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An intergenerational comparison of attitudes toward the support of aged parents: a study of Mexican-Americans in two south Texas communities

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An intergenerational comparison of attitudes toward the support of aged parents: a study of Mexican-Americans in two south Texas communities

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Content AN INTERGENERATIONAL COMPARISON OF ATTITUDES TOWARD THE SUPPORT OF AGED PARENTS : A STUDY OF MEXICAN- AMERICANS IN TWO SOUTH TEXAS COMMUNITIES by Noel Fernando Laurel A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF SOCIAL WORK September 1976 UMI Number: OP22964 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disseitafen W ïilisKng UMI OP22964 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 - 1346 s ç TZ) S \a/ b w '7 7 L378 This dissertation, w ritten by NOEL F. LAUREL under the direction of the C hairm an of the candidate's Guidance Committee, and approved by a ll members of the Comm ittee, has been presented to and accepted by the F a cu lty of the School of Social W o rk , in p a rtia l fu lfillm e n t of the requirements fo r the degree of D O C T O R O F S O C I A L W O R K .LL Dean , JUNE 1976 D a te............. NCE/COMMI GU Chairman ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank all the people who participated in this study. 1 am grateful also to Harold Rademacher and James R. Vasquez for facilitating data gathering in the schools. I feel especially priviledged to have been a part of both the School of Social Work and the Ethel P. Andrus Gerontology Center. To the faculty and staff of these two components of the University of Southern Cali fornia I owe a debt of gratitude. I am especially grateful to my parents for their support and encouragement, and I deeply regret that my father did not live to see this work completed. I also wish to thank my wife for her patience and understanding, and my daughters, Rebeka and Erika, for enduring the pain of separation that was necessary to finish this pro ject. To these wonderful people, I dedicate this work. 11 CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................... ii LIST OF TABLES ................................... v Chapter I, BACKGROUND AND STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEMS ................................... 1 Introduction Background of the Problem Concern for the Aged Concern and Anxiety over the Generation Gap From Melting Pot to Cultural Plurality The Case of the Mexican American Significance of the Problem Assumptions of the Study Organization of the Report II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ................ 2 3 Introduction The Acquisition of Moral Judgment Intergeneration Relations and Continuities In Socialization Intergeneration Relations Among Mexican Americans Attitudes Toward Filial Responsiblity Summary and Implications Derivation of Hypotheses III. HISTORICAL AND SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILES OF THE RESEARCH SETTINGS ........... 66 Introduction History and Description of the Research Settings Profile of the Edgewood Independent School District iii Page History and Description of Rural Setting Rio Grande City and Starr County San Isidro The San Isidro School District Rural and Urban Settings Compared on a County-wide Basis IV. METHODOLOGY . ................................... 9 3 Introduction The Instrument Pretesting Instrument and Procedure Data Collection Sampling Procedures: Student Population Sampling Procedures: Parent Population Scoring and Coding Characteristics of the Sample Data Analysis Limitations of the Study V. FINDINGS ......................................... 116 Introduction Testing of Hypotheses Other Findings VI. SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS OF RESEARCH FINDINGS . , 140 Introduction Summary of Purpose Summary of Findings Implications for Social Work Practice Implications for Further Research APPENDICES...............................................159 BIBLIOGRAPHY............................ 174 IV TABLES 1. Employment Characteristics by Census Tracts for Edgewood Independent School District . . . 74 2. Edgewood Independent School District Income Levels by Census Tracts ........................ 76 3. Nativity, Parentage, and Country of Origin of Residents of Bexar and Starr Counties . . . 87 4. Income Levels for Residents of Bexar and Starr Counties .........* ....................... 88 5. Income and Poverty Status of Bexar and Starr County Residents................ ............... 90 6. Families, Person and Households in Bexar and Starr Counties Having Less than Poverty Level . 91 7. Educational Characteristics of Residents of Starr and Bexar Counties.........................92 8. Characteristics of the Sample: Generation by Residence .............................. 109 9. Characteristics of the Sample: Generation by Sex ................... 110 10. Characteristics of the Sample: Generation by Religion......................................... Ill 11. Characteristics of the Sample : Generation by by Social S t a t u s ................................ 112 12. Generational Classification of the Research Sample ............................. ..... 113 13. Generational Differences in Filial Respon sibility Scores . 117 14. Sex-by-Generation Differences in Filial Responsibility Scores .......................... 119 V 15, Generation-by-Social Class Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores ................ , 120 16, Generation-by-Religious Affiliation Differ ences In Filial Responsibility Scores .... 122 17, Generation-by-GSI Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores . 124 18, Residence Differences In Filial Responsi bility S c o r e s ............... 125 19, Residence-by-Generation Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores .................. 125 20, Residence-by-Social Class Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores 127 21, Residence-by-Sex Differences in Filial Responsibility Scores ........................ 128 22, Residence-by-GSI Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores ........................ 129 23, Residence-by-Religious Affiliation Diff erences In Filial Responsibility Scores . , . 131 24, Rank Ordering of GSI Means and Identifica tion of Significant Generation Diff erences In Filial Responsibility Scores . . . 132 25, Sex Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores.......................... 133 26, Social Class Differences In Filial Respon sibility Scores....................................135 27, Social Class-by-Sex Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores . 136 28, Social Class-by-Religious Affiliation Diff erences In Filial Responsibility Scores . , . 137 VI CHAPTER I BACKGROUND AND STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEM Introduction There is currently much popular and scholarly specu lation about how time, social events, and acculturation have affected Mexican Americans. Curiously, this specula tion arises, not out of lack of research on this ethnic mi nority, but because of the nature of that research. Much of the research currently available on Mexican Americans is limited by its concern with a description of rural persons and places. This restricted focus has led to an overempha^ sis on the highly distinctive characteristics of this eth nic group without consideration of important differences associated with varying social contexts. The fact that there have traditionally been few Chicanos^ in policy making positions has not helped in preventing myopic gener alizations to the entire Mexican American population based on such studies. The problem of delineating how acculturation and ascription to values of the dominant society have affected Although the writer recognizes the current debates over the propriety and definition of this term, in this study Chicano and Mexican American will be used interchangeably. 2 the Mexican American family is vast and immensely compli cated. Although the present study does not endeavor to address such a formidable question, it does concern itself with the determination of how the core values of familism and care for the aged affect role socialization and inter- generational relations among Mexican Americans. More specifically, this investigation seeks to determine whether there are significant differences in the way two genera tions of Chicanos view their responsibility for supporting aged parents. Assuming that familism and care for the aged have traditionally been core values in the Mexican American culture, significant intergenerational differences in atti tudes toward filial responsbility would probably be indica tive of even more divergent views on peripheral issues such as politics, education, foreign policy, or the economy. This investigation is a study of attitudes. It is deemed important because attitudes are very much a product of the socialization process and viable determinants of human behavior. In fact, attitude formation and change has been of tremendous concern to sociologists and social psychologists for the last seventy years. The study is considered both timely and irrelevant to social work because of the profession's recognition that traditional values among Chicanos are giving way to the pressures of modern, industrial society, and because of a commitment to making its services culturally relevant. 3 The research task has involved, in essence, the problem of describing a social phenomenon undergoing a process of transition and change. The task is further complicated by the fact that any study of this ethnic minority will have limited generalizability. Chicanos are a diverse minority exhibiting unique historical and regional characteristics. Besides the usual difficulty of generalizing between social classes and examining the effects of religious affiliation and sex of respondent, a study such as the present one has to deal with rural and urban differences and with those differences likely to be found between recent immigrants and those Chicanos whose ancestors were, along with the American Indian, the original settlers of the American Southwest. In summary, this study has as its immediate purpose the determination of how Chicano teenagers and their middle-aged parents are similar or different in their views on responsibility for supporting aged parents. Secondly, the research findings provide clues on the effects of acculturation and urbanization on traditional family structure and function among Mexican Americans. To some extent then, the research effort has tested the "goodness of fit" of the traditional family model when applied to urban and rural Chicanos, In addition, since this inves tigation parallels a study in Illinois which did not include Chicanos in the sample, it allows for at least a superficial comparison between the two population groups. Finally, this study has raised further research questions which, if investigated, could lead to knowledge upon which differential social policy, planning, and treatment can be based for effectively meeting the needs of this ethnic minority. Background of the Problem The last two or three decades have seen at least three major social forces directing the course of research in the social and behavioral sciences. The first of these was an almost sudden realization and concern about the scope and intensity of problems affecting the aged members of our society. The second force came about as a result of a surge of renewed interest and anxiety in deter mining factors associated with the "generation gap." The third force has been a gradual departure from the "melting pot" and towards a cultural plurality concept in under standing relations between ethnic minorities and the dominant society. The present study includes elements of all three of these research foci in an attempt to ascertain how acculturation and ascription to the values of the dominant society have influenced the position of the aged parent in the Mexican American family. 5 Concern for the Aged A brief study of legislation specifically aimed at the aged reflects the degree of public awareness and realization of the many problems facing this age group. The Social Security Act of 1935 and its subsequent amendments provided for a national system of retirement, survivors, and disability insurance, and grants to State programs to share costs of financial aid, medical care, and other services to needy older persons. The Public Welfare Amendments of 1962 modified and expanded the original bill to include the Kerr-Mills Program of Medical Assistance to the Aged. Three years later the Older Americans Act created the Administration on Aging (AoA) and thus provided a central point for the aged within the Federal Government. Also in 1965, the Social Security Amendments provided for a national system of health insur- 2 ance for the aged. Professional interest in the elderly did not begin to be felt until the early 1940's. The American Geriatrics Society was formed in 1942 and took the initiative in publishing the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society. The Gerontological Society was formed in 1945 and has 2 Elaine M. Brody, "Aging," Encyclopedia of Social Work, 16th issue. I, 54. 6 since concerned itself with scientific research, communi cation among scientists, practitioners, and educators, and the application of research to practice and public policy. This same organization now publishes The Gerontologist and 3 the Journal of Gerontology. Passage of PL 85^908 set the stage for the first White House Conference on Aging in 1961. The second White House Conference on Aging was held in 1971 and focused on formulating recommendations for further research and action in the field of aging. Public and private concern for the elderly has been increasing, at least this is what might be concluded from the proliferation of research activities, publications, conferences, and institutes on aging. Some universities now are alloting considerable funds and resources for setting up institutes of geron tology. The trend for the future is clear -- with an ever larger percentage of the population being over sixty-five years of age, researchers, educators, practitioners, and policy-makers must address themselves to the task of making their efforts relevant to the needs of the elderly. Concern and Anxiety Over the Generation Gap Although intergenerational relations have been the concern of parents, philosophers, and scholars throughout ^Ibid. 7 history, scientific study of this social-psychological phenomenon seems to have reached its zenith during the I960's.^ The sixties evidenced the emergence of the hippie life-style with its associated philosophy and values that ran counter to a prevailing concern with pro ductivity, acquisition of material wealth and general ascription to the values of a work ethic. The Vietnam War also seems to have played a large part in augmenting tensions between the generations. At one point President Nixon characterized differences between youths and adults in America as "a yawning gulf...between two halves of our people, a great divide and misunderstanding that weakens our body politic."^ Although Nixon's statement was made in reference to events in 1968 and focused on confrontations and conflicts between generations in relation to the war, the same kind of "gap" exists today in relation to use of drugs, dropping out of school in favor of experiential learning, trial marriages, and the issue of granting amnesty to draft evaders wishing repatriation. For an excellent historical perspective on this subject see L. Feuer, The Conflict of Generations; The Character and Significance ofStudent Movements, (New York: Basic Books, 1969). ^As quoted in Vern L. Bengston, "Generational Dif ferences; Correlates and Consequences," a research pro posal submitted to the Department of Health, Education,and Welfare (NIMH Grant MH-18158), 1970, p. 2. 8 Intergenerational conflict is certainly nothing new. Divergence of outlooks on life can be manifested by liberal use of marijuana by the young and the forceful suppression of this activity by the old. Or, differences may be more subtle and covert, such as differing attitudes towards work, communism, money, or filial responsibility. While contrast and conflict may often seem to be characteristic of intergenerational relations, many of the basic elements of culture exhibit a persistence and tenacity indicative of substantial continuity between generational cohorts. Phis continuity is made possible through socialization, the process whereby the old prepare the young to assume responsible adult participation in the social order. Despite forces leading to a "generation gap" in each successive cohort of youth, there is evidence of much continuity in behavior across generations within family groups, and of the continuity in basic cultural patterns from one age cohort to the next. Correlates and conse quences of intergenerational similarities and differences among Mexican Americans need to be explored if we are to understand the changing character of the Chicano family. From Melting Pot to Cultural Plurality American society has traditionally placed a high Value on rapid change and adaptability. Because of this emphasis, there developed in this country a "melting pot" philosophy associated with early immigration.^ This phil osophy held that an immigrant must quickly assimilate, cast off elements of cultural conditioning, and adopt an American character in order to assure a homogeneous social creature. Throughout American history, the differing rapidity and throughness by which ethnic groups melted into the pot is reflected by the prejudice and discrimination directed at the group. The last two or three decades have witnessed a growing restlessness and discontent among the racial and ethnic minorities in this country. Not only have these groups strived for equality of opportunity, they have also asserted their right to be different. Racial and ethnic pride is currently being felt and communicated by Blacks, Chicanos, Native Americans, and Asian Americans as they interact among themselves and with the rest of society. It is hardly debatable that all human groups share certain characteristics and reflect large areas of simi larity. These similarities however, may obscure subtle but important cultural differences. One of the dangers that social workers must be alerted to is this super ficial similarity when dealing with nationality, ethnic Katherine Spencer, "The Place of Socio-Cultural Study in Casework," Socio-Cultural Elements in Casework: A Casebook of Seven E thnic Case S tudieV, (ÏSIew York : Council on Social Work Education, 1963), p. 8. 10 7 and class differences within particular cultures. Another danger is the temptation to stereotype and overgeneralize. Mary Richmond spoke to both of these points when she stated that, the .worker .-finds himself in danger of committing one of two errors ; he may think of immigrant clients as members of a colony or of a nationality having certain fixed characteristics, or he may ignore differences and try to apply to them the same standards of measure that he would apply to his fellow countrymen.8 Katherine Spencer makes the point that while cultural descriptions of isolated, homogeneous groups may have a high degree of generalizability when describing the entire society under question, in the analysis of complex modern societies, attention must be given to inter nal segmentation and differentiation.^ The same writer adds that within any complex culture there are likely to be significant differences according to class, regional, rural-urban, religious, or minority group affiliation.^^ Increasing knowledge concerning the interrelation ships of cultural and emotional elements in personality suggest a measure of realism in the rate at which cultural ^Ibid., p. 6. p Mary Richmond, Social Diagnosis, (New York: Russel Sage Foundation, 1917), p- 382. ^Katherine Spencer, op. cit. p. 5. lOfbid. 11 changes may proceed, and what the accompanying gains and costs are for the person in the process of assimilation. Gordon Hamilton, a leader in the social work profession, recognizes the importance of this and stresses that "Social workers need to understand established cultural patterns as well as what is involved in change within cultural groups...This is an enormous task. It requires not only familiarization with traditional cultural patterns, but also an understanding of how acculturation is affecting succeeding generations in a given ethnic population. The present study is aimed in this direction. The Case of the Mexican American Any effort to study Mexican Americans must imme diately deal with the problem of great diversity within the group. Chicanos are at once the oldest and youngest minority group in this country. While some Chicanos are descendents of the earliest settlers of the American South west, most are second, third or fourth generation immi grants from Mexico. Mexican Americans are found at all stages of acculturation, nevertheless they are all lumped together under the same term. The need for devising a definitive Chicano typology has not gone unrecognized. There have been several efforts ^^Gordon Hamilton, Theory and Practice of Social Casework, 2nd edition, (New^ York: Columbia University Press', 1951), p. 83. 12 12 in this direction and these are summarized by De Anda. This Chicano writer stresses that a viable typological framework would represent the first step toward a deeper knowledge and more meaningful understanding of the Chicano culture. In turn, this knowledge and understanding would translate into more relevant human services and less oppressive environmental conditions for the Chicano commu nity. When considering the case of the Mexican American a^ed, it is easy to romanticize their positions and roles in the family and community. Much of what is written about this group describes them as enjoying a position of respect and honor in the family. This is in marked contract to studies of the aged in general that often reflect negative attitudes and stereotyping by all age groups.The discrepancy may be due to the fact that much of what is believed to be true of the Chicano is generalized by anthropological and sociological studies Raul De Anda, "Will The Real Chicano Please Stand Up?" ManO a Mano, Vol. 1, No. 2, September, 197 2, pp. 3-4. 13 For reviews of the literature on this subject see Donald G. McTavish, "Perceptions of Old People: A Review of Research Methodologies and Findings," The Gerontologist, Vol. 2, No. 4, Part III, Winter, 1971, See especially p. 97. Also see William Griffith, Janet Nelson, and Glen Littlepage, "Old Age and Response to Agreement-Disagree ment ," Journal of Gerontology, Vol. 27, No. 2, 1972, p. 269. 13 of the traditional Mexican family that have often lacked methodological sophistication and empirical verification.^^ While it may be true today that most elderly Chica nos were raised in rural areas of the American Southwest or in Mexico, and that their early socialization was in a traditional family system,we cannot ignore the passage of time and generations. The urban "anciano"^^ may be part of an increasingly middle-class kinship system which does not expect adult children to contribute substan tially to the support of aged parents. On the other hand perhaps the tenacity of familism and care for the aged as core values dictate that this is indeed the responsibility of the children. If traditional values are still prevalent in rural sections of the country, we may expect the aged Chicano in San Isidro to voluntarily depend on family members for physical and emotional support while his urban counterpart in San Antonio chooses independent living arrangements and membership in senior citizens groups 14 Miguel Montiel, "The Social Science Myth of the Mexican-American Family," El Grito, Vol. 4, 1970, pp. 56—63. ^^Fernando Torres-Gil,"Los Ancianos De La Raza: A Beginning Framework For Research, Analysis, and Policy," (unpublished paper, Brandeis University, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, May, 1972), p. 65. Spanish word for old person. 14 as part of his life style. The point here is that the well-being of the anciano may vary according to how his children view their responsibility for his care and what the old person himself wants and expects from the family. significance’ of the Problem The most readily apparent reason for researching aging among ethnic minorities .is simply that this is where the most acute needs of the aged are found. It has been estimated that elderly Blacks are more than twice as likely 17 to be poor than aged whites. On the subject of hard ship conditions among the Black elderly, Lindsay states: Little research has been undertaken regarding this group and there is an appalling lack of information available pertinent to their situation. What does exist is fragmented or directed toward a single facet of their lives. Reviews of the literature and past research have been undertaken by scholars such as Dr, Jacqueline Jackson and Mr. Daniel Rubenstein with the finding that this area has been sadly neglected.18 The 1969 U.S.Senate Hearings in Los Angeles yielded, a statement by the AoA on the difficulties with Mexican American programs. The statement asserted that 17 Inabel B. Lindsey, "The Multiple Hazards of Age and Race: the Situation of Aged Blacks in the United States," U.S. Senate Committee on Aging, 92nd Congress, Report No. 9 2-4 50, (Washington : U.S. Government Printing Office, 1971), p. 14. 18 Ibid., p. 3. 15 Grave research deficiencies must be overcome if Federal and local agencies are to have a factual basis for appropriate programs and services. We have got to have the facts to know what to do. It seems obvious that our understanding of the aging process must be broadened from its base in studies on white Anglo aged. Variations between and within ethnic groups need to be investigated in order to modify current perspectives when dealing with these groups. The study of ethnic minorities provides a research situation in which the varying contexts, conditions, and factors peculiar to these groups serve as independent variables. The influence of these variables, in turn, create results which lend themselves to hypothesis-testing 20 concerning the phenomena under investigation. For example : while the empty nest phenomenon is observable 21 among Anglos, Mexican American women are more likely to continue their role behavior of raising children and Ralph Yarborough, "Availability and Usefulness of Federal Programs and Services to Elderly Mexican-Amerleans, Part 1," U. S. Senate Committee on Aging, 90th Congress, (Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1969), p.4. 20 Donald P. Kent, "The Elderly in Minority Groups: Variant Patterns of Aging," Gerontologist, Vol. 11, No. 1, Part II, Spring, 1971, p. 27. 21 See Donald L. Spence and Thomad D. Donner, "The Empty Nest: A Transition In Motherhood," The Family Coordinator, Vol. 20, October, 1968, pp. 369-375. 16 grandchildren through the middle years and b e y o n d . ^2 Different indicators of troubled behavior that may arise from this phenomenon, such as mental illness, alcoholism, and differing degrees of life-satisfaction 21 may then be compared in the two groups of women, Moore makes the point that whatever research is conducted on the minority aged can begin to contribute substantially to the understanding of aging in general. More specifi cally, issues in social gerontology such as disengagement versus activity as they relate to successful aging; con tinuities versus change as they affect personal adjustment and intergenerational relations; and the popular question of whether or not the aged constitute a distinctive minority group, cotld conceivably be further resolved through research focused on ethnic minorities. While research on all aspects of aging is being undertaken at an increasing rate, systematic investiga tions on the unique characteristics of aging among ethnic minority people is almost non-existent. It must be remembered that the Chicano, Black, Jewish, and Asian minorities in our society also have a population over sixty-five. While the aged within these ethnic groups 2 2 Joan W, Moore, Mexican Americans, (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.,197 0), p. xv. 23 , "Situational Factors Affecting Minority Aging," Gerontologist, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Spring, 1971,Part II), p. 88. 17 have similar characteristics to the Anglo aged, they also have distinct differences. Until 1950, little was known about the Black aged, but since then a number of articles and research reports have started appearing in the litera ture. There remain many more important problems affecting the Black aged that demand study and action,The case of the Jewish aged has certainly been more thoroughly researched than is true of the other minorities mentioned above. A cultural pattern of concern of the welfare of the aged person, plus early development of private agencies and services for the aged has made this minority more accessible for gerontological research. As for the Asian American elderly, there are indeed few articles and reports describing their present situa tion, It was only after the last White House Conference on the aged that many people realized that there exists a substantial number of Asian American elderly. The case of the Mexican American elderly has not been dealt with extensively in previous research. In fact, it was not until 1972 that Fernando Torres-Gil, while a student at Brandeis University, assembled a syste matic and comprehensive analysis of the different areas of For a listing of these see Jacqueline Jackson, "Negro Aged: Toward Needed Research in Social Geronto- logy," Gerontologist, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Spring, 1971, Part II), pp. 52-57. 18 25 concern to aged Chicanos. Torres-Gil has continued his work in this area and is emerging as a leader in Chicano gerontology. The significance of studying the Mexican American aged population becomes even more obvious when one realizes that Chicanos constitute the nation's second largest minority group, and are the largest ethnic minority in the American Southwest.Their most visible needs have been studied to some extent, but research on their emotional and psychological needs have been lacking. The situation of the Mexican American aged is an exaggerated picture of conditions affecting non-aged Chicanos. As will be shown in the following chapter, a superficial review of the literature concerning family structure and relationships in the Mexican American family leads one to believe that the aged are highly valued and respected, that their's is an active and important role in the family, and that adult children expect and desire to support their aged parents. It is also assumed that the aged person desires such an arrangement. Such beliefs probably stem in part from the fact that many old Chicanos live with and are supported by their adult children. To 25pernando Torres-Gil, op.cit. ^^Leo Grebler, Joan W. Moore, Ralph Guzman, The Mexican American People, (New York%, Free Press), 1970, p. 20. 19 what extent these arrangements are based on necessity instead of desirability is open to question. An intergenerational study of Mexican Americans has the potential of affording a glimpse of what future generations of Chicanos will be like. By examining atti tudes toward support of aged parents, it is possible to derive notions of what ancianos of the future will be like in terms of dependence on the family for their support. Cultural differences that exist may now not exist in the future. It could be that future generations of Mexican American aged will prefer retirement villages, nursing homes, and board-and-care facilities instead of depending on family assistance. It is hoped that the present study will be a small but significant step towards exploring role socialization and intergenerational relations among contemporary Chicanos, Such clarifications can serve to eventually yield more meaningful and relevant services from helping professionals serving this ethnic minority. Technical competence to serve a client is limited to our generalized, probabilistic knowledge of human behavior. What we know, or what we think we know about any one subculture markedly influences not only how we relate to a representative of that group, but it also affects our expectations of them. Thus, a caseworker serving an elderly Chicano may judge the appro priateness of addressing him as"Don,"; as well as the 20 logical soundness of recommending nursing home placement. Also, if a social planner believes that elderly Chicanos wish to be cared for all their lives by devoted and de ferring family members who cherish the idea of demon strating their interest and love, they will never seriously entertain the notion of constructing retirement villages and nursing homes in the Chicano barrios. Assumptions of the Study For the purposes of this study, "care for the aged," "willingness to support aged parents," and "filial respon sibility" are used interchangeably and are equated with expressed readiness to accept an aged parent into the home. It is believed by this writer that the attitude of the younger generation toward their responsibility for the care of their elders determines, in part, how satis factory it may be for aged parents to live with their children. An important assumption in this study is that children who reluctantly accept responsibility for support of their aged parents, might carry out their role in such a way as to hurt the old person more than help him. A child who reluctantly accepts this obligation because of family tradition, cultural expectations, legal require ments, or community opinion, might verbally or non-verbally communicate negative feelings to the aged parent. This 21 can lead to friction, conflict, and guilt. This assumption is important because it provides justification of a study of written responses apart from whether or not children are consistent in what they say should be done and what they actually do when faced with the problem. This study is based on the assumption that for Mexican Americans, care for the aged constitutes a core value. Furthermore, it is assumed that the greatest test of this value is the willingness to share housing with aged parents. The literature suggests there may be important differences between residents of the two communities to be studied. It is assumed that these differences should be recognized, described, and considered in the planning and delivery of meaningful social services. Organization of the Report Chapter I lays a broad-based rationale for conduc ting this particular investigation. The background and significance of the research problem are first discussed from a general perspective and then with particular re ference to Mexican Americans, The narrative then proceeds to Chapter II for a review of relevant literature from which are derived several hypotheses that are tested in the study. 22 Chapter III devotes itself to a detailed descrip tion of the rural and urban research settings, since an understanding of the history and social demography of the two areas is considered essential for adequate interpre tation of the findings. The strategy, or methodology, for obtaining and interpreting data is discussed in Chapter IV. Also included is a description of the sample. Chapter V presents in narrative and graphic form the ob tained data, and the substantiation or rejection of research hypotheses. The final chapter discusses conclu sions and implications of the analyzed data. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction There is a great deal of literature directly and indirectly related to the topic of this investigation. The plan of presentation will be to begin by discussing some very abstract notions contained in the theorizing of Piaget and Kohlberg on the acquisition of moral’judgment, and criticism of these systems by Reiss. The next section of the literature review will present some general ideas and findings derived from research on intergenerational relations. This will be followed by a discussion of studies dealing specifically with attitudes towards filial responsibility. Findings from a study which serves as the model for replication in the present:investigation will be detailed. Finally, there is a section in which tra ditional age and sex roles in the Mexican American family are described. This latter presentation is guided by two principal organizing concepts : familism and machismo.^ ^Spanish term for male dominance. 23 24 The Acquisition of Moral Judgment This study is based on theory of socialization. It has as its principal focus the question of what influ ences a person to accept or reject responsibility for supporting aged parents. The ancient commandment to "Honor Thy Father and Thy Mother" casts this question in the area of moral values. The notion that the child's understanding of moral rules must be limited by the level his thought processes have attained is basic in the theorizing of Piaget and Kohlberg. Piaget describes a stage of "realism" in the cognitive development of moral judgments where the child believes that rules of conduct are absolute and unchan geable; that they have a kind of existence of their own. At a later stage of development it is possible for the child to view rules as representing a social contract 2 arrived at among individuals who are free to change them. The implication of this view for internalization of moral rules is that rules are first seen as something entirely external to self, imposed by the will of someone older than the child. Gradually though, starting at about age eleven, the child accepts the obligation to conform ^Jean Piaget, The Moral Judgment of the Child, trans lated by Marjorie GabaihV (New~YoirkT The Free Press, 1965), p. 65. 25 to rules and later internalizes these as his own philoso phical guides to behavior. Piaget’s position regarding the development of moral judgments includes the notion that a mature level of these judgments involves the concepts of equality, fairness, and a recognition and respect for the rights of others. This mature level results only from the child's interaction with an equal-status peer group because parent and child cannot free themselves from their relationship of "unilateral respect" established in early childhood. Between the ages of eight and ten a morality of mutual respect develops as parental controls are lessened and peer bonds become salient.^ Lacking in Piaget's system is an explanation of how variations in children's life settings or in the social ization practices of their parents should be associated with individual differences in rates of development. He does suggest that in certain cultures where religion is transcendental and social organization is authoritarian, moral judgments may become fixed at the level of realism and the morality of mutual respect and cooperation may 3jean Piaget, The Moral Judgement of the Child, (Glencoe, Illinois: The^r"ee Pressl^ 194BT, as summarized in Eleanor E. Maccoby, "The Development of Moral Values and Behavior in Childhood," in John A. Clausen et alt (eds.) Socialization and Society, (Boston: Little, Brown, & Co. / 1968) ' , pp. “2 63-^. 26 never be reached by a majority of the society.^ Kohlberg agrees to a large extent with Piaget's ideas of development progressions in a child's moral ideology. However, he feels there are elements of this moral ideology that do not show a regular progression, and these include duty as obedience to authority, obliga tions defined in terms of reciprocity, and conformity to peers. He also believes that young children conform to rules out of simple hedonism instead of agreeing with Piaget that rules have an absolute power of their own.^ Kohlberg presents his stages of moral development as follows: Level 1. Pre-moral level; 1. Obedience of rules out of need to avoid punishment. 2. Conformity to obtain rewards, having favors returned. Level 2. Morality of conventional rule-conformity 3. Conformity to avoid disapproval and dislike. 4. Conformity to avoid censure and guilt. Level 3. Morality of self-accepted moral principals ; ^Eleanor E. Maccoby, Ibid., p. 234. 5 See Lawrence Kohlberg, "Development of Moral Charac ter and Moral Ideology," in M.L. Hoffman and Lois W. Huffman (eds.) Review of Child Development Research, Vol. 1, (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1964) , pp"! T83-432. See also "Development of Human Behavior," The New Encyclo paedia Britannica, 15th ed., yill, 1144a. 27 5. Conformity to obtain respect of impartial spectator judging in terms of community welfare. 6. Conformity to avoid self-condem nation . This scheme allows for a variety of individual environmental factors to affect the child's moral judg ments without invalidating the "stage" position. In other words, a child raised in a thieve's "culture" will at first steal to avoid punishment and derive rewards, later though, he will steal because he feels it is the right thing to do and to avoid guilt. The point is that the content of values will vary from family to family and from culture to culture. Kohlberg further asserts that certain social posi tions provide greater stimulation for role-taking and hence more rapid development. Greater peer-group partici pation as well as membership in a higher social class are seen as factors facilitating rapid moral development. The contention is made that the major difference between children from different social classes is not their dif ferent values, but the rate at which they progress through 7 the different stages of moral internalization. The development viewpoints of Piaget and Kohlberg both suggest a fairly high degree of similarity between the ^Eleanor R, Maccoby, op.cit. p. 2 36. ^Ibid., p. 238. 28 values of parent and child. It is not readily explainable how a child would acquire a systematically different set of values under either of the two theories. It is this deficiency that has sparked their criticism by Albert g Reiss. Reiss focuses on the changes in modal values which occur from one generation to another. He sees these changes related to changes in social organization, economic conditions, population movements, etc., and points out how modal values regarding work, sex, respect for elders and authority figures have changed over the last several generations. Reiss then asks how these changes are to be accounted for if we view moral development as a process of internalization of the values of preceding generations.^ Intergenerational discontinuity and social change become explainable if we regard early learned values as needing continual reinforcement by inputs from the social setting in which an individual finds himself. Reiss as serts that, in a modern and complex society such as ours, the maintenance and transmission of values is a specialized function concentrated in such social institutions as the Q Albert John Reiss, "Social Organization and Sociali zation : Variations on a Theme About Generations," Working Paper #1, Center for Research on Social Organization, (Ann Arbor ; University of Michigan, 1965), as paraphrased by Eleanor R. Maccoby, Ibid., pp, 263-67. ®Ibid. 29 courts, the police, and the schools.Under this assump tion it can be seen that, if there are changes in the nature of the behavior that these institutions demand and reinforce, the behavior of the population in the social system will change. The family, of course, is susceptible to some degree of influence from these specialized insti tutions . Obviously, values and behavior do change in response to changing social conditions. By implication then, either the family is of little importance in trans mitting values that govern an individual's behavior in adult life, or else socialization agents in the family respond to changes in the social system and thus change, compared with their own parents, the nature of the values they transmit, Intergenerational Relations and Continuities in Socializa tion Concern with continuities and differences between generations dates as far back as there is record of written communication.^^ Currently though, there is tremendous attention directed at what is commonly termed the "genera tion gap." The anxiety of middle-aged parents mounts as 10 Ibid., p. 264. 1 1 See Lewis Samuel Feuer, The Conflict of Generations: The Character and Significance of Student Movements, Toe. cit. pp. 27-35. 30 they observe what seems to be widely divergent value differences developing between them and their adolescent children, 12 Bengtson, Olander, and Haddad have recently reviewed studies dealing with the generation gap. They suggest that these studies can be subsumed under three major categories. The Great Gap; 13 Charles Reich posits that our country is now divided into three distinct levels of "Consciousness" in which reality is differentially experienced. These three states of experienced reality are so different from one another that communication between them is impossible. Slater^^ suggests that a "New Culture" has emerged that is directly opposed to traditional "Old Culture" in American life, and Margaret Mead^^ sees the younger generation as "immigrants in time." 12 Vern L. Bengtson, Edward B. Olander, and Anees A. Haddad, "The^Generation Gap' and Aging Family Members," Cpaper prepared for discussion at the annual meeting of the National Council on Family Relations, Estes Park, Colorado, August 25-28, 1971), pp. 4-5. 13 See Charles Reich, The Greening of America, (New York : Random House, 1970) . " ^^Philip Slater, The Pursuit of Loneliness: American Culture at the Breaking Point, (Boston: “ Beacon Press , l^‘ 70j , pp . 10Ô-118. 15 Margaret Mead, Culture and Commitment: A Study of The Generation Gap, (Garden City, New York; Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1^70), p. 72. 31 These observers of the social order consider it unlikely that what they see as basic social and cultural differences between generations will be mitigated by maturation of the young or manipulations by the old. In fact, this "great gap" position suggests that the place of elders in today's society will be lost unless they accommodate themselves to the new changes. The Gap as an Illusion; There are also those students of society that emphasize intergenerational similarities and contend that the "gap" has been exaggerated and overplayed by the media. Their assertion contains the notion that evidence can be assembled to indicate severe intergenerational differences at many times in history. They infer that the current social scene is really no different from other historical periods. Studies which seem to back up this assertion of continuity include those by Thomas,Troll,and 18 Adelson. Core Continuity and Peripheral Difference: L. Eugene Thomas, "Political Attitude Congruence Between Politically Active Parents and College-Age Children: An Inquiry Into Family Political Socialization," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 33, 1971, pp. 375- 386. ^^Lillian Troll, "The Generation Gap : Conceptual Model," Aging and Human Development, Vol. 1, 197 0, pp. 199- 218. ^ ^ 1 p Joseph Adelson, "What Generation Gap?" New York Times Magazine, January 18, 1970. pp. 10-11. 32 19 Bengtson suggests this third perspective in order to incorporate the seemingly contradictory evidence concerning intergenerational similarities and differences 20 regarding attitudes and behavioral styles. Keniston found in his study of "young radicals" that they agreed with their parents in "core" values, even when they dis agreed with them on "formal" values. Troll,Kalish,^^ Thomas,and Hill^^ have also found considerable simila rity between young adults in the domain of values. These studies however, are difficult to evaluate because of the different kinds of levels of values used from one study to the next. Douvan and Adelson^^ hypothesize a continuity 19 Vern L. Bengtson, "The 'Generation Gap': A Review and Typology of Social-Psychological Perspectives ,'t; Youth and Society, Vol. 2, 1970, pp. 7-32. 2 0 Kenneth Keniston, Young Rad^icals, (New York : Har- court. Brace and World, Ihcl , l9 6R^y^ pp. 112-113. ^^Lillian E. Troll, Bernice Neugarten, and Ruth Kraines, "Similarities on Values and other Personality Characteristics in College Students and their Parents," Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, Vol. 15, 1968, pp. 323-337. 2 2 Richard Kalish, "The Young and Old as Generation Gap Allies," The Gerontologist, Vol. 2, 1968, pp. 83-89. L. Eugene Thomas, "Family Correlates of Student Political Activism," Development Psychology, Vol. 4, 1971, pp. 206-217. 24 Ruben Hill, Family Development in Three Generations, (New York : Schenkman, 19711. ” ^^Elizabeth Douvan and Joseph Adelson, The Adolescent Experience, (New York; Wiley, 1966), p. 84.' 33 in core goals and life orientations, but generational dif ference in the "peripheral" areas such as political opi nion and sexual attitudes. Another group of studies focus on intergenerational family interaction and correlates of what is termed the "lineage gap." These studies reach somewhat different conclusions. For example, Sussman and Burchinal^^ and 2 7 Kerhoff have found that multiple generation families continue to function in contemporary America as a kinship system, contrary to a popular belief that the extended family system would break down as a result of industria- 2 8 lism and urbanization. Bengston and Kuypers present evidence indicating that middle-aged parents and their young-adult offspring tended to feel that, though the "generation gap" may be real enough elsewhere, it did not exist in their own family. Measuring still another dimension of .intergenerationalrelationships, Aldous and Marvin Sussman and Lee Burchinal, "Family Kin Network; Unheralded Structure in Current Conceptualizations of Family Functioning," Marriage and Family Living, Vol. 24, 1962, pp. 231-240. 27 Alan Kerkhoff, "Nuclear and Extended Family Rela tionships: Normative and Behavioral Analysis," in Ethel Shanas and Gordon Streib (eds.) Social Structure and the Family : Generational Relations, (Ehglewood^CliTf s: Preh- tice-Hall^ 1965), p. 17. 2 8 Vern L. Bengtson and Joseph Kuypers, "The Drama of Generational Difference: Perception, Reality and the Developmental Stake," Aging and Human Development, Vol. 2, 1971, p. 1. 34 2 Q Hill found that certain kinds of values seem to be trans mitted across generations. Scott^^ however, has produced evidence supporting the lineage gap in that grandparents were not given much decision-making authority on matters concerning the family in general. Intergenerational Relations Among Mexican Americans Intergenerational studies of the Mexican American are virtually non-existant. Among Chicanos themselves there is recent interest in developing a definitive typology to account for regional and generational dif- 3 2 ferences. Dr. Rodolfo Alvarez suggests a four-phased typology reflecting a psycho-historical perspective of 33 the Chicano. Because his work reflects the recognition of generational differences, it will now be summarized and 29 Joan Aldous and Reuben Hill, "Social Cohesion, Lineage Type, and Intergenerational Transmission," Social Forces, Vol. 43, 1965, pp. 471-482, ^^Frances G. Scott, "Family Group Structure and Patterns of Social Interactions," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 68, 1962, pp. 214-228. 31 A beginning exploration in this direction is work by Margaret Clark and C.W. Keifer, "Social Change and Inter generational Relations in Japanese-American and Mexican- American Families," a paper presented at the American Sociological Association Meeting in San Francisco, September, 19 69. 32 Raul DeAnda, "Will Thm Real Chicano Please Stand Up?" loc. cit. pp. 3-4. 33 Rodolfo Alvarez, "The Unique Psycho-Historical Experience of the Mexican-American People," Social Science Quarterly, Summer 1971, Vol. 52, No. 1, pp. 15-29.^ 35 included in this part of the narrative. The "Creation Generation" (pre-1900) is depicted as the betrayed generation: betrayed in that their country gave them up to the United States via of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo -- betrayed also because their new country did not grant them the equality of opportunity about which it boasted. These people legally were Ameri cans, but their loyalty and identification remained with Mexico. The "Migrant Generation" (1900-World War 11) continued its cultural loyalty and orientation to Mexico in spite of large scale immigration to this country. Upon arriving in the U.S. it experienced the normal nos talgia so common to immigrants, but in addition it met harsh social rejection and isolation that made for even 34 stronger cultural loyalty to Mexico. During the period from World War 11 to the Vietnam War there emerged the so-called "Mexican-American Genera tion," As descendants of the Migrant Generation they asked of their parents "What did Mexico ever do for you?" They asserted their legal American-ness and invested their cultural orientation and loyalties to the United States. Since about the early 1960's the "Chicano Generation" has been gradually evolving. Distinctive handshakes, idiomatic expressions, cultural and historical awareness and ^^Ibid., p. 19. 36 sensitivity characterize this generational cohort. They no longer compare their welfare to earlier generations of Mexican-Americans and feel comparatively privileged — they challenge the future and strive for equal i tari an status in a pluralistic society. Empirical investigations regarding value and attitudinal differences between generations of Mexican Americans are sorely lacking. It is this writer's opinion that the social psychology of the evolving Mexican American is both a fascinating and important area of study. In summary then, the evidence for and against continuities in socialization is certainly equivocal. Youth enter adult social status with their own view of what is desirable in social structure. They must then contend with elders who define those social structures based on their own sets of experiences and expectations. What results from the confrontation is some level of change in the social system accompanied by a certain degree of continuity in culture. What can be said regarding overall cultural change and intergenerational similarities and differences in attitudes towards filial responsibility? The following discussion sheds some light in this area. ^^Ibid., p. 20. 37 Attitudes Towards Filial Responsibility Attitudes towards support of aged parents by adult children have been surveyed from time to time. The results however, indicate much confusion. For example, a study in Pennsylvania indicated that over 7 5 per cent of both parents and children sampled interpret a "good" son or daughter to be one that provides his parents with 36 financial assistance. On the other hand, in a study by 3 7 Shanas which includes a brief story about a widower whose children have families of their own, only 3 0 per cent of the sampled aged thought the widower should ask his children for help. Other evidence also indicates that although the aged say children should offer support to them when it is needed, few actually turn to this source 3 8 of assistance when the occasion arises. Dinkel reported in 19 44 that young adults were reluctant to support aged 39 parents and that a change in mores has taken place. William M. Smith, Jr., Joseph H. Britton, and Jean O. Britton, "Relationships Within Three-Generation Families," College of Home Economics Research Publication No. 155, (University Park, Penn.: Pennsylvania State University, April, 1958), p. 7. 37 Ethel Shanas, "Some Sociological Research Findings About Older People Pertinent To Social Work," Toward Better Understanding of the Aged (New York: Council on Social Work Education,1958), p. 52. ^^Ibid. ^^Robert M. Dinkel, "Attitudes of Children Towards Supporting Aged Parents," American Sociological Review, 1944, Vol. 9, pp. 370-379.' ' 38 However, Shanasand Streib^^ find a reversal in the trend reported by Dinkel. When one inquires whether children should help a great deal or just "some," only 5 per cent indicate the former. As might be expected, there are cultural varia tions on this theme. A study by Bond et al. found that 42 per cent of Blacks thought children should help their parents, while only 37 per cent of the Caucasian sample indicated the same. An additional finding was that only 24 per cent of subjects with "Spanish background" were in favor of children helping parents. In reviewing this study, Schorr comments that although Chicanos have a much more extended family culture than the Blacks or Anglos, they do not share the letter's guilt at seeking public assistance.This interpretation is directly opposed to the contention of Rubel^^ that reliance on outside (the Ethel Shanas, "Family Responsibility and the Healtlj of Older People," ■Journal of Gerontology, Vol. 15, 1960, pp. 408-411. ^^Gordon Streib, "Intergenerational Relations: Per spectives of the Two Generations on the Older Parent," Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 27, 1965, pp. 469-476. 42 Floyd A. Bond, Our Needy Aged, (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1954), pp. 256-259. ^^Alvin L. Schorr, Explorations in Social Policy, (New York; Basic Books, 1968) , p. 71. 44 .......Arthur Rubel, Across The Tracks : Mexican- Americans m a Texas City, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1966) , Ip. 59. 39 family) help for supporting the aged parents is a source of shame for Mexican Americans, It should be explained though, that Schorr was referring to a study of urban samples while Rubel was describing Chicanos in rural South Texas. In examining living arrangements of the aged, one finds that since 1947 the number of three generation households have diminished from one to ten to one in twenty.Shanasand Brown^^ suggest that among the factors responsible for this decline in three-generation homes are these: increased urbanization, increased national mobility, increased standard of living, social welfare programs, and cultural values which stress inde pendence. Interestingly, as will be elaborated in the following subsection on Mexican Americans, these are all factors that are affecting this ethnic minority in an exaggerated fashion. The present research is modeled after Wake and Sporakowski's intergenerational study of attitudes toward 4 5 John Kosa, Leo D. Rachiele, and Cyril O. Schommer, "Sharing the Home With Relatives, " Mar rivage and Family Living, Vol. 22, 1960, pp. 129-131. ^^Ethel Shanas, "Living Arrangements of Older People In The United States," The Gerontologist, Vol. 1, 1961, pp.27—29. ^^Robert Brown, "Family Structure and Social Isolation of Older Persons," Journal of Gerontology, Vol. 15, 1960, pp. 170-174. 40 4 8 filial responsibility. The main difference is that, while the present study focuses on a specific minority group. Wake and Sporakowski's sample consisted only of Caucasian students and their parents. No detailed des cription of the sample is reported, however, since the study was done in Illinois, it can be assumed that there was not a significant number of Chicanos included in the sample. The findings of this study will now be presented in detail. The hypothesis that the parent and student groups would not obtain significantly different scores on testing filial responsibility was rejected. A t-test analysis indicated the parent group scored significantly lower than did the student group. The between-generation 49 difference agrees with findings of Streib and Thompson that suggest older persons feel governmental agencies and employers should be more responsible for their welfare than their children. Also a study by Shanas indicates 48 Sandra Byford Wake and Michael J. Sporakowski, "An Intergenerational Comparison of Attitudes Towards Supporting Aged Parents," Journal of Marriage and the Family, February, 1972, pp. 4 2-4 8 ^ . ~ ' 4 9 Gordon F. Streib and Wayne E. Thompson, "The Older Person in a Family Context," in Clark Tibbitts (ed), Handbook of Social Gerontology, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press', I960’ ) , ppi* 447“488. 41 old persons were more opposed to the idea of aged parents living with their offspring than were their children. Some previous studies seem to indicate females demonstrate greater filial responsibility than do males, Wake and Sporakowski however, found no intergenerational differences based on sex of respondents. This agrees 52 with findings by Robins and Tomanec. The hypothesis that willingness to support elderly parents varies independently of area of residence was not rejected. No significant differences were found when comparing rural, small town, and urban categories. Both rural students and parents scored lowest when comparisons were made. This is in contrast to Dinkel's finding that rural persons are more supportive of aged parents than 53 their urban counterparts. ^^Ethel Shanas, "Family Responsibility and the Health of Older People," loc, cit, p, 410. ^^Robert Mack Gray and T.C. Smith, "Effect of Employ ment on Sex Difference in Attitudes Toward the Parental Family," Marriage and Family Living, Vol. 22, 1960, pp. 3 6' 38. See also P. Townsend, "The Structure of The Family," in Ethel Shanas et.al. (eds.). Old People in Three Indus- trial Societies, (New York: Atherton Press, 19681, pp. 132-176. 52 Lee N. Robins and Mirada Tomanec, "Closeness to Blood Relatives Outside the Immediate Family," in Bemand Farber (ed.). Kinship and Family Organization, (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1966) , pp ."^134-141, " ^^Robert M. Dinkel, "Attitudes of Children Towards Supporting Aged Parents," loc.cit. p. 375. 42 An additional hypothesis tested was that willing ness to support aged parents varies independently of social class. This hypothesis was accepted. However, when class was held constant and the effects of generation were examined, lower-class parents scored significantly less than lower-class students on the filial responsibility scale. Male-female differences within each generation were not statistically significant. These findings are in agreement with data reported by Kosa, Rochiele, and Schommerand with the findings of Classer and Classer. Previous studies have indicated that, when exam ining how willingness to support aged parents varies with religious affiliations, the following order would be found: Jewish, highest; then Catholic, Protestant, and no reli gious affiliation.^^' Wake and Sporakowski also found this ordering, but only when comparing the parent 54 Kosa, Rochiele, and Schommer, loc. cit. p. 130. ^^Paul H. Classer and Lois N. Classer, "Role Reversal and Conflict Between Aged Persons and Their Children," Marriage and Family Living, Vol. 24, 1962, p. 50. ^^Robert M. Dinkel, op. cit. pp. 373-373, ^^Judson Taylor Landis, "Religiousness, Family Rela tionships, and Family Values in Protestant, Catholic, an Jewish Families," Marriage and Family Living, Vol. 22, 1960, pp. 345-346.' ^^Robins and Tomanec, loc. cit. p. 137. 43 generation. Students scored at about the same level across denominational lines. When parent-student comparisons were made within religious categories, students scored higher than did parents. However, only in the no-relgion cate gory was there a significant difference. Holding religion constant and comparing sexes within categories, it was found that Protestant males scored significantly higher than did their female counterparts. Other between-sex comparisons were not statistically significant. The Mexican American And His Family Discussion of Mexican Americans and their family will center around the traditional values of fami1ism, machismo, and respect for the aged, and around traditional age-sex roles. Though it may be unfortunate that genera lizations to Chicanos are often made from studies in Mexico, a brief review of studies and writings concerning Mexican national character seems like a logical place to start in providing a sort of "baseline" from which to com pare more current descriptions of this ethnic minority. Several of the attempts to portray the attributes of Chicanos are based on attempts to describe Mexican national character. Invariably, the role of the male comes out sounding pathological as he constantly seeks to assert his "machismo". Samuel Ramos’historical interpretation of the evaluation of Mexican character concludes that the 44 domination of Spaniards over the Mexicans created in the Mexican personality a sense of inferiority and resent ment towards authority.Ramirezsets forth the notion that when the Spanish conquerors took Indian women for wives or mistresses, this left the Indian male displaced and impotent. He also argues that the mestizo^^ offspring of the union was bound to ambivalently resent and idealize the Spanish father. The mestizo male child then, was left with a dominating and conquering model with which to identify. Threats to his virility must be guarded against, and this is accomplished through compulsive display of masculinity or "machismo." This quasi-psychoanalytic description of the male mestizo is again seen in Octavio Paz * s analysis of the Chicano pachuco.^^ 59 Samuel Ramos, Profile of Man and Culture in Mexico^ translated by Peter G. Earle, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1962), p. 56. See also Gordon W. Hewes, "Mexicans In Search of the 'Mexican': Notes on Mexican National Character Studies," American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 2, 1054, pT TTi Santiago Ramirez, El Mexicano, Psicologia de sus Motiyaciohes, (Mexico, D.F.; Editorial Pax-Mexico, S.A., 1959) in Michael Maccoby, "On Mexican National Character," Chicanos: Social and Psychological Perspectives, Nathaniel Wagner and Marsha J. Haug (eds.), (Saint Loui^; The C.V. Mosby Co., 1971), p. 128. ^^A person of mixed Spanish and Mexican-Indian blood. Octavio Paz, The Labyrinth of Solitude; Life and Thought in Mexico, (New York; Grove Press, Inc., 1961), ‘ V 17. 45 Although there is a close similarity between the above account of the Mexican male and descriptions of other deprived populations, these "findings" may have convinced even Mexicans themselves. In his review of the Mexican literature on national character up until the early 1950's, Gordon W. Hewes describes how Mexicans focus on the traits of the most down trodden members of the society as the symbol of the whole nation. Montiel argues against the type of research repre sented by Paz, Ramos, and others when he states that their studies have been accepted as the true picture of Mexican character, the Mexican male, and also the Chicano family. Furthermore, he points out that their interpretations have been uncritically accepted by North American and Mexican social scientists alike. Another example of a psychoanalytic interpretation of sex roles among Mexicans is Bermudez's La Vida Familiar del Mexico.^^ The author argues that the false concepts Mexicans have regarding masculinity and femininity impede males from being "candid and humane" and females from being ^^Gordon W. Hewes, "Mexicans in Search of the 'Mexi can,'" The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 13, 1953-1954, pp. 209-223. ^^Miguel Montiel, "The Social Science Myth of the Mexican-American Family," El Grito, Vol. 4, 1970, pp. 56- 63. ^^Maria Elvira Bermudez, La Vida Familiar Del Mex icano , (Mexico,D.F.; Antigua Libreria Robredo,1955), p. 98 46 "dignified and independent." Self-denial and self-inflic ted suffering on the part of Mexican women become the products of ineptitude. Another study, based on only ten structured questions, concludes that the inability of either partner to fulfill their respective role expecta tions creates in each a tendency toward neurosis. In a similar vein, G.M. Gilbert found in his sample of nine older adults that males manifest a pronounced ten dency to either severely constricted affect or to morbid- depressed-hypochondriacal types of responses. The research er state#, that this may be indicative of increasing impotence and castration anxiety as the males fail to live up to the demands of machismo. Such pathological descriptions of Mexicans seem to reappear in studies of Chicanos, For example, Norman D. Humphrey conducted a study of the Detroit Chicano family and concluded that the failure of the immigrant father to provide adequately for his family creates a decline in the status of the father and a lessening of ^^Rogelio Dias-Guerrero, "Neurosis and the Mexican Family Structure," American Journal of Psychiatry, Vol. 112, 1955, pp. 411-417. ^^G.M. Gilbert, "Sex Differences in Mental Health in a Mexican Village," The International Journal of Social Psychiatry, Vol. 3, 19 59, p. 212, 47 "el respecte" in the new culture,Madsen later took this even further with his contention that the supremacy of the male within his own home compensates for subservience he may have to demonstrate on the job or in the presence of a social superior. Robert Hayden gives a somewhat different interpre tation of the father's role in the Mexican family.He contends that supreme male dominance, individualism, pride, wife-beating, averson to contraceptives, and other traits traditionally attributed to the father are typical of Mexican American culture! That this rather naive view may have influenced social caseworkers is certainly possible since the article appeared in Welfare In Review. And how is the Mexican American woman described? If generalization is to be made to Chicanas from their counterparts in Mexico, as has been done with the male, then she can be expected to be outwardly submissive and masochistic, as well as rebellious and retentive in giving ^^Norman D. Humphrey, "The Changing Structure of the Detroit Mexican Family," American Sociological Review, Vol. 9, No. 6, 1944, pp. 624--625. 69 William Madsen, The Mexican-Americans of South Texas, (New York; Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 19 6 4) p. 48. ^^Robert G. Hayden, "Spanish-Americans of the South west: Life-Style Patterns and Their Implications," Welfare In Review, Vol. 4, No. 10, (April, 1966), p. 20. 48 71 7 2 7 3 of herself to the man. Aramoni and Gonzalez suggest that the female's experience of membership in an exploited class, and of being treated as property while at the same time expected to give lovingly, has provoked the urge for revenge. She rebels passively against male authority and demands that he either live up to his masculine image of himself or suffer castrating ridicule. In turning attention now to what Murillo terms the "single most important social unit" in the lives of Chicanos, we find that studies of the Mexican American family have been few.In 1948 Jones^^ reviewed the literature in this area and discovered that little of the material represented basic or prolonged research, but was largely speculative in character. He also found a great deal of duplication, with references to family life 71 Michael Maccoby, loc. cit. p. 129. 7 2 Aniceto Aramoni, Psicoanaiisis de la Dinamica de un Pueblo, (Mexico, D.F.: Editorial Pax-Mexico, S.A.,1961) In’ Nathaniel N. Wagner and Marsha J. Haug (eds.), Chicanos; Social and Psychological Perspectives, loc. cit., p. 128. 7 3 Francisco Gonzalez Pineda, El Mexicano, Psicologia de sus Destructividad, (Mexico, D.F.; Editorial Pax-Mexico, S .A. , 1961), in Wagner and Haug, ibid., p. 128. 74 Nathan Murillo, "The Mexican American Family," in Wagner and Haug, ibid., p. 102. 75 Robert C. Jones, "Ethnic Family Patterns; The Mexican Family in the United States," The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 52, 1948, p. 450. 49 scattered and seldom documented. The state of knowledge concerning the Chicano family had not appreciably changed twenty years later when Fernando Penalosa stated : ...Mexican American family structure has not yet been subject to any system atic analysis. It may be said without exaggeration that neither the empirical data nor an adequate theoretical frame work is yet available for the carrying out of this task.76 What then can be said of the Mexican American family, especially with regards to age and sex roles? Because of the great diversity found in this ethnic group, not much can be said that would apply equally to all 7 7 families. Nathan Murillo has grappled with this problem and carefully qualified his descriptive statements con cerning the "traditional" Mexican American family. The following description of traditional family roles draws heavily from Murillo's account and is presented here in order to provide a baseline for comparison with findings of other studies. There are two dimensions around which patterns of interpersonal relationships are organized in the family : male dominance, and respect and obedience to elders. Or, 7 6 Fernando Penalosa, "Mexican Family Roles," Marriage and the Family, Vol. 30, 1968, pp. 680-681. ^^Nathan Murillo, loc. cit., pp. 97-108. 50 7 8 as Rubel sums it up, "The elder order the younger, and the men the women." The husband-tather is unquestionably the autocratic head of the household. He holds the power to make all decisions, and he demands respect from all other family members. He definitely represents authority and usually functions as chief disciplinarian in the family. It is essential that he be able to control the behavior of the family since the misbehavior of any one of them is a direct reflection on him. While at first having a warm, close and permissive relationship with his children,the father's behavior towards them changes as they reach puberty. At this time the relationship with his children becomes more formal, reserved, authoritarian, and demanding of respect. What is left out of this discussion is how the father's relationship with his,children changes or continues in his old age. This is in need of further research and is very much related to the topic of this study. The role of the wife-mother can be described as ancillary to the role of her husband. That is, she is expected to serve the needs of her husband, support his actions and decisions, and take care of the home and children. Although her position in the family is respected, her personal needs are considered secondary to those of 7 8 Arthur Rubel, Across The Tracks, loc. cit, p. 59. 51 the other family members. In effect, the wife-mother in the traditional family is supposed to be self-effacing and subservient to the needs of her husband and children. Whereas there is a discontinuity of affective relationship between the father and the children as they enter puberty, the mother continues to be close and warm, serving and nurturing, even when her children are grown and married. Mother-daughter relationships are described as especially close, since the female is supposed to have few contacts with others outside of the immediate family. Although "el respecto" is emphasized so much in the socialization of the children, the Mexican American child is typically brought up in a relatively permissive and indulgent atmosphere. The children are taught respon sibility from an early age and this often involves the task of looking after their younger siblings. Boys are espe cially instructed to insure their sister's safety outside of the immediate home environment. Socialization of the Mexican American child becomes quite different for each sex at the onset of adolescence. The male adolescent is permitted much more freedom to establish extra-familial association than is the female. While the girl is protected in her contacts beyond the family, the young male is likely to join with age peers in social groups of an informal nature called "palomillas." It is during this time in her life that the Mexican 52 American girl forms the close relationship with her mother as the latter prepares her daughter for the role of wife and mother. An accepted expert in the subject of Chicano youth takes a somewhat pessimistic view of this period when she states that, The kind of socialization that Mexican-American children generally receive at home is not conductive to the development of the capacities needed for advancement by stressing values that hinder mobility— family ties, honor, masculinity, and living in the present— and by neglecting the values that are conducive to it... Perhaps enough has been said about the traditional Chicano family. If there is validity in the above quote, then it will be interesting to see if research on urban Mexican American youth confirms the notion that they are being socialized in such a way that assures strength of family ties and that promotes machismo. In a study dealing with the relationship of accul- O Q turation to education, Schwartz focused on Chicano and Anglo high school students from schools in the Los Angeles area. The experimenter administered an attitudes inventory to the subjects. The results indicated that there were 79 Celia S. Heller, Mexican-American Youth; Forgotten Youth at the Crossroads, (New York ; Random House, 1966) p. 34. 80 Alfred J. Schwartz, "Comparative Values and Achieve ment of Mexican-American and Anglo Pupils," Center for the Study of Evaluation, UCLA Graduate School of Education, Report No. 37, February, 1969. 53 substantial differences in some special value orientations between Chicano and Anglo pupils from similar socioeconomic levels. The data indicated that Chicanos have a greater acceptance of wide-scope family authority, that they viewed their own destiny with resignation. Schwartz found that orientation to the family was the most obvious of these value differences, i.e., more Chicanos than Anglos indica ted a desire for parental guidance and approval. Further more, scores based on reading tests showed that achieving Chicanos differed from their achieving Anglo counterparts chiefly in their orientation to authority, that is, in their reluctance to exercise control over others and in their lack of independence from parental authority. However, achie ving Chicanos indicated that they were more independent from parental control than non-achieving Chicanos and also that they had greater concern for peer than adult disappro val. The author concludes that by moving away from the strong influence of the family the Chicano pupil frees him self from the cultural ties which may inhibit his achieve ment. That is, with independence from family authority, the pupil is emotionally free to change his major reference group and acquire new values and behaviors. p 1 Derbyshire selected Chicano adolescents living in a low income neighborhood in East Los Angeles for study. 81 Robert L. Derbyshire, "Adolescent Identity Crisis in Urban Mexican-Americans in East Los Angeles," in Eugene B. Brody (ed.), Minority Group Adolescents In The United 54 He administered an Osgood Semantic Differential Scale that included the concepts father, mother, self, and Mexican, Among the results found was that Chicanos who identified with the Mexican way of life to a greater extent were more respectful of authority figures. 82 A study by Ramirez in Sacramento, California also focused on Chicano adolescents. The findings obtained were as follows: 1) Subjects who rejected Chicano values repor ted experiencing more conflicts with parents, more health problems, and more guilt and tension than those who had agreed with the values, 2) Females who expressed agreement with the values scored higher on submissiveness and hos tility than any of the other subgroups, and 3) Males who expressed agreement with the values seemed to be best adjusted of all the sub-groups. This would seem to indi cate that Chicano adolescents who rejected Chicano values experienced more difficulty in adjustment than those who identified with them. Especially important appears to be the fact that subjects who rejected Chicano values reported experiencing more conflicts with their parents. States, (Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkens Co., 1968) pp. 73-110. ^^Manuel Ramirez, "Identification with Mexican-Ameri' can Values and Psychological Adjustment in Mexican- American Adolescents," International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 1969, Vol. 11, pp. 151-156. 55 These studies all suggest that some youngsters are being socialized in such a way that enhances family ties and fosters respect for parental authority. What then can be said concerning the salience of the masculinity value in the Mexican American culture? Grebler et al,^^ included in their large study a survey on sex specialization in family roles. They asked such questions as who paints rooms in the house, who makes expensive purchases, who punishes the children and cares for them at night, and who washes the dishes. The data suggest that although the Chicano male still refuses to wash dishes, he is willing to admit that he has ceded control in the more important aspects of the husband-wife and the father-child relationships. At the same time he has assumed some of the responsibilities that were tra ditionally feminine. Interestingly, these findings are very similar to findings of a recent national survey in Mexico. Although there is currently little consensus on the definitions of the two terms, one may assume that for ^^Leo Grebler, Joan W. Moore, and Ralph Guzman, The Mexican American People, (New York: Free Press, 1970), pp. 3 63-364. 84 Maria del Carmen Elu d© Lenero, Hacia Donde Va La Mujer Mexicana?, (Mexico, D.F.: Instituto Mexicano de Estudios Sociales, A.C., 1969). See especially Chapter 4, pp. 45-58. 56 every "masculine" assertion there is on the part of the woman a "feminine" response. It seems that fewer and fewer women are willing to accept the traditional roles assigned to them according to traditional values. Murillo^^ states that Chicanas are struggling for greater equality not only in the Anglo society but also in comparison to the Mexican American male. The Chicana has the difficult task of gaining for herself more flexibility in carrying out a greater variety of activities that traditionally have been denied her in the Mexican American culture. In trying to do this, she runs the risk of diluting the qualities that make her attractive to the male. Many Chicanas are taking this risk. They receive encouragement and support from a variety of sources. Francisca Flores writes in a recent issue of Regener-a- The issue of birth control, abortions, information on sex and the pill are considered ’white' women's lib issues and should be rejected by Chicanas according to the Chicano philosophy which believes that the Chicana women's place is in the home and that her role is that of a mother with a large family. Women who do not accept this philosophy are charged with betrayal to 'our culture and heritage.' OUR CULTURE HELL! 85 Nathan Murillo, loc. cit. pp. 106-107. 8 6 Francisca Flores, Reqeneracion, Vol. 1, No. 10, 1971, p. 1. 57 The evidence for changing sex roles in the Mexican American culture suggests the likelihood that other changes are occurring in the family. How these and other factors may be affecting the anciano is largely unanswered. In their study of Chicanos in Los Angeles and San 87 Antonio, Grebler et ai found -- stereotypic notions to the contrary -- that their research subjects were not extraordinarily passive and attached to relatives to the detriment of achievement. Margaret Clark and her associ- ' ates in San Francisco have also begun to explore inter- generational relationships among Chicanos. Their pre liminary findings indicate that, though basic value dif ferences may exist between middle-aged Chicanos and their elderly parents, these differences are not overtly ex pressed. Eventhough most second generation Chicanos realize that their true feelings and wishes are never (or rarely) expressed to their elders, they continue to place great value on family solidarity and are willing to sacrifice "self-expression" in the interest of harmonious relationships within the family. Young adult Chicanos do not share their parents's beliefs that formalized family interaction - is the best way to resolve issues and pro- 88 blems. 8 7 Leo Grebler et al., loc. cit., pp. 435-438 . 88 Margaret Clark and C.W. Keifer, loc. cit. 58 89,90 Two separate investigators, have found warm, supportive, and considerate relationships between older persons and younger members of the family in their study of San Antonio barrios. It was also observed that the elderly enjoyed respect and esteem, and were devoid of feelings of alienation and uselessness. They did not consider themselves to be a burden on the family. Leo- 91 nard found much of the traditional family system in the rural Southwest and stated that, ...the elderly are involved in a wide range of activities including acting as spokesman for the larger group in a crisis or an event threatening the group welfare and judging the extent to which families are performing their responsibility in regard to religion, child orientation, child training and other matters affecting family members.. . Actually, there is little doubt that the Mexican American family, and therefore the older adult, is being affected by contact with the dominant culture. What is less obvious is the nature of these effects, especially 89 Frances Carp, Factors in Utilization of Services by the Mexican-American Elderly, ' (Pale Alto, California : American Institutes for Research, 1968). ^^Julie M. Reich, Michael A. Stegman and Nancy W. Stegman, Relocating the Dispossessed Elderly: A Study of Mexican Americans , (Phi 1 adeIphia : "tiniversity of Pehhsy 1 - vania. Institute for Environmental Studies, 1966). 91 Olen Leonard, "The Older Rural Spanish-Speaking People of the Southwest," in E. Grant Youmans, Older Rural Americans, (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1967) pp. 252-253. 59 in rural areas. It is not unfair to conjecture that upon moving to the cities, the older Chicano might have had his traditional family rôle questioned. To begin with, the old homestead was no longer his source of pride and power. His work skills were probably of little remunerative value in an industrial society, and his children probably went to school and were socialized by their Anglo teachers to the ideals of independence, equalitarianism, produc tivity, youth, and materialism. The old Chicano's status as head of household may have been greatly threatened. It is really no wonder that Clark's data indicates elderly Mexican Americans seem more concerned about their "head of household" status than about the precise financial arrangements involved in living with their children. The data identifies a language barrier between generations one and three as well as a communication barrier due to 92 youngster's lack of knowledge concerning Mexican culture. The task of assessing the position of the anciano 93 in the family is a difficult one. On the one hand Rubel states that although respect of younger for older was practiced in the past is presentedly extolled, it is almost universally agreed to be a thing of the past. On the other‘ ..hand a. social workpractitioner in "the field writes , 92 Margaret Clark and C.W. Keifer, loc. cit. 93 Arthur Rubel, loc. cit. p. 59. 60 The aged are greatly respected among Mexican-Americans; positions of authority are assigned to them regardless of their sex. Through the continued participation of the elderly in the decision-making process, the issue of authority is diluted among extended family relationships... Mexican-Americans have strong convictions that commit them to taking care oF aged ^ . parents and grandparents. (Emphasis mine) The author of the above quote does not go on to say if or how younger generations of Chicanos accept and interpret this committment. The work of Grebler et al, indicates a substantial departure in the contemporary family from the traditional • patriarchy. Variation is greatest among the young, the well-to-do, and those living away from Mexican colonies. While there were generally few differences in attitudes by sex, age did prove to be an important variable. This finding suggests a need for an intergenerational approach in studies seeking knowledge of changes in the Mexican- American family. Summary and Implications Studies on intergenerational relations suggest that social change comes about from a confrontation between the young and the old. What are the issues and problems 94 Marta Sotomayor, "Mexican-American Interaction with Social Systems," Social Casework, Vol. 52, No. 5, May, 1971, p. 321. 95 Leo Grebler, et al., loc. cit. p. 361. 61 that are being negotiated between young Chicanos and their parents? The answer to this question would require a much larger study than the one proposed here. However, it is obvious that the two generations compared in this inves tigation have been socialized in different social environ ments. They are products of different times. Younger Chicanos tend to be more "urbanized" than their parents and grandparents. As a group, the younger generation is more socially mobile, enjoy a higher standard of living, and strive more for independence. These are all factors seen as contributing to a decline in three-generation homes. Is decreased filial responsibility associated with these factors in the case of the Mexican American? The question is not only unanswered ; in the past it has been "un-asked." Review of the literature on Mexican Americans indicates that individuals and families may manifest characteristics ranging from the traditional to the modern. Although traditional values seem to be changing, fami1ism and care for the aged are likely to be "core" values, and thus more resistant to change than machismo or other more peripheral values, A review of the sources of diversity among Chicanos suggests that there are likely to be important rural-urban,sex, class, and generational differences within any one region of the Southwest. These 62 differences should be considered in any intergenerational comparison of this ethnic group, Piaget's developmental viewpoint on the acquisition of moral judgment contains the notion that moral judgments may become fixated at a "realism" level in cultures where religion is transcendental and social organization is authoritarian. This is particularly interesting in view of Clark's description of middle-generation Chicanos as willing to sacrifice self-expression in the interest of family harmony and solidarity. Could it be that for them rules of conduct are seen as absolute an unchangeable? Kohlberg's assertion that greater peer-group participation and higher social class facilitate rapid moral development is also of interest in light of what is believed to be the effects of the Chicano males' participation in infor mal peer-groups, and the greater social mobility of recent generations. The acculturation and assimilation of the Mexican American into the mainstream of American society has not been without the collision of basic ideologies. How this collision has affected filial responsibility among Chi canos is the subject of this investigation. 63 DERIVATION OF HYPOTHESES Three propositions are derived from the literature on development of moral judgments. These are : (1) In cultures where social organization is authoritarian, moral judgments may become fixated at a "realism" level, i,e,, rules are seen as absolute and unchangeable, (2) The greater an individual's peer-group participation, the more rapidly will his moral judgments develop, (3) The higher the social class of an individual, the more rapidly will his moral judgments develop. Since the literature suggests that the traditional Mexican American family is organized along authoritarian lines and since traditional family values are more likely to be found in older people, in rural areas, and among recent immigrants, the following hypotheses may be tested: Hypothesis 1; Parents will score higher on a scale of filial responsibility than will their children. Ho: Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of generation. Hypothesis 2; Rural chicanos will score higher on a scale of filial responsibility than will their urban 64 counterparts. Ho: Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of area of residence. Hypothesis 3 ; Scores on a scale of filial respon- bilitÿ will vary inversely with length of residence in this country. Ho: Willingness to support aged parents varies independently with generational length of family residence in this country. Since in the traditional family the male child is given much more freedom to belong to "palomillas" and other informal peer groups than is the female child, the following hypothesis is advanced. Hypothesis 4 : Male Ss will score higher on a scale of filial responsibility than will female Ss. Ho: Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of sex of the respondent. Since variation from the traditional patriarchy is greatest among the young, the well-to-do, and those living away from Mexican colonies, the following hypothesis is advanced: Hypothesis 5 : Scores on a test of filial respon sibility will vary inversely with socioeconomic class. Ho: Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of social class. 65 Based on previous studies in which religious affiliation was the independent variable, the following hypothesis can be advanced: Hypothesis 6 : The following order will be found when examining willingness to support aged parents: Catholics will score highest; then Protestants and those having no religious affiliation. Ho; Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of religious affiliation. CHAPTER III HISTORICAL AND SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILES OF THE RESEARCH SETTINGS Introduction Since one of the basic assumptions guiding this research was that Chicanos living in large urban centers would be likely to have different attitudes and values than Chicanos living in small, rural towns, it was ini tially felt that rural-urban extremes would demonstrate these differences best and therefore comparisons would be made between Chicanos in Los Angeles and Chicanos in San Isidro, Texas. However, review of the literature and the investigator's own experience indicated that the psychohis- torical differences between Mexican Americans in these two states would introduce too many extraneous variables. Greater accessibility to data sources in Texas was another important consideration that contributed to choosing San Antonio as the urban research setting. San Antonio presented little difficulty in obtaining historical information. There are a number of excellent books that present comprehensive accounts of the founding and colonization of this important city. Socio-demographic data concerning the census tracts in Edgewood Independent 66 67 School District was readily obtained from a document that was part of a grant proposal to the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Complications arose however, in obtaining both historical and socio-demographic data about San Isidro. Although there are some books dealing with the history of the Rio Grande Valley of Texas, there is absol utely no written history of San Isidro itself. The inves tigator's conclusion on this matter was latter confirmed in a personal interview with a noted historian who happens to live in neighboring Rio Grande City.^ There was virtually no socio-demographic data available to this researcher on San Isidro. Formerly coop erative school officials and employees of the school tax office became retentive as a result of threatened litiga tion against the school board by a relative of this inves tigator .^ This action occurred during a two month interval between questionalre administration and gathering of demo graphic data. A few sketchy statistics were obtained from figures recorded in the Austin office of the Texas Educa tion Agency. Ultimately, this researcher had to rely on U.S. census reports pertaining to Starr County in general. It should be understood, however, that generalizations ^Florence Johnson Scott, an interview held on April 11, 1974, 9 Celia L, Rademacher formally protested personnel management practices at the Tax Office and was subsequently terminated from her position there as secretary. 68 drawn from county-wide data may not accurately describe social conditions in San Isidro. The only reason for in cluding this material/ and that of the historical narrative^ is that it can serve to acquaint the reader with this rural and relatively isolated region of Texas, and provide for him a basis for contrast with urban and industrial San Antonio. History and Description of Urban Setting Members of a Spanish expedition discovered the San Antonio River on June 13, 1691, Along the upper head waters of the river they came upon an Indian village by the name of Yanaguana. They named the site San Antonio de 3 Padua in honor of the saint whose feast day it was. As interested as the Spanish were in colonizing the area and establishing firm footholds, the founding of an actual town or settlement did not occur until 1718 when Father Antonio de San Buenaventura y Olivarez, and Martin de Alarcon, established Villa de Bejar (later called Bexar). A fort. Presidio de Bejar was soon built and so was Mission San Antonio de Valero. The latter is now known popularly as The Alamo and is located in the heart of downtown San Antonio.^ ^Irwin Sexton, E no y cloped i a Americana, 1974, XXIV, 69 At the time of the Mexican Revolution of 18 21, San Antonio was one of three established Spanish communities in Texas. In August of that year, Stephen F. Austin arrived in the city and obtained a permit for the admission of 300 U.S. families into the territory. By early 1836, relations between the Texans and the Mexican government had strained to the point that hostilities erupted in a series of minor skirmishes between the two groups. The high point in Texas history came from February 23rd to March 6th, at the time of the seige and battle of the Alamo. Although all Texan defenders at the Alamo died, the battle was a victory in the sense that it had enabled other Texans to organize and build up strength. On April 21, Sam Houston led a surprise attack on the Mexican troops at San Jacinto. He defeated c the Mexican force and succeeded in capturing Santa Anna. During the last decades of the 19th century, San Antonio, as the starting point for the Chisholm Trail, became a major cattle center, where herds were assembled for the overland drives to the railheads in Kansas. Mili tary installations largely account for San Antonio's rapid growth since 194 0. San Antonio is the nation's largest military center. It is home to Ft. Sam Houston, Brooke Army Medical Center, Kelly Air Force Base, Lackland Air 5 The New Encyclopaedia Britannica Micropaedia, 15th ed. VIII, 840.’ " , 70 Force Base, and Randolph Air Force Base. San Antonio is also one of the largest produce exchange markets in the United States and it is the commercial headquarters for the South Texas petroleum producing district.^ Today, San Antonio is the third-largest city in Texas, It is the seat of Bexar County and is made up of approximately 190 square miles. San Antonio is situated on the non-navigable San Antonio River at a point approxi mately 90 miles due South of Austin and 190 miles west of Houston. It is a major manufacturing city and the banking, transportation, and retail trade center of south, central Texas.^ Manufacturing in San Antonio ranges from the fabri cation of executive airplanes to church furniture, from storage batteries to stained glass windows. The production of clothing and the processing of food products are impor tant. Products of the metal industry include structural steel, steel forms, and equipment for food handling, com mercial refrigeration, and electronic data processing.^ The city is the seat of St. Mary's University, Trinity University, Incarnate Word College, Our Lady of the Lake College, San Antonio College and recently. ^Ibid. ^Encyclopedia Americana,loc.cit, p. 190. ^Ibid. 71 University of Texas at San Antonio, with its schools of dentistry, medicine and nursing. Nine independent school districts provide public education in the San Antonio area. One of these, the Edgewood District, is located in an area of the city that is predominantly Mexican American and served as the location of the urban component in this comparative research study. Profile of the Edgewood Independent School District The Edgewood Independent School District is located in the poorest and most economically depressed section of San Antonio, Texas. It is the State's fourth poorest school district and also ranks as the poorest district of the sixteen largest urban centers in the Nation. The district is comprised of fourteen square miles in the western sector of the city. The boundaries of the district are overlapped by Model Cities and by Urban Renewal pro jects; approximately thirty-three percent (33%) of the district falls within the boundaries of these federally funded agencies.^ In 1960 the Edgewood Independent School District had a population of 63,541. The population increased to D.C. Development Associates, Inc., "Profile of Edgewood Community and District Schools," Appendix A in Analysis of the Edgewood ISD Experimental Schools Project : Phase I, Task Four, November 15, 1972 , pp, 8 7- 101. 72 73,111 in 1970 and it is projected that by 1980 the dis trict will have a population of 88,825.^^ San Antonio's population distribution consists of 52% Mexican American, 40% Anglo, and 7.6% Black out of a total population of over 654,000 people. The Edgewood district has a population of over 73,000 people with an ethnic breakdown of 8 5% Mexican American, 9% Anglo, and 6% Black, Data on the Edgewood Independent School District that deals with school years completed by the population twenty-five years and over revealed that fifteen percent of the district's population has completed no years of school. Seventeen percent completed one to four years of elementary school, twenty-two percent/ completed five to seven years of elementary school, eight percent completed eight years of elementary school, sixteen percent completed one to three years of high school, and sixteen percent completed all four years of high school. Only six percent have college education to some degree. The class of workers found in the district can best be described as low-income, unskilled laborers, A dis tribution based on 197 0 census data indicates that ^Qjbid., p. 88. ^^Ibid, ^^Ibid., p. 89, 73 approximately sixty-four percent of the workers in the area are private wage and salary workers, twenty-five per cent are government workers, and four percent are self- employed workers. (See Table 1) The industries which operate in the district can be classified into fourteen major categories and one miscel laneous category. They are construction, manufacturing, durable goods, transportation, communications, utilities, sanitation, wholesale trade, retail trade, finance, insur ance, real estate, business repair services, personal services, health services, professional related fields, public administration, and other industries. Of all the industries operating in the district, the retail trade employs the largest numbers of workers, approximately 18% of the work force ; while finance, insur ance, and real estate employs the least number of workers, three percent. The labor force in the district consists of 13,126 males and 6,545 females for a total of 19,571. The unem ployment rate of the labor force was at 5,5 percent by the 1970 census data. The income range of the district by 197 0 census data showed that the mode income range to $4,000 to $4,999 ^^Ibid. l^Ibid., p. 90. Î 1 cn S 1 < H h M « P h 1-4 Q O CM O ' ^ L D ' ^ L O VO lD 1-4 m 1 H [ 5 ! 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O 4-> O CO CO CO fd •P i n EH iP 1-4 P i CO u v o r ^ ’^ v o r ^ c x D o o i —I C M ' ^ L O V D < PS o % < O O 1 —1 1 —1 O O O 1 —1 1 —1 1 —1 1-4 1-4 i—i Eh . 0 44-> 1 w « v o v o v o v o r ~ r ~ r ' ^ r ^ r ' ^ r ' ^ r ' ^ r ' ^ r ~ O o U Eh I —i 1-4 i —i 1-4 1-4 1-4 1-4 1-4 1-4 i-4 i-4 i-4 rp Eh p^ < 75 which included 1,485 families or eleven percent of the total number of the families in the district, Twenty percent earned less than $3,000, thirty-nine percent earned less than $5,000 and $9,000. thirteen percent between $10,000 and $14,999 and only four percent earned over $15,000.15 (See Table 2) History and Description of Rural Setting The Rio Grande Valley of Texas is a land area stretching from Brownsville, at the southernmost tip of South Texas, and running along the Rio Grande River in a northwesterly direction to about Rio Grande City, 125 miles away. The lower valley, Cameron and Hidalgo coun ties, is quite fertile and produces millions of dollars worth of citrus crops each year. The upper valley (Starr County) is semi-arid, dusty, and quite hot in the Summer. Mesquite and cactii are plentiful and are relied upon by ranchers to sustain cattle through frequent and prolonged droughts. Other than farming and ranching, there is very little industry in the Valley. The border towns rely on tourism and trade with Mexico for their economic liveli hood. Until 184 8 the population of the Rio Grande Valley was homogenous and isolated from alien influences. Those who lived in the Valley were dependent on livestock and ^^Ibid., p. 91 CM Q) I —I rQ ( d E h 0 3 -P U (d u E h 0 3 0 0 3 C Q) 0 pq 0 3 1 1 Q) > Q) i - q i Ü a H -p Ü •H u -p 0 3 ■ i H Q O O « CO -p c : ( Ü C Q) Qa Q) C H T i o o Q) t r > M o O ( U o p p ^ O O LO S O ( T \ O ( T \ O O C T ' ^ -P ^ O O ( T \ o o O 4J ( T \ O ( T \ O O C T i O 4J ( T \ CO 00 O O O C T ' O ( T \ o C T \ o o C T \ o -p CO VO o < T \ o o < y \ o -pC T \ LO LO o C T \ o o C T \ o -pC T \ TT o C T \ o o C T \ o -p< y \ 00 00 o ( T v o o C T > o -pC T > CM CM o ( T v o 0 ( T v o -p( T v 1 —1 1 —1 0 3G O 0 3( dO Q )Xi o PIE h 1 —1 I •H 0 3 1 -1 g Q ) 1 -1f d■H c k I —1 0 3 0 -P 0 3 Ü c f d ( U P U E h I —ir^t^ocD'^cDr^cMLDCDir»'^ CM O MTTMCMCMMi-lTf^ CMCOCMLO00( T vLO1 —1001 —1CM rP1 —1CM00CM1 —1CM' ( TLO00LO 1 —1 CM! —1 ! —11 —1rH 1 —1CM LDcnco'^coLOvDCT^i— icnr^coLO COr—I V O V O i—i r ^ V O C T i C M ' ^ C n '<rLnr~'Cocz)'^r4(T\VO(T\r^cnvo C O V O r 4 V O V O C M C O ( T \ L n C M C O ^ r 4 ( T v( T v001 —1 O I —100CM CM 1 —11 —1 ( T v 00 O LO o 1 —11 —1 1 —1 1 —1 00 VO o 1 —11 —11 —1 CM CM 0000VOCM LO00o LOo 1 —1 1 —11 —11 —1 1 —1 LO00 VO00CM o 1 —1 I —1CMI —I 001 —100O CM o 001 —1( T vVO 1 —1 1 —11 —1 o ( T vVO00 001 —100( T v( T v 1 —1 1 —11 —1 , —ICOQVDOOl—iVDCncnCMCD'^^’O o Tf 13 cT\i— ivocncnvocnr^i— I C D ' ^ C M C M C D V D L O r ^ L O O O C n ' ^ r ^ r-LO CMTTCMi—ICMVOLnCMCT\i—I CM00 00 VO0000CM CM 00VOCM 1 - 4( T vCM I —1LO00 CM00CM( T vCMCM00VO( T v00 I —1 I —11 —1 1 —1 1 —1I —1 1 —1 VO VO 00( T Vo 1 —1CMTTLOVO o o 1 —11 —1o o O I —1I —11 —11 —1I —1I —1 VOVOVOVO I —1I —11 —1I —11 —11 - 4I —1I —1I —1I —1I —1I —1I —1 o 00 o 00 1 0 I —1 G -P Qa O Pk G O -P CM M4 G co < VD 00 o 1 G 0 3( d VD I —1 G 0 3 i G w i v o04 1 Q ) 00 04 C T > U 1 —1 1' q3 00 0 3 ü O i G -P CM 0 31 —1« 4 4 i G " — M4 I —1 i Q ) O U u 1 —1 w tn 00 ; Q ) G 00 X ■P -p-p-P I —1 p G M4 o•P o Qa p ( D04 G p p ; f d -P I —1 1 Q )1 —1G P f d Q ) LO G G g 00 OQ•p G P « k Q ) 1 —1 Q ) > Ü 0 3O m P -P P o Q ) ü I —1 ' g f d • 1 g p m 1 —1 O &4 • U G» o « 4 4 0 3 G 1 —1 O 0 3 • G U I —1 -p Q ) i • G U Q 00 Q ) g -PO G P io f d( T v-P 04 1 - 4P LO Q ) Q , , G ‘ P CM • 1 W G 0 3 • •P f d O 0 3 00 G ' —' m CM O œ • V H < 00 U œ I —1 « G S G) G w 0 3 O W G I —1 O 0 3 f d ■P f d -P -P X O f d Q ) E h 1 —1E4 77 simple horticulture for their livelihood. After the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, American settlers from all states in the Union started converging upon the Rio Grande Valley in great numbers. They were attracted to the cheap land and sought to manifest their destiny through speculative ventures in the spirit of capitalism, and through social and political domination. The new Anglo settlers came to the Valley as pioneers. The modern history of the Lower Valley may be written in terms of the effort by Anglo-Americans to change the conditions which they encountered, and the reaction of the Mexican Americans 17 to those efforts. To the newcomers the Mexican American represented a group subject to vast improvements, although they would first have to be shown the way. It was a basic assumption of the new society that, once guided along the way, the Chicano would evidence strong desires to emulate the life style of the Anglo-American. In the Anglo-American con ception of the new society the values of individualism, self-achievement, industry, perseverance and sobriety were 18 prized above all. Arthur J. Rubel, Across The Tracks : Mexican Ameri cans In A Texas City, (Austint University of Texas Press, 19 66), p. 25. ~ ^^Ibid., p. 40. ^^Ibid. 78 Why these Anglo settlers were not attracted to Starr County on a large scale can only be conjectured. However, as mentioned above, the land was not as fertile and did not promise the same economic benefits. Rio Grande City and Starr County In 1746 the Spanish government initiated action to colonize the Rio Grande Valley in order to protect the wealthy mining and agricultural settlements of central Mexico from marauding Apache Indians, and to prevent encroachment on New Spain from New France. In order to assure Spanish dominion over the Rio Grande Valley, a royal commission was bestowed on Jose de Escandon.^^ Among the settlers recruited by Escandon was Jose Maria de la Garza Falcon, This man proved to be an able settler. One of his relatives. Bias Maria de la Garza Falcon was assigned territory that now includes Starr 20 County and the area of Camargo, Tamaulipas, Mexico. Settlement of the whole area was proceeding so rapidly that in 1767, upon the insistence of Escandon, the Spanish government appointed a Royal Commission to make arrangements for granting legal possession of land tracts ^^Ibid., p. 26. 20 Florence Johnson Scott, Historical Heritage of the Lower Rio Grande, (Rio Grande City; La Retama Press, l970), pi 4l. 79 to the individual colonists.Since Bias Maria de la Garza Falcon's family had long before established a ranch directly across the Rio Grande River from Camargo, this area (Carnestolendas) was granted to him. De la Garza died the same year and his two sons, Juan and Joseph Antonio took possession of the two '^orcione^' that are now Rio Grande City and Fort R i n g g o l d .22 A grandaughter of one of these sons later married a Kentuckian by the name of Henry Clay Davis. On property inherited by his wife, he built the first cabin which was to be the nucleus for Davis' Landing and later Rio Grande City. In February 1848 a bill creating Starr County was passed by the legis- lature, Rio Grande City was designated the county seat. Interestingly, while the western, northwestern, and northern section of Starr County has been settled by ranchers from Camargo, no mention is made of any settle ments being made in the area of Santa Teresa, or present day San Isidro. San Isidro San Isidro is a small ranching, farming, and oil field community located approximately 35 miles northeast of Rio Grande City (see Appendix 1 ), San Isidro proper 2^Ibid. 22ibid., p. 141, 80 consists of a school campus on which most of the teachers live, two churches, two small grocery stores and two gasoline stations. The San Isidro area itself consists of San Isidro and the surrounding hamlets of DeImita, La Reforma, La Gloria, Santa Elena, Santa Ana and Santa Catarina. The Texas Almanac lists the population of San Isidro and its surrounding hamlets as 518.24 The popula tion probably approaches 80 0 if one includes those people living on small ranches throughout the area. The entire San Isidro area, originally called Santa Teresa, was first settled by Gregorio Vela under sanction of a Mexican land grant from the State of Tamau lipas, and confirmed by an act of the Texas legislature on February 10, 1852.^^ The San Isidro School forms the nucleus around which most of the community's social events occur. Parties, dances, and wedding receptions are held in the school's gymnasium. Teachers live on campus and enjoy a high social status position. As can be seen from the map in Appendix 1 , there are no major highways near San Isidro, however, there are several farm-to-market roads which provide accessibility to various points along the Texas- 24Texas Almanac and State Industrial Guide, 1974-75, (Dallas : A.H. Bels' Inc.) y p. 130, 25 Information obtained from Starr County Title and Abstract Co., Rio Grande City, Texas, September, 1975. 81 Mexico border. There is limited traffic along these roads other than an occasional commercial vehicle engaged in transporting cattle or agricultural goods to larger cities along the border. Young people attending Pan American University in Edinburg form car pools for commuting to classes. The importance of the farming and ranching industry in the San Isidro cannot be overemphasized. It appears that most all families in San Isidro have their own land, and own their own homes. The lower socio-economic classes often have had to obtain their property through an in dentured type of work agreement. People of this socio economic level typically are the most recent immigrants to the area. Often, they are people from Mexico, or first generation immigrants who have been sponsored by the wealthy to come work on their ranches. They are often illiterate and non-English-speaking. They are sometimes unsure of whether the homes they live in have been given to them, or if they are using them as part of the work arrangement. Some of these people simply understand that they live in the homes their parents and grandparents lived in and, although they recognize the land itself may belong to the "patron, " they feel that they have secure possession of the homestead. People from the so-called middle class usually have legal title to their homes and own a "ranchito, ” They 82 typically have at least a grade school education and make a living off the land or working for the oil companies. Included among the middle class are the teachers in the community. They are highly respected and considered good credit risks. Upper middle-class people are typically those whose ranches are of moderately large size and whose property includes several producing oil wells. Most of the upper middle class have completed high school and some have a college education. There are only a few families in the San Isidro area that can be considered as belonging to the Upper Class. The Garza, Alaniz, Montalvo, and Pena families are among these. These families all have large ranches and breed only the finest quality cattle and horses. In addition, they all receive royalties from oil companies and employ many people from the area to help them in their farming and ranching. Although the older generation may not have obtained a college education (or a high school education either) their children and grandchildren have attended private schools and have gone to become attorneys, teachers, physicians, businessmen, engineers, and career military officers. Geographically, San Isidro is rather isolated. Throughout its history there has never been a great influx of people to the area. In consulting land title records it becomes obvious that there has been much intermarriage 83 among families in the area and direct descendents of the original land owners still live in the area. In the early 1930's Sun Oil Corporation established a camp in Rincon, near San Isidro. Many Anglo families moved into the area and the children attended the San Isidro school. Although the camp was in existence for over 30 years, its residents were geographically, and to a large extent socially, segre gated from the rest of San Isidro. Among the familiar sites in the San Isidro area are bright colored pick-up trucks containing in them dashboard Jesus Christ figurines and .30 cal. Winchesters mounted on brackets behind the seat. The pick-up truck represents a social status symbol and definitely differentiates the "haves" from the have-nots. It is also common to hear people call out or refer to other people by terms indica ting their social relationship (compadre, comadre, cunado, con-cuno, primo etc). Although there is an air of familiarity, social relationships themselves tend to be somewhat formal. The San Isidro School District The San Isidro School District encompasses a land area of 289 square miles. The region is sparsely popu lated and most students ride the bus to school. As seen 2t)According to information supplied to this researcher by I. Thomas Holleman, Jr., Methods and Procedures Specia list, Research Office, Texas Education Agency, February 10, 1975. 8.4 in a previous section of this chapter dealing with statis tics concerning the county in general, the area does not enjoy a high standard of living. There is much poverty and there are few jobs. The only schools for the entire district are a high school (grades 9-12) and an elementary school (K-8). These are located on a spacious campus in San Isidro itself. The campus includes a gymnasium, a swimming pool, a band hall, a tax office and sufficient housing units to accommo date nearly all teachers. The latter are provided at very low rent and there is unlimited and free use of water and gas. Upon interviewing a small group of teachers, this researcher found that the excellent salaries and other conveniences for teachers has for many years been consi dered essential in attracting qualified personnel to this remote area. Originally, there were few, if any, quali fied teaching personnel from the San Isidro area itself. It therefore became important to recruit teachers from wherever they might come. In many instances these teachers were Anglo residents of the Lower Valley. As time has gone on, and more Mexican Americans have obtained a college education, recruitment of staff has favored this ethnic group. As gradually more residents from the San Isidro area have obtained college educations hiring has favored them. Presently, the two wealthiest 85 families in the district have succeeded in controlling the school by placing members of their immediate and extended family into key positions on the school board, in the tax office, and on the faculty. Many of the present fac ulty are pessimistic about their continued employment and harbor strong feelings about what they see as an extreme and detrimental form of parochialism and familism. Students in San Isidro were, without exception, well mannered and cooperative. They tended to be quite submissive in relating to teachers and seemed to enjoy answering the questionnaire items. Neither teachers nor students are allowed to speak Spanish on school grounds and there are strong reprimands for violation of this rule. Neither students nor teachers may wear their hair long nor espouse any kind of radical social or political philosophy. Chicanismo, or the idea that Mexican Americans should aggressively strive for equality of opportunity while maintaining their unique ways different from other Americans cultural characteris tics , is often considered irrelevant if not ludicrous. There is a great deal of ambivalence even about the need for bi-lingua1/bi-cultural education. It is apparent that the Chicano generation as described by Alvarez has not come of age in San Isidro. 86 Rural and Urban Settings Compared on County-wide Basis Table 3 provides a comparison between Bexar and Starr Counties with regard to the nativity, parentage, and country of origin of their residents. While 97.61% of the population in Starr County are classified as being of "Spanish language", only 44.45% of Bexar County residents are classified as such. Also 80.84% of Starr County resi dents are said to be "of Spanish origin or descent" while 38.07% of Bexar County residents are so classified. Table 4 presents an income-of-families comparison between .the two counties. While the median income of families in Starr County is $3593, it is $8045 in Bexar County, Bexar County has a per capita income of $2581 while Starr County has a per capita income of only $1123. It is of special interest to note that 54,45% of Starr County's families have incomes ranging from less than $1000 to $3999 while this is true for only 18.76% of families in Bexar County, When comparing the two counties along the variable of type of income of families it is noticed that Bexar County has less than 10% more (proportionately) families who report incomes from wages or salaries than does Starr County. The mean wage or salary income in Starr County is almost 58% less than that in Bexar County. Still another notable statistic is that 21.43% of families in Starr County are on Public Assistance while only 6.62% Table 3 Nativity, Parentage, and Country 6f Origin of Residents of Bexar and Starr Counties Starr Co. Bexar Co Total Population 17707 % 830460 % Native of native parentage Native of foreign or 11644 65.76 655821 78.97 mixed parentage 4440 25.07 130652 15.73 Foreign born 1623 9.17 43987 5.30 Total Foreign Stock 6063 34.24 174639 21.03 United Kingdom 11 0.06 5989 0.72 Ireland - 0.00 1783 0.21 Sweden 5 0. 03 749 0. 09 Germany - 0.00 12201 1.47 Poland - 0.00 2075 0.25 Czechoslovakia - 0.00 1279 1.15 Austria 7 0.04 1397 0.17 Hungary - 0.00 455 0.05 USSR - 0.00 1695 0.20 Italy - 0.00 2740 0.33 Canada 0.00 4315 0.52 Mexico 5800 32.76 119571 14.40 Cuba - 0.00 748 0.09 Other America - 0 , 00 2510 0.30 All other and not reported 240 1.35 17132 2.06 Persons of Spanish language Other persons of Spanish 17284 97. 61 369167 44.45 surname Persons of Spanish origin 46 0.26 6860 0.83 or descent Persons of Puerto Rican 14314 80.84 316186 38.07 birth or parentage 34 0.19 1951 0.23 SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Census of Population : 1970 , Vol. 1, Character- istics of the Population, Part 45’ , Texas - Section 1 • (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government p. 9 07 and p. 924. 87 Printing Office, 1973) Table 4 Income Levels for Residents of Bexar and Starr Counties Income Levels Starr Co. Bexar Co All Families 3654 % 194103 % Less than $1,000 382 10.45 7091 3.65 $1,000 to $1,999 626 17.13 7708 3.97 $2,000 to $2,999 579 15.84 9674 4.98 $3,000 to $3,999 405 11.03 11955 6.16 $4,000 to $4,999 254 6.95 13984 7.20 $5,000 to $5,999 202 5.43 14954 7.70 $6,000 to $6,999 278 7.61 15623 8.05 $7,000 to $7,999 171 4.68 15398 7.93 $8,000 to $8,999 136 3.72 14621 7.53 $9,000 to $9,999 119 3.26 12267 6.32 $10,000 to $11,999 182 4.98 21001 10.82 $12,000 to $14,999 150 4.11 20443 10.53 $15,000 to $24,999 150 4.11 22721 11.71 $25,000 to $49,999 20 0.55 5424 2.79 $50,000 or more - 0.00 1239 0.64 Median Income $3,593 $8,045 Mean Income $5,106 $9,593 Per Capita Income $1,123 $2,581 Department of Commerce, Bureau of the SOURCE : U.S. Census, Census of istics of the Popü 1 àtion",^art' Texas - SecFiorf (Washington, D.C.: U p. 1163 and p. 1150. Population: 1970, Vol. 1, Character- 1. 1973) S.Government Printing Office 88 89 of families in Bexar County report income from this source.(See Table 5) Table 6 gives a breakdown of families, persons and households having an income less than poverty level. Almost 52% of Starr County families report income less than the poverty level while only 15.9% of families in Bexar County fall into this category. Additional infor mation indicates that the mean value of the household unit in Starr County is only $4865 as compared to $9586 in Bexar County, and that 61.8% of the housing units in Starr County have substandard plumbing facilities while this is true of only 14.4% of housing units in Bexar County. Of no surprise is the fact that, of households having less than poverty^level incomes, 46.54% of them are occupied by their owners while this is true of 78.38% of households in Starr County. Table 7 highlights some educational characteristics of residents in the counties of investigation. Both male and female residents in Starr County have a median of 5.9 years of formal education. In Bexar County, males 25 years and over attain a median of 11.9 years of education and women in the same age grouping attain a median of 11.3 years. An average of only 21.8% of individuals 25 years and over finish high school in Starr County while an average of 47.45% of individuals in the same age range do so in Bexar County. Table 5 Income and Poverty Status of Bexar and Starr County Residents Type of Income Starr Co. Bexar Co All Families 3653 % 194103 % With wage or Salary 2876 78.70 170526 87.85 Mean wage/salary in come $4953 - $8562 Non-farm, self employ ment 299 8.18 21352 11,00 Mean non-farm, self- employment income $4475 - $7628 With farm, self- employment income 346 9.47 3372 1.74 Mean farm, self- employment income $2146 - $17 51 With Soc. Security 689 18.86 33452 17.28 Mean Soc. Security income $985 - $14 22 With Public Assistance 783 21.43 12159 6.26 Mean Public Assistance income $1041 - $848 - With other income 467 12.78 69304 35.70 Mean other income $17 97 - $2529 - SOURCE; U.S.Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Census of Population; 1970, Vol. 1, Character istics of ’the Population, Part 45, Texas - Sectïon 1. rwa s hi hgFoh 7 D Ic . : U'.SlGovernmen t Printing Office, 1973) p. 116 3 and p. 1150. 90 Table 6 Families, Person, and Households in Bexar and Starr Counties Having Less Than Poverty Level Starr Bexar Families 1896 30922 Percent of all families 51.9 15.9 Mean family income $2028 $2213 Mean income deficit $1987 $1729 Percent receiving Pub. Assistance 28.1 19.8 Mean size of family 4.89 4 .54 Persons 9713 159050 Percent of all persons 54.9 20.0 Percent receiving Soc. Security 6.4 10.9 Percent 65 years and older % 8.8 10.9 receiving Social Security 39.0 65.7 Households 2063 41646 Percent of all households 56.4 19.0 In owner-occupied housing units 1617 19381 Mean value of unit $4865 $9586 In renter-occupied housing units 446 22265 Mean gross rent $31 $65 Percent lacking some or all plumbing facilities 61.8 14.4 SOURCE; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Census of Population: 197 0, Vol. 1, Character istics of the Population, Part 45, Texas - Section 1. TWashington, D.C.: Ü.S.Government Printing Office, 1973) p. 1150 and p. 1163. 91 1 Table 7 Educational Characteristics of Residents of Starr and Bexar Counties Years of School Completed Starr Co Bexar Co Male, 25 years & over 3717 185208 No school years completed 747 20.09 8621 4 .65 Elementary : 1-4 years 875 23.54 15592 8.42 5-7 years 679 18.27 24156 13.04 8 years 166 4.47 13635 7.36 High School: 1-3 years 469 12,61 31745 17 .14 4 years or over 396 10.65 44672 24.12 College: 1-3 years 109 2.93 21923 11.84 4 years or over 276 7.43 24864 13 .42 Median school years completed 5.9 — 11.9 - Percent high school grads. 21.0 49.4 Female, 2 5 years and over 4308 215482 No school years completed 884 20.52 12309 5.71 Elementary : 1-4 years 975 22.63 17472 8 .11 5-7 years 894 20.75 30019 13.93 8 years 226 5.25 16822 7.81 High School: 1-3 years 356 8.26 40854 18.96 4 years 650 15.08 59092 27.42 College; 1-3 years 124 2.88 22247 10.32 4 years or more 199 4.62 16667 7.73 Median school years completed 5.9 - 11.3 - Percen high school grads 22.6 45.5 SOURCE : U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Census of Population : 1970, Vol. 1, Character- istics of the Popuiatioh, Part 45, Texas - Sectibn 1 . (Washington ; D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1973) p. 9 29 and p. 94 6. 92 CHAPTER IV METHODOLOGY Introduction The present investigation is essentially a quan titative-descriptive study that compares two generations of Mexican Americans in their attitudes toward support of aged parents.^ Several hypotheses were derived from reviewed literature pertaining to acquisition or moral judgment, intergenerational relations, and the evolving Mexican American family. Next to generation, area of residence was the single most important variable to the study. Once appropriate communities were selected for study, the problem of gaining entry into the systems presented itself. The principal of a large high school in a predominantly Mexican American neighborhood of San Antonio offered cooperation and easy entry into one data source. Obtaining the rural data was facilitated For a discussion concerning quantitative-descriptive studies that test hypotheses see Tony Tripodi, Philip Fellini and Henry J. Meyer, The Assessment of Social Research (Itasca, Illinois : F .E. Peacock Publishers,Inc., 1969), pp, 3 9-4 0. 93 94 by an individual who lived and worked in the San Isidro School District. As with any research effort, methodology was dictated by both technical concerns and the reality of data accessibility. The design of this research was also largely determined by the researcher's decision to adhere as closely as possible to the design of a similar study which did not include an ethnic component. The chapter starts out with a description of the research instrument, its modification, translation, and administration. Changes made as a result of pretesting are then outlined. Details regarding the actual sampling and gathering of data, coding, and statistical analysis of data are elaborated and include a listing of factors that introduced certain limitations in the study. The Instrument The instrument utilized in this study was a seIf-administered questionnaire, including a modified ver- 2 sion of Dinkel's original opinionnaire. The original instrument consisted of twenty items of the Likert type, a continuum from Strongly Agree to Strongly Disagree. Test-retest reliability for this instrument yielded a 2 Robert M. Dinkel, "Attitudes of Children Towards Supporting Aged Parents," American Sociological Review, September, 1944, pp. 370-379. 95 Pearsonian coefficient of +.874. Validity was largely assumed instead of proved, Dinkel was interested in three main questions: (1) Do students have sufficient direct or indirect experience with the problem to have we11-developed attitudes? (2) Does the opinionnaire evoke true opinions from the students? and (3) Do test scores assist one in predicting the degree of adjustment between two generations when aged parents are taken into the home of one of the children? Some fragmentary answers to these questions were obtained from 86 students at the University of Minnesota when they were asked to write an essay on the subject of children supporting aged parents. The students cited Examples to illustrate their point-of-view, and in 7 2 of the cases, Dinkel judged responses as "substantial and concrete." In other words, this indicated sufficient background for students to have a meaningful opinion on the problems. The essays were then classified into five groups according to degree of belief in the responsibility of children. Analysis of variance indicated a probabi lity of less than .001 that the distribution was due to chance factors. Finally, a case-history study of 50 families suggested to Dinkel the existence of some 96 relation between test scores and conflicts between parents and children.^ Wake and Sporakowski^ modified this instrument by eliminating seven items and adding five additionally relevant items which included the added dimension of family interaction in the determination of filial respon sibility. Reliability for the modified instrument was accomplished by a test-retest method on a sample of 20 students. Percentage agreement was 86.1 an acceptable level of consistency of response. Content validity was assumed based on the overlap of items from the original instrument and the substance of the additional items. Since neither of the aforementioned research reports included the actual sequence of items in their questionnaire, this investigator decided to present the items in random order. The outcome of this action was not acceptable, however, because among the first few items were some that might at once evoke strong emotional responses that could jeopardize willingness to cooperate further. Instead, the items were ordered on a continuum 3 For an analysis of these conflicts, see Robert M, Dinkel, "Parent-Child Conflict in Minnesota Families," American Sociological Review, August, 1943, pp. 412- jtt: ^Sandra Byford Wake and Michael J. Sporakowski, "An Intergenerational Comparison of Attitudes Toward Supporting Aged Parents," Journal of Marriage and the Family, February, 1972, p. 3TI 97 judged to proceed generally from least-likely-to evoke- strong-emotional-response to most-likely-to-evoke-strong- emotional-response.^ The next step in assembling the research instru ment for this study was the writing of an introductory paragraph that would explain the purpose of the study and would contain clear instructions for responding to the items. In order to avoid creating response set, the investigator wished to write this section in a manner that would lay a logical rationale for administering the instrument to two distinct age groups but avoid directly stating that the two cohorts would be closely compared. For the same reason the researcher felt that he must avoid suggesting that this was a study of a particular ethnic group. The final section of the questionnaire calls for identifying information that includes variables under investigation and items from the McGuire-White Short Form Social Status Instrument,^ The research instrument in final form, is presented in Appendix 2, The writer appreciates the assistance given him on this by Dr. Joan Moore, then serving on his dissertation committee. ^Carson McGuire and George D. White, "The Measurement of Social Status," Research Paper in Human Development No, 3 (revised). Department of Educational Psychology, The University of Texas, March, 1955. 98 Since it was anticipated that a considerable number of parent-generation respondents would be non- English-speaking, the problem of validating a translated (Spanish) version of the questionnaire had to be dealt with. This researcher followed a procedure recommended 7 by Schachter called a "back translation approach." This investigator first of all translated the questionnaire in its entirety into Spanish. This was deemed appropriate since he is bilingual and Spanish was his first language. Also, the study was carried out in a region in which he was reared and its idiomatic expressions are familiar to him. The next step was to utilize the assistance of one teenage and one middle-aged Mexican American bilingual in the area of the study in order to obtain a back transla tion of the instrument into English. This second English version was then compared with the original English version for discrepancies in translation. Whenever any differences were discovered, the assistants and the researcher dis cussed them and made changes in the translation of the problematical items. The Spanish version of the quest ionnaire is presented in Appendix 3. S. Schachter, "Interpretative and Methodological Problems of Replicated Research," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 10, pp. 52-60 as described in Darwin L, Thomais and^ Andrew J. Weigert, "Determining Nonequivalent Measurement in Cross-Cultural Family Research," Journal of Marriage and Family, Vol. 34, No. 1, February^ 197 2 , p. ~ 16 7 ' . 99 Pretesting Instrument and Procedure Pretesting was considered essential for acquiring experience in the administration of the questionnaire and for identifying possible problems with the instrument itself. The investigator did not consider it necessary to pretest the instrument in both urban and rural settings, consequently it was pretested only in San Antonio, A high school principal facilitated pretesting by granting the researcher permission to administer quest- ionnaires during a study hall period of his choosing. The teacher was advised as to the general purpose of the study and was asked for his cooperation. The researcher explained to the students the pur pose of the study and the instructions for answering the items by simply reading the introductory paragraphs of the questions. It was noted that the teacher involved in the pretest would anticipate questions and would go into unnecessary explanations. During the actual study, the researcher explained to teachers beforehand that, in order to standardize procedure, the investigator would handle all questions and instructions himself. Q The pretest was carried in a high school outside of the Edgewood Independent School District. 100 After completing the questionnaire, all 28 stu dents were given an additional questionnaire packet to take home to parents. Inside each packet were included four questionnaires, two English and two Spanish, a letter of explanation, (see Appendix 4), and a stamped, self-addressed envelope. At the end of a two-week period only six questionnaires had been completed and returned by parents and all had been completed by mothers. It became obvious that, if rate of returns was to be increased, it would require some type of follow-up. The problem was that the questionnaire had purposely been designed to assure complete anonymity. There was. no way of tracing which parents were responding and which were not. A decision had to be made whereby changes could be implemented that would increase rate of return while assuring at least some degree of anonymity. The researcher returned to the same class, reporting that the parent response was exceedingly low and that the few returned questionnaires had all been answered by women. The resear cher enlisted the students cooperation once again and urged them to interest their fathers in the questionnaire, if possible. In addition, students were given mimeographed notes to take home to their parents. The note asked for cooperation and invited them to contact the researcher if they had any questions or needed help with the quest ionnaires. In the relatively few instances where parents 101 asked for help with the questionnaire, appointments were arranged whereby the investigator made a home visit, or the questions were answered by telephone. Although most parents identified themselves on the telephone, some did not and were not asked their identity. After another two-week period, twelve more questionnaires had been completed, making a total of 16, The investigator decided that this was an acceptable rate of return and terminated the pretest phase of the study. The administration of Form 1 of the research instrument to students immediately pointed out an unantici pated problem, this was in reference to the use of "children" throughout the questionnaire. It seemed ludi crous to a few of the student pretest samples that anyone might believe that children (young children) might, under some situations, be expected to support aged parents. The implied notion that "children" referred to adult children was not immediately grasped by a few of the students without further elaboration. This caused the investigator to later include verbal clarification of this as part of the directions for completing the quest ionnaires . Items in the questionnaire often contain the phrase "...give a home to..." Several students in the pretest sample wanted to know if this was meant in the literal sense of buying a house or building a house for 102 elderly parents. Because this question came up often, the investigator later clarified this by verbal instruc tion and interpreted the statement to mean the taking into one's own home and family of an aged parent, e.g. that the aged parent would live with the rest of the family. Perhaps the most important question asked by the pretest sample had to do with the fact that some items in the questionnaire are not clear as to whether support of parent is in-home or out of the children's home. The researcher simply stated that each respondent should interpret this in the way he best saw fit. It was because of this apparent flaw in the research instrument that it was decided to statistically compare how research subjects responded to this item. Pretesting the instrument brought to light yet another deficiency in Form 1 — this pertained to the checking of religious affiliation. Form 1 contained the choices Catholic, Protestant, and Other ; it did not include the option None. This error was corrected in Form 2 of the questionnaire by simple inclusion of the omitted item. Although .Form 1 contained the written instruc tion to answer by checking "3" those items which the respondent was unsure of, had no opinion on, or just did not understand, several subjects omitted answering 103 anything and left the item blank. In the actual study this was corrected for by stating "Please answer all items, if you are unsure of your opinion or do not have an opinion on the item, please check '3,'." These instructions were repeated verbally several times during questionnaire administration. When the questionnaires were later being coded, all items receiving no response were assigned the neutral value of 3. Still another problem became obvious with regard to the research instrument; subjects had difficulty answering the question pertaining to generation since immigration. Form 1 of the questionnaire had included the choices Yourself, Parent, Grandparent, Great-grand parent, and Other. When it was noticed that pretest samples of both parents and students were having trouble with this item, it was concluded that, beyond three generations, subjects did not have sufficient knowledge to answer the question. At this point it was decided to combine the category Unknown with Other. Data Collection Sampling Procedures: Student Population The procedure followed in obtaining data in the schools was essentially the same as the procedure followed during the pretesting phase of the study, except for the modifications already described. 104 Although this researcher was able to obtain relatively easy entry into the schools, there nevertheless was a need to administer the questionnaires quickly so as to keep disruption of school routine to a minimum and not impose hardships on anyone, Besides asking the principals for permission to administer the questionnaires, the researcher's only other request was that all age groups of students be represented in the sample. In San Antonio the school principal indicated which classes would contain which age groups (i.e.. Health classes were composed mainly of Juniors and Seniors ; Algebra I classes were composed of Freshmen and Sophomores; Music classes contained all levels of students). In San Isidro the school principal suggested that this researcher administer the research instrument in all classrooms. Because of the smallness of the rural school, it was possible to administer questionnaires to almost all high school students. The rural sample then, can be considered representative. Data collection in the schools yielded 287 questionnaires from San Antonio students (SAS) and 112 questionnaires from San Isidro students (SIS). Whereas all of the SIS questionnaires were in good order and usable, 18 of the SAS questionnaires were discarded because of incomplete and/or inadequate answers that suggested lack of cooperation and interest in the study. 105 Three SIS questionnaires were answered bylAnglo students and were therefore not included in data analysis. Fifteen SAS questionnaires were eliminated from data analysis because of being completed by non-Chicano students. Sampling Procedure: Parent Population During questionnaire administration in the schools, the researcher emphasized to the students the importance of taking questionnaire packets home to the parents and enlisting their cooperation. The importance of obtaining data from both mothers and fathers was stressed. After a two-week period, only 60 completed questionnaires were received from San Antonio parents (SAP) and the San Isidro Parent (SIP) returns numbered 23. The investigator had anticipated a low return rate and returned to both schools to once again stress the importance of the study. Notes asking the parent coopera tion were given to the students. At the end of another two week period, SAP returns totaled 71 while SIP returns totaled 39. At this point in the study a decision was made by this researcher to set 500 as a goal for total number of completed and usable questionnaires, and to enlist the help of two volunteers as research* ,assistants (one rural, one urban) in obtaining completed questionnaires 106 from appropriate individuals (AI's) living within the 9 geographical boundaries of the two school districts. Specifically, each research assistant was instructed to: 1) explain the purpose of the study 2) enlist the cooperation of an AI 3) ascertain that the AI had not previously responded to the questionnaire 4) explain the instructions 5) thank the AI for his/her cooperation 6) repeat procedure Although the above-described sampling procedures leave much to be desired in terms of methological sophis tication, these were the conditions under which the sample pool was available to this researcher. Because of these limitations, this investigation does not purport to base its conclusions on a probability sample. The study simply compares generational cohorts in two types of environmental settings — rural and urban. The sample, rather, is an accidental sample of subjects who met the age (generation) and residence criteria, and who were accessible for study. The legitimacy of using accidental and other variations of non-probability samples is thoroughly presented by Selltiz et al. and will not be 9 Other than outlining geographically the areas from where to sample, the research assistants were told simply to select homes at random and continue sampling until the necessary numbers of questionnaires had been obtained. AI’s were defined as individuals who actually had, or were old enough to have children in high school. ^^Claire Selltiz, Marie Jahoda, Morton Deutsch and Stuart W. Cook, Research Methods in Social Relations, revised one-volume edition, (New York ; Holt, Rinehart 107 elaborated here. Scoring and Coding There is a total of eighteen items in the quest ionnaire to which respondents must choose answers of Strongly Disagree, Disagree, Undecided, Agree or Strongly Agree. Items 1, 2, 5, 6, 8, 11, 13, 15, and 18 are worded in such a way that Strongly Disagree is the least filial responsible answer and is worth only one point, while Strongly Agree is the most responsible answer and earns a maximum of five points. The re maining eight items are worded in such a manner as to effect a reversal of point assignment, i.e.. Strongly Disagree is the most filial responsible answer and Strongly Agree is the least filial responsible answer. In both cases Undecided carried a valence of 3 . The second part of the questionnaire calls for information regarding age, sex, religious affiliation, and racial-ethnic background. In addition, subjects are asked to identify by blood relationship the last person in the family to have been born in another country. The next three items constitute the McGuire-White Short and Winston, 1965), pp. 335-337. 108 Form Index of Social Status and call for information regarding occupation, source of income,and education. Responses to each of these items were first of all rated on each of the three component scales. Secondly, ratings were multiplied by predetermined weights and the products were summed to yield a total index score. Finally, a table for estimating status levels from total index scores was employed for an approximation of social class. A special coding sheet was developed for the purpose of allowing easy transfer of responses from the questionnaire, (see Appendix 5). The data on each three- page questionnaire therefore, was reduced via code numbers to the one-page coding sheet. The coding sheet contains three columns of numbers. The column at the left margin enumerates variables one to twenty-six. The middle column designates the correspon ding column or columns on IBM key punch cards used to record coded responses to the twenty-six variables. The first eighteen (18) of these correspond to the eighteen (18) questionnaire items. Columns 19-21 were utilized to record the questionnaire identification number. Columns 2 2-23 served to record the respondents' age. The twenty-fourth column served to code generation (parent or student) while column 25 recorded religious affiliation. Socio-economic status was coded in column 26 and residence (rural or urban) was recorded on column 109 27. The twenty-eighth column served to code generation since immigration (GSI), and the 2 9th column provided for recording sex of respondent. Characteristics of the Sample At the close of the data-gathering phase of this investigation it was learned that a total of 507 usable questionnaires had been obtained. Of the 507, 160 were obtained in San Isidro and 347 were obtained in San Anto nio. A total of 144 parents and 363 students were sampled. Of the 144 parents, 57 were male and 87 were female. These sample characteristics are presented in Tables 8 and 9. Table 8 Characteristics of the Sample: Generation by Residence RESIDENCE COUNT ROW PCT COL PCT TOT PCT Generation PARENT GROUP STUDENT GROUP COLUMN TOTAL RURAL 1 51 35.4 31.9 10.1 109 30.0 68.1 21.5 160 31.6 URBAN 2 93 64.6 26.8 18.3 254 70.0 73.2 50.1 347 68.4 ROW TOTAL 144 28.4 363 71.6 507 100.0 110 Table 9 Characteristics of the Sample; Generation by Sex COUNT ROW PCT COL PCT TOT PCT SEX MALE Generation PARENT GROUP STUDENT GROUP COLUMN TOTAL 57 39.6 28.1 11.3 146 40.4 71.9 28.9 203 40.2 FEMALE 2 87 60.4 28,8 17.2 215 59.6 71.2 42.6 302 59. 8 ROW TOTAL 144 28.5 361 71.5 505 100.0 With regard to the religious affiliation of the sample, it is noted that 57.6% of the parents are Catholic, 27.1% are Protestant, and 15.3% expressed no religious affiliation. Among students, 81.5% are Catholic, 7.7% are Protestant, and 10.7% claim no religious affiliation. These sample characteristics are presented in Table 10. Thirty-nine percent of the total sample fall into the classification of lower social class (status). Sixty- one percent are middle class. Forty-one percent of the parents and 3 8% of the students are of low social Ill Table 10 Characteristics of the Sample : Generation by Religion RELIGION COUNT ROW PCT COL PCT TOT PCT Generation PARENT GROUP STUDENT GROUP COLUMN TOTAL CATHOLIC 1 83 57.6 21.9 16.4 296 81.5 78.1 58.4 379 74,8 PROTESTANT NONE ROW TOTAL 2 3 39 22 144 27.1 1543 28.4 58.2 36.1 7.7 4.3 28* 39 363 7.7 10.7 71.6 41.8 63.9 5,5 7.7 67 61 507 13.2 12.0 100.0 class. Fifty-nine percent of the middle class sample are parents and 62% are students. These findings are pre sented in Table 11. Of the 507 research subjects, 10.45% are first generation immigrants, 23.47% are second generation immi grants and 21.89% are third generation immigrants. Sur prisingly, 44.18% answered that they were either fourth generation immigrants (or earlier), or else they did not know who the last person in the family was to have come 112 Table 11 Characteristics of the Sample; Generation By Social Status SOCIAL STATUS COUNT ROW PCT COL PCT TOT PCT Generation 1 Parent Group Student Group COLUMN TOTAL LOWER CL 1 59 41. 0 29.9 11.6 138 38.0 70.1 27 .2 197 38.9 MIDDLE CL 2 85 59.0 27.4 16.8 225 62.0 72.6 44.4 310 61.1 ROW TOTAL 144 28.4 363 71.6 507 100.0 from Mexico. In no case did either a student or parent report being immigrants themselves (see Table 12). Data Analysis The codified data was transferred to IBM punch cards using the facilities of the Patient Data Department of Bexar County Mental Health - Mental Retardation Center An IBM/37 0 digital computer at Trinity University was used for the actual data analysis. 113 Table 12 Generational Classification of the Research Sample Generation N Percentage Foreign-born immigrants 0 0 First generation 53 10.45 Second generation 119 23,47 Third generation 111 21,89 Fourth generation & Unknown 224 4 4.18 Total 507 100.00 Although the research instrument yields only ordinal level data, and hence technically should be analyzed by means of non-parametric statistics, a decision was made to use parametric statistics since the replicated study utilized the same method and the literature on this subject indicated ordinal level data may be analyzed by parametric statistics without significant distortion of findings, ^^See, for example, John Gaito, "Scale Classification and Statistics" in Roger E, Kirk (ed.) Statistical Issues; A Reader for the Behavioral Sciences (Mon- terrey, Calif ornia : Hrooks/Cdle Publishing Company, 197 2) pp. 48-49. See also Norman H. Anderson, "Scales and Statistics; Parametric and Non-Parametric," Ibid., pp. 55-64. 114 The approach in data analysis was guided by the six principal hypotheses derived from the literature review. Additionally, the eight in-home and ten out-home items were correlated as subscales to determine their predictive value. Limitations of the Study The limitations in this investigation have already been alluded to throughout the various previous sections of this chapter, however the most serious limitations will now be listed more explicitly. 1. The original intent of the study was to con trast a high school generation of students with their parents. This has been the method employed in the repli cated study for comparing the two generational cohorts. However, due to a low rate of questionnaire return from parents, this researcher was forced to depart from this design in order to obtain a sufficiently large N to allow for meaningful statistical operations. This then, violates the replicated study design and makes inter study comparisons hazardous. 2. Another limitation had to do with the fact that this investigator was not able to obtain a copy of the questionnaire used in the replicated study. This made it impossible to list the items in the same order 115 and to use the same instructions. This, again, makes inter-study comparisons difficult, 3, The fact that both the present investigation and the replicated study utilized whole class, non- random samples is certainly open to criticism. Certainly, broad generalizations cannot be made from the data obtained in either study, 4, Because of the observed difficulty that many students had in responding to the GSI question, it can be concluded that the item lacked conceptual clarity and that its validity and reliability are questionable. CHAPTER V FINDINGS Introduction This study has aimed to compare two generations of Mexican Americans in their attitudes toward supporting aged parents. The present chapter presents the analysis of the research data. Specifically, the findings related to the six research hypothesis will be discussed, inclu ding the results of statistical tests of significance. Additionally, all items in the questionnaire which deal with "in-home" support of aged parents are correlated with items which do not specify locus of the support to be given. Implied in these analyses is the concept of a hypothetical population of which the research sample could be considered representative, Since the accidental sample precludes an accurate description of the population from which the sample is representative, this hypothetical population can only be described in terms of sample characteristics. The implication of this artifact of the study will be discussed in more detail in the final chap ter . 116 117 The Hypotheses Hypothesis 1; Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of generation. This hypothesis was rejected (P<.001). The parent group scored statistically significantly higher on filial responsibility than did the student group (see Table 13). This finding may imply a more limited sense of responsibi lity in the case of adolescents than middle-aged parents. Generational Table 13 Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S .D. T-'test Results Parents 144 59.81 9.76 t=4.81 Students 364 55.38 9.18 p< . 001 Thus, filial responsibility could possibly be a single facet of a whole complex of responsibilities -- parental, societal, etc. Secondly, it may represent more limited exposure of this generation of adolescents of three- generation households and, as a result of this, lowered expectations that older parents would or should be cared for by adult children. Finally, the fact that parents scored higher than students may reflect the older genera tions ’ greater proximity to old age and^ therefore, greater concern for their own possible need of care. 118 That parents are more willing to accept respon sibility for the care of an aged parent than are teenage students is in agreement* with Dinkel's^ findings but in opposition to the findings of Wake and Sporakowski^ and to the findings of Shanas^ and of Streib and Thompson^ which suggest greater filial responsibility on the part of the younger generation. The crucial assumption in this study was that the student sample would have sufficient experience, either direct or indirect, in caring for aged persons that their responses to the questionnaire items would be valid. Although Dinkel had established validity of the quest ionnaire, this was done during a period in American history when three-generation households were not at all uncommon and teenagers might have had more experience in caring for elderly members of the family. ^Robert M. Dinkel, "Attitudes of Children Towards Supporting Aged Parents," American Sociological Review, vol. 9, 1944, pp. 372-373. 2 Sandra Byford Wake and Michael J. Sporakowski, "An Intergenerational Comparison of Attitudes Towards Suppor ting Aged Parents," Journal of Marriage and the Family, February, 1972, p. 45. ” — - ^Ethel Shanas, "Family Responsibility and the Health of Older People, " Journal of Gerontology, Vol. 15, 1960, pp.409-410, ' ' "^Gordon F. Streib and Wayne E. Thompson, "The Older Person in a Family Context," in Clark Tibbits (ed.), Hand book of Social Gerontology, (Chicago: University of Chicago Prèss^, I960) , p. 473. ~ 119 When sex was controlled for, intergenerational differences continued to show statistical significance. Male parents scored significantly higher than male students, and female parents scored significantly higher than female students. The sex-by-generation ranking of scores was as follows: male parents scored highest, followed by female parents; third highest were male students followed by female students. The largest difference in scores was between male parents and female students (see Table 14). Table 14 Sex-by-Generation Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S .D. T-test Results Male Parents Students Female Parents Students 57 146 87 215 60.44 55.36 59.39 55.28 9.86 t=3.79 8.05 p^.OOl 9.73 t=3.31 9.81 p<.001 It should be noted here that the difference in scores by males and females were not significant in either generation. Therefore, it appears as though generational differences have greater influences on attitudes toward support of aged parents than do sex differences. This 120 finding is somewhat surprising since, generally, females are supposed to have a greater sense of filial respon sibility than males. The literature review had indicated that social class might be an intervening variable in regard to the relationship between generation and sense of filial respon sibility. When social class was held constant, parents continued to score significantly higher than students. The generation-by-social class ranking of scores was as follows : lower class parents scored highest, followed by lower class students; third highest were middle class parents followed by middle class students (see Table 15). Table 15 Generation-by-Social Class Differences in Filial Responsibility Scores Group Mean S.D. T-test Results Middle Class Parents 85 Students 225 Lower Class Parents 59 Students 13 8 57.54 53.47 63.01 58.35 9,60 9.20 9.12 8.14 t=3.44 p<.001 t=3.60 p<.001 121 In this study, social class was determined by procedures considered as standard in general social research. However, there are strong criticisms of using traditional measures of social class in the study of ethnic minorities. This could have possibly invalidated the findings of this investigation to some extent and future research should not overlook this important con sideration . When controlling for effect of religious affilia tion it was noticed that while parents scored higher than students within all three religious groups, the differences were statistically significant only for Catholics and Protestants (see Table 16). Thus, there seems to be a trend here suggesting that the significant difference in filial responsibility scores might be related to religious affiliation with Catholic parents and students more diffi rent , Protestant parents and students less different, and non-affiliated parents and students least different. Since the largest percentage of the sample is Catholic, this would indicate the significant difference in generation scores in filial responsibility may be related to the preponderance of Catholics, It is not clear why Catholic parents and students should have the widest differences in attitudes toward filial responsibility. It is clear however, that Catholic parents scores higher than Protestant parents and still higher than non- 122 Table 16 Generation-by-Religious Affiliation Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Catholic Parents Students Protestants Parents Students None Parents Students 83 296 39 28 22 39 61.13 55.58 58.74 53.93 56.68 54, 36 10.47 9.03 8.46 10.18 8.47 9.11 t=4.7 8 p<.001 t=2.11 p< . 05 t=0.98 p=.331 affiliated parents while scores of students in the three groups were not significantly different. Since filial responsibility is a "moral" concept, the influence of religion is not unexpected. Moreover, religion may be a more important factor in the lives of parents than of the students. The generation-since-immigration variable (GSI) was defined for the purpose of this study as the generational length of time since the respondents' last family member immigrated to the United States. Thus, 123 first generation immigrants were those respondents who were natives of foreign or mixed parentage, Second generation immigrants were respondents having at least one foreign-born grandparent etc. When examining for effect of the GSI variable on filial responsibility scores, it is seen that only at Generation 3 and Generation 4 are the parent-student differences in means statistically significant (see Table 17), It appears from the data that parents and students in the first two generations are more likely to be close in their attitudes toward filial responsibility than are those in the third and fourth generations. Thus, the more distant (in time) the individuals are from their immigrant ancestors, the closer their filial responsibility scores. Hypothesis 2 : Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of area of residence. This hypothesis was rejected. As can be seen in Table 18, rural subjects scored statistically significantly higher than rural subjects (P<.001). This findings may imply that the traditional Mexican American family model may still exist in rural sections of South Texas. If this is so, then it can be expected that rural Chicanes will be more family-centered and protective of their aged parents than their urban counterparts. A possible explana tion of this finding could be that both individuals and 124 Table 17 Generation-by-GSI Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Generation 1 Parents 11 59.45 11.92 t=. 8 0 Students 42 56.45 7,18 p= .440 Generation 2 Parents 29 58.45 12,11 t=1.42 Students 90 55.29 9.78 p=.157 Generation 3 Parents 37 63.89 7.45 t=4.2 5 Students 74 56.45 9.27 p< . 001 Generation 4 Parents 67 58.19 8.91 t=2.79 Students 157 54,51 9.11 p<.01 families are more highly visible and "socially con- spicuous" in small, rural villages and that there is greater social pressure to conform to culturally deter- mined and expected patterns 'of behavior than there is in the impersonal atmosphere of urban lif e. When generation was controlled for, rural-urban differences continued to be highly significant (see 125 Table 18 Residence Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Urban Rural 347 160 55.20 50.62 9.36 9.16 t=4.97 p<.001 Table 19), Rural parents scored higher on filial respon sibility than any of .the other subgroups. Second highest were rural students followed by urban parents and urban Table 19 Residence-by-Generation Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Parents Urban 93 57,65 9.16 t=3.75 Rural 51 63.75 8.83 p<.001 Students Urban 254 54.31 9.12 t=3.28 Rural 109 57.69 8.70 p<.001 126 students. Interestingly, there is a substantially wider difference in scores between rural parents and students than there is between urban parents and students. This implies a greater intergenerational divergence of opinion concerning filial responsibility among rural Chicanos than among their urban counterparts. It is not clear why these differences occurred, however it may be that, due to increased communication and travel between rural and urban areas, the young rural generation may be undergoing more rapid cultural change than their parents* When social class was controlled for, the rural- urban differences continue to be highly statistically significant. Rural, lower class respondents score significantly higher than do urban, lower class respon dents. The rural, middle class group scored statistically significantly higher than the urban, middle class group. Table 20 presents the residence-by-social class differen ces in filial responsibility scores. The ranking by categories suggests that, although the effects of residence are undeniable, the effects of social class are also very strong. In examining the pattern of scores in Table 20 it is noted that social class, as a variable, has greater influence on filial responsibility scores in the urban setting than in the rural setting. It is not clearly understood why this should occur, but it may indicate that income, education, and occupation (social 127 Table 2 0 Residence-by-Social Class Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Lower Class Urban 135 Rural 62 Middle Class Urban 212 Rural 9 8 58.69 61.10 52.98 58.05 9.02 8.36 8.94 9.30 t= 2 . 5 9 p < . 01 t=4.52 p<.001 class) differences in rural areas have little effect on basic values and attitudes, whereas in urban centers these differences may bring on a completely different way of life. When effects of sex are examined, the rural-urban differences continue to indicate that rural subjects score statistically significantly higher in filial respon sibility than their urban counterparts. The rank ordering of filial responsibility scores indicates that the effects of sex are negligible while residence stands out as the most important variable (see Table 21), This finding suggests that, in both rural and urban Chicano families, there is no appreciable difference in culturally 128 prescribed sex roles with regard to responsibility for supporting aged parents. Furthermore, women may no Table 21 Residence-by-Sex Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Males Urban Rural Females Urban Rural 142 61 204 98 55.30 60.23 55, 1,5 59.19 8.73 8.27 9 .81 9.72 t=3.7 4 p<.001 t=3.36 p<.001 longer be expected to occupy an ancillary role to men and be simply housewives and mothers. Instead, their socialization may be preparing them for economic com petition in a society where sex roles are becoming increasingly blurred. In examining for effects of generation-since- immigration, it is noted that for first, second, and third generation respondents there are statistically significant rural-urban differences in filial respon sibility scores. For fourth generation respondents, and those not knowing who was the last person in the family 129 to have immigrated from Mexico, the rural-urban differences. although in the expected direction, were not statistically significant. These results are presented in Table 22. This finding implies that area of residence continues to Table 22 Residence-by-GSI Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Generation 1 Rural 7 63.14 6.59 t=2.14 Urban 46 56.15 8.24 p<.05 Generation 2 Rural 20 65.25 7.39 t=4.69 Urban 99 54.20 9.99 p<.001 Generation 3 Rural 51 61.67 8.32 t=2.94 Urban 60 56.60 9.63 p< . 01 Generation 4 Rural 82 56.67 9.25 t=l.31 Urban 142 55. 00 9.13 p=.19 0 be an important determinant of filial responsibility for first, second , and third generation immigrants. Or, stated differently. area of residence ceases to be a 130 viable determinant of filial responsibility for Chicanos whose families have been in this country the longest period of time. In controlling for religious affiliation, it is noted that residence differences are statistically significant for Catholics and Protestants, but not for respondents in the no^religiousr-affiliation group. The ranking of scores shows that rural Protestants score highest, followed by rural Catholics. Ranking third are rural respondents in the no-^religious^-affiliation group, and they are followed by urban Catholics, urban Protestants, and urban subjects claiming no religious affiliation (see Table 23). These findings suggest that rural Protestants and Catholics adhere to a rather traditional pattern of strong support of aged parents while their urban counter parts do not. In fact, urban Protestants score approx imately the same as non-affiliated urbanites. In summary, the general finding that rural Chicanos scored higher in filial responsibility than urban Chicanos is in agreement with the results of Dinkel* s study and in opposition to findings in the replicated study. Hypothesis 3; Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of generational length of residence in this country. 131 Table 23 Residence-by-Religious Affiliation Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Catholic Urban 257 Rural 122 Protestant Urban 4 5 Rural 22 None Urban 45 Rural 16 55.20 59.52 54.73 60.82 53.96 58.69 9.42 9.53 9.00 9.21 9.46 5.94 t= 3 . 8 7 p< . 001 t=2.58 p< . 05 t=1.87 p=.067 This hypothesis was rejected. The GSI variable yielded the following hierarchy of scores: third generation immigrants were highest; then first generation immigrants followed by second and fourth generation immigrants (see Table 24). This same ordering held when GSI was cross-tabulated against all other variables. T-tests for the six possible two-subgroup combinations of generations yielded only two statistically significant findings. Generation 3 and Generation 4 were statist ically different at the ,002 level while Generation 2 and Generation 3 differed at the .03 level of 132 Table 2 4 Rank Ordering of GSI Means and Identification of Significant Generational Differences in Filial Responsibility Scores Generation _ _ ' Significant N X Rank t-tests Generation 1 Generation 2 Generation 3 Generation 4 53 119 111 224 57.08 56. 06 58.93 55.61 t=~2.19 p=.03 t=3,09 p=.002 statistical probability. These results are difficult to interpret. It is not at all clear why the least differ ence in filial responsibility scores should occur between Generation 2 and Generation 4, The largest difference in scores occurs between Generation 3 and Generation 4. Since those respondents not knowing who was the last member of their family to have immigrated from Mexico were coded in the Generation 4 categroy, it may be that they comprise a distinct subset whose scores are significantly lower than all the rest. Too, Generation 4 is by far the largest of the generational subsets (N=224) and consequently this introduces statistical bias in the analysis of data. Yet another plausible interpretation might be that Generation 4 contains those individuals who most identify with Chicanismo as a movement away from 133 traditional values of their ancestral past. They may feel that the values of fami1ism and care of the aged are outmoded and should be discarded or modified. Hypothesis 4 : Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of age. This hypothesis was not rejected. Table 2 5 shows that while the mean score of male respondents was slightly higher than that of the female respondents, the differences did not approach statistical significance. Analysis of variance between sex and generation yielded an F value whose probability (0,999) was not significant. The same held true for sex against GSI and sex against religion. Table 25 Sex Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores T-test Group N Mean S.D. Results Males 203 56.78 8,87 t=0,37 Females 302 56.46 9,95 p=.712 The basic finding that filial responsibility varies independently of sex agrees with the findings of c the replicated study and with those of Robins and Tomanec, Lee M. Robins and Mirada Tomanec, "Closeness to Blood Relatives Outside the Immediate Family," in B, Faber (ed,). Kinship and Family Organization, (New York; John Wiley & Sons, 1966), p. 137. 134 however, they oppose the findings of Gray and Smith^ and 7 of Townsend who reported greater filial responsibility of females. The most obvious implication of this finding is that Chicanos may not perceive a need for differential socialization of their children with regard to filial responsibility. Or, even if there is some cultural expec tation that females will be primarily responsible for the care of aged parents, this expectation may be counter acted by social institutions and other socialization agents which prescribe equality between the sexes as a necessary prerequisite for advancement toward material welfare in an equalitarian and competitive society. Hypothesis 5: Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of social class. This hypothesis was not accepted (P<.001). The lower class sample scored statistically higher in filial responsibility than did the middle class group (see Table 26). This finding seems to be in general agreement with Robert Mack Gray and T.C. Smith, "Effect of Employ ment on Sex Differences in Attitudes Toward the Parental Family," Marriage and Family Living, Vol. 22, I960, p. 37. ^P. Townsend, "The Structure of the Family," in Ethel Shanas (ed.). Old People in Three Industrial Societies, (New York: Athehtoh Press/ 196 8), pp. 13 2- 176. 135 Social Class Differences Table 2 6 in Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Lower Class 197 59.76 8.69 t=-6.19 Middle Class 310 54.58 9.47 p(.001 findings by Grebler et but differs from that of the replicated study as well as with the findings of Kosa et 9 in al, and with those of Glasser and Glasser. These last two studies though, did not focus on Chicanos in their sampling, while the former dealt exclusively with Chicanos. It is not clear why lower class Chicanos scored higher than their middle class counterparts. The finding may imply that, in order to have achieved middle class status, the middle class Chicano had to change his attitude toward familism and care for the aged. The finding also raises the question of whether or not Chicanos that come g Leo Grebler, Joan W. Moore, and Ralph Guzman, The Mexican American People, (New York: The Free Press, 197 0) , p. 361. ^John Kosa, Leo D. Rachiele,and Cyril O, Schommer, "Sharing the Home With Relatives," Marriage and Family Living, Vol. 22, p, 130, - ^^Paul H. Glasser and Lois N. Glasser, "Role Reversal and Conflict Between Aged Persons and Their Children," Marriage and Family Living, Vol. 24, pp. 48-49. 136 from broken homes, or families that are not closely knit, are therefore freed from family ties, become socially mobile and/or aggressively strive for economic and social gains to substitute for a deprived home life. When sex was controlled for, lower class subjects still scored significantly higher than middle class subjects. These results appear on Table 27. This finding Table 27 Social Class-by-Sex Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores T-test Group N Mean S.D. Results Males Lower Class 84 58.48 8.46 t=2.31 Middle Class 119 55.59 8.99 p<.05 Females Lower Class 113 60.72 8.77 t=6.08 Middle Class 189 53.92 8,99 p<.001 underscores the fact that sex is a relatively useless variable in predicting filial responsibility while social class membership is all-important. When controlling for religious affiliation however, differences in filial responsibility scores remain statistically significant only for Catholics (see Table 28) . 137 Table 28 Social Class-by-Religious Affiliation Differences In Filial Responsibility Scores Group N Mean S.D. T-test Results Catholic Lower Class 164 Middle Class 215 Protestant Lower Class 2 0 Middle Class 47 None Lower Class 13 Middle Class 4 8 60.19 54.21 58.50 55.98 56.31 54.90 8.68 9.52 9.04 9.62 7.94 9,18 t=6.29 p<, 001 t=l,00 P— • 32 t=. 51 p=,615 The largest difference in scores occurs between middle class Catholics and lower class Catholics. In fact, there is practically no difference in filial responsibi lity scores between middle class Catholics and middle class non-affiliates. Apparently, middle class member ship for Chicano Catholics involves departure from traditional values with regard to supporting aged parents. Hypothesis 6 ; Willingness to support aged parents varies independently of religious affiliation. 138 This hypothesis was not rejected. The LSD procedure in the SPSS package identified the three groups as belonging to a homogenous subset. Composite scores on the variable of religious affiliation were in the expected order, NRAda , p ' mT a^ T V ? - " ' ! 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- d < b O Ü O b O 3 « H A3 a O R A d d 3 3 d R o CO 3 X O 3 R 3 o 3 X > d a X 3 3 3 A d ► 0 ) ( 3 *pri O o 3 CO R 3 * H R i H X X 3 R X X R o d 3 b O 3 3 % a d X CO d 3 b O « H d • H 3 a A d •H O - A3 a - p - i 3 a C O a R a R o •H 3 A d 3 d b O X o o 3 •H d CO o O A3 o < n 3 X - d a o d •H CO o o X 3 A3 X O 3 3 3 R « H p q X X 3 3 3 •pri > R 3 > CO 3 3 b O r H 3 3 3 3 • H ■ d a X O 3 X r—1 > d d a - H o a O X 3 a « 3 X CO "iH - H o o • H X a CO R - d R 3 A : a b o a O b C 3 1 3 • H 3 3 1 3 r H 3 * H Ü , 3 CO R 3 a 3 a a a 3 r H * H 3 9 h X * H • H R a R R R X 3 A3 X c3 X 3 X 3 X > 6 3 o R 3 0 0 < d - H R 3 3 3 O • H CO CO CO a A : , a X 3 R 9 H X - d R R X C O •H •H •H CO X r H A d d X d X R d 3 •H 3 3 " H - d ' H R a 3 p H O O •H 2 R R R 3 X 3 3 a R * H 9 H 3 O O d d d b O 3 A d b O c3 « H o d a 3 b O d 9 H a a < > - H C < H o % 'H O M 3 < ( 3 M a R V O 0 0 r H p H r H 5 2 3 o M P 4 2 M a o o o APPENDIX III THE RESEARCH INSTRUMENT (Spanish Version) 165 C O d 1 O c o X C O 3 \ S 3 3 o d d X 3 o X R d d a -3 a d d 3 X 3 •H d bo o o X * H 3 ü o R a R X 3 d ai 2 d c d 3 O c o d R X d e n B R % a O R (0 0 > c o o > o •R •H ü -3 a c o ( O d d a 3 3 3 d ai o 3 3 X A 3 X d d 3 ''0 X d X 3 -a d ai a -3 -3 • 3 3 d d X 3 a â d 3 3 a a d " H X o o X d a O o > d ai d d a ü R ü a o d ü R 3 a R d c o o > R 3 M a X o c o o X -3 < 3 d s d d 3 o 3 0) 1 u 3 o 3 3 ü d 3 o X 3 3 R d c o d d o •H 0) • d R X 3 ai ü R -3 d 3 • R X 3 R ü d d 3 R 3 3 < L >R d q a 3 R d a 3 d ü d d a 3 R''d a O -3 a a d a d X R R 'd 3 3 c o d 3 c o X a M d d X X M d d R 3 o 0) o ü o R R R C O R r H 3 cr a a R c d e n d 3 (0 R O -3 3 O O 3 d d 0 > 3 3 O d 3 R a d O -a X o > o ü d d C O d % 3 0) a o a d a c o X co ü R vd X 3 R 3 R o d X 3 a c o d o 0) ü w r d -r r d d d d 3 X +» o > X R a •H O a R ü 3 X d a 3 d 3 C O o d 3 d R O X a a co c o o b O R X a W ai 3 d 0 - 3 - 3 3 d R d a ü d « H 3 3 3 d -H d a ü . X 9 H ü d C O X c o d c o 3 X < y O a 3 X c o a o d d R o c o d R X O d c o 3 X w 3 0 > 3 3 R 3 a d -3 3 d a 3 d d R 0) 0 ) c o d a X d d d d 3 3 3 a ai -a R d X o R R X a d o o > c o o X X a bo d 3 R 3 c o M c o ü -3 o w R c o 3 d 3 W R d a i 0 > 0 > 0 > d a d q d c o o d 3 o o 3 o < X c o X d q o 3 o o R O d O % a q X o ü d R cc a 3 3 o d c o d d -H a 3 o X 3 3 r O X H o R > • ü 3 d d d d O 3 d E h X T 3 3 a d -3 X X a 3 d 3 d 3 C O d < ü d d X 3 d d d d o ai a '■o ü 3 td R a •H X -3 d 'O d « M a X a 3 3 d R % d a ü d 3 •H c o R o o o a d R 3 O 3 c o c o 3 a ü 0) 13 3 c o 3 d ü -3 d > R R •H d 2 d d O d X 1 d d ■ ^ o b O d o c o d c o C O ai a 3 X 3 3 o 3 O 3 -3 3 -H bû B d d « H X o R d 3 d d a c o o > 0) d d m 3 O 3 c o 3 ai a 3 R C O d ai o •H o -3 d d R d d X > d d o d d o d R 3 c o o c o R a o > r H d b j) X a a R 3 o d R R R ai o b O 3 c o d •R o 13 a R 3 o a- c o d a « M ü 3 3 ü o 3 3 r H 0) a R R R 3 d X X 3 X d R 3 a c o d d 0 > 3 a a X 3 > O X d d d d R 9 H d 3 o 3 3 d O - w o 9h o d 3 o 3 O X 3 o 3 R c o •' Ê R •H 3 3 d X R d o o a ai . a d 3 a a d 3 c o o d 3 a O o d O d c o d 3 -3 -3 ■ H o ai R X b J ) a a o X ai -H ü o o co -3 3 R d a d X 3 R d X « M d 3 d ai 3 R o o X 3 o R R C O d R d ü R O ai d •H ai d d R a 3 X d d 0) R R d 3 W O 3 a ai d R 3 d R o R •H X e n d d 3 c o a d 3 R d d R O o d 3 a O d 3 •R O d d c o (J 0) d 3 3 R (0 3 d X vO ü v R d d 3 R • X 3 a c o X o d d c 3 d 3 3 «M ai 3 X'R R ai a ai d d a 3 d d d 0 ) a R d o d 3 a d c o o o o 3 X ai o X o • 3 X 3 R R o R o d R O 3 d •R ü 3 0 3 d X d 3 o c o u c o 3 X 3 ü 0) o R R (0 0 9 C O c o 3 R d a o o 3 d 3 d o d d 3 O •H -3 3 ü X O d d a (0 a ai a O -R b J ) X d 3 b O a d a X d (0 a 0 9 d a -3 ü ai o c o o o R 3 NR d 3 a a 0) 0) d R 0) d d a a 3 R c o d •R d ai 3 c o X 3 d X R O c o d R m a o > c o 3 R 3 d d d o 3 •H R d d d d d d a d O a 3 3 d -3 R d M o ai d a R O a R •H R X 3 a 3 o c o O o (0 •H (0 > R (0 d 3 R o X R o ü o d c o X d d c o 3 •H d'O ai X X d ai d d O ai 3 3 d a d 3 o 3 d d O 13 R X •R d d R - R d X 3 3 -H o O d X ai X d a c o c o 3 3 < d d a o d R 3 0 - 3 R O b J ) bO d 3 a o d X d c o R q -3 e n d rH o 3 o 3 3 R X c o d d ai • R X d d •H o c o d o -3 c o «H -3 R a 3 O R C O d o C O ai a 3 d m •H 3 3 3 ü ai 0) R ai R d * d d ai ai -d O en W a a d o 3 d a d C f R 3 o 2 d -3 3 (0 X X d d a a ai c o d X a 3 d a 3 0 ) d ai a B d 3 O bj)3 X o d 3 o c o d d O ü X R 13 o b O 3 c o R (M en 3 a co •R 3 b J ) 3 e n R c o d (0 0) a X M R R d d d d S d •H d o d 3 O d o 3 R W •H d b j) q R •d R c o 3 3 c C M 30 2d o 3 X S O r t o c o -i-t o d 3 3 O 3 X d a§ Hd c o d 3 Q ex d d B d o co I d d 3 R d C 3 C O 3 cj d ü d b ^ C Ü R • 3 d O NO d • H d a ü co 3 c c 3 h £ ) b fl o X •H R cü R e n add o R •H 3 3 c o d d R 3 co co d o 3 •H 3 o R d o •H o o X “Sa co 'O o co R •H X 3 a 3 R d o tn ft > o d a d X c o X o c o 1 d R d 3 3 co d X O d 3 3 d X X a d 3 d 3 d ft •H 3 d O ft d d C O ft d X d c o R d 3 d d 3 3 c o O X c o c o C O d d R d C O d o o c o f t o d 3 d c o o X 3 d d X X d c o d X •H d 3 d d X d •H d d co o 3 3 d •H d 3 3 d •H o R R 3 d o O d •H O •H d d d 3 R R a 3 co X R d d co d d d d 3 f t d d 3 X 3 X a d 3 X d 3 •H a 3 c o 3 a d 3 o R d O 3 3 d d f t d 3 3 3 co d C O f t 3 a 3'-H a co d d o d d 3 d O d 3 3 c o 3 3 3 d 3 a O d o’ d a co co co c o •H co d o co co o co o d d o 3 • R o o • R o • R •H 3 • R d •H 3 R •H 3 •H d d •H X d d a d 3 R a bO •H •H •H d co d C O o 3 co d C O S •H co co O 3 ' o 3 O •H C O o d hJ d X a d a > d a 3 a Ü O c o C Od 3 d d 3 3 c o c o X X 3 3 d 3 d X O 3 d 3 d a C O c o 3 •R d X d 3 d c o 3 d d O C O•H ftR ft O X o 3 3 d X d a 3 c o d 3 d 3 3 3 X R c o d c o ft d c o O d d d 3 c o 3 3 c o R o d 3 d ft 3 d 3 c o o c o o c o d 3 X c o 3 3 •H c o R R o 3 •H ft d d d d 3 d d X R R d R a O d R R 3 d •H •H d C O d d a d d 3 d 3 d R R R c o a R X 3 c o a d ft c o « H •H R p H d d c o O d d d d d 3 c o a C O X X R d d d 3 •H d O o 3 X 3 R d C O X c o C O 3 3 d d R d c o d d 3 3 d •H X d •H 3 X d d R ft d O ' > d c o •H 3 d d d •H 3 X e n 3 ■ H 3 o R d X R 3 3 3 d d d c o X c o 3 > R •H a d c o NR bO cd o 3 R a d C O•H d d c o X O d c o c o 3 3 d d d d 3 C O 3 c o o d a 3 d O d o •H « H d d R a d c o •H c o c o X d e n 3 3 d d c o 3 o d o d 3 c o o O ’ d d 3 3 3 d c o R 3 % 3 a o’ 3 3 3 a O ’ c o a 3 d d d d 3 w d 3 d C O O d c o d c o R 3 3 •H d X 3 o 3 3 3 c o o f t d d d 3 d d 3 d 3 3 d 3 d c o 3 3 d 3 c o d c o C O d O X R d o c o d •H 3 O c o •H o c o d o c o 3 R d •R o c o R d •R o d •R o R •R X d d •H o c o f t R 3 3 •H 3 R •H d c o ft g X a R d C O d a d d a d e n a R d d d c /l •H X O 3 •H R d ft R , c o X c o C l c o d 3 R c o d c o c o d R c o d d o R "i-T o C O d R O o 3 o O 3 O o d 3 c o 3 d •rl a d d ft d 3 a d R a C C S 8 a d d d 3 C l m l o . vo rH rH rH rH r H M «M C L C « J H d) X Q ) « H 0 ) ü c f l X w C L « J 1 - 1 W «H xO X O -P O O T-5 ex ü -H S -H ^3 o o* f i i C O o c S Q ü I T i O l APPENDIX IV LETTERS OF EXPLANATION 169 é f i y i y ? UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ( 2 1 3 ) nJiÂum Ethel Percy Andru? G f.r o n t o u x î v C e n t e r U N IV E R SIT Y TARK LOS A N GELES. CA L IFO R N IA OOOO7 Dear Parents: Although this is not directly related to your child's school program, he/she recently volunteered to take part in a research study sponsored by the Ethel P. Andrus Gerontology Center at the University of Soutliern California. The study concerns itself with finding out how people of different ages feel about supporting aged parents. Your child filled in a questionnaire similar to the one enclosed here. He/she also indicated that you too might agree to answer the questionnaire. If you should desire to participate in this study, please follow the instructions on the first page of the questionnaire. Upon finishing, place the questionnaire(s) in the enclosed envelop and place in the mail. Once the study is completed, you may expect to see a summary of the findings printed in the school newspaper. Thank you very much for your interest and cooperation. Sincerely, Noel F. Laurel, Student Andrus Gerontology Center, Univ. of Southern California, Los Angeles, California 170 E t h e l P e r c y A n iir u s CERONTOLOc y C e n t e r U N IV ERSITY PA R K I.OS A NGELES. CA L IFO R N IA ()noi> 7 (2 1 ?) 7 4 6 - 6 0 6 0 E stim ados P ad res Y M adrés: Hace poco que su h ijo /h ija fue voluntario cr> un a investigacidn sociologica que tuvo el proposito de d eterm in ar com o gentes de difercntes edades van la obligacion de m antener padres ancianos. E ste estudio tienc su origen en el C entro de G erontologia de la U niversidad de S ur C alifornia on Los A ngeles. Su h ijo /h ija 1 1 en d un cuestionario igual al cual les man do acjuL E l/ell a tam bién indie d que ud. quiz as q u isie ra p a rtic ip a r cn este estudio. Si usted esta de acuerdo con esto , por favor llene el cuestionario que aqui les mando. L ea las instruciones y, al acabar la ta re a , por favor ponga los cuestionarios en el sobre y enviem elos por c o rre o . Ya que este com plete el estudio, podra sab er los resultados por medio del peridclico estudiantfl de la escuela. M uchas g racias por su tiem po e in te re s. Su serv id o r, Noel F. L au rel, MSW Ethel P . Andrus Gerontology C enter U niversity of Southern C alifornia Los A ngeles, C alifornia 171 APPENDIX V CODING SHEET 172 1 ■ ■ ■ VARIABLE COLUMN CODE I 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 6 6 7 7 8 8 9 9 10 10 11 11 12 12 13 13 14 14 15 15 16 16 17 17 18 18 19 19-21 20 22-23 21 24 22 25 23 26 24 27 25 28 26 29 27 30 28 31 173 REFERENCES BOOKS Anderson, Norman H. "Scales and Statistics: Parametric and Non-Parametrie." Statistical Issues: A Reader for the Behavioral Sciences. Edited by Robert E . Kirk• Monterrey, C ali £orni a ; Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, 1972. Aramoni, Aniceto. Psicoanalisis de la Dinamica de un Pueblo. Mexico, b.t’. : Editorial Pax-Mexico, 5Th., 1961. 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Gerontologist, Vol. 11, No. 1 Part II, Spring 1971, p. 88. Penalosa, Fernando. "Mexican Family Patterns." Marriage and the Family, Vol. 30, 1967, pp. 680-681. Ramirez, Manuel. "Identification with Mexican-American Values and Psychological Adjustment in Mexican- American Adolescents." international Journal of Social Psychiatry, Vol. ll^ 1969, pp. 151-156. " Schachter, S. "Interpretative and Methodological Problems of Replicated Research." Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 10, as described in Thomas, Darwin L . and Weigert, Andrew J., "Determining Nonequivalent Measurement in Cross-Cultural Family Research." Journal of Marriage and Family, Vol. 34, No. 1, February, 1972, p. 167. Scott, Frances G. "Family Group Structure and Patterns of Social Interactions." American Journal of sociology. Vol. 68, 1962, pp. 214-228. Shanas, Ethel. "Living Arrangements of Older People In the United States." The Gerontologist, Vol. 1, 1961, pp. 27-29. Shanas, Ethel. "Family Responsibility and the Health of Older People." Journal of Gerontology, Vol. 15, 1960, pp. 408-411. Sotomayor, Marta. "Mexican-American Interaction with Social Systems." Social Casework, Vol. 52, No. 5, May, 1971, pp. 316-322. 182 Spence, Donald L . and Lokner, Thomas D. "The Empty Nest : A Transition in Motherhood." The Family Coordinator, Vol. 20, October, 1968, pp. 369-375. Streib, Gordon. "Intergenerational Relations; Perspec tives of the Two Generations on the Older Parent." Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 27, 1965, pp. 469-476. Sussman, Marvin, and Burchinai, Lee. "Family Kin Network: Unheralded Structure in Current Conceptualizations of Family Functioning." Marriage and Family Living, Vol. 24, 1962, pp. 231-240. Thomas, L. Eugene. "Political Attitude Congruence Between Politically Active Parents and College-Age Children; An Inquiry Into Family Political Socialization." Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 33, 1971, pp. 375-386. Thomas, L. Eugene. "Family Correlates of Student Political Activism," Development Psychology, Vol. 4, 1971, pp. 206-217. Troll, Lillian E.; Neugarten, Bernice; and Kraines, Ruth. "Similarities on Values and other Personality Characteristics in College Students and Their Parents." Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, Vol. 15, 1968, pp. 323-333. Troll, Lillian E. "The Generation Gap: Conceptual Model." Aging and Human Development, Vol. 1, 1970, pp. 199- 218. Wake, Sandra Byford and Sporakowski, Michael J. "An Intergenerational Comparison of Attitudes Towards Supporting Aged Parents." Journal of Marriage and the Family, February, 1972, pp. 42-48. ^ PUBLISHED REPORTS Alvarez, Rodolfo. "The Psychohistorical and Socio economic Development of the Chicano Community in the United States." Proceedings of the Institute on Nar cotic Addiction Among Mexican Americans in the South west. DHEW Publication No. (HSM) 73-9085. Washington, D.C.; U. S. Government Printing Office, 1973. 183 Bengtson, Vern L. "Generational Differences: Correlates and Consequences." A research proposal submitted to the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. NIMH Grant MH018158, 1970. Lindsey, Inabel B. "The Multiple Hazards of Age and Race: The Situation of Aged Blacks in the United States." U. S., Senate Committee on Aging, 9 2nd Congress. Report No. 92-450. Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1971. Schwartz, Alfred J. "Comparative Values and Achievements of Mexican-American and Anglo Pupils." Center for the Study of Evaluation, UCLA Graduate School of Edu cation, Report No. 37, February, 1969. Smith, William M., Jr.; Britton, Joseph H.; and Britton, Jean O. "Relationships Within Three-Generation Families." College of Home Economics Research Publication No. 155, University Park, Penn; Pennsylvania State University, April, 1958. Yarborough, Ralph. "Availability and Usefulness of Federal Programs and Services to Elderly Mexican-Amerleans, Part 1." U. S., Senate Committee on Aging, 90th Congress. Washington, D.C.; U. S. Government Printing Office, 1969. UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS Bengtson, Vern L.; Olander, Edward B.; and Haddad, Anees A. "The 'Generation Gap’ and Aging Family Members." A paper prepared for discussion at the annual meeting of the National Council on Family Relations, Estes Park, Colorado, August 25-28, 1971. Clark, Margaret and Keifer, C. W. "Social Change and Intergenerational Relations in Japanese-American and Mexican-American Families." A paper presented at the American Sociological Association Meeting in San Francisco, September, 1969. D. C. Development Associates, Inc. "Profile of Edgewood Community and District Schools." Appendix A in Analysis of the Edgewood ISD Experimental Schools Project; Phase Ï. Task Four. November lb, TTTT7 184 McGuire, Carson and White, George D. "The Measurement of Social Status." Research paper in Human Develop ment, No. 3 (revised). Department of Educational Psychology, The University of Texas, March, 1955. Reiss, Albert John. "Social Organization and Social ization; Variations on a Theme About Generations." Working Paper #1, Center for Research on Social Organization. University of Michigan, 1965. Torres-Gil, Fernando. "Los Ancianos De La Raza: A Beginning Framework For Research, Analysis, and Policy." An unpublished paper. Brandeis Uni versity, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, May, 197 2. PUBLIC DOCUMENTS U. S., Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Census of Population and Housing: 197 0, Census Tractsi Final Report PHC Til -186 San Antonio, Texas, SMSA. Washington, D.C.; U. S. Government Printing Office, pp. 50-51; 67-68. U. S., Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Census of Population; 1970, Vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population. Part 45, Texas - Section 1. Washington, D.C.; U. S. Government Printing Office, pp. 907, 924, 929, 946, 1150, 1163. ENCYCLOPEDIAS Brody, Elaine M. "Aging." Encyclopedia of Social Work, 1971, 16th issue. I, 54. "Development of Human Behavior." The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed., VIII, 1144a. " Sexton, Irwin. Encyclopedia Americana, 1974, XXIV, 191. The New Encyclopaedia Britannica Micraedia, 15th ed., VIII, 840. 185 INTERVIEW Scott, Florence Johnson. An interview held on April 11, 1974.

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Creator Laurel, Noel Fernando (author)

Core Title An intergenerational comparison of attitudes toward the support of aged parents: a study of Mexican-Americans in two south Texas communities

School School of Social Work

Degree Doctor of Social Work

Degree Program Social Work

Degree Conferral Date 1976-09

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,social sciences

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Solomon, Barbara (committee chair), Hartford, Margaret S. (committee member), Mendes, Helen (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c30-367252

Unique identifier UC11224635

Identifier DP22964.pdf (filename),usctheses-c30-367252 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier DP22964.pdf

Dmrecord 367252

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Laurel, Noel Fernando

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

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