be aware that completing the jstudy program in the United States and attending Japanese universities prior to US study are important in obtaining good employment in Japan. 234 l i t is recommended that students establish kone, influential connection, ! in Japan prior to their departure, especially if those students intend I (to enroll in undergraduate programs in the United States. ! ^ 2. Japanese female students who pursue their education in 'American institutions of higher education should realize that a female I jhas disadvantages in occupational placement in Japan, and that they should select their major fields of study in the United States and their careers in Japan very carefully so that their educational sojourn becomes more fruitful. 3. It is advisable that if Japanese students who pursue their education in American institutions of higher education want to get into 1 [the educational field upon returning to Japan, and especially if they wish to secure positions at Japanese universities, that they graduate I from a Japanese university prior to their US study and lay foundations ;for their subsequent employment in Japan, and also that they complete I jgraduate programs in the United States. I 4. Japanese students, especially male students, who do not i possess degrees from Japanese universities should keep as many contacts as they can with the culture, society, and people of Japan so that they can minimize adjustment difficulties to careers upon returning to Japan. 5. American institutions of higher education should have I I experts who can counsel foreign students on job prospects as well as j problems relating to readjustment to students' home countries. Ideallyj I there should be one expert for every nation, but, at minimum, one ex pert for each of those nations which represents large foreign student enrollment in these American institutions. 235 ; 6. Counselors or advisors who work with Japanese students who {pursue education in American institutions of higher education should be laware of idiosyncrasies in the Japanese culture, society, and employ ment system, and should encourage the maintenance of ties with people jin Japan who may influence the students' future employment. ! Recommendations for Further Study I 1. More extensive and elaborate research should be pursued with a larger population of Japanese students who have studied in American institutions of higher education and returned to Japan, j 2. The research focusing on non-returned Japanese students who reside in the United States after their study should be conducted j jto find out the causes for them not having returned to Japan. I 3. 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Yakura, H. Gakureki-shakai. Tokyo: Kyoikusha, 1978. Yang, C. A. Study abroad--the new lifestyle of Japanese students. Peace, Happiness, and Prosperity, November 1976, 2(H) * 53-63. 253 APPENDIXES 254 APPENDIX A BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON FOREIGN AND JAPANESE STUDENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND AT THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA 255 Foreign Students in the United States The number of foreign students in the United States has been increasing every year. The annual census of the Institute of Interna tional Education (1983) reported that 326,299 foreign students attended American institutions of higher education in 1981-82, a 6% increase over the 311,882 students in the previous year (Table 59). While the number of foreign students in the United States con tinues to grow, they still represent a very small portion of all stu dents in higher education. As Table 5 9 indicates, for most of the past two and one-half decades foreign students made up approximately 1.5% of all students enrolled in institutions of higher education. However, this figure increased to 2.6% in 1981-82. The increase in enrollment came from almost all nations in the world. The largest population of students continues to come from Asian countries, and the number from Latin America and Africa rose signifi cantly (Open Door: 1981/82, 1983, pp. 12-13). Nationally, Iran, Taiwan, and Nigeria have remained the top three countries in recent years (Table 60). 256 Table 5 9 Total Enrollment and Foreign Student Enrollment In Institutions of Higher Education in the U.S. with Average Annual Rates of Increase of Foreign Students and Foreign Student Percentages of Total Enrollment in Selected Years, 1954/55-1981/82 Year Foreign Enrollment Average Annual Rate of Increase Total Enrollment Percentage of Foreign Enrollment 1954/55 34,232 — 2,499,800 1.4 1959/60 48,486 8.3 3,402,300 1.4 1964/65 82,045 13.8 5,320,000 1.5 1969/70 134,959 12.9 7,978,400 1.7 1974/75 154,580 2.9 10,321,500 1.5 1975/76 179,344 16.0 11,290,700 1.6 1976/77 203,068 13.2 11,121,400 1.8 1977/78 235,509 16.0 11,415,000 2.1 1978/79 263,938 12.1 11,392,000 2.3 1979/80 286,343 8.5 11,707,000 2.4 1980/81 311,882 8.9 12,087,200 2.6 1981/82 326,299 6.0 12,371,700 2.6 Source; Open Doors: 1981/82; Report on International Educational Exchange. New York ; Institute of International Education, o vO r-4 rO co f ■u 5 d o> ■X» P •u co a 0> u o P m y-l 0 u Q J 1 ■S I 0) 0} • 1 - » M •U d § u g H eu o H r - 4 00 o 00 a\ CNl CO s w o o O O o O O o e u m v£> t n CM o un un rO m st e n en un Px CM <1^ S d r-x OS Px en 1-4 OS o S ■ x l * 1-4 1 —4 1-4 1-4 r-4 1 —4 U o O O O O O o O s ed 0» -i4 "d ed 00 OU d d d r-4 d ed ed (U d ed ed o O •n > f-4 CO S td co r-4 ed 44 UH o O 1 ■u 1 eu eu 44 md d 44 44 •H UH 44 O C Q d C Q (H 44 d eu 4 eo Pà 1 d i u U O OU o 04 3 e u >s Z u , 44 d d (U Px o oc eu d 0 0 ed x t 44 X i ed o X 44 M rd 1-4 O ed •r4 d o rd o m 3 •H rx 44 e u ed CO 00 eu m ed d 1-4 44 'd d M eu O iH U ed eu d eu o * 1 - 4 eu 44 x ; ed 4J d 54 eu e u iH 44 44 CM ed d e u M •i4 OU r—4 d ed d o m 44 •i4 e n O 44 c o H 54 C 5 S o 1 — 4 d C Q e u 00 44 pd d d d o -i4 e u -h I "O "O 44 ed d CM e d e u 44 0 0 eu r d CQ " x , d rH " d o > d 0 0 w 4 d 0 0 os 44 'H r 4 iH Oi ed U » U d e u O C Q o T ) (44 54 •H d O 44 d UH o ed O Q d C Q 54 e u Î4 d eu u eu eu 44 d -S a d 00 S O M d P t 4 d e u e u e u M 44 d O o co 258 As Table 61 reports, the most popular field of study for foreign student has been Engineering, and the field of Business and {Management has been the second choice in recent years. The table also shows a change in the pattern of choice of study by foreign students over the past year. Whereas Mathematics and Computer Sciences has been becoming more popular. Humanities and Health Professions have been less Table 62 shows the distribution of foreign students including those from the Far East and Japan by sex and academic level. The ratio of males to females has been approximately 3-to-l and there has been a slight increase in the proportion of female students. It is interest ing to note that the approximately 3-to-l male-to-female sex ratio has remained the same since surveys by the Institute of International Edu cation were first conducted in 1954-55. Table 62 also shows that in 1981-82, 5 9.8% of all foreign stu dents were enrolled in undergraduate degree programs; 32,6% were graduate students. At the graduate level, 7.5% of all foreign students were enrolled in doctoral programs and 16.4% in master's degree pro grams. The table also points out an increase in the proportion of undergraduate foreign students in recent years. Japanese Students in the United States Table 60 indicates that the total number of Japanese students enrolled was 14,020 and was the fifth largest national group in 1981-82 It also represented 4.3% of the whole foreign student enrollment in 1981-82. 259 Table 61 Foreign Students' Major Field of Interest in Selected Years, 1954/55-1981/82 (in Rank Order) 1954/55 1965/65 1975/76 1981/8^ Engineering 1 1 1 1 Business and Management 6 5 2 2 Physical and Life Sciences 4 4 3 4 Social Sciences 3 3 4 3 Education 8 8 6 8 Mathematics and Computer Sciences 10 10 7 5 Fine and Applied Arts 7 7 8 6 Humanities 2 2 5 7 Health Professions 5 6 9 9 Agriculture 9 9 10 10 Note. Those in an Intensive English Language Program and were excluded. undeclared Source: Open Doors : 1981/82: Report on International Educational Exchange. 1983. Pp. New York: Institute of International 34-35. Education, 260 CM v O ' S C M OO 00 1 - d" IX oo IX o\ C O ( U -I— I 44 •H C O • S ê I C O 4 0 M on rx 3 IS 5 - 4 C^i 0 c c J O CM vO on 00 un CM 2 k CO S'S O vO CM o on ON 0 LO o vX3 <t 1-4 o 00 on ON IX CM 0 on CM CJN Ix rx rH 0 0 m CM CM r—4 g 1 0 a 0 X r0 M XX XX 0 CU $2 ^2 6^ 6 - 2 6"2 X 1-4 r—4 o ON o un on CM 1-4 M 0 54 44 0 0 W 54 00 C 4 - I 00 0 Q 44 C4 - 4 0 0 0 0 • r - 4 54 0 CQ 0 0 0 10 0 o; 0 c o e n 0 0 44 O 0 - r - t 44 0 44 S 0 10 1 —4 44 44 r —4 • r - t ■H o 44 3 5 4 C O 0 0 t o PU t —t 0 O f - H < 4 - 4 - r - t o O 44 o 0 Xi 44 o • r - t co 44 e nr - 4 0 0 M 44 O H CO 0 44 00 r —1 0 0 0 0 44 44 B 0 O T —t 0 B - t r - 4 O O 54 M - l 5 4 0 O 0 04 PU 4J il 0 M ill § •H 44 0 44 •H 44 CQ 0 I m O O CO co IX T — t CM o CM CM co vO 0 0 • d " NO NO NO X) r - t r —1 r— t CM o rx CO r - t CM m m IX C 3 N nO m -d - 00 ON 'd - d ON IX O o 00 nO 00 NO o r — - t r-4 NO NO • d NO IX co r —1 00 00 00 lO - d CM co CM C M - d CM > d co co - d CM - d co ON CM IX O rx CO O CM co O r—1 co CM ON 0 0 NO r —4 NO ■ d r— t m co co I —1 \—t r —4 r— 1 - d CO CO CM CM CM CM CM CM CM 0 00 0 O O 44 •r-t g O 0 0 0 # * r 4 1 g .3 g O U - ) •H I —I 0 O g 0 Xi 44 0 O CO U - l o 3 - •H W 5 -4 0 fS CM 0 0 0 0 H S 5 - 4 0 PQ •H 03 0 54 00 0 0 0 g 8 0 0 •H H iQ 0 i - g t — 4 0 O 0 O H co § X ù * r 4 I •g 0 g o 0 •H 3 04 O >N 44 •r-4 O T 5 - 4 > ■H g 44 *1 -4 O T 0 > •r4 B 0 2 g pq LO 0 •H 44 I e n 3 0 E - 4 U - 4 O kO 44 *r4 W 5 l 0 5 g vD S • g <s> N < 3 4 4 0 • r - t •T -t > s CQ 0 0 4 4 54 0 5 4 •r-4 0 0 0 O CQ > • r - t M -t 5 4 • H 1 0 • r - t 0 0 O r - t > 0 3 • H 0 • r - t g O 0 0 P 54 M - l M -l 0 O O 0 1 0 CQ 5 4 4 4 > N > N 0 0 0 4 4 4 4 r - t 4 4 O • r 4 • r - t 0 e n C O e n CQ 0 0 0 5-4 5-1 0 0 e n 0 0 < 1 1 0 0 > > 4 4 X •r-4 • r - t CQ 5 4 0 0 0 O O E -4 P P p CO ON M -4 O 0 44 0 44 •r4 44 CO S ■ g 0 1 0 û£ 0 I ë i •r4 44 0 0 0 M i • i H 44 § 5 4 0 44 0 M g 44 5 - 4 O CM 0 ( z ; IX P4 CO ON C M OO e n u I g CM O 0 o 5 - 4 0 o co g •H 44 0 B 0 M § •H 44 E 0 44 a 264 Table 64 Foreign Student Enrollment at use 1982 (Fall) 1976 (Fall) 1970 (Fall) Total number of foreign students 3,651 2,548 1,370 Number of countries represented 115 104 76 Male/female 75 .2% male 80% male — — enrollment 24.8% female 20% female ' — — Undergradua te s tudents 1,765 (48.3%) 1,129 (45%) (32%) Graduate students-- total 1,639 (44.8%) 1,229 (50%) (67%) Faculty/teaching/ researchers 130 ( 3.5%) 42 ( 2%) ( 2%) Others (including ALI) 247 ( 6.6%) 72 ( 3%) ( 2%) Source: International Students at the University of Southern Califor nia: A statistical profile. Los Angeles: Office of Interna tional Students and Scholars, University of Southern Califor nia, January 12, 1977 and March 15, 1983. 265 Figure 1 shows that the largest concentration of foreign stu dents was from South-East Asia (42.5%), and the next largest was from the Middle East (29.8%). (See Figure 1.) Nationally, students from Iran, although their enrollment num ber declined, still ranked first as the largest foreign student popula tion with 416 students in 1982. Taiwan, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Korea, Hong Kong, and Japan followed in numerical order in 1982. Whereas the enrollment of students from Taiwan, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, and Korea increased greatly, those from Japan and Venezuela decreased (Table 65). Table 66 shows foreign students' enrollment in major USC schools during the fall 1982. The School of Engineering had the largest con centration of foreign students with 1,329 foreign students or 36.4% of the total foreign student enrollment. The School of Letters, Arts and Sciences, the Graduate School, the School of Business, and the School of Public Administration followed in numerical order. According to the Office of International Students and Scholars of USC, there was a 7.1% increase in foreign enrollment in the School of Engineering in the fall semester of 1982, a 2.3% increase in the School of Business Administration, 5.1% increase in the Graduate School of Business Administration, and a 7.9% increase in the Graduate School. Enrollment in the School of Letters, Arts and Sciences remained con stant, and enrollment in the School of Education decreased 1,9% from the previous year (International Students at USC, 1983). 266 ^ Southeast V As ia 42.5% Middle| East 29.8% oo rh Figure 1, Geographic distribution of foreign students at the University of Southern California (fall 1982) Source: Adapted from International Students at the University of Southern California: A Statistical Profile. Los Angeles: Office of International Students and Scholars of USC, March 15, 1983. 267 ig s Q J CO 5 g •S +J c /3 a • r W ( U ! - 4 o k M - l O O f i w CQ (U 4 - J f i (U o • I - ) 15 c o e u } - i u i o o On f i F£ h CM 00 o\ f i P > H -fi-Lor^coooo>rocMi—iin<t<ti-HOoov£>vû<t<tro lO ’—I co OO vO uo 'vf' co CM CM CM CM CM I—I I—I T —I I—I I—I I—I fi fi fi fi 1 5 (U •r4 fi • H !u "fi fi fi O fi !u H M M . . C M C O < t ùû f i tS ùû f i s fi f i ) f i f i eu f i fi f i M o f i •r 4 C O fi rO ( U fi fi fi U •H •H fi U < C O a . fi fi fi < U r-l r— 1 a . o o 4 - J fi o • 1 - 4 •r 4 fi f i •H ( U •iM o f i C O fi 15 fi T ) % O N fi 1 — 1 •r 4 fi •r -l fi 4 J fi •H fi XI •fi fi X •H X X Xi fi C O r— 1 fi fi •iM fi 5 - 4 co X! fi fi fi 5 - 4 fi i S e u C O XI M P Q M ç u s X J P M k 3 s c o 00 o\ O r— 1 C M c o <t u o v O 1 ^ o o (J\ o r-l 1 — 1 r-l r— 1 1 — 1 1 — 1 1 — 1 r -4 1 — 1 r— 1 C M CM o r — 1 CO CT\ 0 0 0 0 X rH c o< t co o - UO CO 0 0 O X> 1 — 4 KO o O r *. X m uo X < )• < )• co CO co CM r H < t CM r H 1 — 1 i H 1 — 1 i H vO g <3\ O rH fi • fi • H 60 1— 4 X f i 60 fi C Ü f i •1-4 f i 5-4 1 — 1 • H • f i -F^ O < ! f i CO f i f i f i f i 6 tsii fi fi e u f i • H o • H fi r H O 4-J •fi fi fi fi • H N fi fi fi •fi X o 5-4 i H • H fi • H fi e u fi fi 60 fi 15 t 3 f i • H fi o fi f i • H f i •H N fi fi 4-J fi fi eu, •1-4 fi f i • fi 5-4 • fi f i 60 X 60 fi fi X > X • H e u U Q fi c ü fi e u fi O fi fi ' H fi 1— 1 X X e u fi •r4 f i •H M m « 3 H C O > M )H u S :E: c H X X W X X > r-l C M co < t uo X <X3 (T\ o r H C M co uo X rv. 0 0 < y\ O t— f r H i H tH i H i H T-W r-f i H r H C M M D U O en T— 4 C M O X < t X m co r H t— 1 0 0 r— 1 r-l X» O X X -fi" C O i H o o 0 0 X X X X U O •<|- c o C M 1 — 1 1 — 1 r H T— 1 i H tH r H f i •H X> f i f i 60 •H 5-4 fi e o < O fi e u f i fi •H f i f i 1 5 O •fi e u 60 fi •1 -4 • f i f i X fi X n s f i f i o O X H w CO Pü 1 —1 CM co •< |- X X I fi) 6 0 g fi (U fi +J e u -r-l 4 ê f i fi fi fi • f i u i H • H fi fi o fi fi e o 4-J O fi fi fi O fi. fi • H t — 1 • H fi fi iH fi f i o fi N 5-4 • H fi fi * H fi • H f i fi • H 6 0 fi fi N 1 — 1 •fi X fi H fi X fi fi 6 0 fi cü fi fi e u X O fi fi • H fi • 1 - 4 H s M X H f i O S CO > s X . . . . . co O iH CM co u o X O O co O iH I —1 i H 1 — 1 i H i H 1 — 1 r H 1— 1 1 — 1 CM g 3 4 - J C O fi M - 4 O d * C J \ > d * C M T — ( O O v O C O C M C M 1 — 1 1 1 - < t 0 1 • f i 6 0 C O C O X X X r - H 1 1 L A X f i C M o X E h C O »— 4 C d c d r - - X L A C M v O l A C M L A o o T — f C M C M L A O X X C O C O T— 4 I— 1 C M L O o X E H T O X 0 ) C M C M C O o O O tH o 1 o o O O O L A C O X ( X X O 0 1 X 0) f i O L O O o X C A C M o 1 o o C D 1 — 1 o O C M X S I r H fi 0 ) fi C m X fi X 0 ) c r — 1 X C O r— 4 o C 3 \ C O X o 1 o o O o t H O c n 1 X C M 1 ÛJ X c u c d X fi i H O C O C M O O o C M C O o o X o o O C M T ) Û X C O ( d c u X C m 6 0 X ( U Q > T ) 1 — 1 C O X m C O C M O t H o r - o o o r H X O < t s X X X L A X r— 4 T O o c u c u o TO X u X X fi d o X X 0 » C O < J • H X o TO d c u T O C O T O o d d r H X C U X • r 4 M o T 3 O d X X o d O * r 4 c d C U X c d M X C O X X 6 0 o X u f i X d c d c u C O r* < 5 C O P Q T O c d f i o T O X 6 0 d C U X 6 0 T O c u d ( U d Ü r — 4 X X < • X • H • H • i M t u c d 6 0 < u X ' X tH O ) a fi • H C h X g 3 X C O a • H 0 ) X o fH ( U X X X o f i 0 X d • r 4 u P4 g 1 o 01 o X § C O 272 APPENDIX B COVER LETTER AND QUESTIONNAIRE TO JAPANESE USC ALUMNI 273 SCHOOL OF EDUCATION Oer/iBTMeNT O P SoOAL & FMILOSOfHICAL FOUNDATIONS (213) 743-2465 May 5, 1982 Dear USC Alumnus : Mr. Yoshitaka Sakakibara, a doctoral student in the School of Education, University of Southern California, has, for his dis sertation research, designed "A Study of Japanese Students at the University of Southern California: Vocational Impact of American Academic Experience on Japanese Students After Return ing to Japan," I, as chairperson in his doctoral committee, am endorsing his study because I believe that the results will be of significant value in promoting international, and especially Japanese student, programs at U.S.C. and perhaps elsewhere in the United States. A questionnaire is enclosed. You and our other U.S.C. alumni in Japan are the only ones who can answer the questionnaire and provide the necessary information for this study. Therefore, we sincerely hope that you will be willing to participate in and assist with the realization of this study by completing the en closed questionnaire and thus contribute with your knowledge and experience. Because it is so important to return the question naire as soon as possible, a post-paid envelope is enclosed for you convenience. Also, you have my assurance that the informa tion received will be kept in strictest confidence, will be kept anonymous and will be used only for research purposes. I sincerely hope that you will extend your full cooperation to Mr. Sakakibara in order that this project may be successfully completed. Thank you in anticipation for your help. Sincerely yours, Willnara M- Rideout, Jr Educational Policy, PI ind Administration School of Education University of Southern California WMR/ffo M AÎUNG ADDRESS: UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CAUFORNIA, P. O. BOX 77963, LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90007 274 jk,f)A.^K##-AT^ T > ^ - h S ^ n - k M U.60 ff) #&.Wuf:1c»iVf: , ÆÆ. W f W îoûoAo e r i f K aN< ')W 1 3 < , 4 # # ^ 1') •MU'o&'f kfjHtivW. flU'KW / > f j m o 0 : f ^ i \ - ; 0 j % t ^ M K / ) R ' ) t f ' f f r - 3 ' c . n ' m n ) X kif:^U'îto'' (o)r#:6 tfiUK'';, (/ t*lè^>i-ni3 8:%-K7%)4 (PART I) Personal Data 1. Your sex: (CIRCLE your answer) a. male b. femaIe 2. Date of birth: n * , a a . Date of birth 3. If you attended any Japanese university/college prior to your US experience, please complete the following information: Name of college/ un ivers i ty - n l i j ship Private^rf Major field of study Degree if any Year compIe ted V .L'iiâi.fe...... ^ A . 1 ...... 4. What was your father's (or mother's) occupation and position duNng tig time you studied in the U.S.? (e.g. lawyer, medical d o c t o r , etc.) 5. Was your father (or mother) 1 oyed then? (CIRCLE one) a. Yes b. No 275 P a g e 2 6. What is (was) your parents' educational attainment? and column) (CHECK the a . Mother some elementary schooling , Father b. elementary school graduate c. some high school education d. high school graduate e. some college education' f . college graduate 9- more than col lege graduate h. none of the above | 7. Considering Japanese standards, how would you classify your parents? (CIRCLE one) a. wealthy b. upper middle class c. middle class d. lower middle class e. others Prior to the U.S. Sojourn 8. Did you have any working experience prior to the US study? (CIRCLE your answer) a. Full-time jobs for a year or more; What? ___________________________________________ b. Part-time jobs while at school; What? ' ____________________________________________ c. No working experiences 9. Prior to your US study, what were your professional plans after your US study? Please describe briefly. 10. 1 1 Did your professional plans or job expectations change during your stay in the U.S.? (CIRCLE one) a. Yes; Why? b. No Did you have any employment connection a. Yes b. No If "Yes", what was its nature? (CIRCLE as many as applicable) a. your family b. your relatives c. your school (college/university) d. your previous job(s) e. your personal acquaintances f. Others? Kindly specify; _______________________________________ prior to the US study? (CIRCLE one) 276 Page j U.S. Experiences 12. Piease fill in the box below: a. Major field of study at USC b. Degree/certi fleate completed if any c. Year attended Example: Psychology B.A. 1962-1966 19^ "2'♦25 29 30 ~3l 35 "39 V o w 44'45 Vg 50. LKtfAu.! a. 1946 - 1950 b. 1951 - 1955 c. 1956 - I960 d. 1961 - 1965 e. 1966 - 1970 f. 1971 - 1975 g. 1976 - 1980 15. What was your major source of support as a college student in the U.S.? (CIRCLE your answer) a. government scholarship b. privately-sponsored scholarship c, family d. self-supporting e. Others? What? _ _ _ 16. Did you keep any professional contact with people in Japan while you were in the U.S.? (CIRCLE one) a. Yes; Please specify "what" S "how" b. No If "Yes", was it beneficial to your employment when you returned to Japan? (CIRCLE your answer) Very much b. Some c. Not at all 17. Here are some reasons that most foreign students in American universities mention as being important in their decision to study in the U.S. CHECK the appropriate row and column to show how important each of these was to you. Very Somewhat Not To gain advanced training in my field important Important important important To improve my chances of getting a good job in Japan To brush up my English language abi1ity To know more about the U.S. Others? Kindly specify: 277 Page 4 18. How was your English language ability while you were in the U.S.? (CHECK the appropriate row and column) Did you have any difficulty in; a. classroom activities? Very much Some Not at all b. assignments (reading £ writing)? c. conversation with professors? d. daily conversation? e. Others? Kindly specify: 1 9. Did you do any extracurricular activities while you were In the U.S.? (e.g. club activities, athletic group joining, professional society, etc.) (CIRCLE one) a. Yes; Please briefly describe ____________________________ _______ b. No If "Yes", was it beneficial to your employment when you returned to Japan? (CIRCLE your answer) a. Very much (PART II) b. Some c. Not at all Upon Returning to Japan 1. Did you return to Japan immediately after your US studies? (CIRCLE one) a. Yes b. No If "No", why?_________________________________________ 2. Did you encounter any difficulty in readjusting to the followings? (CHECK the appropriate row and column) .Very much Some (Not at alli a. family 1i fe style b. friendship relations c. social relations d. personal relations at work e. Others? Kindly specify; 3. Do you think you readjusted well to the Japanese way of life? (CIRCLE your answer) a. Definitely yes b. Yes with difficulties c. Not very well d. Not at al1 Please comment; 278 Page 5 Your Present Job 4. Are you currently employed? (CIRCLE one) a. Yes b. No If "No", kindly specify the reason: IF YOU GAVE "YES", PLEASE ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS. IF "NO". SKIP TO #22. 5. How long did it take to get your first full-time job after your US studies? (CIRCLE one) a. I returned to work I had prior to US study b. I had a job promise before returning to Japan c. less than 3 months d. more than 3 months but not more than 6 months e. more than 6 months but not more than 1 year f. more than I year 6. How did you get your first full-time job after your US studies? (CIRCLE one) a. through the connection Indicated in Item (11) in Part I b. through employment agents c. through professors or schools in the U.S. d. I returned to the job I held prior to departing Japan e. Others? What? ________________| _____________________________________ ■ 7. Did you have any problem getting a full-time job after your US studies? (CIRCLE one) a. Yes b. No c. Not applicable If "Yes", was your major problem any of the following? (CIRCLE your answer: a. limited openings in my field of specialization fa. unacceptable salary offered c. jobs offered were concerned with work I did not care for d. no proper connections in the agencies I desired to Work a. absolutely no job openings suitable to my training and specialization f. degree(s) from US colleges and universities were not recognized highly g. Others? Kindly specify: ____________________________________________________________ 10. Did you anticipate to face any problem getting a full-time job when you returned to Japan? (CIRCLE one) a. Yes b. No What kind of work are you currently engaged in? (CIRCLE one) a. manual labor b. blue collar c. white collar d. executive/managerial Are you self-employed? (CIRCLE one) a. Yes; What? _______________________________________________________________________________ b. No; Kindly specify your employer 279 Page 6 11. Please briefly list your (a) present occupational position and (b) ones you have held since returned to Japan. b. 12. Your position or work is in: (CIRCLE one) a. the same field you studied in the U.S. b. a different but related field c. an entirely different field by choice d. an entirely different field not of your own choosing e. none of above; Kindly specify _________________________ 13. On the basis of your present position or work, how do you rank yourself in Japan? (CHECK one in each column) Very Somewhat Below high High high Average i average a. financially I b. social status 1 14. Do you consider your present career: (CIRCLE one) a. very satisfactory b. satisfactory c. somewhat satisfactory d. unsatisfactory but expecting better e. frustrating Kindly comment: 15. Did you have any difficulty in adjusting to your present career or position because of your US experiences? (CIRCLE one) a. Very much b. Some c. Not at all If you had any difficulty, please briefly explain: ________________________ U.S. Experience in Retrospect 16. How much of the knowledge or experiences from your US studies do you use in your present job? (CHECK one in each column) Use ail or almost a 11 I learned a. field of study in the U.S. Use quite a lot Use some Use very 1ittie Use none b. extracurricular activities c. English language__________ d. Others? Kindly specify: 280 Page 7 17- If you do not use all or almost all of what you learned, how important are each of the following In limiting use of your US «stud I es on your present or most recent job? (CHECK the appropriate row and column) Very Not b. lack of necessary equipment important Important important 1rrelevant lack of communication between co-workers employers or superiors are reluctant to use my ideas training too theoretical training too practical for Job needs my position does not carry sufficient authority^ have not been in job position where I can use training Others? Kindly specify: 18. How does your present employer evaluate your US studies? are employee) (CIRCLE one If you a. very highly b. highly c. somewhat highly d. not very highly e. not at al1 Kindly comment: 1 9. How much of what you learned in your US studies have you passed on to other people? (CIRCLE one) a. all or almost alI fa. qui te a lot c, some d. very little 20. Do you think your US studies helped increase chances of getting present position or job? (CIRCLE one) a. very helpful b. helpful c. somewhat d . n o t v e ry h e lp fu l e. not at all Kindly comment: 21. Do you think US studies would be more beneficial in your present position and job than study in Japanese universities? (CIRCLE one) a. very much b. much c. somewhat d. not very much e. not at all f. don't know Kindly comment: 281 Page 8 22. Would you like to recommend your friends, relatives or your own children to have the same kind of education In the U.S.? (CIRCLE one) a. very highly b. highly c. somewhat d. not very highly e. not at all Study at USC 2 3. When you chose to study at USC, was it (USC) your first choice among universities and colleges in the U.S.? (CIRCLE your answer) Yes b. No If "Yes", kindly specify the reason of choosing, and if "No", please indicate the institution of your first choice. 24. Oo you think study at USC would be more beneficial in your present career than study in other institutions in the U.S.? (CIRCLE one) a. very much b. much c. somewhat d. not very much e. not at a ! I f. don't know 2 5• Any commen t: Kindly comment ; HAVE YOU ANSWERED ALL QUESTIONS? Please go over the questionnaire again to check if you missed answering any. THANK YOU VERY MUCH FOR YOUR HELP! Y. Sakakibara 282</s>

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Asset Metadata

Creator Sakakibara, Yoshitaka (author)

Core Title A study of Japanese students at the University of Southern California, 1946-1980: vocational impact of American academic experience on Japanese students after returning to Japan

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education

Degree Conferral Date 1984-05

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Education,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c30-276404

Unique identifier UC11228476

Identifier DP25013.pdf (filename),usctheses-c30-276404 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier DP25013.pdf

Dmrecord 276404

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Sakakibara, Yoshitaka

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA