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Developing labor resources in the Arab world: Labor activity effects from school attendance and socioeconomic background among women in the East Jordan Valley

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Developing labor resources in the Arab world: Labor activity effects from school attendance and socioeconomic background among women in the East Jordan Valley

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Content DEVELOPING L A B O R R E S O U R C E S IN TH E A R A B W O R LD : L A B O R ACTIVITY
EFFECTS F R O M S C H O O L A TTE N D A N C E A N D SO C IO EC O N O M IC
B A C K G R O U N D A M O N G W O M E N IN TH E
EA ST JO R D A N VALLEY
by
Madeleine Fisher Stuart
A Dissertation Presented to the
FA C U LTY O F TH E G R A D U A T E S C H O O L
UNIVERSITY O F S O U TH E R N CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillm ent of the
Requirements for the Degree
D O C T O R O F PHILO SO PHY
(Education)
December 1981
Copyright, Madeleine Fisher Stuart, December 1981
UMI Number: DP24804
All rights reserved
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
TH E G RADUATE SCHO O L
U N IV E R S IT Y PARK
LOS A NG ELES. C A L IF O R N IA 9 0 0 0 7
This dissertation, written by
..........................
under the direction of h.L$., Dissertation Com
mittee, and approved by all its members, has
been presented to and accepted by The Graduate
School, in partial fulfillment of requirements of
the degree of
D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y
Dean
i i
TABLE O F C O N TE N TS
Page
LIST O F TABLES................................................................................. iv
LIST O F FIGURES............................................................................. ix
C H A PTER
I. INTRODUCTION................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem
Problem Statement
Need for the Study
Delineation of the Research Problem
Hypotheses
Conceptual Assumptions
Definitions of Terms
Scope and Delimitations
Methodology
Organization of the Remainder of the Study
I I . REVIEW O F TH E LITERATURE.............................. 43
Them e 1
Theme 2
Them e 3
Them e 4
Them e 5
Them e 6
Conclusion
I I I . METHODOLOGY................................................................. 133
Research Design
The P ilo t Study
Selection of Subjects
Techniques of Data Collection
S tatistical Procedures
Data Analysis
Methodological Assumptions
Limitations of the Study
i i i
*
Chapter Page
IV. ANALYSIS A N D DISCUSSION O F FINDINGS ..................... 176
Sum m ary Characteristics of the Sample
Analysis of Findings
Discussion of Findings
Other Related Findings: A n Analysis
and Interpretation
Sum m ary
V. S U M M A R Y , CONCLUSION, A N D R E C O M M E N D A TIO N S . . . 416
Sum m ary
Conclusions and Implications
Recommendations
BIBLIOGRAPHY............................. . ................................................ . 476
APPENDIXES . .................................... 487
A. Tables 59 Through 73 488
B. The Interview Schedule: English Translation . . 517
C. Program P l a n .................................................................. 531
i v
LIST O F TABLES
Table Page
1. Sectoral Work A ctivity in the East Jordan
Valley by Sex and A re a ............................................. 16
2. Rate of Female Participation in the Labor
Force of the East Jordan Valley by Age . . . . 17
3. Level of Educational Attainment of the East
Jordan Valley Population (12-65 Years) by
Sex and Area ..................................................... 19
4. Illite ra c y Rates in Selected Arab States by
Residency and Sex . ............................................ 87
5. Rates of Labor Force Participation in the
East Jordan Valley by Sex and Area . . . . . . 148
6. Literacy Rates in the East Jordan Valley by
Sex, Select Age Groups, and Area . . . . . . . 149
7. Sum m ary of Village Characteristics to Meet
Selection C riteria .................... 155
8. Marital Status of Survey Respondents by
Age and Village ............................. 179
9. Place of Origin of Survey Respondents
by V illa g e ..................................................................... 181
10. Length of Village Residency . . ...................... 184
11. Household Size ......................... 187
12. Rates of School Attendance by Village . . . . 189
13. Incidence of W ork A ctivity by Village . . . . 191
14. Types of W ork A ctivity by V i l l a g e ..................... 193
15. Educational Attainment by Husband (Highest
Level Achieved)............................................ 197
16. W ork A ctivity of Husband by V i l l a g e ................. 199
17. Incidence of W ork in Relation to School
Attendance . ............................................................. 206
Table Page
V
18. Incidence of W ork by Level of Educational
Attainment .................................... ............................ 209
19. Incidence of School Attendance by Age . . . . 212
20. Level of Educational Attainment by Age . . . . 214
21. Incidence of W ork by Age ........................................ 216
22. Constraints on School Attendance: Reasons for
Never Attending School by Age . . . . . . . . 219
23. Constraints on School Attendance: Reasons for
Discontinuing Education by Age . . ..................... 222
24. Effects of Curricular Content: Differences in
Types of W ork by Level of Educational
Attainment (Respondents Attending School) . . 228
25. Effects of Curricular Content: Differences in
Types of Work by Level of Educational
Attainment (Respondents in School Previously). 231
26. Differences in Work Motives by Age
(Respondents Working Now) . . . . . ................ 235
27. Differences in Work Motives by Age
(Respondents Not Working Now ) . . ..................... 238
28. Differences in W ork Motives by School
Attendance (Respondents Working Now ) ................ 241
29. Differences in W ork Motives by School
Attendance (Respondents Not Working Now ) . . . 244
30. Differences in W ork Motives by Level of
Educational Attainment (Respondents
Working Now)................ ................................................ 247
31. Differences in W ork Motives by Level of
Educational Attainment (Respondents Not
Working Now, but Desiring to Work) .................... 248
32. School Attendance in Relation to Mother's
Educational Level ..................................................... 251
33. School Attendance in Relation to Father's
Educational Level . . . .................... ................ 253
vi
Table Page
34. Incidence of W ork in Relation to Mother's
Educational Level . . . ................................................ 257
35. Incidence of Work in Relation to Father's
Educational L e v e l . 258
36. School Attendance in Relation to Mother's
Labor A c t i v i t y . 262
37. School Attendance in Relation to Father's
Labor A ctivity . ........................................................ 265
38. Incidence of W ork in Relation to Mother's
Labor A c t i v i t y .................................................... 269
39. Incidence of W ork in Relation to Father's
Labor A ctivity . . ........................................ 271
40. Awareness of Village Labor A ctivities in
Relation to Incidence of W ork , 275
41. Interest in Skills-Development Training
Areas in Relation to A g e .................................... 281
42. Interest in Ski 11s-Development Training
Areas in Relation to School Attendance . .. . 286
43. Reasons for Attending School According to
Level of Educational Attainment (Respondents
Enrolled Now ) .................................................... 346
44. Reasons for Attending School According to
Level of Educational Attainment (Respondents
Enrolled Previously) .............................................. 348
45. Reasons for Continuing Schooling in Relation
to School Attendance ................................................ 351
46. Assessed Usefulness of Schooling in Relation
to Labor Field (Respondents Working Now ) . . . 354
47. Reasons for W ork in Relation to Labor Field
(Respondents Working Now ) ........................ 358
48. Reasons for Work in Relation to Labor Field
(Respondents Worked Before) .. .. .................... 360
49. Incidence of Payment According to Field
of Labor ........................ . 365
vii
Table Page
50. Reasons for Preferred Labor A ctivity
(Respondents Working Now ) . . . . . . . . . . . 367
51. Reasons for Lack of Labor A ctivity According
to Incidence of W o r k .................................... .... 369
52. Expected Work A ctivity According to Level of
Educational Attainment (Single Respondents
Attending School) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 372
53. Expected Work A ctivity According to Level of
Educational Attainment (Single. Respondents
W h o Attended School Previously) , . . . . . . . 375
54. Expected W ork A ctivity Reported by Single
W o m e n Without Schooling ........................ .... 377
55. Interest in Ski 11s-Development Training Areas
in Relation to Village Residence . . . . . . . 381
56. Interest in Skills-Development Training Areas
in Relation to Type of Labor A ctivity
(Respondents Currently Working) . . . . . . . . 384
57. Interest in Ski 11s-Development Training
Areas in Relation to Type of Labor A ctivity
(Respondents W h o Worked Previously) .................... 389
58. Interest in Ski 11s-Development Training Areas
(Respondents W h o Never Worked)................ .... 393
59. Population of the East Jordan Valley by
Sex and Area (March 1973) ......................................... 489
60. School Enrollment in the East Jordan Valley
by Age and Sex (March 1973) . . ............................ 490
61. Rate of School Attendance by Village
and Marital Status . . . . . . . ......................... 491
62. Incidence of Work A ctivity by Village
and Marital Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 492
63. Type of Work A ctivity Performed in
Relation to Age . . . . ............................................. 493
64. Daughter's Educational Level in Relation to
Mother's Level of Educational Attainment . . . 494
vi i i
Table Page
65. Daughter's Educational Level in Relation to
Father's Level of Educational Attainment . . . . 495
66. Daughter's Educational Level in Relation to
Mother's W ork A ctivity ................................................. 496
67. Daughter's Educational Level in Relation to
Father's Work A ctivity ................................................. 497
68. Awareness of Types of Labor Performed in
Village in Relation to Work A ctivity
(Respondents Working Now ) ......................................... 5Q 1
69. Awareness of Types of Labor Performed in
Village in Relation to Work A ctivity
(Respondents W h o Worked Before) ............................ 508
70. Awareness of Types of Labor Performed in
Village in Relation to Work A ctivity
(Respondents W h o Never Worked) . . . .................... 512
71. Interest in Ski 11s-Development Training Areas
in Relation to Level of Educational
Attainment (Respondents Enrolled in School) . . 513
72. Interest in Ski 1 1 s-Development Training Areas
in Relation to Level of Educational
Attainment (Respondents Enrolled in
School Previously) ......................................................... 514
73. Ski 11s-Development Outside of School.......................... 516
ix
LIST O F FIGURES
Figure Page
1. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan................................ 8
2. The East Jordan V a l l e y .......................................... . 40
3. Key Factors in the Education of Rural W o m en . . 130
4. Key Factors in the Labor A ctivity of
Rural Women................................................................ . 131
5. Socioeconomic Factors Pertaining to the
Relationship Between the Education and the
Labor A ctivity of Rural W o m e n . . .................... 132
1
C H A P TE R I
INTRODUCTION
For nations burdened by a legacy of poverty, illite r a c y , and
colonial or dependent status, development has emerged as the guiding
ethos of government planning in the 20th century. At the national
i
level, development has been generally equated with economic growth
defined in terms of industrialization and rising Gross National
Product (GNP), as well as parity participation in the world community.
A m ong citizen s, i t has assumed the dual forms of higher living
standards--characterized by improved health, housing, and rising
j incomes--and social demands focusing upon access to education and
i
wage employment. A major task of development planning has been to
reconcile national goals and individual aspirations by defining
p rio ritie s and allocating resources am ong m ultiple and often
competing demands.
B y the early 1970s, as evidence mounted that goals and
expectations in large measure had not been realized, reappraising
the perspectives of the previous two decades assumed increasing
prominence am ong development planners. Even when rising rates of
G N P had been recorded, other indices of development revealed that in
most developing countries, existing disparities am ong groups, regions,
2
and economic sectors had actually widened as development policies
failed to distribute resources and benefits equally. With increased
realization
that economic growth does not automatically f ilt e r
I dow n to the poorest sections of the society . . .
[and] . . . that equality of opportunity cannot
automatically be ensured when vast inequalities in
the distribution of income and wealth prevail.
(ul Haq, 1976, p. 155)
Planners in the present era are seeking to re-orient development
| policy to include a greater focus on meeting the fundamental needs
| of the populace at large.
| A key element of this approach is to raise the level of
i
1 productivity of Third World inhabitants, to enable them to participate
i
| broadly in development processes and specifically, in those that
! impact on economic production. In formulating development programs,
j planners frequently cite the paucity of hum an s k ills and low quality
I of labor as c ritic a l factors in retarding change processes. Yet,
until recently, they have widely ignored the productive labor
provided by w om en in developing societies, overlooking both their
actual contributions and th eir potential as a viable source of s k ills .
The fa ilu re to recognize w om en as labor and producers stems
in part from a reluctance to assign economic value to their work
a c tiv itie s which are frequently neither compensated nor fu lly
integrated into the market economy. The detrimental impact that
prevailing concepts of "employment" and "labor force participation"
exert on recognition of the economic productivity of w om en in
developing countries is considered in Chapter I I . The definition of
3
w ork/labor a c tiv ity used in th is study is provided in another section
of this chapter3 Definitions of Terms. I t has also evolved from a
tendency to focus u n ilaterally on women's domestic roles in child
i care and household maintenance. A s McNamara (1977) has observed,
| the prevailing image of w om en distorts their fu ll
j contribution to society. W o m e n are esteemed—and
' are encouraged to esteem themselves—predominantly
in their roles as mothers. Their economic !
contribution, though i t is substantial in a number 1
! of developing societies, is almost always understated. •
! (pp. 36-37) ;
j ;
j Parallel trends have characterized planning in the educational1
sphere. In developing countries, the conceptual bases for expanding
education—whether as an investment in hum an beings, as training to
i i
meet manpower needs, or as an avenue of social mobi 1 ity —have
: theoretically extended to a ll segments of the population. In
i advocating increased financial allocations to education during the
i
j 1950s and 1960s, planners underscored the role of education in
promoting access to societal goods and services, and thereby serving
as "the great leveler of society" (Adams, 1977, p. 299).
i Yet in most developing states, increased school fa c ilitie s
i
and growing enrollments have not produced widespread equalization of
benefits am ong social, economic and regional groups. In spite of
t
gains in access and attendance, educational opportunities for w om en
have lagged behind those for men, particularly in nations with limited
financial resources and a small market economy. In these states,
lower investment in female education has been ju s tifie d in terms of
the alleged marginality of women's economic productivity and the
traditional primacy of th eir domestic a c tiv itie s . Yet this rationale
has merely served to reinforce lim itations on women's access to
income-generating a c tiv itie s : !
!
i
Because lower economic returns are expected from ;
investments in w om en than from investments in
men, too l i t t l e importance has been attached to
j women's education, vocational, extension and other
! training for income generation, programs of credit
; or cooperative development, to say nothing of job
1 creation. (Germain, 1976, pp. 4-5)
i i
I |
: Background of the Problem j
i
| In the Arab world, the a c tiv ity of w om en in the economic '
! sphere is commonly depicted as reflecting their circumscribed role
! in public lif e generally. Census data reveal that the lowest rates
; of female labor force participation in the world are recorded in the
j
! Middle East, notably in non-agricultural and wage categories. In !
rural areas, the work a c tiv itie s of w om en in agriculture are
! frequently excluded from national labor statistics or at best,
; understated as unpaid workers o n family-based farms.
With the expansion of public education in the Middle East,
particularly since the 1950s, female access to school has increased.
| However, in spite of rising enrollments at the secondary level, high
i
dropout rates characterize female attendance in upper primary and
preparatory grades, particularly in rural areas. In terms of
professional preparation, options for Arab w om en have been basically
lim ited to teaching and medicine which are favored as occupations
that can serve the needs of other wom en. Training opportunities for
w om en in technical field s and rural-based a c tiv itie s , including
agriculture, have been negligible. Although female education has
5
gained increased support am ong wide segments of Arab societies, i t
: appears to be valued more for the capabilities i t engenders in w om en
i
I
i as mothers and wives than for the development of income-generating
ski 11s.
A n alternative course appears to be evolving in the Kingdom
of Jordan where the need for labor to realize development goals has
, spurred interest am ong planners in the economic potential of women.
: The essence of this view was set forth in the report on a symposium
convened in April 1976 to explore the participation of w om en in
Jordan's economy:
Jordan is presently at a stage of its development
in which long range government economic and social
planning is being used to improve u tiliz a tio n of
resources and to assist the population as a whole
to attain a higher standard of liv in g . Within
this pattern, the hum an factor is being taken :
into account both as a driving force behind
production and an axis around which the nation's
social and economic action must evolve. . . .
[The productive e ffo rt of wom en] represents a
source that can be tapped in this respect. .
(Malallah, 1976, pp. 4-5) j
!
During the past two decades, the steadily rising enrollment of
g irls at a ll educational levels in Jordan underscores the emergence
of a growing supply of s k ills for labor a c tiv itie s . jA m ong recent
gains in education, an upsurge is evident in the number of Jordanian j
w om en completing secondary and university studies which develop
i
qualifications for semi-skilled occupations and professional fie ld s .
In terms of program content, however, female students manifest a
pronounced tendency to pursue a narrow spectrum of subjects,
mainly the arts and humanities. Few attend technical, trade, or
j agricultural programs and thereby acquire s k ills in areas in which
I
| labor is in particularly short supply (H arrell, 1978). Moreover,
< economic indices in Jordan reveal that the actual incidence of labor
i
; a c tiv ity am ong w om en is marginal: according to labor force statistics
■ the female rate of participation in Jordan's economy is one of the
; lowest in the Middle East and indeed, in the world.
Wide variations exist in statistics of labor force a c tiv ity ,
i including female participation, as well as other socioeconomic I
indicators pertaining to Jordan. J^The International Labour Office
(ILO) (197.7), for example, reported the female percentage of the
, labor force as 5.6 percent* while Tutunji (1978) quoted Ministry of
i
Labor estimates for 1976 at 16 percent. These inconsistencies stem !
(
from the use of specialized census reports (e .g ., the Multipurpose
Household Surveys) to update data provided by the last nationwide
census conducted in 1961. A national census was undertaken in Jordan
in November 1979*.and its findings are expected to reveal current and,
I
| therefore, more accurate information on social and economic conditions
in the Kingdom.
In the East Jordan Valley, a region in the northwestern part
of Jordan that spans the ea,st bank of the Jordan River and has
agricultural potential, work a c tiv ity am ong w om en is more pronounced.
The East Jordan Valley is contiguous to the Jordan River from the
Yarmouk River in the north to the Dead Sea in the South. In connec-
! tion with development plans, three subregions have been delineated
I
| within the Valley: the Northern Area, the Middle Area, and the
Southern Area. Particular characteristics of each region that are
I pertinent to the purposes of this study are considered in Chapter I I I . i
j
| In addition, data gathered in 1973 on the Valley's population and net :
. school enrollment rates are presented in Tables 59 and 60 in
i
Appendix A. Although a higher percentage of w om en is economically
: active in the Valley than in the Kingdom as a whole, over two-thirds
' of female labor in the Valley work without compensation, mainly in
1 family farm fie ld s . ! In terms of schooling, the recent expansion
i
of fa c ilitie s in the area has enhanced educational opportunities for 1
younger residents. The educational attainment of w om en overall is
minimal, however. In 1973, illite ra c y am ong females above 12 years
of age approached 91 percent*, furthermore, of those recorded as
engaged in labor a c tiv itie s in the sam e year, less than 5 percent j
\ had completed elementary school (calculated from Hashemite Kingdom
of Jordan, Department of S tatistics, 1973). Because of multiple
definitions, "literacy" and "illite ra c y " tend to be elusive concepts
i and, therefore, of marginal u t ilit y for analytical purposes. In this
i
f study, "literacy" encompasses the a b ility to read and write at 6th 1
l |
: primary grade level, and includes comprehension of texts on fam iliar
subjects as well as non-technical signs, labels, instructions, and
I
j directions.
1 r
j ^In recognition of the Valley's economic potential, the
Government of Jordan has formulated broad-ranging plans to increase
productivity in the agricultural sector and improve living conditions
for the region's inhabitants.^ A c ritic a l element in the realization
of development objectives is the a v a ila b ility of resident labor w ho
possess diversified s k ills and greater educational qualifications in
The East Jordan Valley
**n
S A U D I
ARAB! A
SYRIA
4 a « S « « * /
/
e i
„ - S f’K M S S '
J O RD AN
• > ■ ■ Pipa L ift* *
g P v fin a ry
P N > *p h d t* O ip o ii t i
Nctianrt Kignwa?*
■ S*cand G o** Pood*
---------------- O tn*r Pood*
■ i. * ' '» Raihray*
Bow*dart««
• -•••■•. Wort*
’ M ucM ait and W adi S«*rt*
«» Oam*
- Pivtrs
m iO t tt******* ^
Ji
( H <
( . /jO t O A N \
v ^
SAUOI A t A t I A
A t At t V '~' ,
e c r u m c V > i» \
Figure 1. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
varied fie ld s . The female population of the area represents a \
i
potential source of productive s k ills to help meet this need. 1
I
1 Problem Statement !
i -----------------------------
i
This study was undertaken to identify and examine key social
and economic factors that contribute to the work a c tiv ity of w om en in
; the East Jordan Valley. Two factors were selected for analysis:
t
1. School attendance at the preuniversity level, which includes
acquisition of literacy s k ills as well as qualifications for |
I
semi-skilled occupations and preprofessional training;
2. Socioeconomic status, which reflects family educational and
occupational background, as well as income level.
Planning that seeks to increase the labor productivity and j
: i
i diversify the economic a c tiv itie s of w om en in the East Jordan Valley
has implications for education which has tra d itio n a lly assumed a
1 central role in developing work-related s k ills and attitudes. The
a v a ila b ility of appropriate educational programs for the female
population, as well as access to fa c ilitie s , relevance of curricula,
; and effectiveness of instruction, represent essential components of
J projects to increase the enrollment of g irls and w om en in educational
i programs and enhance their preparation for a broader range of labor
a c tiv itie s .
Furthermore, evidence of relationships between female work
a c tiv itie s and socioeconomic characteristics of the family provides
planners with insights into patterns of work-related decision-making
as well as possible constraints on the economic role of wom en. The
10
reasons that w om en in the Valley do or do not work, and the reasons
that they perform specific kinds of work, must be understood i f
j planning strategies are to achieve:
l
1. Development of incentives to encourage increasing numbers of
; w om en residing in the Valley to prepare for and engage in
i
income-generating a c tiv itie s ;
I 2. Synchronization of incentive systems with projections of
educational expansion and labor needs in the area.
i
' Need for the Study
r"
; Development planning in the Arab Middle East has rarely
t
i accorded recognition to the labor potential of w om en in terms either
, of national needs or of th e ir actual contribution to th eir fam ilies'
i
j economic support. Underlying the perspective of planners is an
i
j assumption of persisting opposition in the Arab world to female
I employment outside of the home, both am ong w om en who have tra d i
tio n ally acquired status through fam ilial roles and m en w ho have
defined family honor in terms of the sexual virtue of female kin.2
This view fa ils to consider changing re a litie s in the Arab
world that span kinship tie s , economic patterns and legal statutes,
or the diversity in observance of traditional norms according to
community structure and social class. Furthermore, i t does not take
into account the fu ll range and magnitude of the economic a c tiv itie s
in which Arab w om en are currently engaged. Labor a c tiv itie s in the
Middle East, as in other regions, are generally recorded by
categories of gainful employment defined in terms of wage earnings;
11
yet m uch of the work performed by Arab w om en is not remunerated, such
as fie ld work in family agricultural production or bartering"in the
informal market system. The possibility of an undercount—and
therefore, undervaluation--of female labor in the Middle East is
undoubtedly substantial (Van Dusen, 1977).
The ILG (1978) defines "the economically active population"
as "the total of employed persons and of unemployed persons who have
been drawn from the late s t census or survey of the country concerned."
Usually excluded are "students, w om en occupied solely in domestic
duties, retired persons, persons living entirely on th e ir ow n means,
and persons wholly dependent upon others" (p. 3). The ILO proceeds
to caution that
the comparability of the data is hampered by the
differences between countries--and even within a
country—not only as regards details of the
definitions used, and the groups covered but also
by differences in the methods of collection,
classification and tabulation of the data. In
particu lar, the extent to which family workers who
assist in family enterprises are included am ong the
enumerated economically active population, particularly
females, varies considerably from one country to
another, (p. 3)
In terms of planning, normative and methodological factors have
contributed to a general disregard in Arab countries for the economic
role and level of productivity of female workers. A contrasting
approach, on the other hand, is evident in the Kingdom of Jordan whose
government has announced an in itia tiv e to expand and diversify the
participation of w om en in the nation's economy (Hashemite Kingdom of
Jordan, National Planning Council, 1976). Spurred by development goals
12
and the unique character of the country's labor force{^Jordanian
planners are seeking to increase female economic a c tiv ity as a means
of enhancing the nation's labor supply and general citizen participa
tion in development processes. ^3
The labor force of the Kingdom of Jordan, numbering 375,000
out of an estimated population of 1.9 m illion in 1975, is inadequate
to meet personnel requirements and thereby hinders realization of
development objectives. *jjrhree primary factors have contributed to
the constriction of the labor force. F irs t, a high percentage of
Jordan's population is under 15 years of age (52 percent in 1975).
Within this group, a large number attends school and therefore does
not engage in economically productive a c tiv itie s : in 1977-1978, 97.2
percent of the 6-11 year population, 76.0 percent of the 12-14 group,
and 48.75 percent of the 15-17 year group were enrolled in school
(Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Ministry of Education, 1979). '1
| Second, a migration of prim arily male labor to high-wage jobs
in Arabian Gulf states has resulted in a shortage of workers in the
Kingdom (Birks & S in clair, 1978). F in ally, Jordan's labor force is
characterized by a low rate of female participation: in 1975, only
5.6 percent of the total female population were reported as
economically active (International Labour O ffice, 1977b). In concert,
these factors generate a high ratio between the dependent and the
working populations in which each member of Jordan's labor force must
support fiv e to six other inhabitants (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan,
National Planning Council, 1976). j
13
; In its Five Year Plan for Economic and Social Development
j 1976-1980, the Government of Jordan enumerated a broad range of
; capital and hum an resource projects in the a g ricu ltu ral, in d u strial,
social services, and public administration sectors (Hashemite Kingdom
of Jordan, National Planning Council, 1976). Within its planning
framework, i t has accorded a p rio rity status to the development of the
East Jordan Valley, a clearly defined topographical region whose
economic importance stems from its potential for agricultural
cultivation through the harnessing of water resources for irrig a tio n .
Although agriculture has assumed a steadily declining share of Jordan's
Gross Domestic Product (GDP)--from 22 percent in 1954 to 12 percent
in 1975 (s ta tistic s for 1954 include both the East and West Banks of
Jordan; the 1975 figure reports on the East Bank only)—and engaged
only 18 percent of the country's labor force in 1975, fu ll implementa
tion of development programs in the Valley is expected to increase
agricultural output to account for over half of the sector's productive
value (Aresvik, 1976). The broader impact of its contribution is
anticipated in terms of:
1. stabilizing Jordan's food production through year-round
cultivation;
2. altering the country's current dependency on imported
foodstuffs to meet consumption needs, which amounted to
28 percent of the total value of imports in 1975 (Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan, National Planning Council, 1976); and
3. increasing the export of agricultural commodities, thereby j
improving the nation's d e fic it balance of payments (Birks &
S in clair, 1978).
As delineated in the Jordan Valley Development Plan, 1975-1982,
strategies to increase agricultural production focus on the extension
of arable land through irrig a tio n , notably as a result of the
completion of the East Ghor Canal (EGC) and the construction of the 1
Maqarin D a m on the Yarmouk River (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Jordan !
Valley Commission, 1976). Emphasis also is placed on increasing
output through cropping intensity and high-yielding technology on
irrigated lands. In addition, the Plan calls for major investments
i
i
in physical infrastructure and social services and as such, provides !
an integrated approach to the region's development. While extensive
reconstruction was required after the damage in flic te d on the Valley
during the 1967 Arab-Israeli war and the 1970 c iv il disturbances, the
expansion of community fa c ilitie s and services also reflects a
pronounced concern for raising the living standards of inhabitants in
the area.
The depletion of the Valley's population as a result of the
1967 war and projections of substantial labor needs to meet develop
ment goals place a premium upon strategies to a ttra ct settlers to
i
the area, as well as to encourage residents to remain and participate
fu lly in efforts to develop the region. According to an assessment
of the Valley's labor force based upon 1973 s ta tis tic s , the supply
of agricultural and service personnel must increase greatly to
15
j realize project targets: from an estimated 19,500 in 1973 to 46,000 inj
| 1983 when the Plan period ends (Salt & Kelley, 1976). In terms of I
; I
: the u tiliz a tio n of existing labor in the Valley, the manpower report j
- concludes ■
!
, that the labor force in the Valley is being u tilize d
at a high rate, especially during peak agricultural
demand, and that l i t t l e room remains in the immediate
future for major increases in labor force participation
with the exception of the female labor force in the
Southern Area. (Salt & Kelley, 1976, p. 70) .
' Yet while w om en in the Valley's Southern region have the lowest work J
' participation rate within the female population (6.9 percent), j
comparable figures for the Northern (15.4 percent) and Middle (24.7 j
percent) Areas, as shown in Table 1, reveal that a substantial margin j
exists for increased economic a c tiv ity am ong w om en throughout the
Valley.
Overall, w om en in the area are engaged in the labor force
| at a higher rate than for Jordan as a whole. According to the Social
I
♦
1 and Economic Survey of the East Jordan Valley: 1973 (Hashemite Kingdom
i ..............
| of Jordan, Department of S ta tis tic s , 1973), female residents accounted
i
for 28.1 percent of the Valley's economically active population,
compared to an estimated 10-12 percent for the entire Kingdom (see
Table 2). The highest rate of a c tiv ity am ong female workers in the
| Valley was recorded by the 15-19 year old group (17.7 percent),
t
followed by the 20-24 year old population (13.2 percent); g irls
i
, between 5 and 14 years of age--the relevant age for primary and
preparatory; schooling—represented 12.3 percent of a ll economically
active females. These rates re fle c t the predominantly agricultural
Table 1
Sectoral W ork Activity in the East Jordan Valley by Sex and Area
Sex and Area
Northern Area Middle Area Southern Area All Valley
Sector of W ork Female8 Maleb Female
a m i b
Male Female8 Maleb Female8 Maleb
Labor force
participation
rate 15.4 40.7 24.7 43.5 6.9 43.4 17.8 42.3
Agriculture 95.3 72.7 97.2 77.8 91.1 81.6 96.1 76.3
Manufacturing 1.4 0.9 1.9 1.6 3.6 1.3 1.8 1.2
Trade,
restaurant,
hotel 0.5 3.3 0.1 3.4 0.3 2.9 0.3 3.3
Community,
social services 2.8 20.1 0.8 14.6 5.0 11.5 1.8 16.4
Other sectors - 3.0 2.7
. - . 2.7 - 2.8 :
3
.Percent of the female population.
Percent of the male population.
Source: Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Social and Economic Survey of the East Jordan Valley:
1973. A m m an: Department of Statistics, 1973, Table 5, p. 90, Table 12, p. 111.
17
Table 2
Rate of Female Participation in the
Labor Force of the East Jordan
Valley by Age
Northern Middle Southern All
i ; Area_________Area Area_________Valley
j Totals 26.6% 34.0% 12.8% 28.1%
Age Group Rate of A ctivity
(Years) _________________% (All Valley)a
5-11 2.1
12-14 10.2
15-19 17.7
20-24 13.2
25-29 12.5
30-34 11.2
35-39 9.1
40-44 8.8
45-49 4.6
50-54 5.1
54-59 1.9
60-64 2.4
65 and over 1.0
aRates of a c tiv ity by age group were not reported for the Valley's
three subregions.
Source: Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Social and Economic Survey of
t he East Jordan Valley: 1973. A m m an: Department of
S ta tis tic s , 1973, Tables 6 and 7, pp. 91-92.
18
nature of the area and more s p ecifically, the family-based character
of farm a c tiv itie s which include most members of the kin group,
i Furthermore, w om en in the Valley formed a greater concentra-
i
| tion of agricultural workers than men: in 1973, 96.1 percent of w om en
in the labor force worked in agriculture, comprising about one-third
1 of a ll farm labor, as opposed to 76.3 percent of working m en (see
I
i Table 1). Because of the family-based structure of agriculture,
however, 72.2 percent of the w om en in the Valley's labor force were
unpaid family workers (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department of
| S ta tis tic s , 1973).
! Census data record few w om en engaged in other economic
a c tiv itie s in the Valley: of those included in the labor force, 1.8
. percent worked in social and personal services, notably as teachers,
house maids or janitors; 1.8 percent were engaged in "manufacturing,"
mainly as seamstresses; and 0.3 percent were in trade (see Table 1).
| An undercount of female labor in a ll a c tiv itie s is possible because
I of the high incidence of unpaid family workers in the Valley. I t
also might result from a general tendency am ong w om en in rural areas--
i
as well as census-takers--to view th eir work as an extension of
household tasks rather than an a c tiv ity with economic value.
| According to 1973 s ta tis tic s , the overall educational level
| of w om en residing in the Valley was low. Table 3 reveals that 91.4
| percent of the total female population had never attended or had
completed less than six years of primary school, while only 1.7
I
| percent had matriculated to the preparatory level. The steadily
increasing enrollment of school-aged g irls , however, is decidedly
Table 3
Level of Educational Attainment of the East Jordan Valley
Population (12-65 Years) by Sex and Area
Sex and Area
Level of Educa
Northern Area Middle Area Southern Area All Valley
tional Attainment Female Male0 Female9 Male0 Female9 Male0 Female9 Male0
Less than Primary 89.5 63.3 92.9 70.3 93.3 74.9 91.4 68.0
Primary 8.5 23.7 5.6 19.7 5.5 16.6 6,9 20.9
Preparatory 1.4 8.2 1.1 5.9 1,0 5.3 1.2 6.8
Secondary 0.5 3.7 0.3 2.9 0.2 2.9 0.4 3.2
Institute/
University 0.1 1.1 0.1 1.2 ......................-. . , 0.2 0.1 1.0
a
Percent of the female population.
Percent of the male population.
Source: Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Social and Economic Survey of the East Jordan
Valley: 1973. A m m an: Department of Statistics, 1973, Table 9a, pp. 95-96.
i — *
VO
changing the educational profile of the female population. Data from j
* the Ministry of Education disclose that at each level, attendance
i
i
i am ong girls represents a sizable share of the total enrollment: in
I
| 1978-1979, girls accounted for 42.3 percent of the primary school ;
■ i
population of the Valley, 30.6 percent of the preparatory level, and !
1 27.8 percent of the secondary level (Hindawi, 1979). j
i In recent studies of the East Jordan Valley, observers have !
i
stressed the positive effects that expanding educational opportunities!
i
exert on the overall development of the area. Fernea (1977) noted
I that by increasing the satisfaction of residents with living
I
conditions and thereby, the likelihood that they w ill remain in the ;
area, " [p]roviding new schools at a ll levels for the Valley children
i
w ill be a stabilizing contribution of the utmost importance" (p. 29).
Fikry (1979) further contended that
i
the construction of schools has been the most positive
aspect of the various projects in the Valley and w ill
certainly be the ones (sic) to provide the deepest and
most long-term impact on all levels of the society of
the Ghors. It w ill be particularly beneficial for the
girls who are hindered from pursuing either preparatory
i or secondary schooling because of the distances needed
I to go to the few schools available to them. (p. 54)
Yet, in precisely what way is education benefiting the female
population of the Valley? Do w om en perceive certain gains from
attending school--either mothers enrolled in adult education programs,
mothers of girls who are attending school, or the girls themselves?
I
, Are girls who are enrolled in school acquiring skills that primarily
i
i enhance performance of household tasks or that contribute to wage-
i
' earning capabilities? With rising levels of educational attainment,
1
21
i
do girls express greater interest in# and demonstrate a greater
propensity to engage in labor activities, particularly those that I
generate income? Is schooling acting as a catalyst for altering the
roles of girls in the family, including the a b ility to make decisions ;
j
, affecting their lives, such as enrolling in a job training program or j
i
: working for wages outside of the hom e? With the expansion of school '
' !
i services in the region, do female residents view education as a 1
| factor that contributes to the quality of life in the Valley, thereby j
1 encouraging families to remain and serving, in Fernea's (1977) terms, ^
f
as a "stabilizing" force in the area? I
Furthermore, in terms of anticipated changes in the economic
structure of the Valley during the development period, what work
activities can w om en rea lis tica lly expect to perform? In agriculture,
women's participation could increase as multi-crop cultivation and
; higher yields necessitate more labor. This is particularly the case !
i
j in the Southern Area where female work rates are lowest and where
j projects, including the extension of the East Ghor Canal.to the north
: of the Dead Sea and completion of the Hisban-Kafrein Irrigation
Project, are expected to increase the amount of arable land and the
[
1 need for labor-intensive agricultural practices (Salt & Kelley, 1976;
|
Hazelton, 197.8). The demand for payment for their work, as well as
dissatisfaction with the existing wage structure in farming that pays
i wom en at half the rate of male nationals, also is likely to grow as
1
more wom en in the region attend school and as paid employment
increases in agriculture as well as other areas of the economy. Som e
I
j
I variation in the r ate of payment made to fema le labor emerges from __
22
i
documents concerning the Valley: United States Agency for Inter- |
national Development (USAID) (1975) described the rate at one-half
i
that of males, while Fikry (197-9) stated that wom en "are earning less
i
I
; than a third of what m en earn" (p. 35).
i j
In the nonagricultural sector, the Valley's manpower assess- ;
i
ment projects substantial labor needs in administration, social !
i J
! services, clerical areas, sales, and technical fields (Salt & Kelley, 1
i
1976). The possibility that increasing numbers of w om en w ill work in
1 these fields is predicated on two major factors; fir s t, their
i acquisition of skills requisite for the specific work activity, and
i
second, surmounting resistance to female participation in areas in
which w om en have not previously worked, including those not tradi- !
tionally considered as appropriate for women.
' To increase and diversify the economic role of w om en in the
East Jordan Valley, project planning must incorporate two basic
i
! dimensions: raising their productivity in existing activities and
i
developing their skills in other areas. In the design of specific
| strategies, relationships between the work activities of w om en and
■ factors indigenous to the Valley are instrumental. This study was
| I
conceived to examine som e of these salient factors, notably, the
i
availab ility of educational opportunities for girls and women, includ-
i ing job-skills development programs; constraints on their school
! attendance; curricular options and patterns of curricular preferences
! am ong female students; the kinds of work currently performed by women;
i the reasons that w om en are working; and attitudes am ong w om en
regarding appropriate roles for women, particularly those in the j
economic sphere. j
i Delineation of the Research Problem J
To investigate the labor activity of w om en in the East Jordan j
i i
t
Valley, research was conducted on patterns of interaction between
female economic participation and the following: fir s t, preuniversity
i I
instruction received by wom en in the area, and second, socioeconomic •
I
characteristics of the family. In specific terms, the study sought j
■ answers to the following questions: ;
1. Is there a relationship between the school attendance of
i
i
< w om en and their participation in economic activities in the Valley? (
Plans for community development in the Valley include major j
capital investment in the expansion of education through the j
construction of new fa c ilitie s and the upgrading of old structures |
■ (United States Agency for International Development, 1975). In terms
of benefits to the area, one measure of the returns on this investment
' is increased economic productivity am ong residents who have attended
■ school in comparison with those w ho have had no schooling.
1
i
This study attempted to identify patterns of work participa-
j tion am ong w om en according to one of the following measures of
t
j educational background:
!
! a. Enrollment in school, either at the time of or prior to
the survey, as opposed to never having attended school. i
' i
i b. Achievement of a specific level of educational attainment
( i. e ., teacher training, secondary, preparatory or
primary) in comparison with the completion of a j
lower level of schooling. !
I i
! 2. Are younger wom en in the Valley (aged 15-24 years) more
i ;
i I
1 likely to have attended school and completed higher levels of
education than older residents (aged 35-44 years)? ,
i '
! The availab ility of school fa c ilitie s is generally assumed to j
enhance access to education. Given this premise, i t is expected that j
\ the recent expansion of schools for girls in the Valley facilitates |
i i
their attendance and that as a result, the level of educational
attainment is higher am ong younger age groups than older groups who,
at comparable ages, had fewer opportunities for schooling. Also, !
differentials in school attendance by age groups can reveal changing !
trends in attitudes towards education for wom en as well as their I
societal roles, and thereby serve as an indicator of social change !
in the Valley. i
I 3. What constraints exist on the education of the Valley's
female population--in terms of access, fa c ilitie s , job-related
! programs, financial cost, and family attitudes--is variation evident
I
1 in relation to the age of residents?
i
! The mere availab ility of schools does not guarantee that
: Valley residents can or w ill make use of them. In terms of school
enrollment and continued attendance, girls might face different
social and physical obstacles than boys in the area, or than girls
| living outside of the Valley. For example, financial need might
i
j dictate that daughters work in the fields or care for younger j
I siblings while parents work; the preference for secluding girls j
| reaching puberty also might be pronounced am ong families in Valley
communities. Furthermore, a lack of training programs for w om en would ,
! lim it their opportunities for developing skills needed for income-
| I
generating activities in the Valley.
j
Constraints specific to wom en of differing ages in the |
< !
i area must be identified in order to define appropriate measures to |
overcome such obstacles and thereby increase the attendance and |
possibility of higher educational attainment am ong female residents.
i
i
4. D o Valley w om en who have attended school manifest a '
tendency to participate in specific types of work activities, and is !
variation apparent according to the level of education attained and
thereby the content of the curricula; pursued?
Course content conveys information,'.and often fosters i
i
attitudes, pertaining to a given field or work-related area. For
example, scientific studies at the secondary level develop backgrounds
| appropriate to health-related, agricultural, engineering, and other
| fields at the postsecondary level. Vocational courses emphasize
I
i specific content and skills-development in a variety of areas,
including income-generating activities and domestic science. An
examination of the educational levels attained by w om en in the Valley
should yield insights into substantive aspects of their education and
j specifically, the kinds of preparation they are gaining pertaining to
! labor activities. Furthermore, evidence of relatedness between the
i
I
j level of schooling and the kind of work in which w om en participate
j should reveal what, i f any, variation exists in the types of work
L.perf.ormed by female residents wi t h dif fering educa tional backgrounds. _
26
5. What economic tasks do w om en currently perform in the j
jValley?
j To raise the living standards of Valley residents as a
'fundamental goal of development in the area compels consideration of
; the income-generating capacity and labor productivity of w om en as well !
!
as men. A clear definition of the work activities undertaken by !
j :
| w om en represents an in itia l step in delineating their current economic !
| |
role in the Valley and their contribution to the financial support of i
i
their families. Furthermore, the kinds of skills that w om en currently
' possess must be assessed to determine areas in which training might
enhance capabilities and generation of income to benefit the wom en
i
and their families. In this study, information also was gathered on |
the length of work activity and patterns of compensation as indicators I
i
of the participation of female members in supporting their families.
6. For what reasons do w om en work in the Valley?
The motivation for w om en to work, as well as the type of
I
I activities they select, presumably contributes to the incidence and
i
! level of their economic participation. D o they work primarily out of
: economic need? Or do they mainly want an alternative to seclusion
i
| at hom e? Do they perceive a relationship between labor participation
i and development of the region? Information on the reasons that w om en
work, including variations according to age level and educational
i
i background, represents essential input for the formulation of
i strategies to increase and diversify their economic participation. !
27
7. D o parents with a certain level of educational attainment
--lite ra c y , primary, preparatory or secondary schooling--manifest a
tendency to encourage their daughter(s):
a. to attend school;
b. to participate in an economic activity?
I t is hypothesized that parents who attended school place
greater value upon their daughters’ education than those who never
attended. Furthermore, i t is expected that the highter the level of
education attained by mother and father, the greater the likelihood
that they w ill encourage their daughters to go to school, stay in
school, complete higher levels of schooling, and ultimately, enter
the labor force in a wage-earning capacity. In the Valley, evidence
of relationships between the parents' schooling and the daughters’
education and work activity has implications for program planning in
terms of the need to overcome family-related factors that constrain
school attendance and economic participation am ong daughters, as well
as the development of educational opportunities for adults.
8. D o parents who work in agriculture in the Valley have a
greater propensity than those working in nonagricultural fields to
encourage their daughter(s):
a. to attend school;
b. to participate in an economic activity?
Studies on rural areas typically depict farmers as conserva
tive and resistant to social change (Foster, 1973; Harbison, 1973).
I t is likely that i f they possess such characteristics, farmers would
not be inclined to support the education of female kin. Alternatively.
: ,
28 i
the low income level of farmers in developing societies frequently
necessitates the participation of female family members in field or
i
! other work activities; as a result, daughters might have to forego i
i
I
schooling to contribute to the financial support of the family. ‘
i
One aim of this study was to determine i f school attendance ;
and labor activity am ong wom en in the Valley vary according to the ’
' !
i occupational activities of parents. Specifically, patterns of !
| attitudes and decisions am ong farmers regarding the education and |
' work activities of their daughters were explored and compared with 1
i
I those of parents engaged in nonagricultural sectors.
9. Are wom en aware of income-generating opportunities in
the Valley, and are they interested in developing skills requisite
: for participation in spheres in which labor needs exist? i
I t is not realistic to expect an increase in labor activity !
■ am ong w om en in the Valley unless they can perceive actual opportuni- j
ties or future possibilities, particularly those that generate income, j
| Diversifying the economic role of w om en in the area also entails I
]
| expanding alternative work activities in light of the Valley's labor
!
‘ needs; in this regard, the perception of an occupation within the
i community as an appropriate field for wom en assumes importance in
I defining its potential as a viable work activity for female residents.
| The present study considered both the awareness of work
I I
, options am ong w om en in the Valley and the availability of channels to
! provide accurate data to wom en about work activities and programs to
i
; develop income-generating skills. To identify alternative areas of
p
l
i labor activity, data also were generated on the receptivity of female
I
(residents to training in a number of fields, ranging from household-
i
j based to income-generating activities, while variations in interest
| i
I were explored according to age and educational differentials. !
i *
i 1
Hypotheses
'
Null hypotheses were developed in accordance with the
questions underlying the study and subsequently tested on the basis
of data gathered in the East Jordan Valley. They include:
1. Female labor activity in the East Jordan Valley and school
i attendance of w om en at the preuniversity level are independent.
i
■ 2. For w om en in the East Jordan Valley, there is no relationship
between:
a. age and school enrollment at the preuniversity level, or
b. age and work participation.
3. The age of Valley w om en has no relationship to the factors
constraining their school attendance--either physical factors
: (fa c ilitie s , transportation, cost, programs) or social factors j
I ' ' ' i
| (family attitudes, decision-making a b ility ).
i
| 4. In the East Jordan Valley, the educational attainment of ]
I ' I
i female residents, as an indicator of the content of programs
pursued, is independent of the kind of work they perform.
5. For wom en residing in the Valley, there is no association
between their reasons for working and each of the following:
a. their age, or I
I
b. their school enrollment at the preuniversity level. i
30
6. In the Valley, the school attendance of wom en at the pre-
university level is independent of the educational background
of the women's parents.
7. For w om en in the Valley, there is no relationship between
their labor activity and the educational background of the
women's parents.
8. No association exists between the school attendance of wom en
residing in the Valley and the kind of work performed by the
women's parents.
9. Female labor activity in the Valley and the occupational
activity of the women’ s parents are independent.
10. For w om en in the East Jordan Valley, awareness of labor
opportunities in the Valley has no relationship to their
participation in work activities.
11. The interest expressed by female residents of the Valley in
pursuing ski 11s-development training in 13 different fields
is independent of:
a. their age, or
b. their educational background.
Conceptual Assumptions
This inquiry into educational patterns and economic activities
related to wom en in the East Jordan Valley w^s;conducted on the basis
of the following assumptions:
1.______W om en represent a source of skills and talent that can be
mobilized and used in pursuit of the development goals of a
_______given n a t i o n . __________________________________________
3ii
i
2. Female-male role assignment in any society, including the ;
t
division of labor, is culturally defined and therefore
j
subject to change as the culture changes.
i
3. National planning can effect changes in prevailing attitudes
and existing structural barriers (both educational and
economic) that restrict the labor activities of w om en in
the economy of a society.
4. Limited access to education curtails the preparation of
w om en for labor activities and ultimately, their contribution
to productive output and income-generating capacity.
5. Appropriate incentives (e.g ., scholarships, allowances to
family, free transportation, housing) can foster the
enrollment of w om en in programs to prepare for labor >
activities, notably to develop skills for income-generation.
6. Appropriate incentives (e.g., equitable wages, training
i programs, promotion opportunities, paid maternity leaves,
i
I child day-care fa c ilitie s ) can encourage w om en to participate
I
in labor activities, including those needed for development
j projects.
Definitions of Terms
For the purposes of this study, the following definitions of
I ’
' j
' key terms and concepts were used; \
j Household unit. Regarded as the basis of population analysis
! in the East Jordan Valley, the household is constituted by "a person
or more sharing one housing unit, sharing expenses, and eating at least
|one meal together each day. A strong kin relationship should exist ;
1 i
Jbetween them; i f i t does not, then the number in the unit should not
' )
jexceed five members" (Ghneim, personal communication, 1979). While i t «
i
I i
! is expected that most households are comprised of family-related j
i :
i members, kinship is not an absolute prerequisite for inclusion in the '
unit; thus, for example, hired labor who meet the defined conditions
: would be considered as part of the household.
Labor a c tiv ity . Time and effort expended in the production
!
of goods and services, encompassing the following elements:
■ I
; 1. Level: from professional, skilled, semi-skilled, \
’ and unskilled categories;
j i
2. Sector: in agriculture and in nonagricultural fields,
such as services and artisanal activities; ■
3. Remuneration: for monetary wages and payment in kind,
as well as for unpaid work performed in the production
i
j of a good or service with market value; j
!
| 4. Time: fu ll and part-time, year-round and seasonal.
| The comprehensive scope of this term contrasts with the prevalent
i
' definition of labor as occupational employment performed for wages.
i
| A primary limitation on its usage in the present study is the
i
1 exclusion of work undertaken in the care of children and maintenance
I
| of the home; on the other hand, the term does incorporate labor
performed in the household to obtain products for family consumption
whose acquisition would otherwise require cash or exchange of goods
and which therefore have economic value (e.g ., the production of food
and clothing). j
33;
School Attendance at the preuni vers it.y level. Enrollment in
I
(the formal educational system at primary (grades 1-6), preparatory
* (grades 7-9), or secondary (grades 10-12) levels, and in formal and ;
i
' nonformal community programs administered by the Government of Jordan
i
’ to provide basic education, literacy training, vocational/technical i
i
1 education, agricultural education, and job-skills development for
. youth and adults. Preuniversity instruction was used as a synonymous
term for the purposes of this study.
Socioeconomic status. Social and economic character!*sties
| of the family, including:
1. The educational background of mother and father (as well
as husband, i f married), in terms of the number of years
completed, the level attained, and i f enrolled in m i
secondary or higher studies, the major fie ld of study.
2. The occupational role of mother and father (as well as
husband, i f married), notably the type(s) of economic j
activity performed. J
j The income level of parents and husband was not considered. j
I '
I Am ong farmers and farm laborers who represent-over 80 percent of j
j the income-generating population in the Valley, average annual
j incomes in 1976 were reported as ranging from J.D. 200 to J.D. 300 ;
! i
! (approximately $700 to $1,050) (United States Agency for International j
! Development, 1975). It was, therefore, assumed that at the time of ;
! the study, variation in income did not constitute a key factor in ;
i I
j relationships between education and the economic activity of w om en
[_ in the area. j
34
j In th is study, the fo llo w in g terms were used interchangeably: ;
labor activity, labor participation, work activity, economic activity,
1 and economic participation.
i
Scope and Delimitations
i
In any society, the participation of wom en in economic
i
•ac tiv itie s assumes a variety of forms. At the subsistence level,
, they include food processing, the exchange of agricultural goods, and
: the production of hom em ade crafts. With economic diversification and
!
I the development of modern industrial and agricultural sectors,
i
traditional labor activities are supplanted by newer, more efficient
, modes and techniques generally acquired by m en and rarely made
accessible to w om en (Boserup, 1970). As avenues of both traditional
!
and modern economic activities are restricted, w om en are increasingly ;
confined to household roles, although an educated minority engages in I
1 such professional fields as teaching and medicine, while the less j
I educated perform domestic services, street vending or farm labor, j
i
primarily out of economic necessity. !
i
(
: The quest to increase productivity and meet basic hum an j
needs that characterizes developing nations in the present era
injects a c ritical dimension in this pattern of economic role
| delineation, namely, the availab ility of hum an resources with a
j variety of skills. The magnitude of the issue and its implications
! for the realization of national development goals, underscore the
1
| need to examine the labor activity of wom en and the means through
j which their economic participation could be enhanced.
This study focused upon w om en as a Tabor resource in the !
Kingdom of Jordan, which is illu s tra tiv e of many developing nations
seeking economic growth and improved living conditions for their
[citizens. In these societies, the availab ility of hum an labor with
i
|diverse types and levels of skills needed for the satisfaction of
rbasic needs, as well as the development of modern industrial and 1
i
;agricultural sectors, assumes major importance. Preparation for
'varied economic activities is also presumed to entail multiple and
differentiated educational patterns and institutions.
I This study was specifically concerned with the u tilizatio n
and potential of wom en as labor in the East Jordan Valley, a region
within the Kingdom of Jordan in which economic and social development
goals have been defined and programs initiated. Comparative data
from other developing areas were considered only to enhance under-
( • . I
I
.standing of issues and trends evident in the Valley. j
| Moreover, relationships between key societal factors and the I
' I
i
j economic activity of wom en in the East Jordan Valley were explored. j
(Two variables--preuniversity instruction and socioeconomic status--were
i
1 examined to ascertain the association of each with the participation
i
] of w om en as economically productive labor.
Other factors also are potentially related to the labor
1 *
, activity of women. They include economic variables, such as labor j
; patterns and market structures; social characteristics, for example,
I ;
‘ marital status and f e r t ilit y determinants; and normative elements, i
! !
j including traditional role ascription and social mores. In this study,i
36
these factors were identified essentially in terms of their in ter
action with the two key variables.
W om en in two age categories--15-24 years and 35-44 years--
represented the focal point of the study. Consideration of the two
groups permitted comparison of patterns of educational attainment
and economic activity among wom en of different generations.
A survey instrument administered to wom en in the East Jordan
Valley generated data to explore relationships between the work
performed by w om en and each of the other designated variables. The
researcher's inadequate knowledge of Arabic, which necessitated the
use of Jordanian nationals to conduct the interviews with the women,
represented a major limitation on this facet of the study.
National statistics compiled by the Kingdom’s Department of
Statistics and the Educational Statistics Section of the Ministry of
Education, also were consulted to obtain a range of social and
economic indicators on Jordan. For the purposes of this study, the
la tte r, which are organized according to regional educational
directorates, had limited u tility since the Valley is subsumed within
three administrative units, a l1 of which extend beyond its te rrito r
ia lity . Educational statistics, including student enrollments,
student-teacher ratios, and school fa ci1itie s , were therefore
obtained through interviews with personnel at the Directorate of
Educational Planning of the Ministry of Education. Summary data for
the Valley as a whole were drawn primarily from the Social and
Economic Survey of the East Jordan Valley: 1973 (Hashemite Kingdom
of Jordan, Department of Statistics, 1973), which was conducted by
37
the Department of Statistics in 1973. The final results of the
November 1978 Population Census of the East Jordan Valley and the
' National Census held in November 1979, both of which were conducted
j by the Department of Statistics, were not available at the time that
i
1 the present study was prepared.
; Professional commitments in the United States imposed a
| limitation on the amount of time available to the writer for fie ld
research in the East Jordan Valley. This constraint necessitated
the segmentation of the fie ld work into four separate periods ranging
\
[ from November 1977 to November 1979. In spite of the intermittence
! of the field research, continuity was attained through communication
i
with Jordanian agencies involved in the Valley's development,
/ notably, the Jordan Valley Authority, the Department of Statistics,
i
and the University of Jordan. The extended time period also permitted
i contact with technical and research personnel participating in ;
j various aspects of the region's development, as well as observation j
! of results from certain projects, such as completion of the school
t
! construction program planned as a component of the Village Development,
: i
Project I and installation of electricity in parts of the area. i
i
Methodology
I In this study, two methods were used to obtain data related
| to the labor activity, school attendance, and socioeconomic backgroundj
! of w om en in the East Jordan Valley. The fir s t was essentially \
I
\ ■
descriptive and included two primary modes: fir s t , field observation |
i
, of female residents during two visits to the area in November 1978 !
and March 1979; and second, unstructured interviews with key members
, of the villages, notably, the headmistresses of the g irls ' schools
i
i and the mayors (mukhtars) of the villages selected as study sites.
1 Interviews also were conducted in A m m an with officials of the
, following governmental agencies: the Jordan Valley Authority, the
1 Ministry of Education, and the Department of Statistics.
The second method of research entailed statistical analysis
of observed relationships between female labor activity, pre-
!
j university instruction and socioeconomic background on the basis of
- data obtained through a survey of wom en residing in the Valley. The
j high rate of illite ra c y which characterized the female population of
the region--in 1973, 90.4 percent of those over 12 years of age—
j precluded the use of a written questionnaire in this study. An
interview schedule was therefore developed to generate data pertain-
j ing to the designated variables.
| In November 1978, a pilo t study W as carried out in the Valley
I
I to determine two factors: f ir s t , the fe a s ib ility of gathering data
in the area by means of a questionnaire, and second, the validity of
I the test instrument its e lf. In this process, the interview schedule
[ was administered to 20 wom en residing in Deir A lla, a village in the
Valley's Middle Area. The number of respondents represented
approximately 10 percent of the total sample derived for,' the major
i
1 field study.
Following revision of the interview schedule on the basis of
i
: findings from the pretest, the main survey was conducted during the
period March 17-26, 1979. Three villages comprised the locus of the 1
i
t
i study, one in each of the subregions of the Valley:
i
i 1. El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein in the Southern Area;
! 2. Muaddi in the Middle Area;
3. El-Manshiya in the Northern Area.
i
' The locations of the researdh sites are noted on the m ap of the East
1 Jordan Valley which is designated as Figure 2.
The survey sample was drawn from the Valley's female
! population within the age groups of 15-24 years and 35-44 years. In
i
i
I each of the three villages, 70 women, of w hom 35 were from each age
group, were selected by random sampling of household units. A total
of 210 women, therefore, constituted the sample of the study, with
interviews conducted in Arabic by four Jordanian nationals with prior !
i experience in survey research.
Results of the interview procedure were translated from
' |
j Arabic into English and subsequently ordered for statistical analysis.
i
| In accordance with the questions underlying the study, the observed
; frequencies of labor activity, school attendance and socioeconomic j
characteristics related to the respondents were arranged in contin- j
j gency tables, and through application of the chi-square test,
I estimates were calculated at conventional levels of significance |
j regarding the likelihood that each variable was independent of the j
• i
I
j other. A measure of association also was sought to determine ;
I I
j improvement in the a b ility to predict values of the dependent variablej
; on the basis of data pertaining to the independent variable. The |
[_ lambda statistic was applied to yield this measure. j
40
0
JORDAN VALLEY
EAST GHOR DEVELOPMENT
l.
■Muaddi
El-Kafrein
Figure 2. The East Jordan Valley
The statistical results were then considered in terms of the
i
1 relationships described by the null hypotheses, and deviations from
t
the theoretical predictions were accounted for in the interpretation
. of findings.
; Methodological assumptions underlying the field investigation
■ were as follows:
1. The sample surveyed in the East Jordan Valley constituted an
appropriate population for the purposes of this study.
2. The interview schedule was a suitable instrument for
! gathering data pertaining to the variables on which the
investigation focused.
3. The interview experience of Jordanian nationals was an asset
i
to the survey conducted for this study. ■
4. Answers provided to interview items represented honest and
i
accurate estimations of the respondents' views and judgments. ,
; 5. Responses to the interview items were handled in an appro- j
! priate and accurate manner, thereby meeting requirements for ;
; i
! conducting the statistical tests. ;
; Organization of the Remainder
of the Study \
This examination of the educational background, labor activity
i i
: and socioeconomic characteristics of wom en in the East Jordan Valley
! begins with a review of related literature in Chapter I I . Research
i was considered in the following areas: economic participation am ong
i
j wom en in rural areas of developing countries, including the role of
[ Arab w om en in agricultural production; development planning in j
relation to the labor activity of women; relationships between
education and labor activity of wom en in developing societies;
and patterns of education and economic development that pertain to
the female population in the Middle East generally and Jordan
specifically.
Chapter I I I focuses on the methodology used in the study.
I t specifically sets forth the research design, p ilo t study results,
selection of the sample, nature of the survey instrument, data
gathering techniques, and data analysis procedures.
Chapter IV presents the findings of the field research, as
well as an analysis of the results in terms of the questions under
lying the problem area.
In the final chapter, a summary of the research is presented,
and conclusions are drawn regarding the educational attainment,
labor participation and socioeconomic characteristics of wom en in
the East Jordan Valley. This section also offers recommendations for
planning strategies that seek to enhance and diversify women's
economic activities in ligh t of the Valley's development goals.
This study then closes with the Bibliography and Appendixes.
CHAPTER II
REVIEW O F THE LITERATURE
This chapter provides a frame of reference for an examination
of the educational attainment, labor activity and socioeconomic
background of w om en in the East Jordan Valley. I t serves basically
as a vehicle for identifying concepts and empirical evidence that
enhance understanding of possible relationships between these
variables. In a broader context, this discussion represents a point
of reference for the design of planning strategies that recognize
w om en as well as m en as hum an resources whose fu ll participation
is central to development processes.
Within the vast literature on development, and that which
deals specifically with rural areas, wom en have emerged only recently
as a focus of interest and research. While early studies viewed
w om en from the unilateral perspective of their familial roles, the
burgeoning literature of the present spans women's participation in
multiple spheres--economic, p o litic a l, religious, cultural, as well
as social. Research on the Arab Middle East reveals a comparable
pattern: pioneering studies by Granqvist (1931, 1947), El-Daghestani
(1970), Am m ar (1954)and others stressed women's roles within the
kinship structure. Recent research, on the other hand, documents
the diversity and changing forms of women's participation in Arab
societies, underscoring the need to examine the factors that
44
contribute to the varied roles they actually perform within the
family and outside of its bounds.
For the purposes of the present study, recurrent themes have
been identified in the literature on rural development, as well as
research on wom en in Arab and other developing areas. These serve as
focal points, and thereby afford a framework, for analyzing variables
pertinent to wom en in the East Jordan Valley. The scope of this
discussion is not exhaustive. Certain facets which are marginal to
the problem under study are not considered; for example, f e r t ilit y
patterns and urban migration trends am ong rural women. From the
literature surveyed, the following themes represent selective, yet
essential elements that highlight relationships between the key
factors under study—the education, labor activity, and socioeconomic
background of wom en in a rural area of the Middle East in which
development processes have been initiated . Finally, they provide the
components of diagrams that summarize the major variables pertaining
to the education and work activity of wom en in a rural context.
Theme 1
The work performed by rural wom en in developing' societies
is reflected only marginally in national statistics. In a
fundamental way this contributes to the notion that w om en do not
engage in labor activities, nor do they represent a source of labor
potential--a view that is particulary prevalent with regard to the
Arab world.
45
The neglect of wom en as labor and producers is rooted in two
basic deficiencies that characterize the content and conduct of
development planning. First, inadequate concepts and methodologies,
notably pertaining to work a ctivity, impede accurate analysis of
economic phenomena in developing areas. The assignment of traditional
criteria to labor a c tivities, including monetary value and full-tim e
participation, underscores the prevalent view among planners that
defines work as gainful employment within a market structure. Accord
ing to Tinker (1976), the "mythical assumptions [that] a) 'work' is
performed for money, and b) ‘work1 is located only in the modern
sector*' (p. 23) detract from careful appraisal of the scope of women’s
economic participation in developing societies.
A second major factor contributing to the low valuation
placed on the labor productivity of wom en is the failure to recognize
the integration of female roles in a subsistence economy, the
predominant form of rural economic life in developing countries.
Where the family is the basic unit of production, as in a large
part of the agricultural sector, economic, maternal, and household
maintenance activities tend to overlap and assume commensurate value
in contributing to the economic support of the family (Abdullah &
Zeidenstein, 1976). The delineation of labor activities on the basis
of traditional c rite ria therefore has minimal significance since
agriculture
represents both a way of living and a means of earning
a living which makes i t d iffic u lt to distinguish between
people who live on the land [and subsist from it ] and
those who are gainfully employed in agricultural pursuits
[and thereby included in labor force statistics].
(Youssef, 1974a, p. 2)
Moreover, the prevailing measure of work activity in terms of
participation in the labor force is inappropriate where labor does
not encompass a formal, long-term, full-tim e commitment involving
wage compensation (Arizpe, 1977). While such elements characterize
labor performed within a market structure, they are intrinsic neither
to a non-market economy nor to an economy in which segments of the
population engage peripherally in the production of goods and
services and are thereby excluded from direct involvement in market
activities.
The use of the concept of labor force participation as the
basic unit for enumerating and analyzing work activity has major
implications for the economic contribution of wom en in rural areas.
O n the one hand, i t excludes from economic analyses numerous types
of work performed by wom en which involve goods and services with
market value, yet whose production is marginal to or outside of the
market economy. One category of activities pertains to wom en who
are self-employed. These tend to assume the form of cottage-type
industries, including the production of handicrafts and processed
foods for sale, as well as dressmaking and tailoring. The
identification and recording of such activities frequently elude
census surveys, in part because they often are performed within the
home, and also because production tends to occur sporadically to
accommodate multiple tasks (Papanek, 1976).
! 47
j Another source of work for wom en is the informal sector of
i
! the economy. Ranging from domestic service to street vending,
j
I
i activities in this sphere constitute work options for w om en whose
labor has no value in a cash economy or who face cultural obstacles
to work performed in close proximity to non-family men. The
importance of these activities to the support of wom en and their
! families is described in Maher's (1974) study which delineates a
number of informal economic roles performed by Moroccan wom en in a
semi-urban environment. Her analysis reveals not only the linkages
forged between the cash and subsistence sectors, but also "the ease
! with which wom en outside of the market economy can enter the margins
of the market world via service to its households and carry needed
| goods and cash back to their ow n subsistence sector" (Boulding, 1976,
p. 33).
Unpaid family labor represents a form of work activity that
| figures prominently in the inadequate recording of female activities,
i
j particularly where agriculture is a family-based enterprise.
! (According to the ILO, 1978, "unpaid family workers" are included
I
; am ong the economically active population. The identification and
j enumeration of this group constitute, however, "the most acute
problem in labour force classification," Gendell & Rossell, quoted
| in Deere, 1975.) According to Moore (1966), the categorization of
t
| unpaid family worker is "an attempt to represent s tatis tic a lly an
economic role that the market its e lf does not record"; as such, i t
is "anachronistic" because i t is based on "an incomplete development
| of an individualized labor market" (p. 199). The predominant
! economic structure of many rural areas does not conform to Moore's
i
model; however, to ignore the existence of alternate forms and
patterns of labor activity distorts prevailing conditions in these
settings. For wom en who constitute a major portion of "unpaid family '
labor," the failure to recognize their labor as a legitimate sphere
I of work activity denies both the existence of skills they acquire
i
in its performance and the contribution they make to productive
enterpri ses.
| Moreover, a need exists to delineate the labor provided by
wom en who, while working intermittently and not gaining wages,
i
provide services that enhance the money-earning capacities of other
members of the household (Papanek, 1976). The maintenance of
"kitchen gardens" and the production of clothing for family use
figure prominently in this context. While they are intended to meet ,
j basic consumption needs of the family, the value of such commodities j
I
stems from the fact that i f they are not produced by a member of the j
i
; household, they would have to be acquired with cash or through |
I i
exchange of other goods in a market setting, thus representing an I
I I
j economic lia b ility to the family. |
j Yet another sphere of female work activity includes labor |
! transactions that occur within a cash economy, but "which have j
I
i ,
| stayed hidden to economists because they have not looked for them"
i
j (Boulding, 1976, p. 5); for example, midwife services and custodial
' care of female-oriented businesses, such as public baths. This 1
t category is particularly important in societies, as in the Middle
!
1 East, where norms have traditionally prevailed favoring the
I
| seclusion of women. In such circumstances, wom en tend to avoid labor
i
! activities that involve participation in the public sphere or contact
with men. While their work might be less apparent or assume forms
that vary with dominant models of economic roles ( i. e . , labor in a
j market context), such features do not ju s tify conclusions that w om en
in these areas do not work or make valuable economic contributions
i
(Ahdab-Yehia, 1977). Instead, alternative modes of analysis and
measurement are required.
, The task of census-takers and labor analysts is further
i
hampered by a tendency among w om en to refrain from assigning economic
! value to their work. This stems in part from traditional patterns
of socialization that emphasize women's roles as wife and mother as
i their appropriate spheres of activity and responsibility. I t also
j reflects the perception, particularly am ong rural women, that work
performed in agriculture, handicraft production, and other areas is
j essentially an extension of household tasks rather than labor
provided for economic benefit. As Elmendorf (1976) has observed,
| asked i f she works, the rural w om en will often
j answer in the negative—even though she may do
j most of the planting or harvesting and take care
! of animals and gardens--partly because she usually
receives no money, but also because she considers
1 her labor as a family duty. (p. 90)
j
i The incomplete recognition and recording of labor activities
i foster inaccurate conclusions regarding the current economic
i
I activities and labor potential of rural women. Instead of producers
50
I essential to the rural economy, wom en tend to be viewed as reserve
i
j labor during periods of intermittent shortages, as cheap labor whose
earnings merely supplement the dominant income of male kin, or as
unskilled workers in family-based enterprises. This perspective can
yield distorted estimates of female labor activity, as observed by
! Youssefi (1974a) with regard to the Middle East:
i I f we are to trust statistical reporting, we can
say that [female agricultural workers] represent
a unique configuration of characteristics which
point to their marginality, i f not dispensability,
as an element in the agricultural economy of
Islamic societies, (p. 9)
In the East Jordan Valley, wom en represent one-third and
I
I therefore a sizable portion of the agricultural labor force. Survey
data from 1973 also record 96.1 percent of the w om en who are
* economically active as engaged in agricultural pursuits. A large
segment,however, does not generate income, but works instead as
unpaid labor on family farms; som e also are reported as working in
‘ i
! other areas, for example, in handicraft production, teaching, or i
1
I health care. j
I
One purpose of the present study was to examine these i
estimates of female economic participation in terms of current labor ■
i
conditions in the Valley. In this process, two major objectives were j
sought: fir s t, to obtain a comprehensive definition of the economic !
role of Valley wom en on the basis of a broad concept of work activity
that recognizes the integration of female roles in such a setting;
and second, to identify alternative forms of work that wom en could j
I
perform within the context of changing labor needs in the region.
51
The generation of data was thus intended to record the labor
activities in which Valley wom en are presently engaged and the
potential they offer for other areas of work.
Theme 2
Partially as a result of inadequate concepts and data related
to economic phenomena in developing societies, planners have tended
to exclude, or at best minimize, the labor of wom en as a fundamental
resource in rural development. There is a need in development
planning to alter the norms governing this approach and to advocate
instead policies that enhance the capabilities of w om en as well as
m en in a wide range of productive activities to benefit themselves,
their families and their communities.
As a basic premise of planning strategies that prevailed
during the 1950s and 1960s, wom en have been viewed as recipients of
development assistance and a priori beneficiaries of programs designed
to promote aid objectives. Until the 1970s, both assumptions remained
essentially unchallenged, namely, that development programs were
reaching and impacting on women, and that receiving aid was synonymous
with benefiting from aid.
Recent studies offer extensive evidence that contradicts
these assertions. Particularly am ong the poorest strata in rural
areas, w om en have not derived the requisite share of development aid
to sustain themselves and their families, either directly or through
a "trickle down" effect. Moreover, in instances where programs have
reached rural women, the prevailing emphasis has been on the provision
of social services that enhance maternal roles--child care, nutrition
and household maintenance--while the development of economically
productive skills has been widely neglected (Germain, 1976).
These outcomes of development policies have origins in varied
sources. One is the perception am ong planners that wom en constitute
an undifferentiated group who, regardless of location or economic
status, perform virtu ally identical roles, and have uniform needs.
Evidence challenging this denial of the inherent diversity am ong
Third World wom en has emerged from analyses of women's participation
in society that emphasize specific contextual or structural vari
ables, as exemplified by the following:
1. Kandiyoti (1977) documented the role variations am ong
Turkish women, including their economic ac tiv itie s, on the basis of
social setting or community structure.
2. Stoler (1977) stressed socioeconomic level as the
primary variable in differential labor productivity, noting: |
i
the simple generalization that wom en in Java I
have a relatively high position obscures !
fundamental differences in their access to
and control over productive resources. Poverty
is indeed shared, but only am ong the already
impoverished m en and wom en of rural Java. (p. 89) j
I
3. Focusing on variations that occur at different points in
a woman's life cycle, Dixon (1976) described the potential for |
i
increased decision-making am ong Moslem and Hindu wom en who earn wages.,
Marital instability and divorce also impose greater requirements on
wom en to engage in income-generating activities in order to provide
for their financial support (Mernissi, 1976; G. F. Papanek, 1975).
53
Planning strategies also have neglected to take into account
the variable impact that change processes can exert on women. (The
potential for change processes to affect rural wom en adversely is
considered more fu lly in Theme 3.) The outcome of planned change
stems basically from the interaction between the specific content of
the change and the women's particular circumstances. Examples from
the literature illu strate the dynamics of the process and its
potential for yielding both favorable and adverse results:
1. In her pioneering study of wom en in development, Boserup
(1970) described the reduction in female participation in agriculture
as stemming partially from changes in technology that enhance the
roles of m en at both supervisory and laborer levels. Furthermore,
by excluding women, training and extension services have actually
exacerbated the disparity in agricultural productivity between wom en
and men.
2. A s economic development generates both financial
pressures and shifts in the occupational structure, norms governing
the definition of appropriate economic activities for w om en might be
altered and the range of work options expanded, as in the case of
Pakistani wom en who work in light industry (H. Papanek, 1975).,
Regarding the Middle East, Youssef (1974b) defines changing economic
conditions as a key factor in future increases in labor participation
among women, predicting that "weakened family economic relationships
w ill be the nemesis of male prerogatives to restrict and censure
wom en" (p. 125).
54
3. The migration of male kin to urban and industrializing
| areas in search of wage employment places increased responsibility
i upon rural wom en to meet their own and their children's needs (Maher,
i
1 1974; Mueller, 1977; Swanson, 1975). While diversifying the scope
of their ac tiv itie s, i t also augments their work burden; without
; training and access to tools and other resources, the quality of
« women's work declines and as a result, the welfare of their families.
While the fallacy of the "recipient/beneficiary" corollary
has become increasingly apparent, the reluctance to include w om en
as participants in development processes remains a persistent
characteristic; of policy planning (Simmons, 1976). This failure
rests in large measure with the normative aspects of planning that
relate to wom en in developing societies. Instead of an open-ended
perspective focusing on the diverse circumstances of women's lives,
the dominant approach has been based on narrow views and a specific
value orientation regarding the appropriate roles that wom en should
perform.
In the labor sphere, the fact that wom en work for a variety
of reasons, and thereby demonstrate varying work patterns, has rarely
been acknowledged. The notion has prevailed that wom en who work do
so mainly to supplement the earnings of male family members or to
acquire certain consumption items; in short, "female laborjias
been considered dispensable" (Van Dusen, 1977, p. 25).
Recent studies of developing areas, on the other hand,
emphasize female work participation as necessary to the maintenance
and well-being of the family (Arizpe, 1977; Simmons, 1976). While
55
planners concerned with the Middle East persistently adhere to the view
that Arab wom en do not engage in economic a c tiv itie s, case studies
document not only that they do work, but also that their labor in
certain contexts is essential to their support and that of their
families. Am ong others, Davis (1978) reached this conclusion on the
basis of research in Morocco:
In a traditional village a w om an does not
usually choose to take on an activity to
earn additional income or enrich her life
as a Westerner might; rather, she does i t
out of necessity, (p. 417)
■ I
The importance of female labor as a resource to meet economic
needs is underscored in two additional sets of circumstances. The i
I
fir s t originates from expectations that are generated as the basic !
requirements of life are satisfied. In this context, families often
perceive female members as essential contributors to the realization
of S till higher living standards and a better way of lif e , particu
larly for their children (Cernea, 1978).
The second focuses upon the incidence of wom en as heads of
households in developing societies, which recent research suggests
is more extensive than previously reported (Buvinic & Youssef, 1979).
Am ong planners, the assumed primacy of the extended family in these
regions has tended to obscure the possibility that w om en do not
always or necessarily adhere to a larger kinship network. Moreover,
where the seclusion of w om en has been traditionally preferred, as in
the Middle East, norms governing the obligation of m en to support
female kin are neither absolute nor universally observed (Maher,
1974; Youssef, 1974b). That wom en do head the family unit and
56
assume primary responsibility for supporting the household challenge,
j
| from the standpoint of both survival and equity, the continued
' adherence to policies that channel training, credit, and other
I .
| services almost exclusively to men.
The hesitancy* to invest in the development of labor skills
am ong w om en also is rooted in the view that rural wom en are innately
i inferior as workers and ignorant generally (Boserup, 1970). Physio
logical and psychological factors are advanced to ju s tify the
. assignment of labor tasks according to what types of work are
, "suitable" for w om en and as a result, whether or not they receive
i
training and in which areas (Brown, 1970). With reference to
agriculture, for example,
the lack of training of w om en in agriculture in
countries where agricultural training is offered
to m en is derived from the general belief--shared
by most agricultural experts—that agriculture
with female labour is backward and that female
labour should i f possible be replaced by male
labour when agriculture is modernized. (Boserup &
Li 1jencrantz, 1975, pp. 15-16)
, This rationale merely serves to reinforce both existing socialization
: patterns that emphasize women's low stature as workers and limitations
i
on their training in a variety of job-related areas. Lacking self-
confidence and s k ills, wom en almost invariably produce at a marginal
! level, thereby confirming the premise.
i
I W om en, particularly in rural areas, are also perceived as
| resistant to change (Nash, 1977). While often attributed to the
strength of cultural traditions, this lack of receptivity is rarely
considered as a consequence of development processes--of ideas and
technologies that displace w om en from traditional activities and
threaten their status, or that increase their work burdens and
reduce their productivity (Germain, 1976). Irrigation, for example,
increases the potential for year-round farming and multiple
| cropping; i t also vastly expands weeding and harvesting tasks which
are performed by wom en in many agricultural areas. Yet labor-saving
I
i aids to offset this burden are seldom introduced in these or other
facets of their work.
Women's adherence to the traditional delineation of roles
also has been interpreted as acceptance of, and indeed preference for,
the status quo. Yet i f opportunities to acquire status and maintain '
a secure existence through alternative modes are lacking, or i f
wom en cannot perceive them as being beneficial, the expectation that
wom en w ill embrace change is unfounded.
! The factors that shape the attitudes of rural w om en towards
i change must be examined to anticipate their response to specific i
i
! project strategies and to enhance their participation in development
i
I ;
! generally. In this context, program planning should take the j
i I
; following into account: f ir s t, resistance to development programs |
, i
' does not invariably signify satisfaction with existing conditions, j
i
but is rather a rational response where wom en experience a reduction
i i
! in productive activities and are denied access to training and other
I services; and second, the capacity of rural wom en to understand their ,
i :
; needs and evaluate possible solutions should not be underestimated: j
; ' 1 *'— —"»
I 581
I
!
Though they may not always conceptualize or explain ;
them as problems, the behavior [of rural wom en] is
usually addressed to solving them. Thus, i f a w om an
j is very much concerned with her family's economic
I and social security, she may not be interested in
! adopting new nutrition or health practices which
to her mind may distract her from that goal, or
mean more work without economic reward or whatever
kind of gain she perceives as important. (Abdullah &
Zeidenstein, 1976, p. 10)
j Persistent assumptions, coupled with deficient concepts and
I
i inaccurate statistics, have precluded the widespread acceptance of
rural wom en as participants in development. Even where evidence
exists that planning can enhance the economic participation of women, ,
as in the Comilla Project in Pakistan, the strategy has "not been
replicated because the productivity of wom en is not a policy priority
of any planning agency" (Boulding, 1976, p. 43).
To broaden the planning framework to include wom en as well as !
i
I ;
m en as labor resources, recent in itia tiv e s , such as the enactment of :
the Percy Amendments, must be expanded and new strategies devised.
i
i The "Percy Amendments" to the U.S. Foreign Assistance Acts of 1973
| and 1974 mandate that I
i i
In recognition of the fact that wom en in developing 1
countries play a significant role in economic j
production, family support, and the overall develop- |
ment process, U.S. aid shall be administered so as j
to give particular attention to those programs,
i projects and activities which tend to integrate
| wom en into the national economies of developing
i countries, thus improving their status and assisting I
I the total development effo rt. '
In spite of the optimism inherent in "the message that wom en [as] a
force in the rural economy has been heard" (United States Agency for
i
I International Development, 1978, p. 7), the scope and nature of their
economic activity are not well understood, which hinders the design
of projects to promote this resource within the overall framework
of development objectives.
Furthermore, the desired role of wom en in the labor sphere
is rarely defined with clarity. In the Kingdom of Jordan, for
example, the development strategy set forth in the Five-Year Plan
for Economic and Social Development (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan,
National Planning Council, 1976) includes "significantly widening
the role of wom en in productive economic work" (p. 55). A delineation
of that role is lacking, however, while measures to advance this !
objective are limited to "direct[ing] wom en training (sic) into
areas that serve to widen its (sic) participation in the labour
force" (p. 58).
In policy-related research, as well as program planning, the 1
value of focusing on wom en and their spheres of activity must be
weighed within a broad framework of development issues. Efforts to j
"integrate wom en in development" have generated criticism that in :
I
a zealous attempt to compensate for past neglect, women-specific
[
projects succeed only in separating w om en out from development !
processes, thereby further increasing the marginality of their j
*
contribution to rural development. The perception that these I
i
programs impact exclusively on wom en is not accurate, however, and !
again reveals a lack of comprehension of the interrelated roles that
wom en play in these societies, as well as the fallacy of considering j
one in isolation from the others. As Newland (1979) has noted, the
6 0 S
problems of "hunger, unemployment, and rapid population growth . . .
are not separate from women's problems, and i t is fu tile to imagine
that they can be resolved without women's active participation"
In areas where the seclusion of w om en has been favored, the
particular characteristics of their social and economic position
; constitute factors that delimit program options from a planning
standpoint. Germain (1975) cautions, however, that "cultural
traditions should not be used as a justification for inaction but as
a means of defining clear and intelligible-goals and developing
sensitively designed and well-executed programs" (p. 196). Further
more, the prevalence of purdah norms does not preclude the possibil
ity f ir s t , that wom en perform multiple roles within and outside the
household, and second, that the actual observance of female seclusion
deviates from its preferred practice. As Barhoum (1976) noted with
| respect to the East Jordan Valley, the family structure of farm
1 production accords social legitimacy to work performed by w om en in
| the fields; in parts of the Valley, this allows w om en to make a j
i I
! major contribution to the support of their families. O n the other <
hand, acceptance of female participation in family agricultural j
i
enterprises also might detract from the expansion and diversification
!
; of women's labor activity in a range of income-generating areas that '
would benefit the wom en and their families even more. Am ong those
who receive wages for agricultural labor, the prevailing structure
I ■
that pays wom en at half the rate for males (United States Agency for ,
(P- 8).
61
International Development, 1975) might reduce overall labor costs,
but also diminishes the economic value of female labor in terms of
both their monetary contribution to the family's support and an
increase in their productivity resulting from wage incentives.
This study of wom en in the East Jordan Valley was conceived
to gather information pertaining to sources of Tabor as well as
training to enhance work productivity in the region. Beyond the
incidence of women's economic participation, i t also sought to
identify the reasons they work and their receptivity to the
diversification of the Valley's economy, including its impact upon
their ow n productive activities. Moreover, the data served as a
basis for considering incentives to encourage Valley wom en to acquire
income-generating skills and participate in economically-productive
areas in which labor shortages exist.
Theme 3
In the course of development, the structure and content of
the rural economy undergo change; for example, farming tends to
evolve from a family-based subsistence activity to large-scale,
commercial production. In agriculture as well as other spheres,
this process impacts on wom en and m en differentially; while m en tend
to gain preferential access to technology and wage employment, wom en
are often displaced from their economic tasks or remain in
traditional activities whose productive value diminishes as
commercialized goods and services increase. For Arab wom en whose
role in agriculture is generally perceived as marginal, the failure
to recognize their labor potential in this sphere effectively curtails
their productivity and overall participation in the rural economy.
The organization of production in a subsistence economy is
rooted in the household whose members perform imultiple tasks that
contribute to its support and well-being. While wom en and m en tend
to have specific areas of responsibility within this framework, their
roles usually are strongly interdependent across a range of activities
that require both laborer and supervisory skills (Boserup, 1970).
Am ong rural women, economic activities span a variety of fields,
including food cultivation, animal care, and water and fuel collec
tion, which are performed concurrently with child care, household
maintenance, clothing construction and the production of utensils
for household use.
With the diversification and monetization of the rural
economy, the family as the unit of production is superceded by
commercial activity outside of the home. Labor tasks become
increasingly specialized, and institutions evolve to provide
differentiated services within the production process. As this
occurs, the economic functions performed by household members are
altered, and a dichotomization in labor roles between wom en and m en
tends to emerge in which wom en are increasingly confined to child
care and traditional home-based activities. The net result is that
m en have a greater propensity than wom en to enter the formal labor
market, acquire the requisite training for income-generating
j ac tivitie s, and gain access to techniques and equipment used in
I productive processes.
i
! As development occurs in the agricultural sphere, the economic
i
■ tasks performed by women—and thus, their contribution to food
i
' production—undergo change in accordance with this pattern. Where
food is cultivated primarily for family consumption, wom en have
]
j assumed a major role in productive a c tiv itie s, leading Palmer (1976)
to conclude that "in hum an evolution, and until comparatively recently
in most countries, women's place has been in the fields growing food"
i
(p. 2). Their tasks have been multiple and varied according to
climatic conditions, resource allocation, farming techniques and
cropping patterns; in som e regions, patterns of specialized labor
1 are evident in which certain agricultural tasks are identified as
predominantly female ac tiv itie s, for example, poultry raising and
weeding (Boserup, 1974).
: The introduction of "modern" agricultural practices and
I
' technology focusing on the expansion of production transforms not
only the basic objective of food cultivation—from a subsistence t
f !
j activity to a commercial enterprise—but also the essence and value
' of women's labor participation. As numerous studies have documented
I (Boserup, 1970; Mead, 1976; Palmer, 1976; Tinker, 1976), a pervasive
! 1
feature of "modern" agriculture in developing societies! has been the :
j failu re to recognize women's role as food producers, which has led
! to restrictions on their access to training, extension services, (
1 improved production inputs and equipment, credit, marketing, and j
| other related fa c ilitie s . A major consequence of this neglect has
j 64
| been a differentiation in work spheres and productivity according to
| sex which in Boulding's (1976) view, forms the basis of the "state of
1 economic dualism . . . [in rural areas that is] . . . characterized
by the coexistence of a low-productivity subsistence agriculture
; sector and a high-productivity agrobusiness and industrial sector"
(p. i) .
The emergence of this dualistic structure has had varied
and for the most part, adverse effects upon women's roles in
agricultural production. In areas where large-scale, commercialized
agriculture has evolved, the economic participation of wom en has
i generally been reduced; for example, when labor-saving techniques
have displaced them from traditional a c tiv itie s , or when home-grown
products or household-based services have lost value in competition
with mass-produced commodities (Schultz, 1972). As the rewards
derived from traditional activities have declined while access to
remunerated jobs in the commercialized sector has become restricted,
i
: the economic productivity of rural wom en has diminished; this in turn
1 I
has promoted their dependency upon male kin as wage earners. j
! Conversely, when rural wom en have persisted in traditional 1
i
home-based activities while resources have been channeled mainly into
i
the market sector, they have found l i t t l e re lie f from the time-
< consuming, arduous subsistence tasks performed for their families. '
Moreover, this burden has been increased when new techniques to
i i
j enhance production have been introduced without regard for the added j
{ !
I workload fallin g on women; for example, as already noted, where !
I 1
I irrigation has expanded crop-yields, thereby increasing weeding and
harvesting needs, wom en who perform these tasks in many areas have
rarely been provided tools or taught practices to manage the
i
j additional work effectively without loss of productivity. As Mead
(1976) has observed, the "archaic notion" (p. 10) that only m en
should have access to mechanized equipment deprives wom en of
1 needed aids to relieve their drudgery and free time for other
productive activities.
I The work performed by wom en in agriculture is further
augmented when changing economic conditions in rural areas generate
financial pressures on residents. To help meet family needs, wom en
in som e areas must seek remunerated jobs in non-family fields in
addition to cultivating "kitchen gardens" to produce food for their
i
family's ow n consumption. Their financial contribution to the
household's support is invariably smaller, however, than that of
male kin because of prevailing wage structures that pay wom en at
i lower rates than men, a practice that is ju stified in terms of the j
■ alleged in fe rio rity of women's work in only the most routinized
i
!
i tasks, while m en handle machinery and have access to modern farming
practices (Newland, 1979). The lack of opportunity for wom en to gain i
equal wages, largely due to the differential allocation in training I
i and other resources between wom en and men, limits the growth of
I
\ .
j incomes and thereby the living standards of rural inhabitants
j (Boserup & Li 1jencrantz, 1975).
1 i
; A larger share of agricultural work is also assumed by wom en 1
i
j when male kin enter non-agricultural employment in the village or |
migrate to wage jobs in industrial or other sectors (Boserup, 1970;
Cernea, 1978). O n small farm units, this represents an acute
problem for wom en who bear primary responsibility for the fields
and the hom e without adequate support in terms of hum an labor or
capital resources. These circumstances are particularly conducive
to increasing reliance on children as labor in the fields and at
home, and thereby constitute an incentive to a high rate of both
population growth and non-attendance or a ttritio n am ong children at
school.
Even in recent literature, scant attention has been paid to
the agricultural role of wom en in Arab societies. In her early
classification of subsistence farming systems, Boserup (1970)
concluded that low rates of female participation characterized areas >
in which plough cultivation predominates, as in most agricultural
areas of Arab states. Am ong the factors that account for this
pattern, Boserup suggested the following as the most salient: the |
i
use of animal draft power, the availab ility of a large group of |
I
wage laborers, and the strength of cultural norms favoring the
seclusion of women.
Drawing upon available labor statistics, as well as Boserup's
analysis, Youssef (1974a) also has emphasized the low incidence of
agricultural labor am ong wom en in Muslim societies. Furthermore, to |
advance the thesis that the primary need of wom en in rural areas is j
I
to engage in economic activities over which they have control, :
j
I
Youssef has attempted to discount agriculture as an area of
67
productive activity from which Arab wom en can gain economic and
personal rewards. Her rationale, however, is exceedingly tenuous:
The important point to consider is that wom en in
Muslim countries do not have a historical tradi
tion in farming (as is true in Africa); they do
not bring to this economic process a special
s k ill or talent. Despite the possibility of a
heavy undercount, wom en are a second class,
marginal, i f not, in fact, dispensable element
- in the agriculture system, (p. 16)
While a tradition of participation in agriculture undoubtedly
perpetuates and facilita te s female work in this sphere, i t hardly
constitutes a sufficient explanation for the substantial variations
in agricultural work performed by women, both within the Arab world
and am ong Muslim wom en in other regions (Stuart, 1978b). Moreover, in
their examination of female work activity in specific agricultural
areas of the Middle East, other observers, including M’ rabet (1967)
and Hussein (1974) have argued that in most aspects of farming—crop
cultivation, animal care, dairy and poultry farming—wom en provide a
large component of the labor s k ills.
In agricultural regions of the Middle East, as elsewhere, the
foremost concern of policy formulation regarding labor does not
pertain to historical patterns of work ac tiv ity , but to the cultiva
tion and distribution of food. While the particular characteristics
of a given farming area must be considered in defining policy
options, such as the allocation of tasks according to gender, the
range of alternative strategies should not be reduced by virtue of
past or preferred practices. The c ritic a l element in the development
of food resources—as well as a higher living standard for
inhabitants--is the productivity of the agricultural sector;;in this
i regard, the a v a ilab ility of labor with requisite skills assumes
i
; major importance.
i
From the standpoint of policy planning, the paucity of
i information on the types of work activity performed by Arab w om en and
the scope of their participation seriously detracts from the
definition of program options for developing the needed supply of
agricultural labor. The accurate recording of farm work undertaken
i
! by wom en in a given region is an essential step in the recognition of
actual and potential labor sources. In this regard, work classifica
tion systems that incorporate varied types of activities within and
outside of the market structure can fa c ilita te identification and
analysis of female labor; for example, the United Nations Interna
tional Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) (1974) model that
delineates agricultural work activity according to wage employment
in the "modern" sector, casual or part-time labor, and self-
employment as ow n account workers; or Boulding's (1975) food systems
typology that comprises four key processes: production, intermediate
processing, distribution, and processing for final consumption.
Varying levels of productivity according to climate and
technology, as well as labor supply patterns on a year-round and
seasonal basis within a given area, also impact on policy issues
related to women's participation in agriculture. For example, where
shortages of agricultural labor exist, as in the East Jordan Valley,
an alternative to the development of indigenous skills (e.g ., am ong
women) is the importation of foreign workers. Yet the costs of this
policy are substantial in terms of the reduction in overall earnings
among residents and of potentially disruptive effects from varying
cultural practices and norms.
Moreover, the specific objectives of agricultural policy in
a region set parameters on the scope and character of labor needs
and as such, on women's potential role in this sector. The size and
skills requirements of the labor force w ill, therefore, vary accord
ing to agricultural priorities that focus on the production of
commodities for export, the expansion of goods for national
consumption, or the promotion of subsistence activities to meet
community-based needs.
I f national policy supports the participation of wom en in
agriculture, measures to promote this decision are ultimately
contingent on the nature of their desired role--namely, whether wom en ;
f
w ill continue to concentrate on subsistence activities and/or engage i
!
in modern farming. In the subsistence sector, for example, increasing1
female productivity is hindered by the diversity of their economic
tasks which precludes the development of specialized skills (Palmer, ‘
i
i
1976); a need, therefore, exists to increase competencies in vital !
areas while concomitantly reducing the arduousness of their work j
overall. To expand women's participation in modern agriculture, as |
well as enhance their performance of subsistence tasks, strategies
i
are required that span training in farm practices and equipment, as i
i
well as accounting and management techniques; the provision of support
I 70
fa c ilitie s , including credit and marketing services; and the develop
ment of farm-related institutions, or increased access to existing
organizations, such as farmers' cooperatives.
Work options for rural wom en in nonagricultural areas also
i
! must be considered in terms of development objectives for diversify
ing the rural economy and meeting labor needs in the agricultural
: sector. Rural industries and service jobs, as well as handicraft
i
production and other traditional home-based ac tivitie s, may offer
wom en opportunities for income-generation. The essential factors
: which define these and other spheres as viable work activities for
rural wom en include the potential they offer for enhancing the
productivity of wom en and the financial contribution they make to
their ow n and their families' support, while concurrently maintaining ;
or increasing their status within the family and the community at
large. For wom en who have been traditionally confined to the home,
the promotion of cottage industries or rural-based enterprises j
employing only w om en provides an avenue for increasing their income- 1
earning prospects in activities that are basically compatible with j
established roles that draw on skills that w om en may already possess
i
and that can u tiliz e local materials (Dhamija, 1975). While serving
as a source of revenue, such activities also can provide work (
i
experience that could be further enhanced with training and material \
inputs, thereby engendering skills for a greater range of economic i
i
i
roles. ;
In the Kingdom of Jordan, the development of agriculture,
_ notably in the East Jordan Valley, represents a policy objective to
! 71
expand food exports as a measure to improve the nation's balance of
| trade, as well as to meet domestic consumption needs. A key obstacle
j to the realization of increased productivity in this sector, and
! thereby higher living standards for Valley residents, is a shortage
i of labor which led to the decision in 1977 to import foreign workers,
i
1 mainly from Pakistan and Egypt. Planners also are seeking to promote
i
■ the migration of Jordanian nationals into the Valley, a policy that
re a lis tica lly serves at best only long-range prospects in light of
competition from lucrative employment opportunities in urban areas
and overseas.
Yet another strategy with both short- and long-term implica
tions is the expansion of the agricultural role of wom en who already
reside in the Valley. Planning documents related to the East Jordan
Valley, however, fa il to consider or enunciate policy regarding the
potential of female residents for meeting the labor needs of the
f area (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Jordan Valley Commission, 1976;
. Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, National Planning Council, 1972; United
i
1 Nations Development Programme, 1976; United States Agency for
International Development, 1975). While most of the w om en who work
{
| in the Valley are engaged in agricultural pursuits—representing an
i increasing share of labor, particularly during harvest--no provision
I
has been made for training to upgrade their s kills, or for other
i services to enhance and diversify their participation. Within the
I
: planning framework, i t also is unclear whether Valley wom en are
viewed as a potential source of labor as support services in the area
I
[ expand and the requirements for non-farm workers increase.
72
The fie ld survey conducted in the East Jordan Valley as a
part of the present study was designed not only to identify the types
of work performed by female residents, but also to achieve a measure
of both their awareness of work opportunities related to changing
economic conditions in the area and their interest in acquiring the
needed skills to work in these fields. This investigation also was
undertaken to develop a data base for the formulation of strategies
to increase the quality of the work and overall productivity of
Valley women, which could thereby enhance their potential for
contributing to a higher living standard in the area. The essence
of this approach is, therefore, in harmony with Boulding's (1976)
view that
more recognition of the actual productivity of
female labor, and more allocation of resources
to female labor, particularly in agriculture,
might well be the decisive factor for a country
in determining whether . . . the trap of
economic dualism can be sprung, (p. 28)
Theme 4
During the past three decades, opportunities for education
and school attendance among wom en have increased in developing areas,
including the Middle East. In most Arab states, however, disparities
in enrollments, fa c ilitie s and curricular options continue to
characterize the education of w om en vis-a-vis that of men, suggesting
an enduring legacy of secondary stature as well as differential
c riteria in planning related to female education.
In developing areas, the in itia l thrust of change in education
during the 1950s and early 1960s occurred in terms of quantitative
growth. Facilities expanded; enrollments swelled, mainly in primary
grades, although matriculation to higher levels also increased; and
expenditures rose at correspondingly higher rates than enrollments. •
The results were such that "the sheer growth of education [during
this period] must be viewed as an unprecedented and even heroic
achievement" (Ward, 1974, p. xvi).
Am ong women, the gains in school attendance were particularly
striking, with female enrollments "expanding faster than male
enrollments in many places and at many levels" (Jolly, 1974, p. 62).
The magnitude of this growth is in part a function of limitations on
educational opportunities for wom en that prevailed in many societies
because of the secondary value accorded to their learning. In
essence, wom en have had farther to go to achieve equality in
education, and the margin for increase in their enrollments has been
correspondingly greater.
Women's education in developing areas also has been advanced |
by assumptions, held by governments and individuals, that education
yields widespread benefits and is an indispensable catalyst for j
i
overall development. From a national perspective, education has been 1
viewed as essential to the pursuit of multiple goals; these have <
ranged from forging national unity, enhancing the country's prestige '
in the world, and producing manpower and knowledge requisite for
}
I
economic development, to reducing population growth and promoting ;
citizen participation in national development. With education defined*
as a means to these ends, the expansion of educational opportunities
became a prominent feature of government policy in the postcolonial
74
era, prompting strategies to increase financial allocations to
schools and promote attendance am ong wom en and m en (Adams, 1977).
Foremost am ong expansion objectives during this period was the
universalization of primary education: in the Middle East, for
example, ministers of both education and economic planning from the
Arab states resolved at a 1966 United Nations Educational,
Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) conference held in
Tripoli that compulsory education for female and male students
should be achieved at the primary level by 1980 (UNESCO, 1970, as
quoted in Abu-Laban & Abu-Laban, 1976).
Am ong individuals, demands for increased educational
opportunities have been fostered by expectations regarding the
outcomes to be gained from schooling. For the poorer inhabitants
of developing societies, and therefore the majority, education has
been valued as the principal means for upward social and economic
mobility. I t has represented above all the major hope of parents
that their children would acquire the needed qualifications for wage
employment in the modern economy and, ultimately, a better living
standard than their ow n (Faure, 1972). In spite of persistently
lower rates of enrollment and literacy am ong g irls , public demand
for schooling has included daughters as well as sons. Am ong Third
World women, Huston (1979) has observed that equal access to
education for girls is widely favored in the expectation that
education would "assure their a b ility to earn a decent living"
(p. 24).
The phenomenon of marked growth in women's education is also «
i
j a decided reality in the Arab Middle East. In this region,
j i
! female enrollment increased at an average annual !
! growth rate of nine percent between 1960 and 1965, i
! and 5.5 percent between 1965 and 1970. Obviously
1 these are much higher than average annual growth
rates among the female student population which
means that education is becoming increasingly
accessible to more females of school age.
I (El-Sanabary, 1975, p. 2)
In the early stages, advances in g irls' schooling occurred essentially
at the primary level. The extent of progress has varied according to ,
the particular historical development of women's education in each
Arab state. Thus, som e countries which had provided v irtu a lly no
educational opportunities for girls until the second half of the 20th
century, as most states of the Arabian Peninsula, achieved notable
rates of growth in female enrollments at the primary level after
1950; e.g ., between 1950 and 1975 the proportion of female students
in the total enrollment rose from nil to 36 percent in Saudi Arabia
| !
I and from nil to 46 percent in Kuwait (United Nations Educational,
i
Scientific, and Cultural Organization, 1978). In contrast, states
in which primary school fa c ilitie s for girls had been established
j during the 19th and early 20th centuries, such as Egypt, Lebanon,
i Syria, Morocco, and Tunisia, attained relatively high female rates
as percentages of total enrollments by 1950 and made more modest
! gains thereafter (El-Sanabary, 1975).
i -
In terms of the overall status achieved by 1975, female
i
j students accounted for over 40 percent of a ll primary enrollments in
I
I Jordan, Lebanon, Kuwait and Qatar, and one-third in most other Arab
76
I states. In Jordan, progress at this level was particularly
j pronounced: the percentage of female students reached 31 percent of
i
! the total in 1950 and further increased to 43.9 percent by 1970; in
1977-1978, girls represented 46.8 percent of the primary school
! population and therefore had reached near parity in enrollment at
this level (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Ministry of Education, 1978;
' United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization,
1978). Gross ratios provide basic information on student enrollment
patterns whose usefulness is limited by their generalized nature.
Other indicators yield more detail--and ultimately insights--regarding
the student-age population, for example, net enrollment ratios (which
reflect the number enrolled as a percentage of the appropriate age
■ group--e.g., 6-11 years for the primary level), and grade completion
figures. Such data are not widely available for developing
societies, however, and standardization of data collection methods
pertaining to each is needed to enhance comparability. |
At mid-century, female access to secondary and higher
education was more sharply curtailed throughout the region; increases j
in enrollments at these levels emerged later and at a slower pace
than had occurred in the case of the primary grades. Once in itiated ,
however, the momentum for growth was considerable:
i
We, thus, find that within the 1960's the increase j
in secondary school enrollment was higher for I
wom en than i t was for the population as a whole. j
. . . More striking is the sharp upward trend !
recorded for women's enrollment at higher educational I
levels. (Youssef, 1976-1977, p. 198) 1
By the end of this decade, the enrollment rate am ong
Jordanian girls in the secondary cycle had reached 34.1 percent of
the to ta l, which was surpassed only by Lebanon (40.1 percent),
Bahrain (40.8 percent) and Kuwait (42.6 percent) (United Nations
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, 1978). Since
1970, s t ill further growth has occurred at this level: in eight
Arab states including Jordan, the increase in enrollments am ong
female pupils in secondary schools ranged between 5 percent and 8
percent, and exceeded 10 percent in Qatar and Saudi Arabia; only
Iraq and O m an recorded no gains during this period. By 1977-1978,
the number of girls attending secondary schools in Jordan had risen
to 40.5 percent of the total (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Ministry
of Education, 1978).
In terms of university education, the dramatic progress ;
recorded in a few Arab states tends to overshadow the gains m ade '
elsewhere; e.g ., female enrollments in Kuwait and Bahrain surged !
from nil in 1960 to 48.4 percent and 52.2 percent of the totals,
respectively, in 1970. Nevertheless, increases also were registered .
in countries with larger populations and limited financial resources;
in Jordan, for example, the female percentage of the total university
enrollment grew from 24 percent in 1960 to 29.9 percent in 1970, and
upward to 35.7 percent by the 1976-1977 academic year (Tutunji, 1978;
United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization,
1978). (Enrollment figures include students attending Jordanian
institutions only, not Jordanian nationals studying outside of the
country.) j
The quantitative progress in school attendance suggests that
acceptance of women's education has become increasingly widespread
in the Arab world. The sparse literature on educational development
in the region, however, yields only limited insight into this
phenomenon as well as into the neglect that has characterized
education for Arab w om en until the present era. In Arab societies,
the low status previously accorded to female education is often
alleged to be rooted historically in opposition based upon religious
grounds. Although refuted by Islamic entreaties that a ll followers—
female and male--seek knowledge, this rationale has been advanced
nevertheless to ju s tify the protracted curtailment of learning
opportunities for wom en (Rafael,1969).
Efforts to define the origins of inequities in education for
wom en in the Middle East have frequently overlooked the limitations
upon schooling for Arab men, which basically encompassed religious
instruction and preparation for government or m ilitary services. The
extension of education to a broader population of wom en and m en did
not occur in Arab states until education as a mass movement gained
momentum in the late 19th century and ultimately reached fruition by
the middle of the following century. As El-Sanabary (1975) has
observed, in Arab countries with a legacy of colonial rule, " it was
only after the achievement of national independence that women's
education and education generally came to be viewed as a vehicle for
the advancement of the individual and society" (p. 2).
79
El-Sanabary (1975) further contends that throughout the
region, the advances in women's education have benefited directly
from governmental efforts to promote education for socioeconomic
development. Given the impetus that a development perspective can
; create, what tangible outcomes have planners and citizens in the
Middle East expected to gain from the expansion of women's education?
I
! O n the whole, the evidence is elusive. According to available
studies, schooling for wom en appears to be valued for the acquisition
of skills that augment their effectiveness in child rearing and
household tasks (Nath, 1978). In addition, education for wom en as
' teachers and physicians is promoted in Arab states insofar as their
training can serve the needs of other women. Moreover, a "modern"
or "progressive" status is frequently associated with families who
enroll daughters in school; education also can be perceived as
enhancing the prospects of a daughter's marriage to a m an who is
educated and who therefore has potential for providing financial j
i
security (Maher, 1974; Youssef, 1976-1977). While s t ill widely j
circumscribed, a view also is emerging that given inflationary j
trends in the area, coupled with rising aspirations for a higher i
I
standard of living, wom en can contribute to meeting family needs as I
wage-earners and should therefore receive the needed preparation for ;
income-generating activities (United States Agency for International j
Development, 1978). i
i
From the standpoint of planning, regional conferences and
national strategies to advance such diverse aims have not fostered
[
consistent expansion at high rates of growth, nor surmounted j
qualitative obstacles to greater educational achievement among Arab
women. As in other parts of the Third World, increases in enrollments,
particularly at the primary level, began to slow in the Middle East
by the mid-1960s. According to Szyliowicz (1973), the small gains
achieved during the decade were "due to repeaters . . . while the
first-tim e fir s t grade enrollment figure grew very slowly in the
region as a whole" (p. 305).
Enrollment trends in the Arab states indicate that by the
end of the 1960s, the greatest decline in growth rates was recorded
by female students at the primary level (Szyliowicz, 1973). While
enrollments increased slightly in absolute numbers between 1965 and
1970, female students represented a decreasing percentage of all
primary school pupils in Egypt, Iraq, Kuwait, and Democratic Yemen, i
and made no gains in Algeria; only Libya and Saudi Arabia registered
sizable rates of growth during this period. Between 1970 and 1975,
on the other hand, moderate increases occurred in most Arab states, I
with rates of growth averaging 2-4 percent; even stronger gains were j
evident in Libya, Oman, the United Arab Emirates and Democratic
Yemen. No advances, however, were made in Egypt or Tunisia (United
I
Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, 1978). \
(
In addition to these inconsistencies in quantitative :
expansion, other indicators reveal persisting disparities in '
educational opportunities for wom en throughout the region. Enroll- ;
i
ment data disclose that rates of attendance are lower am ong females
relative to males at every level of the formal system of education. j
Moreover, the differentials between female and male students are
i 81
i
| progressively greater at each successively higher level of education;
j as 1977-1978 statistics from Jordan illu s tra te , female pupils
i
accounted for 46.8 percent, 43.4 percent, and 40.5 percent--and
thereby a steadily decreasing share of enrollments--at primary,
preparatory, and secondary levels, respectively, while the rates for
males were correspondingly higher at 53.2 percent, 56.6 percent, and
59.5 percent (calculated from Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Ministry
of Education, 1978).
With fewer girls than boys matriculating to preparatory
grades and above, drop-out rates are commensurately greater for the
female school-age population in Arab states. (Factors associated
with lower enrollments and higher a ttritio n am ong female students
in Arab states are explored in Theme 5.) In Jordan, for example,
the rate of a ttritio n for the 1976-1977 school year were 3.6 percent
of the female primary enrollment and 2.3 percent of the male;
corresponding figures at the preparatory level reveal an increase
to 10.4 percent for girls and 8.9 percent for boys. Although the
overall drop-out rates for female and male pupils were lower in
general secondary education (8.0 percent and 6.0 percent,
respectively) than the preparatory grades, suggesting a persistence
am ong those who reach the higher level, the percentages for the
final year of the secondary cycle rose to 14.7 percent for girls
and 13.3 percent for boys (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Ministry of
Education, 1978).
Illite ra c y in the region also is more pronounced in the
female population, particularly among older age groups and
82
inhabitants of rural areas. While gains were made in premoting
literacy skills during the 1960s, the extent of progress achieved by
wom en over 25 years was less than that registered by men; as a
result, no advance was recorded in closing the gap in rates of
illite ra c y which averaged 68.7 percent for wom en and 37.0 percent
for m en at the end of the decade (Szyliowicz, 1973). As discussed
in Theme 5, current data on rural/urban disparities in education are
lacking for most states in the Middle East. Disaggregation of
educational data across such variables as sex, residency, and
socioeconomic status is needed to increase understanding of existing
trends and future needs in education.
Distinct patterns between female and male students in the
Middle East also emerge in terms of curricular content pursued at
secondary and university levels. As the number of girls matriculat
ing to secondary grades has increased, their enrollment has continued
to be concentrated in general or "academic" education; larger
numbers also are recorded in literary studies than in the scientific
stream. Moreover, few female students are enrolled in vocational
secondary schools: in Jordan, for example, wom en account for less
than one-third of the vocational school population, which in turn
represents only 12.4 percent and therefore a small portion of a ll
secondary school enrollments (calculated from Hashemite Kingdom of
Jordan, Ministry of Education, 1978). Am ong wom en who join
vocational courses in Jordan, Tutunji (1978) has observed that
[most] do so for negative reasons: in ab ility
to continue in formal education, no acceptance
at university, etc. Very few enroll for pragmatic
reasons, and many do not take up employment,
especially i f they marry right after graduation.
(p. 8)
While som e diversification in content has occurred at the
secondary level as vocational education has expanded in Arab countries,,
curricular options for wom en tend to adhere strongly to traditional
concepts of "feminine" fields, such as hom e economics and
secretarial studies. Nursing, which has been commonly "equated with
domestic service [and] reserved for the lower classes" (Youssef,
1974b, p. 53), also has registered enrollment gains in som e countries.
Participation in technical and agricultural programs is widely
curtailed, however. Am ong w om en students who formed 32.1 percent of ;
i
all secondary vocational enrollments in Jordan, none was recorded in
industrial or agricultural studies during the 1977-1978 academic year
t
(Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Ministry of Education, 1978). 1
i
At the university level, comparable trends are evident in
terms of curricular differentiation according to gender. Overall, ’
i
university w om en in the Arab states remain clustered in the humanities;
i
and the social sciences (El-Sanabary, 1975). At the University of |
i
Jordan in 1977-1978, for example, 45 percent of the student enroll- '
ment in the Faculty of Fine Arts—893 out of 1,940—were women, while j
the percentages of females am ong those majoring in the Faculty of j
Education and Psychology and the Faculty of Economics and Business j
i
were 33.4 percent and 29.9 percent, respectively (calculated from |
(Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Ministry of Education, 1978). O n the
84
other hand, while enrollments am ong Arab wom en have accelerated in
professional fields, including medicine and engineering, their numbers
remain small and vastly surpassed by male students, as revealed at the
University of Jordan where in 1977-1978, 72 wom en out of a total
enrollment of 330 were specializing in engineering, 67 out of 368 in
medicine, and 65 out of 306 in agriculture; female students also
represent decreasing proportions of enrollments in the Faculty of
Economics and Business, the Faculty of Agriculture, and in graduate
education (calculated from Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Ministry of
Education, 1978; Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Ministry of Labor, 1976).
In the East Jordan Valley, growth is also a prominent
characteristic of education for female residents. Since the early
1970s, in itiatives to extend schooling at primary through secondary
levels have focused on the expansion of fa c ilitie s for the school-age
population of the area, female as well as male. Attendance at
Valley schools also has increased to the extent that in som e villages,
female students represented more than 40 percent of the total
primary school enrollment in 1978-1979 (Hindawi, 1979). Beyond
growth in classrooms and attendance, however, patterns of education
am ong wom en in the Valley remain obscure, notably with respect to
change in such areas as differentials in educational attainment
between age groups, matriculation to higher levels of schooling, and
the content of programs pursued in secondary grades. Field research
conducted in the Valley for the present study sought to address these
aspects as well as other dynamics of female education in the region.
Theme 5
In rural areas of the Middle East and other developing
regions, the impetus to expand education for wom en appears to have
emerged from two primary sources: national programs to promote
development and raise living standards in the rural sector, and
demands from the rural population for increased educational
opportunities. As more school fa c ilitie s have become available for
rural women, however, the factors that contribute to persistent
patterns, such as a ttritio n in upper primary grades and above, have
yet to be delineated. Moreover, i t is not clear what female students
or their parents expect from the former's attendance at school, nor
the effect that rural schools are having as more female residents
gain access to education.
In addition to enrollment patterns, fa c ilitie s and curricular
programs for the female population at large, differentials in
schooling between rural and urban areas also have detracted from the
equalization of educational opportunities for wom en in Arab and
other developing societies. For the Middle East, Szyliowicz (1973)
had summarized rural-urban disparities in education as follows:
fewer village children than urban ones attend
school; schools, which are usually limited to
the lcwer grades, tend to be in poorer condition
than their urban counterparts, their teachers
less well prepared than those in towns and cities.
(p. 33)
While generally characteristic of rural education in the region,
these conditions have been particularly prominent in terms of the
female population: for rural wom en in Arab countries, school
86
fa c ilitie s have been more limited than for males, notably at higher
i levels, while first-grade enrollments also have been lower and
!
! a ttritio n more pronounced at upper primary grades and above (Maher,
i
1 1974; Szyliowicz, 1973). Although precise data are available from
, only a few Arab states, higher rates of illite ra c y am ong rural w om en
further reveal the lower educational attainment of this population
relative to female urban residents and the male population in both
- rural and urban settings. Table 4 presents illite ra c y differentials
i
according to residency in four Arab countries.
Beyond broad characterizations, the literatu re on rural
education provides l i t t l e analysis of female schooling patterns in
the Middle East, including the factors that contribute to their
j origins, endurance or change. Available evidence suggests that in
Arab, as well as other developing societies, the inequities evident
j in education for rural w om en are in part a function of past policies
i for distributing resources that have favored urban centers and
| thereby generated imbalances in conditions between rural and urban
areas (Foster & Sheffield, 1973; United Nations Economic and Social
! Office, 1970). While the lower investment in rural communities has
detracted from the social and economic well-being of the rural
population at large, the differential in allocation appears to have
i
1 been more pronounced in the case of female residents for w hom
i . .
j education, job-skills development and labor-related services (e .g .,
credit fa c ilitie s ) have been accorded lower priority (McGrath, 1976;
! Szyliowicz, 1973).
Table 4
Illiteracy Rates in Selected Arab States
by Residency and Sex
Rural
Population
Urban
Population
a
Total
Population
a
State Female Male Female Male Female Male
Algeria (1971) 94.0 66.5 74.2 42.0 87.4 58.2
Morocco (1971) 98.7 78.1 75.8 45.6 90.2 66.4
Tunisia (1975) 89.2 61.9 62.1 36.9 75.2 48.9
Democratic Yem en^
(1973) 96.8 53.8 80.5 40.0 92.1 52.3
a15 years and above.
^10 years and above.
Source: United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, Statistical
Yearbook: 1977. Paris: U N ESC O , 1978, pp. 42-49.
Since the advent of the United Nations Second Development
Decade, most states in the developing world, including the Middle
East, have embarked on programs to expand educational opportunities
for both female and male residents of rural areas (D'Aeth, 1975;
United Nations Economic and Social Office, 1970). In part, this
has occurred as an outgrowth of a reorientation in planning that
seeks to redress the effects of rural neglect, including low
productivity, persistent poverty and high rates of out-migration
am ong residents. To promote development and raise living standards
in the rural sector, policies of investing in education as well as
other social services and physical infrastructure have been directed
primarily at fostering economic growth and the overall well-being
of the rural population. In this context, the need for residents
to acquire skills requisite for greater personal efficacy and labor
productivity has spurred in itia tiv e s to extend schooling in rural
communities (International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
1974; Szyliowicz, 1973).
Inhabitants of rural areas also have sought increased
educational opportunities for their children. As a generalized
phenomenon in developing regions, G riffiths (1968) attributed this
demand to parents who "look on the schools as a means of escape for
their children from the hardships and privations of rural life "
(p. 16). Aspirations for their children's welfare thus induce rural
dwellers to view education as the primary avenue to greater
socioeconomic benefits and specifically to value formal education
whose standardized curriculum has traditionally provided access to
89 !
I
higher studies and ultimately, wage employment in urban areas.
! Policies to develop alternative institutions that do not articulate
I with the formal school system (e.g ., rural learning centers) or
|
curricular programs that focus content upon the rural environment,
have tended to be resisted by rural residents as measures to reduce
their children's opportunities for upward social mobility (Sinclair,
1977).
In developing regions, both national planning and popular
demand have advocated school expansion for the rural population as
a whole. Neither of these sources, however, has clearly delineated
i
the objectives for seeking greater educational opportunities for
female residents. From the standpoint of planning, the greater
availab ility of schooling for rural w om en appears to be conceived
i
in terms of a circumscribed range of anticipated effects. Foremost 1
; am ong them is an increase in capabilities related to traditional
I family-based roles--those concerned with child rearing, family health I
j !
. and nutrition, household maintenance, and f e r t ilit y behavior
i i
J (Schultz, 1974). Education also is expected to raise the general
i I
' cultural level of rural wom en who thereby gain increased understanding!
i
; of their immediate world and awareness of horizons beyond. In this |
j context as well, however, the major benefits are viewed as familial
| rather than personal: Szyliowicz (1973), for example, advanced this 1
! notion by underscoring I
i
, the importance of women's education in shaping the !
| psychological, cultural, and social character of :
the home. Am ong other things, the educated wife
! and mother determines consumption and achievement
j ______patterns for the family, spurs educational
90 |
I
aspirations am ong children, and motivates the
husband to achieve a higher income--values that
constitute a vital dimension of the developmental
| orientation, (p. 29)
i
| While education is associated with a woman's a b ility to foster
, the income-earning of her husband, the capacity of wom en to generate
income has been largely overlooked as a variable in decisions to
expand education in rural areas (Boserup & Li 1jencrantz, 1975).
Am ong planners, this omission might stem, on the one hand, from an
assumption that for rural women, education and work activity are
related in a linear progression comparable to that generally reported ,
for men; i .e ., the higher the level of educational attainment, the
; greater the possibility of employment as skilled and professional
■ labor in the wage economy. In this context, decisions to expand
i
i
education are expected to produce the same results for wom en as for i
men.
! O n the other hand, given the general perception that rural I
' I
i women, notably in Arab countries, do not engage in economically j
i i
j productive ac tiv itie s, i t is more likely that planners have not .
recognized female labor productivity as a legitimate concern of |
j !
! educational policy pertaining to the rural sector. Because they do
j
| not see wom en as producers, planners have not formulated educational
! policy to take into account the labor and income-earning potential of '
i I
j the rural female population. (Theme 6 focuses upon various dimensions |
! of the relationship between education and the labor activity of wom en |
in developing societies.) |
j
In terms of popular demand for schooling in rural areas, the
generally ascribed motive that links formal education, wage employment
i
i
! and social mobility is d iffic u lt to reconcile with the dominant roles
t
performed by women, particularly in areas such as the Middle East
i
where traditional norms do not favor female labor a c tivity in the
, public domain. In these societies, what do parents who approve of
education for their daughters expect from the la tte r's attendance
at school i f employment is precluded as a viable objective? Existing ,
i
research offers l i t t l e insight into the factors that contribute to
support for female education in rural settings. D o rural parents
seek schooling primarily because they believe that i t w ill increase
- their daughter's chances for marriage to an educated m an with good
i
job prospects and thus financial security? Or do they mainly value j
female education for conferring social status that benefits the
entire family? Am ong those who never attended school and thus the !
| rural majority, does the heightened self-esteem associated with
j
i education provide the primary impetus to demands for increased j
i i
! I
educational opportunities for daughters? As a young village w om an i
; I
! declared to Huston (1979): I
j j
j I don't want m y children to grow up like me-- j
1 without an education. I feel very ashamed j
| and bad about not having any education. I
| want m y children to go to school and learn i
many, many things, (p. 83) !
Where educational opportunities are available for rural
; w om en in the Middle East and other developing regions, lower rates
of enrollment and greater a ttritio n reveal that in general, the use
i :
i of fa c ilitie s by the female population has not reached optimal levels^
I The persistence of these patterns suggests a need to examine the ,
! factors that constrain school attendance and contribute to variance
1 in educational achievement am ong females residing in rural areas.
i
1 As observed in the International Bank for Reconstruction and
. Development's Education: Sector Policy Paper (1980),
participation in schooling is determined not
only by the education opportunities that are
provided, but also by the degree of their
use. . . . Once student places have been
provided, i t is necessary to determine which
factors fa c ilita te the achievement of specific
kinds of learning outcomes and whether these
factors are distributed equitably, (pp. 25, 28)
Key variables span three dimensions of rural l i f e —personal, community^
and school--and include the expectations held by female students and
their parents with respect to the former's schooling, as well as the
effects that education has on rural wom en in terms of both the !
realization of these expectations and achievement in school.
i
Personal factors associated with schooling center on the !
i
student's socioeconomic background and include such related areas as
nutrition and early childhood experiences. While their importance !
i
relative to school and other nonschool variables has been widely I
debated, family characteristies—namely, the educational and [
!
occupational status of parents, level of income and urban/rural j
residency—appear to exert an influence on school attendance and j
level of educational achievement (Foster, 1977). Studies demonstrate,
for example, that wastage,, in terms of both dropping out from and ■
i
repetition in school, is more prevalent am ong students from lower j
I
socioeconomic groups and from rural areas than am ong students from I
upper strata and urban centers (International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development, 1980).
The lower rates of enrollment recorded by the female school-
age population in rural areas prompt speculation that for this
group, nonattendance at school is related to the family's socio
economic status. Am ong rural inhabitants, the expense of schooling,
including fees, supplies, and transportation, acts as a major
deterrent to the enrollment and continued attendance of school-age
children, as well as adult learners. What financial resources are
available tend to be invested preferentially in sons rather than
daughters: although boys can incur substantial opportunity costs in
terms of income foregone while attending school, Foster (1971)
contends that parents are more willing to educate sons whose
prospects for contributing to the family's financial support are 1
estimated to be greater than those of daughters. This assessment
is based upon several considerations: f ir s t, jobs tend to go to m en
f ir s t , particularly where employment opportunities are scarce;
second, girls leave the family at marriage and therefore cease to j
participate directly in its maintenance; and third, the possibility j
is remote that daughters w ill earn a living, particularly in areas
such as the Arab states where seclusion norms presumably curtail
labor activity am ong women. The lack of perceived future gains,
coupled with immediate financial constraints, effectively reduces
incentives to invest in female education. Yet, as Barhoum (1976)
has noted with regard to Jordan, "lower income groups, especially
| 94
I
rural ones, have not caught up with reality. They don't see w om en
| working as a form of social security, and instead s t ill regard large
I families"as economic protection"(quoted in Tutunji, 1978, p. 18).
i
Although their labor is perceived as having less monetary
potential than that of male kin, school-age girls in rural areas
perform tasks that are vital to meeting family needs, including
helping to care for the household and supervising younger siblings
. when parents work. Am ong activities with income-producing effects,
they work in farm fields and, in som e regions, account for a
substantial share of female farm labor. In Muslim societies, for
’ example, Youssef (1974a) has observed that "the peak activity for
females in agriculture is definitely during the child and adolescent
; years: specifically, activity is highest among the under 15 age group,:
i
followed by the 15-19 age group" (pp. 6-7). In the context of ;
; economic constraints faced by rural inhabitants, therefore, a
j daughter's household-related work can assume precedence over
; alternative a ctiv itie s, such as schooling. This has prompted Maher
i i
! (1974) and McGrath (1976), am ong others, to conclude that the labor !
f 1
I . ,
activity of daughters figures prominently in parental decisions to ;
3 deny or curtail school enrollment am ong girls in rural areas.
The in a b ility of parents to perceive what benefits girls
i might gain from attending school is another obstacle to school
i !
! enrollment among rural w om en (International Bank for Reconstruction
[
and Development, 198Q). According to Maher (1974), rural inhabitants j
!
in Morocco do not consider education to be relevant to their !
( i
[ daughters' primary roles in the household—raising children, j
9 5 !
j
maintaining the hom e and tending farm fields--tasks that can best be j
learned, they maintain, from female kin at home. They allege,
moreover, that schooling can exert "a corrupting influence" (p. 83)
in the sense of encouraging daughters to deviate from traditional !
ways, or alternatively, of comprising their moral stature and thereby
reducing their chances for marriage.
Findings from other studies conducted in Arab societies are
less conclusive about the interactive effects between female
schooling and parental authority in terms of the respective influence i
of mothers and fathers on decisions related to their daughters'
education. O n the one hand, Baali (1967) arid Goode (1970) observed
that school attendance and aspirations for schooling am ong girls are
strongly associated with high educational attainment am ong fathers, I
which is its e lf an indicator of high socioeconomic status. N o
explanations are advanced, however, to account for education's
apparent effect in predisposing fathers favorably toward education
for daughters: does education spur paternal support for female (
schooling by fostering awareness of the specific benefits i t can
provide--e.g., status conferred upon the family, credentials for
i
access to professional jobs or improved marital prospects for
daughters--and does the basis of support vary according to the
■ |
father's level of educational attainment? |
|
O n the other hand, am ong lower socioeconomic groups of the 1
Middle East, where low educational achievement is characteristic of ;
I
both parents, research conducted by Tomeh (1968) reveals that the !
i
authority of the mother tends to be comparable to that of the father i
96 |
t
in decisions concerning the education of daughters and that moreoever,
i
" it is the mother more often than the father who acts as a catalyst
for mobility am ong lower-class youth" (p. 110). Other studies
i concur with the strength of the mother's influence, but maintain
that "uneducated mothers have low educational expectations for their
daughters" (McGrath, 1976, p. ,38), and therefore tend not to support
i
i their school pursuits. As the educational, occupational, and income
status of the father rises, on the other hand, his influence on
; educational decisions pertaining to daughters assumes greater
importance than that of the mother who has fewer opportunities for
achieving commensurate gains in status.
Additional evidence is lacking from the Arab states on the
i
i
decision-making role of mothers related to their daughters' education,i
either to corroborate Tomeh's (1968) or McGrath's (1976) observations
; about low socioeconomic groups or to describe the effects accompanying
j increases in educational attainment and occupational participation |
j am ong Arab women. One indicator, however, might be extrapolated
I
l from Dodd's (1968) study of the sources of attitudes held by male
I . :
1 students at secondary schools in Egypt regarding female emancipation: ,
!
1 from his research, Dodd concluded that each increment in the mother's
i
1 level of education was decisively associated with an increase in a
i
1 son's support for the enhanced status of wom en and, moreover,, had a |
[ i
! greater effect than either social class or community background.
Based on these findings, a relationship might be posited between
| rising educational attainment among Arab wom en and increased maternal :
[ I
[ influence in matters related to the education of daughters and sons. |
97 ;
I
j Although the research conducted by Dodd (1968) and Tomeh
I (1968) included respondents from lower socioeconomic strata, their
!
j samples were drawn from urban or semi-urban contexts as were those
of the other studies cited. In terms of rural areas of the Middle
; East, studies have documented the roles performed by female residents
in the mediation of social relations and conservation of village :
I tradition (Antoun, 1972; Fuller, 1961; Nelson quoted in Castillo,
1977), but have not considered their decision-making capacity and
authority with specific reference to the educational and occupational ‘
activities of their children. Information also is lacking on the
attitudes of rural w om en in Arab states toward their daughters'
education: do they tend to support schooling, in accordance with :
I
Newland's (1979) observation that "mothers know their daughters w ill j
face many of the problems they themselves have faced and hope that
education w ill help the girls escape their sam e burdens" (p. 28),
or to the contrary, is opposition more prevalent since school
attendance deprives mothers of the labor that daughters have
traditionally provided at hom e (Dixon, 1976)? Moreover, do attitudes !
vary with the mother's educational level, and do increases in the ;
la tte r contribute to change in fam ilial relationships, including
greater maternal influence on educational decisions pertaining to
daughters and sons?
The expansion of education in rural areas also might generate :
»
i
effects in two other dimensions of personal life that are associated ;
with learning: nutrition and formative childhood experiences. i
Closely related to poverty and, consequently, to socioeconomic j
j 98
status, malnutrition and its stunting effects upon physical and
mental growth are more prevalent am ong girls than boys in developing
; regions; within poor households, food allocation thus appears to
I
reflect cultural preferences concerning the gender of children
(Ahmad, 1980; International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
1979). Furthermore, socialization patterns observed in childhood
adhere to a rigid delineation of sex roles which assigns household-
based tasks and secondary status to g irls , while boys are oriented
toward labor and community activities (Germain, 1976). With the
broader distribution of educational opportunities for wom en residing
in rural areas of the Middle East, the contribution of schooling to
changes in food allocation and child rearing practices has yet to be
examined. I
I
I
i
While personal factors tend to be associated with female
education as generalized phenomena, l i t t l e evidence is available on
i
the presence and strength of relationships in varying socioeconomic,
regional, and cultural contexts. For example, studies which identify
i
low self-esteem as a key obstacle to personal efficacy and j
i
productivity am ong rural wom en define educational strategies as
"essential" to the development of self-confidence and the acquisition
of labor skills (Dixon, 1978; Huston, 1979; Newland, 1979). Yet, they
have not examined schooling with reference to specific female !
populations, for example, rural wom en in the Middle East, and offer
no data to establish the primary effects of education upon female j
students, as heightened self-esteem--or docility, increased I
aspirations for economic--or fam ilial--ro les, and greater productivity!
in labor--or traditional household--tasks.
i
, With respect to community variables, attitudes toward female
! education reflect cultural norms regarding women's appropriate roles
and a c tivities. The degree of approval for or opposition to school
ing for wom en rests essentially upon perceptions of the extent to
1 which i t is congruent with, and perhaps a mechanism for, reinforcing
these values. In rural areas, the essence of family and community
i
relations is defined largely by the strength of traditional norms
(G riffiths, 1968; Szyliowicz, 1973). Villagers in Arab societies,
for example, adhere to an ethical code that accords primacy to family
honor and whose safeguard is determined essentially by the sexual
virtue of female kin ( 1ir d ). To assure compliance with this code,
mechanisms have evolved that restrict wom en to fam ilial roles and
activities, for example, through confinement to the hom e (Antoun,
1972; Youssef, 1974b). Within this context, the perception that |
: school attendance might jeopardize a daughter's virtue and thereby |
damage a family's honor, can lead to a refusal to permit her enroll- j
i i
ment or approve her continuation when increased risks appear (e.g .,
i '
j at the onset of puberty). I
. While normative elements can enter into decisions to constrain1
! j
i the school enrollment of g irls , they also can contribute to an I
i i
1 increased demand for g irls ' schools. In terms of the prevailing
■ ethic, this effect is ostensibly antithetical in the sense that i t j
j fosters association with a non-familial institution and might,
therefore, promote deviance from accepted norms. However, since an !
I 100
underlying motive is to maintain the separation of the sexes and
thereby protect female honor, the demand appears more accurately to
I reflect an attempt to accommodate a new value—female education--
i
within the dominant ethical framework. In rural Jordan, for example,
Dajani and Murdock (1978) observed that where local schools were
lacking,
[villagers] worried that the honor of their
daughters might be scratched by having to
ride in a taxi everyday to. attend a school
in another village. " It's alright for our
sons to go to Deir Abu Said and Irbid everyday,
but w om en are 'weak' and we have to protect them."
(p. 62)
They thereby assigned higher p riority to village-based schooling for
girls than for boys and sought local fa c ilitie s and infrastructure,
such as paved roads to schools, to achieve the two-fold aims of
securing educational opportunities for their daughters and preserving
fam ilial honor.
Where community sanction exists, female education in develop-
i
! ing regions often serves as a measure of a woman's status within the
i
; social structure as well as a symbol of social and economic
I
i modernity. As Newland (1979) has noted, education confers status,
| and the prestige associated with schooling may increase a g irl's
1 standing in the community. This, in turn, may foster and confer
j social approbation on her participation in spheres beyond those
normally considered as appropriate for wom en (Van Haeften & Caton,
i 1974; Newland, 1979).
The provision of schooling for wom en has been further
! interpreted as an indicator of the recognition and approval accorded
101
to female roles that transcend the bounds of the household: according
to Youssef (1976-1977),
the extent to which educational opportunities
are made available to wom en reflects the
attitudes of society towards alternatives and
activities deemed legitimate for the female
population to pursue outside of the traditional
roles of marriage and motherhood, (p. 191)
Am ong potential "alternatives" for women, teaching is frequently
cited as a non-familial role that has gained wide social acceptance
and as such, represents a viable occupational activity that can
enhance a woman's status. The social legitimacy accorded to female
teachers, however, is derived at least p artially from the general
respect associated with education, as well as its identification
with the traditional nurturing and childrearing tasks assumed by
women; where purdah norms s t ill prevail, teaching is favored for
wom en as an activity that can serve the needs of other women.
For rural wom en in the Middle East, roles and activities
have traditionally spanned a circumscribed range, namely, family and
home, and more recently, school and health services. There is as
yet l i t t l e evidence that for this population, the primary effects
of wider educational opportunities include an expansion of female
options as Youssef (1976-1977) asserted, "outside of the traditional
roles of marriage and motherhood" (p. 191), or conversely,
reinforcement of existing sex-role delineations and enhancement of
skills in child and house care. Studies also need to determine i f
in rural areas of the Middle East and elsewhere female teachers and
others who have attended school have a greater propensity than
102
noneducated wom en to assume leadership functions in the village and
i f the position of teacher as such fa cilita te s a woman's general
participation in community issues and activities. Identification of
male teachers as village notables performing mediating and other
leadership functions has been noted in some regions, though
comparable evidence on their female counterparts is lacking (Coleman,
1965; Foster, 1973).
In addition to personal and community variables, school
factors also may explain variance in school attendance and
educational achievement am ong rural women. To foster enrollment
among the female school-age population, access to educational
opportunities has been widely promoted as an essential prerequisite
and as such, has served as a rationale for the expansion of school
fa c ilitie s , particularly in areas where sex-segregated norms preclude
coeducation (International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
1974). Where fa c ilitie s exist in rural areas, however, gender-based
differentials in enrollment rates suggest that the availab ility of
educational opportunities is not a sufficient condition for high
rates of attendance among women; as Dajani and Murdock (1978) noted
with regard to rural Jordan,
the provision of a service or the construction
of a particular fa c ility does not automatically
guarantee its proper use by the community, nor
does i t guarantee that the expected benefits
w ill materialize, (p. 38)
In rural areas, the process of attending school may be a more
prominent factor than fa c ilitie s as such in generating effects upon
I 103
i
the female school-age population. Comparable to a woman's status in
the community, schooling may enhance a g irl's standing in her family
1 (Newland, 1979). This, in turn, may lead to alterations in the
i
i
household tasks assigned to girls attending school, for example, a
reduction in load or release from arduous chores. Increased
participation in key life decisions, such as the timing of marriage
and entry into the labor force, also is evident am ong daughters who
: have attended school (Dixon, 1976; Youssef, 1976-1977). For wom en
whose roles are circumscribed by seclusion norms, the school provides
perhaps the only alternative setting to the home, one in which they
j
can "perform as individuals rather than as members of a particular
family . . . and discover a new sense of worth and identity" (Newland,
1979, p. 44). A related outcome is an alteration in the primacy of
family membership for female pupils: Makhlouf (1979) noted that in
' North Yemen,
I the increase in g irls ' education tends to stress
■ the social difference between g irls and women,
- and results in a situation wherein girls of
different kin groups come to have more in com m on
than girls and wom en of the same kin groups, (p. 73) ;
j What occurs in the classroom, on the other hand, may j
j contribute primarily to preserving existing social patterns by using
! educational inputs as reinforcers of traditional sex roles and i
i I
mechanisms for social control. Studies conducted in developing !
i ;
j regions reveal, for example, that school programs track g irls into
i fields of study deemed suitable for wom en (e.g ., hom e economics, !
i i
1 teaching, nursing), while course content and textbooks transmit ,
j i
|_ _ stereotypic images and condition acquiescence to dominant values ;
104
(International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 1979). Female
teachers, themselves products of the educational system, also tend
to reward female students for passive behavior and conformity to
prevailing norms and expectations. In rural parts of Morocco, Maher
(1974) observed that curricular offerings, which devote substantial
time to classical Arabic and French, have l i t t l e relevance to the
everyday lives and future prospects of children, particularly girls
who have limited chances for matriculating to secondary and
university studies where such languages can be used; furthermore,
training programs for wom en focus on domestic roles and ignore the
development of marketable s k ills , thereby perpetuating the economic
dependence of rural wom en on male kin.
The school factors that enhance educational achievement
am ong rural wom en as well as men are not clearly distinguishable,
in part because they tend to be coexistent, but also because research
in developing countries has considered educational attainment
principally in terms of access and continued attendance rather
than performance (Foster, 1977). Thus, while the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development1s (1980) Education: Sector Pol icy
Paper reported that "school variables taken together sometimes
explain, more than social background does, the variation in the
achievement of students" (pp. 32-33), the relative importance of
specific inputs, such as curriculum, instructional materials and
teaching styles, has yet to be delineated and diverse effects in
terms of achievement noted according to sex and urban-rural origin.
The inadequate attention accorded in research on school inputs to
gender differentials in achievement is illustrated in Heyneman's
Textbooks and Achievement: What W e Know, World Bank Staff Working
Paper (1978), which reviews studies on the relationship between
textbook a v a ilab ility and academic achievement in developing
countries.
In emphasizing the expansion of educational opportunities for
wom en in rural areas, planning in developing regions, including the
Middle East, has demonstrated primary concern for the provision of
schooling and the related issues of access to and use of fa c ilitie s .
In addition to distributive factors, policy choices include the
selection of appropriate forms of schooling and learning experiences
for rural wom en and in this regard, must consider the internal
dynamics of schooling: namely, what occurs in the classroom and how
school inputs relate to achievement. Finally, strategies that
effectively respond to the educational needs of rural wom en must
take into account what Method (1974) has defined as "the c ritic a l
problems of education" (p. 137): the motives and expectations of the
students--why girls attend school, what they expect from doing so,
and what constraints exist on both their attendance and the
realization of their expectations.
In the East Jordan Valley, a major investment has been made
in the construction of schools for female and male residents. While
enrollments reveal a high degree of use of the fa c ilitie s by the
female school-age population, questions abound regarding other facets
of their education. For what reasons do girls in the Valley go to
school? D o parents encourage or oppose their attendance and for what
106
reasons, and is variation evident according to the educational and
occupational background of mother and father? What do female students
and their parents expect from the former's schooling? Do the
curricula pursued and skills developed in the Valley's schools relate
primarily to traditional female roles? D o female residents with
certain levels of education manifest a greater propensity than girls
with less or no schooling, to participate in decisions related to their
education and labor activity? Field research for the present study
was designed to explore these issues, as well as the effect of
schooling upon Valley wom en in terms of the conclusions reached by
Dajani and Murdock (1978) that in rural Jordan,
the question is not whether the number of schools
is adequate, but whether the quality of education
is suitable to rural needs. Instead of creating
rurally educated villagers, the schools are
training individuals with high expectations, but
with no means, in most cases, to f u l f il l these
expectations, (p. 8)
Theme 6
From an individual and a societal standpoint, education is
perceived as yielding economic benefits by providing access to wage
employment in the modern sector. In the formulation of educational
policies, the assumptions that underlie this articulation between
schooling and labor activity are considered as having equal validity
for wom en as for men. Yet while the expansion of female education
is expected to result in increased labor activity am ong women, lower
investment in female schooling is justified on the basis of the
allegedly marginal participation of w om en in labor activities.
107
Patterns of work a c tivity am ong wom en in the Middle East and other
developing regions reveal not only that such assumptions obscure the
i
i varied effects of rising educational attainment among wom en upon their
I participation in the occupational sphere, but also that other factors,
such as the lack of access to work opportunities and appropriate
training, effectively reduce the potential for education to
!
! contribute to the labor activity and income-earning capacity of
female residents, particularly in rural areas.
Harbison (1973) has observed that for planners concerned with
promoting economic growth, "the broad rationale for developing a
country's hum an resources is to increase national income, and
increasing labor productivity is one means to that end" (p. 16). In
this context, the relationship of education to the economy is
conceived principally in terms of the former's contribution to
productive output through the development of labor resources. The
allocation of national funding to education thus serves an investment j
! function that yields social benefits measured in economic returns.
The educational aspirations of individuals, and popular demand
p i
j for schooling in general, also have been interpreted in terms of j
| economic gains. In considering private motives for education, rate- !
i
i of-return studies conclude that students seek schooling primarily to
|
j develop skills and acquire credentials required for wage employment
I in the modern sector; as such, they regard education 1 basically as
! an investment from which financial benefits w ill accrue in the form
of future earnings (Blaug, 1974; Hoerr, 1973). From the standpoint
_of the labor market, on the other hand, schooling not only prepares
the school-age population for roles in the occupational structure,
but also serves as a mechanism for selecting qualified workers on
the basis of such c rite ria as time spent and diplomas earned.
Reliance on such measures of educational achievement prompts students,
in turn, to develop "a 'qualification syndrome' . . - . which reinforces
the natural tendency of education at any level to be a preparation
for the next" (International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
1980, p. 43).
Theories that depict education as a process of investment
with effects in the labor sphere rest upon a series of assumptions:
f ir s t, that the prime motivation of students is to maximize returns
on future income; second, that wage structures represent a viable
measure for assessing labor productivity; third, that an individual's
earnings accurately reflect his contribution to production; and
fin a lly , that schools can foster skills and attitudes required by
the labor market and thereby increase the productive capacity of
individuals. Existing research provides meager evidence, however,
to support the validity of these premises for developing societies.
In reviewing private rate-of-return studies, Jolly (1974) has
challenged their focus by asserting that
there has been scarcely any research into the
questions of whether [the prospect of economic
gain] is the focus of individual motivation, or
the ways in which individuals perceive their
selections [of means to maximize earnings] and
their accuracy in estimating them. (p. 62)
Jolly also observed that "rate-of-return calculations are commonly
based on data for males only . . . yet female enrollments have often
been expanding faster than male enrollments" (p. 62) in developing
regions.
According to Debeauvais (1974), moreover, distortions in the
wage structures of developing economies preclude the formation of
"a ‘perfect market' for salaries" (p. 42), and thereby call in
question the cogency of regarding wage differentials as a guide to
productivity. Also, the extent to which variance in occupational
activity and achievement is explained by education, as opposed to
other factors such as social background, political influence, or
specific cognitive and motor a b ilitie s , has yet to be determined
(Foster, 1977). Thus, while "educated workers are more achievement-
oriented, more s e lf-re lia n t, more adaptive to new situations, and,
above a ll, more trainable" (International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development, 1980, p. 44), the contribution that schooling makes
to the formation of these tra its , as well as the relative importance
of specific school factors, including content, duration, instructional
mode and materials, remains unclear.
The relationship between education and labor activity for
wom en in developing societies has been examined principally from the
perspective of development theories that posit a close articulation
between schooling and the modern labor market. In this context, i t
is assumed that schooling produces the same effects for wom en and
men, namely, that with higher levels of education, the number of
wom en entering the modern sectors of the economy w ill increase, as
w ill their level of occupational achievement (Clignet, 1977).
Education also is cited as a ^ key factory in explaining national labor
110
statistics in developing states, with generally low rates of female
participation in the labor force, and among female workers, their
i
concentration in low-wage, low-status jobs, being interpreted in
« terms of the women's marginal schooling, which is attributed in turn
: to their lack of educational opportunities.
! O n the other hand, labor market forces in developing areas
I
figure prominently in decisions to invest d iffe re n tia lly in schooling
for wom en and men. The scarcity of wage employment, which is a
, prevalent characteristic of an underdeveloped economy, deters planners
from expanding female education in preference to training for men,
and discourages parents from supporting their daughters' use of
existing fa c ilitie s . The interrelationships between these factors
thus define what Standing (1976) has conceived as a pattern with
cyclical effects:
Because wom en have not been expected to work in
the labour force they have been deprived of
education; because they have been deprived of i
education their employment opportunities have ■
been restricted; and because those opportunities
have been restricted their limited access to
education has been rationalised and perpetuated. ■
(p. 281) ’
Another perspective emerges from research conducted by Evans :
I
(1972) on educated wom en in Uganda which suggests that from a
planning standpoint, the allocation of financial resources to female
schooling is not primarily or necessarily associated with labor force
considerations. In assessing the growing investment in women's
education, Evans contends that
Ill
decisions regarding the expansion of g irls '
education, the curriculum content, and the
goals of such training are made on the basis
of very different criteria than are normally
! employed in planning the education of men.
| Arguments for the expansion of women's educa
tion tend to rely on appeals to democratic
principles—the need for equality of opportunity
and equality in curriculum offerings, (p. 214)
The framework for policies to increase female education thus not only
, excludes apparent interest in preparing wom en for labor ac tiv itie s,
: but also ignores variations in the patterns of work performed by
wom en and m en with comparable educational background.
; As educational opportunities for wom en have broadened in
developing areas, the impact of schooling on their participation in
. labor activities has assumed diverse patterns which remain largely
unexplored, in part because of the d iffic u lty in isolating the
specific contribution of education from that of other factors, for
example, a b ility or social background. The need is to determine not
' only i f more schooling in fact is associated with an increased
J propensity among wom en to work, but also i f i t generates specific
effects in terms of the kinds of work activity, duration of
participation, and level of performance.
! Furthermore, for wom en in these societies, and particularly
f
those residing in rural areas, the extent to which education is "a
precipitating as well as a fa c ilita tin g condition" (Standing, 1976,
| p. 293) in relation to labor activity has yet to be delineated. Do
j wom en engage in economic activities because they have received a
1
| certain level of education, or do aspirations to participate in
!
L _P][^oductive labor encourage w om en to pursue education which is
112
perceived as providing access to jobs? Does the labor market require
certain levels of educational attainment from wom en or does i t merely
j
j benefit from the education that wom en obtain for other reasons?
Finally, in rural areas, do wom en tend to leave agriculture after
achieving a certain level of education or does participation in non-
agricultural work spur educational pursuits?
i
I According to national statistics from developing regions, the
rate of female participation in the labor force tends to rise as
wom en reach successively higher levels of education. Labor force
j data also reveal that this pattern is prevalent where jobs are
concentrated in the modern wage sector and educational opportunities
- are readily available for women; as such, i t represents an essentially
urban phenomenon. Am ong wom en residing in urban areas of the Middle
i
East, for example, Youssef (1974b) has observed that
! the tendency of education to accelerate the female
employment rates is clearly progressive: each
j educational increment is reflected in a corresponding
I increase in the level of women's participation in the
j nonagricultural work force, (p. 57)
The positive effect of rising educational attainment on the
I labor activity of w om en has been attributed to the inclination that
i
! educated wom en manifest for seeking and engaging in economic a c tiv i
ties (Youssef, 1974b). This, in turn, has been linked to socio-
s
! economic background: educated w om en not only are more likely to
i
i originate from families who can afford schooling for daughters as well
t
■ as sons, but also derive security from their social standing that
i
i
; allows them to transcend traditional roles and violate norms opposing
I
[ female employment, particularly in the public domain. W om en from
| 113<
|
j low socioeconomic strata generally have less access to schooling, in
J part because of financial constraints, but among those who have
! attained high levels of education, economic motives dominate their
' propensity to engage in income-earning a c tiv itie s, both to contribute
to the family's support and to acquire the necessary means for upward
, social mobility.
i
High rates of work activity also characterize wom en with very
l i t t l e (1 to 3 years) or no education. In this relationship, socio
economic background again appears to constitute a key intermediary
variable: w om en with low educational levels tend to come from
economic strata whose lack of financial resources precludes schooling
for all children and necessitates the labor of both female and male
family members. The economic motive that compels lower-class wom en
to work also legitimizes their deviation from social norms that
oppose female labor activity (Stiehm, 1976). In this respect, the
j work-related behavior of lower-income w om en resembles that of wom en ,
1 ;
! from e lite strata. O n the other hand, the former's access to
employment is constrained to a range of activities which is vastly
I different from that of upper-class women, in large measure because of ,
(
; i
the differentials in educational achievement. Thus, wom en from low i
I ;
i
j socioeconomic groups who generally have l i t t l e formal schooling, are ;
i concentrated in areas requiring skills that can be acquired through
I
1
| informal and essentially fam ilial instruction: domestic service,
■ traditional activities such as handicrafts, and agricultural work.
i
I In contrast to the highly and the least educated, w om en who
] have completed primary or som e preparatory schooling tend to have a
I low propensity for participating in economic activities. Although
i
| research from developing regions is meager on this group, variables
jwhich potentially contribute to this relationship include socioeconomic
I
background and expectations generated by the educational experience
i its e lf. Regarding the former, girls from high-income families might
; withdraw at mid-levels of schooling in compliance with cultural norms,
such as those in the Middle East, that favor domestic roles and
• confinement at home. Am ong middle-income groups, aspirations to
j emulate the values of the upper strata might prompt adolescent girls
to discontinue schooling, particularly i f further education is
perceived to damage prospects for a suitable marriage. School-age
I
girls from lower income groups, on the other hand, face financial
■ constraints that may curtail attendance beyond the f ir s t few grades
or the primary level, both in terms of the actual expense of schooling
and family-related labor needs.
< Education also may contribute to fostering a reluctance to
| work am ong women, particularly in certain types of labor a c tivities.
]
! According to Standing (1976), schooling conditions attitudes regarding
i
roles that are appropriate for the educated and increases the labor
i
| market value of those who have attended school. By raising expecta-
! tions regarding suitable employment, education can generate resistance
i
to participation in low-status jobs, such as the informal sector in
J
I which wom en in developing societies have traditionally worked
\
, (Standing, 1976). Yet, having completed only primary or preparatory
i
| grades, w om en lack the needed qualifications for the professional and
i
i skilled occupations to which they aspire, while the restricted labor
115
i
i market characterizing developing economies offers few job alternatives
requiring the low to mid-level skills that these wom en possess.
1 For female residents of rural areas, economic need and
limited opportunities for both education and wage employment set
1 parameters on the interactive effects between schooling and labor
activity. To contribute to their family's welfare as well as their
\
ow n support, rural wom en from poor households engage in work
i
activities whose contribution to productive output has rarely been
adequately recognized and measured. (Themes 1 through 3 expand
: further upon the low estimation of the labor provided by rural women.)
Moreover, educational attainment and access to a market economy,
: which are associated with the accelerated labor participation of
educated wom en in urban areas, are restricted for the rural female
population. As such, these factors constitute constraints upon the
Tatter's labor productivity and income-generating capacity (Tinker,
! 1976). Given these lim itations, Castillo (1977) concludes that i
I
! "being engaged in agriculture is, therefore, not necessarily a choice |
I on [the part of rural women] but is often a consequence of lack of
i
i
| alternatives" (p. 4).
! Labor conditions in the rural sector also delimit the work i
i '
, participation of female residents who have attended school arid may i
contribute as well to high rates of a ttritio n am ong female students. j
j i
With regard to the former, rural wom en who have attended school
appear to consider themselves as overqualified for farm labor and
' i
other traditional rural a c tiv itie s, even when their educational ;
I
L Jevel does not exceed primary or preparatory grades (C astillo, 1977);;
116,
i
i
as such, they resemble urban wom en with mid-levels of schooling who
resist employment in low-skilled, low-wage jobs. Yet other options
i are severely limited in areas where subsistence agriculture pre
dominates and diversification of the rural economy is negligible.
Because of limited prospects for employment and adequate wages,
moreover, female education is perceived as yielding low returns which
might encourage parents in rural areas to withdraw daughters from
: school (Spencer, 1976).
i
As new production processes are introduced in the agricultural
i sector, varying effects have been observed in terms of the work
activity of w om en which have differing implications for their
schooling. O n the one hand, agricultural intensification may
supplant hand labor with mechanized techniques, thereby reducing the i
tasks performed by women. One potential outcome is the availab ility
of more time for educational pursuits than subsistence activities
allow. Improved agricultural technology, however, does not |
I
necessarily release wom en for alternative activities: Cernea (1978)
contends that mechanization can spur male migration to the industrial
sector and relegate primary responsibility for agricultural production,
i
to women. i
I
Low educational attainment, moreover, may deter rural wom en |
i
from adopting and effectively u tilizin g mechanized processes in j
agriculture. According to Foster and Sheffield (1973), education--and
literacy skills specifically--induces farmers to respond favorably to
technological change and to apply improved methods of cultivation.
Yet rates of illite ra c y are higher and access to agricultural 1
training courses more widely curtailed am ong rural wom en than rural
m en in developing regions (Coombs & Ahmed, 1974). Extension services
also have traditionally focused upon upgrading the skills of male
farmers; where programs have been developed for women, they have
dealt primarily with nutrition and other household-related subjects
instead of food production (International Labour Office, 1977a).
Boserup (1970) concluded that
as a result of the attitudes of the extension
services, the gap between labour productivity
of m en and wom en continues to widen. . . .
The inevitable result is that wom en are
discouraged from participating in agriculture,
and are glad to abandon cultivation whenever
the increase in their husband's income makes
i t possible, (pp. 55-56)
For the female population, limited schooling also curbs their
e lig ib ility for new work opportunities that emerge in rural areas as
traditional a c tiv itie s , such as handicraft production, are modernized
and the service sector expands (Boserup & Li 1 jencrantz, 1975). As
such, the consequences for rural wom en are comparable to those for j
their urban counterparts whose educational background is circumscribed!
and whose aspirations for work surpass their qualifications, yet
i
inhibit participation in areas that fa ll below their status require- |
i
ments. |
In developing societies, three general patterns of female
labor participation in relation to educational attainment thus emerge
from existing studies: high activity am ong both well educated wom en
and those with l i t t l e or no education, while marginal rates tend to 1
be evident am ong wom en with a mid-range of schooling. Delineation of
these trends has led Palmer (1976) to posit a U-shaped rather than a
positive linear relationship between education and labor activity for
wom en in developing regions. As educational opportunities for the
female population become increasingly available in these areas, the
persistence or alteration of the observed patterns needs to be
determined, as well as the presence of other intervening variables.
Moreover, the effects of a ttritio n am ong female students at
the primary and preparatory levels in areas where i t is pronounced,
such as the Middle East, should be taken into account in terms of
increasing income-generation to raise living standards, as well as
meeting national and regional needs for labor. L ittle research has
been conducted in developing societies on wom en whose schooling has
\
extended only to these two levels. To anticipate labor sources as
agricultural development proceeds in rural areas, evidence should be
generated to determine i f wom en with such educational experience, or
a certain threshhold level of schooling, are not only reluctant to
work in farm field s, but actually leave agriculture to focus primarilyj
upon household roles, with the potential result of lowering family
incomes as well as increasing female dependency upon male relatives.
Three other types of data should serve as inputs for planning j
focused upon women's education and its relationship to female labor !
activity. First, the reasons that g irls do not attend school or
withdraw at specific levels must be identified i f measures are to be
devised that effectively overcome restrictions on enrollment and in ;
i
particular, the detrimental effects of low socioeconomic status on j
school attainment. Motives and constraints also must form the basis <
119
j for the formulation of incentives to encourage girls to remain in
I school and develop skills for economic activities that contribute to
I
: income level and status.
Reasons for engaging in labor activities constitute a second
'area that has implications for educational planning and its relation-
: ship to work participation. Aspirations for economic benefits or
i
> higher status might spur educational pursuits that provide the
prerequisite qualifications for high-wage, status-enhancing jobs.
: This effect is contingent, however, upon the av a ilab ility of
> i
occupational opportunities that provide the desired earnings and !
contribute to social standing; in the rural sector, however, the
restricted labor market precludes realization of these aspirations
*
for most residents. j
For wom en in areas where purdah norms prevail, such reasons
are essentially precluded as viable motives because of the prominence
i
of traditional values that assign responsibility for the economic
well-being of wom en to male kin and status derivation to maternal and \
household roles. G n the other hand, seclusion generates a demand for '
wom en with skills to meet the needs of other women, principally in
education and health (Boserup, 1970). While this affords,,a .framework ,
I
within which wom en can participate in occupational activities without !
incurring socially stigmatizing effects, i t also can contribute to
maintaining the segregation of the sexes and thereby,
may well be responsible for the general resistance in
Middle Eastern society to redefine what jobs outside
of teaching [and medicine] are appropriate or acceptable
for educated and respectable g irls to pursue. (Youssef,
1974b, p. 41)
120,
In Arab states as.well as other developing countries, however,
inflationary pressures and rising aspirations for higher living
I standards are eroding the a b ility of m en to provide unilaterally for
the economic ndeds of family members. Ultimately, these circumstances
' also may contribute to legitimizing female participation in income-
earning activities in Arab countries, which Youssef (1976) contended
w ill "end women's economic dependency on m en and men's power to
subject female relatives to their demands and restrictions" (p. 214).
i
The third policy-related area entails a rea lis tic appraisal
of labor conditions and the existence of particularistic c rite ria !
i
for, or restrictions on, female participation in economic activities.
In developing societies, market forces in the wage sector tend to
favor the recruitment of the educated for a wide range of occupations,,
often at levels that exceed job specifications. By stipulating
educational qualifications for jobs, such demands may encourage
i
increased schooling am ong g irls aspiring to employment in professional
i fields, as well as high rates of activity among educated women. An
j assessment of Jordan's manpower resources advances this premise by j
stating that I
an interesting feature of educational attainment
of the labor force is the higher educational
achievement of female members of the labor force . . .
which indicates that many of the jobs offered wom en j
' by the labor market (outside of agriculture) require |
| relatively high levels of education. (Salt & Kelley, \
1976, p. 35) j
; Youssef (1974b) cautions, however, that in the Middle East, ;
i ' ;
i the high rate of labor participation recorded by wom en with advanced '
1 educational qualifications is a function of the limited supply of
121
educated wom en whose skills are esteemed in part because of their
scarcity. The expansion of education to wider segments of the female
! population cannot be expected to result in female employment at
1 i
commensurately high rates as long as two conditions prevail: f ir s t ,
; a restricted labor market whose growth is predicated on structural
1 changes in the economy as well as its overall expansion; and second,
I
differential recruitment by gender in which wom en are channelled into :
service occupations or marginal jobs in industry, while m en retain
i
primary access to a ll activities and levels in the wage sector.
As noted previously, an inadequate supply of jobs widely
serves as the basis for justifying lower investments in female
education and the preferential hiring of male workers in accordance
i
with the traditional assignment of labor roles to men. While ;
generally excluding spheres in which wom en work (e .g ., the informal
sector) and thereby impeding an accurate definition of their labor .
I contribution, a restricted labor market also has implications for |
' policy regarding the labor participation of women. First, i t can j
detract from the identification of alternative work areas which could j
j provide income-generating opportunities for women, particularly where 1
| seclusion sets limits upon female labor activity or where wom en have
primary responsibility for supporting their family. Second, the j
scarcity of wage employment, and the favored position of m en for |
i i
! available jobs, can deter the commitment of resources to expand areas :
I i
; in which wom en could participate and gain economic and status :
! benefits. Finally, i t can hinder the development of programs to make !
i
j wom en aware of, and ultimately prepare them for, work in these areas, j
122
Where a demand for labor exists, as in Jordan, neither the
availab ility of job opportunities nor schooling appears to be a
sufficient condition for high rates of female participation in the
labor force: Jordanian w om en have achieved levels of educational
attainment that are am ong the highest in the region, yet in spite of
shortages of workers in skilled and unskilled occupations, national
statistics record their rate of labor activity as one of the lowest
in the Middle East. Recent reports from Jordan reveal that labor
participation am ong wom en is increasing: Tutunji (1978) attributed
this trend to the expansion of female education in the Kingdom, which
presumably fostered a propensity for work-related a c tiv itie s , as well
as to economic factors, including rising living costs and aspirations
for higher living standards. The current and as yet slow acceleration
of female labor force activity in Jordan suggests, however, that
regardless of labor needs, high levels of educational achievement do
not foster rapid change in the work activity of female citizens. The
delay prompts speculation about several factors: f ir s t , that tra d i
tional norms, parti culary those related to the division of labor,
may not erode, at least concurrently, as change occurs in education
and other social spheres; second, that schooling may serve primarily
to reinforce the status quo, or at least contribute only gradually to
change in attitudes regarding appropriate roles for wom en and men;
and fin a lly , that in terms of female labor participation, the effect
o f both schooling and job a v a ilab ility might be secondary to, or
salient primarily in conjunction with, other factors, such as
123
increasing economic pressures that spur acceptance of income-earning
roles for women.
Regarding gender-based differentials in employment, the
"sexual dual ism" characterizing labor markets in developing regions
is partially attributed to women's lack of commensurate opportunities
for education and job-related training (Standing, 1976). Yet Clignet
(1977) noted that comparable educational attainment did not yield
the same occupational results for wom en and men. Am ong bank employees
in the Cameroon and the Ivory Coast,
while an increase in educational attainment is
uniformly associated with an increase in s k ill
level, the distribution of s k ill level within
each educational category is always more
homogeneous in the case of female than of male
wage earners. . . . [A}s far as income is
concerned, there [also] are greater variations
among male than female workers with similar
educational levels, (pp. 257-259)
Preferential hiring of male is also related to the tendency
of employers to regard wom en as inferior workers who lack both
capability and commitment for sustained labor activity. (The
appraisal of wom en as inferior workers is also discussed in Theme 2.)
Boserup (1970) contends that wom en in fact tend to perform less well
than m en in economic tasks because they are socialized to perceive
themselves as less able and, furthermore, lack job-related training
that m en receive. Moreover, the prevailing image of wom en as
inadequate workers reinforces their low self-esteem, while denial of
access to skills-development programs compels them to remain in
traditional, low-productive a c tiv itie s , both of which contribute to
eroding women's work output and ultimately, to confirming the view
that their labor potential is only marginal.
In this context, the labor participation of wom en may be
related not only to the ava ilab ility of educational opportunities,
but also to the content of the schooling they receive. Such major
studies as Foster's (1965) on Ghana and Al-Bukhari's (1968) on Jordan
provided no evidence of a relationship between curriculum content
and the vocational aspirations of students who, in both cases, were
drawn from the male population. Differences evident in the schooling
and labor participation of wom en generate a need for research to
determine i f findings are comparable for the female population in
developing societies. According to Boserup (1970),
when girls also go to school, the gap [in male and
female participation] is reduced so far as literacy
and other school subjects are concerned, but another
gap then emerges because an increasing number of
boys receive vocational training while virtu a lly a ll
the girls continue to receive only the traditional
in itia tio n into their roles as housewives and I
mothers, (p. 213) I
j
In effect, the assumption that education articulates with the labor j
(
market in the sam e manner for wom en as for m en presupposes parity j
!
in both factors. To achieve comparable effects in labor participa- ,
i
tion, for example, the schooling pursued by wom en should presumably ;
be commensurate with that offered to men, in substance as well as
accessibility, duration and inputs. Yet as described in Themes 4 and :
5, differentiation is apparent in the curricular content and
l
instruction offered to female and male students at both preuniversity
and university levels. Moreoever, when skills-development training
is provided to women, i t tends to focus upon nutrition, child care,
household-related tasks, and only a narrow range of income-producing
activities (e .g ., clerical services, cosmetology), which re a lis tica lly
offer few job prospects for the majority of wom en in developing areas
(Van Dusen, 1977).
To expand alternatives for income-generation, the essential
task in planning related to the labor activity of wom en is not to
redesign or restructure their education to be more nearly comparable
to that of men. Rather, i t includes the following: f ir s t , to define
and compare, on the one hand, the work-related expectations of girls
who attend school and, on the other hand, the effects that their
educational experience actually has upon their labor roles; second,
to identify occupational areas that represent viable options for
wom en in terms of economic and status benefits; and third, to
determine what instructional modes and resources can raise their
i
awareness of these opportunities and most effectively prepare them |
for work in these spheres. Finally, to encourage wom en to engage j
in labor a c tiv itie s , particularly those that correspond with
I
development needs and can contribute to higher living standards, I
i
incentives should be provided that are consonant with prevailing
conditions, including the specific restrictions faced by rural
w om en and those observing purdah norms, and which can effect change j
in attitudes that oppose female participation in the labor sphere.
This approach takes into account the warning issued by Standing (1976)
i
that for wom en in developing regions, lower investment in their educa-;
i
i
tion and restricted access to labor activities w ill both persist |
unless a deliberate effo rt is made by educational
! and economic planners to break the vicious circle
1 [that deprives them of educational and labor
! opportunities]. To wait for the trickle-down
I effect to work may take generations, (p. 282)
The expansion of school fa c ilitie s in the East Jordan Valley
. has increased educational opportunities for its female residents.
1 However, neither private nor social returns on the investment have
been clearly delineated with regard to the female population. In
; terms of labor participation, survey data from 1973 recorded a higher
I rate of work activity among wom en in the Valley than Jordan as a whole
(Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department of Statistics, 1973), but
provided l i t t l e insight into the relationship between schooling and
the levels and types of work performed by the former. For example,
the Social and Economic Survey of the East Jordan Valley: 1973
offered no explanation to account for its conclusion that "women who
; have attained a low level of education ( i. e ., elementary or
preparatory) cannot find jobs outside the agricultural activ ity but
| also refrain from working in agriculture" (p. 12). In view of the
: changes that have occurred in the educational sphere since the survey
i i
1 was conducted, there is a need to determine i f this pattern persists
| and i f other effects of schooling on female labor activity are
j apparent. For wom en in the Valley, the relationship between
| education and work participation should also be examined in terms of
i
; changing labor conditions in the area stemming from development of
j the agricultural sector and growth of nonagricultural occupations
i
I
i that service the farm population. Research was undertaken for the
! present study to generate data on these areas as potential input for
j programs, including incentive systems, to permit enhancement of the
educational background and labor activity of female residents and
ultimately, to increase their participation in the Valley's develop-
, ment.
■ Conclusion
To develop a context for the present study, a survey was
; conducted on research focusing upon wom en in developing regions and
i
i specifically, educational patterns and labor activities that pertain
to female residents in rural areas. In essence, this review was
conceived to synthesize key findings and concepts that provide
| insights into relationships between the schooling, labor participation
and socioeconomic background of rural women.
| While few studies have focused specifically upon the Arab
states, the literatu re on female education in developing societies
in general is meager. According to Kelly (1978), " if our knowledge
1 in this area is sparse, i t is because research on the education of
| wom en in the Third World has only recently begun" (p. 372). Available
studies suggest, however, that essential inputs for planning related
to women's education include the identification of constraints upon
attendance and the assessment of the variable effects of both
! socioeconomic background and school factors upon achievement.
!
Increased evidence also is needed on work-related expectations of
wom en attending school and the outcomes of their educational
I experience to determine what uses wom en make of their schooling.
| 128,
j
Research on female labor participation in developing areas
is more extensive, but remains inadequate in a number of key
' respects. Particularly in the rural sector where family and work
i
i
. roles tend to be integrated, deficient concepts and differing
, measuring techniques impede accurate recording of their activities
and thereby hinder comparison of the tasks performed as well as
, explanations of their diversity across cultures and time periods.
Moreover, few studies consider motives for engaging in economically
productive labor, including variations in terms of age and educational
background; the paucity of information in these areas detracts from
the development of appropriate incentives to prepare wom en for labor
' roles. The processes through which wom en become aware of work
1 .
activities as viable opportunities, and make decisions to prepare
for and/or participate in them, also are largely unexplored. Yet,
to meet labor needs in a context of changing economic conditions,
such as those characterizing the East Jordan Valley, i
the success of self-allocative processes, and :
I indirectly, the success of educational planning
! cannot be accurately predicted without at least ;
I som e assessment of how the individuals involved ;
! make occupational choices. (Ruscge, 1972, p. 454) !
; . i
During the course of the literature revfe.w,emphasis has been |
' placed upon discussion of factors and patterns that have implications '
l
| for planning to enhance the educational background and increase the
i
j labor participation of wom en in rural areas. In this respect, a time
lag was apparent between the findings reported by the studies and
i
present conditions; for example, the increased attention to female
labor productivity that characterizes current in itia tiv e s in
development planning has not yet been adequately reflected in the
literature. Nevertheless, as Weisblat (1975) has observed, "the most
pressing need is to focus on generating data and analysis meaningful
to policy makers, reworking existing data and developing experimental
i
projects to demonstrate the advantages of action on the issues" (p. 3)J
As its primary purpose, this survey of available research
provided a framework for delineating the factors that are intrinsic
to the education, labor ac tiv ity, and socioeconomic background of
rural wom en in developing societies. These components are summarized
i
in three diagrams, one for each of the variables examined in the
present study. While neither inclusive of all possible elements nor
illu stra tiv e of interrelations between them, the schemas are intended j
to set forth the factors which served as key reference points for the
field research conducted on wom en in the East Jordan Valley.
Incentives --------- Attendance
support from: parents use of facilities
husband duration (length of enrollment)
children motives
peer group expectations
community approval SJ decision-making capacity
increased status
personal development
marital prospects Inputs and Process
work aspirations instruction
earnings for self/family > mode of delivery
survival y S curriculum
matriculation procedures
textbooks and materials
Constraints guidance and counseling
attitudes of: parents
husband
children Effects
peer group level of achievement
cultural norms
general knowledge and skills
restricted access
job-related qualifications
cost
personal development
poor learning environment
improved status in: family
competing demands for time/labor
community
malnutrition
increased decision-making capacity
Figure 3
Key Factors in
the Education of Rural Women
i —1
GO
o
Incentives
recruitment and promotion practices
support from: parents
husband
children
peer group
earnings for self/family v
job-related training x.
increased status in: family n.
community ^
increased decision-making
authority
child and other support services
job counseling
survival
Constraints
lack of:
opportunities
awareness of opportunities
qualifications
access to training
access to technology
access to support services
time
loss of status
low wages
cultural norms
sex-role conflict
multiple role demands
opposition from: parents
husband
children
peer group
community
Figure 4
Key Factors in the Labor Activity
Participation
opportunities:
awareness of
sector
job conditions
status
promotion
compensation
f motives
expectations
duration
Productivity
— - 1 | ■
training
experience
unit output
Rural Women
Socioeconomic Background
educational attainment: mother Education
father attendance
work activity: mother motives
father expectations
rural/urban residency ^------------- constraints
household size: number and ages effects: ^ .
of siblings achievement level
dependent kin skills
marital status: husband qualifications
education
work status
children Work Activity
number participation <---------
ages opportunities
income level: parents ^ ---------— — motives
husband expectations
own earnings constraints
decision-making authority productivity
community standing
nutritional intake/health
Figure 5
Socioeconomic Factors Pertaining to the Relationship
Between the Education and the Labor Activity of Rural Women
I —*
00
I N 3
133
C H APTER I I I
! M ETH O DO LO G Y
i
i
i
Planning to enhance the labor participation of rural wom en in
! developing societies should incorporate evidence of their current work
I activity, including the factors that contribute to prevailing forms of
i
and motives for work-related decisions. For the present study, fie ld
research was conducted in the East Jordan Valley to generate data on
key social and economic factors that might be associated with the i
labor activity of wom en in a rural context. This chapter describes
the methodology used in gathering data in the Valley as the basis
upon which to explore hypothesized relationships between the
variables selected for analysis and, ultimately, to obtain answers to
research questions concerning female labor participation in the
i
i Valley.
i The chapter begins with a discussion of the research design
, that sets forth the designated variables, the hypotheses formulated
| on the basis of the questions underlying the study, and the statis- j
I
! t
tical analysis used to test presumed relations between the variables. !
i '
Subsequent sections consider (1) the pilo t study, (2) selection of
!
the subjects constituting the sample, (3) techniques of data collec- |
tion, (4) statistical procedures, and (5) data analysis methods. The !
final section focuses on limitations of the study as well as problems '
encountered during the course of the fie ld investigation.
134
Research Design
To examine factors salient to the work activity of rural
wom en in developing areas, survey research was undertaken in the
East Jordan Valley, a region in the northwestern part of Jordan for
j
j which broad-ranging development projects have been formulated to
: realize the area's agricultural potential, principally through
t
j expanded water supplies, improved land management, and increased
labor resources. The research conducted for this study focused on
• the work activity of female residents of the Valley and explored
relationships between their labor participation and the following
i
factors: preuniversity instruction received by the wom en and socio
economic characteristics of their families. Female work activity,
therefore, constituted the dependent variable in the study, while
school attendance at the preuniversity level and socioeconomic !
■ background served as the primary independent variables.
i In accordance with the null hypotheses, contingency tables j
I
I were established to juxtapose observed frequencies of key variables I
■ obtained through the survey, and a test of significance, the chi- i
j i
j square s ta tis tic , was then used to determine i f the variables were j
j j
| s ta tis tic a lly independent. A measure of association between the j
variables also was sought; because i t is appropriate for factors I
i
measured at the nominal level, the lambda s tatis tic was applied to !
I ;
j define the proportional reduction in error when predicting the value
j of the dependent variable on the basis of knowledge of the independent
! variable (Klecka, Nie, & Hull, 1975).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- j
135
The following hypotheses set forth the presumed relations that
were subsequently subjected to s ta tis tic a l analysis:
1. Female labor a c tiv ity in the East Jordan Valley and school
attendance of w om en at the preuniversity level are independent.
2. For w om en in the East Jordan Valley, there is no relationship
between:
a. age and school enrollment at the preuniversity le v e l, or
b. age and work participation.
3. The age of Valley w om en has no relationship to the factors
constraining th e ir school attendance—eith er physical factors
( fa c i1i tie s tra n s p o rta tio n , cost, programs) or social
factors (fam ily a ttitu d e s , decision-making abi1i t y ) .
4. In the East Jordan V alley, the educational attainment of
female residents, as an indicator of the content of programs
pursued, is independent of the kind o f work they perform.
5. For w om en residing in the Valley, there is no association
between th e ir reasons for working and each of the following:
a. th e ir age, or
b. th e ir school enrollment at the preuniversity level.
6. In the Valley, the school attendance of w om en at the pre-
university level is independent of the educational background
of the women1s parents.
7. For w om en in the Valley, there is no relationship between
th e ir labor a c tiv ity and the educational background of the
women’ s parents.
136!
8. N o association exists between the school attendance of ;
w om en residing in the Valley and the kind of work performed '
by the women's parents.
j
9. Female labor a c tiv ity in the Valley and the occupational i
i ,
a c tiv ity of the women's parents are independent. ;
i
10. For w om en in the East Jordan Valley, awareness of labor i
f
I opportunities in the Valley has no relationship to th e ir
participation in work a c tiv itie s .
11. The interest expressed by female residents of the Valley
in pursuing skills-development training in 13 d iffe re n t
fie ld s is independent of:
a. th e ir age, or
b. th e ir educational background.
The selection of a survey technique for the fie ld study was
i
based prim arily upon the high rate of illite r a c y am ong w om en residing ,
in the East Jordan Valley. According to the Social and Economic i
i j
; Survey of the East Jordan Valley: 1973, 90.4 percent of the female i
i
! population above 12 years lacked lite ra c y s k ills (calculated from
1 i
1 Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department of S ta tis tic s , 1973, Table ■
4 I
I 1
j 13a). A w ritten questionnaire, therefore, was excluded as an
j appropriate instrument for data collection purposes. An interview
' schedule was subsequently developed which consisted of a series of
! items arranged in three major sections corresponding to the study's
r
research variables: (1) educational data, (2) occupational data, and
]
i
j (3) personal and family data, including age, m arital status, j
I i
( residency, and the educational and occupational background of parents.;
Supplemental information on the labor a c tiv ity of Valley
w om en was obtained through fie ld observation at the research sites,
informal interviews with v illag e residents and government agency
; personnel, and review of available planning and research documents
i
| pertaining to the East Jordan Valley.
■ The P ilo t Study
In it ia l inquiry into the p o ssib ility of conducting research
i on female labor a c tiv ity in the East Jordan Valley was made during a
i
' v is it to Jordan in November 1977. At that time, o ffic ia ls of the
, Jordan Valley Authority, the governmental agency responsible for
i
the region's development, reacted favorably to the fe a s ib ility of
such a study and described the interest of the Government of Jordan
in research on social and economic aspects of the Valley. O n this
basis, a research proposal was formulated. The English d raft of an
interview schedule also was developed and subsequently was
| translated by two instructors of Arabic, one of w h om was a native
j speaker and the other, an American.
I
: In November 1978, another trip to Jordan was undertaken to
■ fin a liz e approval for the administration of the survey from
i governmental authorities, namely, the Jordan Valley Authority and
i
I the Department of S ta tis tic s , and to pretest the questionnaire.
i
The p ilo t study that preceded the primary investigation was
conducted to determine two factors: f ir s t , the fe a s ib ility of
i
; gathering data in the East Jordan Valley through interview procedures;
138
and second, the effectiveness of the survey instrument in generating
data on the research variables.
j
I In this process, the questionnaire was administered to 20
i
: w om en residing in Deir A lla , a villag e in the Valley's Middle Area.
i
i
At the suggestion of the Jordan Valley Authority, Deir A lla was
selected as the p ilo t study s ite on the basis of the following
I
1 factors:
1. The general tolerance am ong residents to interviews and
research conducted by non-resident personnel;
2. The a v a ila b ility of educational fa c ilitie s for female
residents, including the Deir A lla Secondary School for G irls;
3. The presence of the Agricultural Research and Extension
Station whose personnel could be called upon to fa c ilita te
the administration of the questionnaire; and
4. As revealed by 1973 s ta tis tic s , the higher rate of labor (
a c tiv ity am ong w om en residing in the Middle Area (46.4 ;
percent of the female population between 15 and 64 years)
re la tiv e to female residents of the Northern and Southern j
Areas (29.6 percent and 13.0, respectively) (Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan, Department of S ta tis tic s , 1973).
The w om en interviewed for the p ilo t study were equally j
divided between two age groups: 10 in the 15-25 year range and 10 in j
i
the 40-55 year group. The number of respondents represented
approximately 10 percent of the total sample derived for the primary
fie ld investigation. Potential subjects were id e n tifie d through |
household survey data that had been gathered by the Department of I
S tatistics in October 1978 in connection with the pretesting of a <
questionnaire drafted for Jordan's 1979 national census.
With assistance from the Department of S ta tis tic s , the
i 1
interviews were conducted in Deir A lla on November 20 and 21, 1978.
; In addition to offering general guidance on data gathering in the '
| Valley, the Department released three of its s ta ff as interviewers; ;
; arranged for a s ta ff member of the Deir A lla Agricultural Station to
; compile a lis t of potential subjects from v illag e population data;
1 and provided transportation from A m m an to the v illa g e and subsequently,
to the hom es of the respondents where the interviews were held.
Responses to the interview questions were translated from
Arabic into English with the help of a student in social science
research methodology at the University of Jordan. The results were
subsequently tabulated and analyzed with primary reference to needed .
revisions of the questionnaire to obtain data for testing of the
i hypothesized relationships between the research variables. j
: The p ilo t study provided valuable insights into both pro- |
1 cedural and substantive aspects of the proposed methodology for the
(
! major fie ld investigation schedule for March 1979. S p ecifically, i t j
i advanced its two primary objectives in the following manner: j
j 1. Regarding data gathering in the East Jordan Valley, the J
| fe a s ib ility of administering an interview schedule to female i
residents was established. The interest and effo rts of personnel
i from the Department of S ta tis tic s , the Jordan Valley Authority, and
i
i
the University of Jordan were essential to the achievement of this i
!
i
resu lt. !
140i
j Certain drawbacks related to the process of administering the
questionnaire emerged from this preliminary fie ld experience.
1 a. Id en tificatio n of a s u ffic ie n t number of respondents
! I
in the older age group, o rig in a lly defined as 45 to 55 years, was not
| feasible due to the low population level of Valley residents within
this age group; this finding was supported by the Social and Economic
Survey of the East Jordan Valley: 1973, which noted the number of
i
; w om en and m en between 45 and 54 years as forming only 5.3 percent
of the Valley's total population (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan,
| Department of S ta tis tic s , 1973).
As a res u lt, the age range of older w om en selected for the
p ilo t study was altered to include those between 40 and 55 years.
, A net effe c t of this expansion was to decrease the comparability of
the age groups since the younger cohort was essentially drawn from ;
i
; a 10-year range (15-25 years). This experience led to a red efin itio n ;
! of the age categories upon which the major fie ld study focused,
j which is discussed further in section "Selection of Subjects."
I . I
; b. Random sampling was generally not observed in the j
selection of the w om en who were interviewed for the p ilo t study. In
i
addition to the small size of the sample, the use of household
survey data to id e n tify potential respondents by age category
i
| reduced randomness, thereby lim iting the v a lid ity of generalizing
j from the particular sample to a larger population. j
’ c. Certain characteristics converged to make Deir A lla a >
"unique" rather than a "representative" test s ite ; for example, such (
^ l
I fa c ilitie s as the Agricultural Research and Extension Station and a j
secondary school for g irls . Since the lack of representative stature
detracts from the v a lid ity of generalizing observed patterns of
i
! relationships between key variables from the villag e to a larger
region (e .g ., the Valley's Middle Area), the designation of village
; sites for the primary investigation adhered to specified c rite ria
which are described in the section on the "Selection of Subjects."
; 2. The p ilo t study revealed various weaknesses in the test
i
| instrument its e lf which can be grouped in terms of substantive and
organizational aspects:
I a. Substantive Problems:
i
(1) Certain questions in the interview schedule were
inappropriate in terms of circumstances in Jordan, the East Jordan
Valley, or the key variables of the study. For example, responses to
a series of questions about the location of the husband's work a c tiv ity
revealed no out-migration from the area, which was the only basis for
j including the items in the questionnaire. In the section on education,
' certain questions were superfluous because of established educational
j policies in the Kingdom (e .g ., number of school hours d aily and days
J per week; enrollment fees).
j (2) More serious d iffic u ltie s related to the phraseology
i
| of certain test items, a prime result of which was a lack of
s p e c ific ity in responses. This was p a rtic u la rly apparent in the
: section on female work a c tiv ity , notably regarding agriculture. O n
i
j the one hand, vague answers might have stemmed in part from the
I
| respondents' perception of th e ir work as an extension of household
j tasks rather than an a c tiv ity with economic value. O n the other hand,
| 142
greater precision in the statement of questions, including categories
of work a c tiv itie s , might have fostered s p e c ific ity in the responses
and thus, a more complete and accurate description of the work
performed by the respondents.
(3) A related issue focused on d iffic u ltie s encountered
i
| with responses to open-ended questions, the form in which over half of
; the schedule items were phrased. In the p ilo t study, answers provided
i
! by the respondents were frequently general and ambiguous. As a res u lt,
translation into English was d iffic u lt and analysis hampered. For
j example, recurring answers to questions on reasons for school
, attendance included: "to be more educated," "to raise the level of
education and culture," "to experience lif e ," "to guarantee the
» •
future." While som e general sense can be derived from these responses,
they do not provide su fficie n t information or explanation for precise
interpretation. An anticipated e ffe c t of this finding was a reduction .
I in the r e lia b ility of the test items,
i b. Organizational Problems:
i
j The in it ia l arrangement of topical areas proved burden
som e in one key respect: the placement of "Personal Data" as the last .
i I
■ i
section in the interview schedule. This section included items on age ;
; and m arital status which were essential to the continuity of questions i
j within certain parts of the other two sections.
Revisions of the interview schedule based on the
l
I
; substantive and organizational weaknesses revealed by the p ilo t study
! are further considered in relation to the development of the fin a l test
| instrument in the section on "Techniques of Data Collection."
! 143
Selection of Subjects
1 The East Jordan Valley
i
| Situated in the northwestern portion of the Kingdom of Jordan,
the East Jordan Valley extends 105 kilometers from the Yarmouk River
! in the north to the Dead Sea in the south; on an east-west axis, its
range varies from 4 to 16 kilometers. These re la tiv e ly small
dimensions understate the Valley's importance in terms of both
; strategic and economic factors: the former derive from the region's
location adjacent to the northeastern sector of the West Bank,
| currently occupied by Is ra e l, while the la tte r stems from the Valley's
' agricultural potential whose development is expected to increase food
production in the Kingdom and improve livin g conditions for the
Valley's residents (United States Agency for International Development,
1975). Aresvik (1976) concluded that by the mid-1970s,
the Jordan Valley [had] become the richest source
of agricultural produce in East Jordan. Already, i t
: contributes som e 42 percent of to tal agricultural
I production, 70 percent of the total f r u it and
i vegetable production, and 75 percent of the country's
j agricultural exports, (p. 308)
! At the time of the fie ld investigation for the present study,
| the Social and Economic Survey of the East Jordan Valley: 1973, which
was conducted by the Department of S ta tis tic s in 1973, provided the
' most comprehensive data available on the region. According to the
j survey, the V alley's to tal population in 1973 comprised 64,012 persons,
of w hom 48.2 percent were women. At the time of the survey, Valley
i
residents were grouped into 48 settlements, most of which were located'
j in proximity to the North-South Highway that runs the length of the
144
Valley, roughly parallel to the East Ghor Canal and extending south
ward from the end of the Canal to the v illag e of El Rama. A s one of
the major objectives, the Summary: Jordan Valley Development Plan,
1975-1982 proposes regrouping residents of the area into 36 population
centers, of which 31 are already in existence and 5 are new develop
ments. The spatial configuration of these settlements is depicted
in the m ap of the East Jordan V alley, which is designated as Figure 2
in Chapter I.
For programming purposes related to the implementation of the
development plan, the Valley has been subdivided into three horizontal
sections that only remotely coincide with topographical features: the
Northern Area extends from the Yarmouk River in the north to the Wadi
El-Qarin in the south; the Middle Area, from the Wadi El Qarin in the
north to Karamah v illa g e in the south; and the Southern Area, from
Karamah v illag e in the north to the Dead Sea in the south (Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan, Department of S ta tis tic s , 1973),
These subdivisions are widely divergent in a number of key
respects. F irs t, in terms of size, the Northern and Middle Areas are
nearly comparable and include approximately three-quarters of the
V alley’ s te rrain ; in contrast, the Southern Area covers a propor
tionately smaller amount of land. Exact dimensions of the three
subregions are not recorded in the 1973 survey or other documents
pertaining to the Valley. The Jordan Valley Authority also has
indicated that such information is not available (Qahoush, 1980).
Moreover, boundaries of the three areas were redefined for the 1978
j 145'
j census pretest and 1979 national census, thereby precluding comparison
of trends within the subregions over time.
' Second, data collected in 1973 reveal d iffe re n tia ls in the
■ Valley's population according to geographical location. The overall
population was unevenly divided am ong the three subregions: 43.8
. percent resided in the Northern Area, 40.3 percent in the Middle Area,
i
I
I and 15.9 percent in the Southern Area. Preliminary results from the
i
census pretest conducted in October 1978 reveal that the V alley's
population had risen to 76,677 from 64,012 in 1973 (Dajani, Hazleton,
- Rhoda, & Sharry, 1980). The fin a l figures from this survey and the
1979 census should indicate population redistribution tends within
i
the Valley, the most probable of which is a sizable increase in the
Middle Area where economic a c tiv itie s and government services have
■ expanded markedly. In terms of settlements, on the other hand, the
: more numerous residents of the North were grouped into fewer
I locations (16) than was the case in the Middle Area whose population
\
I
! was more widely distributed am ong 25 sites (Hashemite Kingdom of
] Jordan, Department of S ta tis tic s , 1973). Within each Area, moreover, ;
' settlements exhibit varying structural patterns, ranging from a j
cluster of residences in close proximity to the v illa g e 's center or i
i
, to the North-South Highway, to a wider dispersion of households which
! lack a unifying nucleus.
i
| Third, the heterogeneous origins of the Valley's population
[
are am ong sociological features that characterize settlements-wtttrin
the various subregions. While som e inhabitants are descendants of
j .
j groups that predated the B ritish Mandate, more recent settlers include
Palestinian refugees from the 1948 and 1967 wars, as well as migrants
from other parts of the East Bank and neighboring countries, such as
Saudi Arabia (Barhoum, 1976; Fernea, 1977; Fikry, 1979). Varying
patterns of social organizations are evident am ong these disparate
groups; for example, trib a l elements predominate in certain locations,
such as the Adwan in som e villages of the south and the L'Ighzawi in
the north, while the Palestinian refugees have tended to s e ttle in
clusters by village of origin. These patterns were apparent during
the fie ld survey conducted for the present study and are further
discussed in the section that considers the selection of the research
sites. No comprehensive study of the origins of the Valley's
population is available. The scarcity of ethnographic data detracts
from planning, p articu larly in terms of the formulation of measures
to foster a resident population with attachment to the area and
commitment to its development, which Fernea (1977) contended ^are
lacking.
Regional differences also emerge in terms of labor force and
educational characteristics of the V alley's female population. As
noted in Chapter I , the rate of female participation in the Valley's
labor force has been reported as higher than that for w om en in the
East Bank overall: 28.1 percent as opposed to 10-12 percent. (Also,
as noted in Chapter I , labor s ta tis tic s for the East Bank vary
extensively.. The 10-12 percent rate quoted for the female population
is presented only as a general, rather than precise, indication of
the extent to which Jordanian w om en are engaged in the labor force.)
147
The higher work rate of Valley w om en is due prim arily to the im
portance of agriculture in the Valley which engaged 81.9 percent of
the total labor force in 1973; am ong female residents recorded as
participating in economic a c tiv itie s , 96.1 percent worked in the
agricultural sector (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department of
S ta tis tic s , 1973).
The 1973 data further disclosed variations in labor a c tiv ity
according to area of residency within the Valley: as indicated in
Table 5, participation rates, for both w om en and m en in the Middle
Area exceeded those for the Northern Area, the most populous sub-
region in the Valley. Moreover, in the Southern Area, only 6.9 per
cent of the female population were reported as engaged in economic
pursuits in 1973. According to Salt and Kelley (1976), this low rate
of participation has been attributed "to the large land holdings and
extensive rather than intensive agricultural practices [used in the
South]--factors reducing the need for high seasonal (e .g ., harvesting)
inputs of occasional labor" (p. 58) often provided by women. A m ong
other variables, opposition to female labor a c tiv ity am ong tribesmen
residing in the South also might contribute to the low rate of female
participation in the area.
Educational data presented in the 1973 survey revealed that
for the Valley's population aged 12 years and above, only 9.6 percent
of the female residents were lite r a te , while the corresponding rate
for m en was 41.2 percent (see Table 6). (No d efin itio n of "literacy"
was provided in the 1973 survey, and as a res u lt, these data must be
interpreted with caution. Literacy rates from the survey have been
148
Table 5
Rates of Labor Force Participation in the
East Jordan Valley by Sex and Area
Area Percentages
Sex
Northern
Area
Middle
Area
Southern
Area
A ll
Valley
Total Female 15.4 24.7 6.9 17.8
15-64 years 29.6 46.4 13.0 33.9
Total Male 40.7 43.5 43.4 42.3
15-64 years 86.3 88.4 87.3 87.5
Total Population 28.4 34.5 25.9 30.5
15-64 years 58.0 68.4 51.6 61.2
Total D istribu
tion of the
Labor Force 40.8 45.7 13.5 100.0
Source: Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Social and Economic Survey of
the East Jordan Valley: 1973, Department of S ta tis tic s , 1973»
Table S, pT'SOT"— -----------
Table 6
Literacy Rates in the East Jordan Valley by Sex,
Select Age Groups, and Area
Area and Sex Percentages
Age Group9
Northern Area
Female Male
Middle Area
Female Male
Southern Area
Female Male
All Valley
Female Male
Total Population 16.9 52.3 13.0 49.9 13.8 47.1 14.9 50.5
12+ Years 10.8 42.2 8.5 40.9 8.9 39.5 9.6 41.2
15-19 Years 42.7 82.0 31.9 82.8 29.9 79.1 36.6 81.9
20-24 Years 28.1 80.8 17.7 75.4 21,1 69.3 22.6 76.7
35-39 Years 1.5 35.0 0.4 34.9 3.8 34.5 1.5 34.9
40-44 Years 0.3 29.0 0.6 25.5 1.1 32.1 1.1 28.0
a
Primary age groups considered in the fie ld survey.
Source: Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Soci al and Economic Survey of the East Jordan
Valley: 1973, Department of Statistics, 1973, Tables 13a-d, pp. 112-115.
150
noted in this study only to illu s tra te the low educational level
attained by Valley residents.) A m ong women, varying rates of lite ra c y
are evident according to geographical location, ranging from a low of
8.5 percent in the Middle Area to a high of 10.8 percent in the
Northern sector. Regional d iffe re n tia ls are more pronounced, however,
within the 15-19 age range: whereas 42.7 percent of w om en in this age
group residing in the North had achieved literacy, only 31.9 percent
from the Middle Area and 29.9 percent from the Southern Area had done
so. While noting for the Valley in general that older age groups re
corded higher rates of illite r a c y and th at successively younger groups
of males were gaining lite ra c y more rapidly than females at comparable
ages, the survey offered no observations on the variations am ong
Valley w om en according to area of residency. One.possible explanation
for the female and male lite ra c y rates in the North, which are the
highest of those for a ll the subregions, is that investment in de
velopment projects, which occurred in the Northern Area e a rlie r than in
other parts of the Valley, has yielded tangible effe c ts, including
higher educational attainment among residents. Infrastructure and
social services were developed in the northern part of the Valley in
conjunction with the construction of the East Ghor Canal, which was
started at the primary water source and the Valley's northern boundary,
the Yarmouk River, and subsequently extends: southward (Aresvik, 1976)
The evolution of development processes in the Valley represent^
the la s t major factor contributing to d iffe re n tia l characteristics
am ong the three subregions. A s noted above, development projects
have been underway in the Northern Area for a longer period,
; 151
i prin cip ally in connection with the East Ghor Canal which feeds an
I
j irrig a tio n system in the Valley through diversion of waters from the
1
Yarmouk River. Construction of the Canal started in July 1958 and
has been extended in successive stages from the north to the south
of the Valley. While the 1967 A rab-Israeli War halted irrig a tio n
and other projects throughout the Valley, the h o s tilitie s in flic te d
greater damage upon the Middle and Southern Areas, which required
, more extensive reconstruction than was the case in the North
: (Aresvik, 1976; Salt & Kelley, 1976). With regard to water resources
and community in frastru ctu re, therefore, the course of development
in the Valley has varied in time and by location, which has produced
divergent legacies in the three subregions.
Selection of Villages
, as Research Sites
Because of the varied features associated with the three
I subregions of the East Jordan Valley, one villa g e from each was
i
j designated as a research site in order to enhance representativeness
| in the sampling of the V alley's population for the fie ld survey.
I
The pretest of the survey instrument conducted in November
j 1978 underscored the need to adhere to specific c rite ria in the
selection of villages as study sites in order to increase the
; probability of drawing a sample of subjects that exemplified the
I
! Valley's population. Enhancing the representativeness of the sample
would thereby strengthen the v a lid ity of generalizing observed
! relationships am ong the research variables from the villa g e to a
!
! larger unit of analysis, i . e . , the Northern, the Middle, or the
152
j Southern Area. Since characteristics such as those observed in Deir
! Alla have p o ten tially biasing effects, villages with one or more of
these d istin ctive features were excluded as possible test sites.
The Jordan Valley Authority and other governmental agencies
placed no restriction s upon the sites selected for the survey. O n
the other hand, personnel noted particular characteristics of certain
villages (e .g ., the large Palestinian population of Karamah) which
might detract from the representative stature sought for the study
sites.
The primary c rite ria used in choosing locations for the fie ld
study were as follows:
1. The villa g e had been established fo r at least 15 years
and therefore could be regarded as a permanent settlement in the
Valley;
2. Based upon 1973 s ta tis tic s , the total population of the
villa g e represented the mean am ong a ll villages in the area in which
i t was located ( i . e . , Northern, Middle, or Southern);
3. With variance not exceeding 5 percent, the female-male
ra tio of the v illa g e 's population approximated that of the area as
a whole ( i . e . , Northern, Middle, or Southern) according to 1973 data;
4. The villag e offered educational opportunities for g irls
at the primary and preparatory levels. Since few secondary schools
for g irls 'a re available in the Valley (5 in 36 settlements in 1978),
the existence of such a f a c ilit y was viewed as atypical and therefore
served to disqualify the villag e as a study s ite . (In 1980, a
secondary school for g irls was located in each of the following
villages: North Shuna and Mashare in the Northern Area; Deir Alla
and Kreimeh/Obeideh in the Middle Area; and South Shuna in the
Southern Area: Dajani et a l., 1980.) O n the other hand, each
v illag e selected for the survey must have been within reasonable
commuting distance (not more than 10 kilometers) to another in which
a g irls ' secondary school was located; as such, g irls residing at the
study site had access in principle to formal schooling at a ll pre
university levels: primary, preparatory, and secondary.
5. The v illa g e was classified am ong the "p rio rity one" or
"p rio rity two" settlements included in the Jordan Valley Resettlement
Program (United States Agency for International Development, 1975).
These designations refer to plans for villag e development in the
Valley that include provision of infrastructure and social services
in such areas as education, health, water supply, and local
governance. Two additional types of information o rig in a lly were
sought as c rite ria for the selection of v illa g e sites: labor force
a c tiv ity rates for w om en and men, and lite ra c y rates for w om en and
men. Data on a v illag e basis were not available to compute eith er
of these measures, however.
Various data sources were consulted in the application of
these c rite ria :
1. The status of "permanent settlement" was determined on
the basis of its inclusion in the 1961 National Census, as noted in
The O ffic ia l Town and Village Index (reprinted in Dajani & Murdock,
1978), and its designation as an "old" s ite for the Jordan Valley
Resettlement Program (United States Agency for International
Development, 1975).
2. Population data, including female-male ratio s, were
drawn from s ta tis tic s included in the Social and Economic Survey of
the East Jordan Valley: 1973 (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department
of S ta tis tic s , 1973).
3. The a v a ila b ility of educational fa c ilitie s for g irls was
established on the basis of information provided for the Jordan
Village Development Program (United States Agency for International
Development, 1975) and subsequently confirmed during an interview
conducted at the M inistry of Education in A m m an (Hindawi, 1979).
4. The Jordan Village Development Project document also
served as the source of the "p riority" classificatio n of settlements
used in connection with the Jordan Valley Resettlement Program
(United States Agency fo r International Development, 1975).
In accordance with the designated c rite ria , the following
villages were selected as survey sites:
1. El-Manshiya in the Northern Area
2. Muaddi in the Middle Area
3. El-Kafrein in the Southern Area
A summary of pertinent characteristics of a ll three villages is
presented in Table 7 to illu s tra te the extent to which th e ir selection
as study sites complied with the predefined c rite ria .
During the administration of the interview schedule, the
investigation deviated from the preselected test sites in one key
respect. While interviews were being conducted in El-Kafrein in the
Southern Area, the existence of a controversy became apparent which
155
Table 7
Summary of Village Characteristics to
Meet Selection C rite ria
Villag e
Cri te ria El-Manshiya Muaddi El-Kafrein
Permanent Settlement
Population in 1961a 1,217 938 769
Total Population in
1973
Mean for Area
2,665
1,754^
1,086
1,032
1,509
1,451
Female/Male Popula
tion Ratio {%)
Ratio for Area (%)
49.4/50.6
48.9/51.1
47.4/52.6
47.6/52.4
47.6/52.4
47.8/52.2
School F a c ilitie s
for G irls
Primary
Preparatory
Location of
Nearest Secondary
Yes
Yes
North Shuna
Yes
Yes
Deir A lla
Yes
Yes
South Shuna
P rio rity Status in
Jordan Valley
Resettlement Program
P rio rity
O ne
P rio rity
One
Priori ty
Two
a
As recorded in The O ffic ia l Town and Village Index, Dajani and
Murdock, 1978.
The population of villages in the Northern Area are widely
divergent; the only other villa g e approximating the mean had a
population of 905. Although its population exceeded the mean,
El-Manshiya was selected because in addition to satisfying the
other c r ite r ia , its larger population would be more representative
of the Northern Area, the most populous of the three subregions.
centered on school fa c ilitie s for g irls and involved residents of
El-Kafrein proper, located on the west side of the North-South
Highway, and those in the Jaufat El-Kafrein sector on the eastern
side of the road. The survey was subsequently extended to include
the Jaufat d is tric t so that both sides of the school fa c ilitie s
issue could be represented.
The adm inistrative status of Jaufat is ambiguous. According
to The O ffic ia l Town and Village Index, "Jau. Fat El-Kafrein" is
recorded in the 1974/1975 Population Census, but not in the 1961
National Census (reprinted in Dajani & Murdock, 1978). Since its
residents are largely Palestinian in origin, while those of El-Kafrein
include a mixture of indigenous tribesmen and Palestinians, i t is
lik e ly that Jaufat originated as a refugee site adjacent to El-Kafrein,
and that as its population has grown, i t has increasingly assumed the
id e n tity of a d is tin c t v illa g e settlement, with shops and resident
leadership. These characteristics suggest that El-Kafrein and
Jaufat El-Kafrein might be classified more appropriately as "twin
villages" (in the vein that St. Paul and Minneapolis are twin c itie s )
than the la tte r as a subdistrict of the former. Existing documents
offer scant evidence pertaining to Jaufat: the 1973 survey includes
a v illa g e designated as "al-Joufa" in the Southern Area, but the
Jordan V illage Development Program document makes no reference to a
settlement with a comparable name. The 1978 census pretest and 1979
national census are expected to c la rify Jaufat's status. Its growth
undoubtedly has been a contributing factor to the recent construction
of a g irls ' school within its bounds, which was the source of the
controversy with the residents of El-Kafrein who at the time of the
survey, opposed the transfer of th e ir daughters from the existing
older primary-preparatory school in the villag e to the new fa c ility
across the road in Jaufat. Residents of the la tte r , on the other
hand, had been sending th e ir daughters to the El-Kafrein school in
the absence of other f a c ilitie s .
For the purposes of this study, Jaufat was considered a sub
d is tric t of El-K afrein, although as a procedure to control for
variance, data gathered at the two sites were tabulated and processed
separately.
Subjects
The total sample of the survey consisted of 210 respondents
who were drawn from the female population residing at the study
sites. The size of thjs sample was considered appropriate for the
purposes of investigating relationships between the three major
research variables.
To derive the sample, 70 w om en were selected from each
v illa g e , with an equal number (35) drawn from two age groups. The
younger group was defined as 15-24 years and thereby included
residents from the school age population. As a result of the p ilo t
study, which revealed a scarcity of subjects within the range
o rig in a lly designated as the second category (45-55 years), the
older group was established as 35-44 years. In spite of the lowered
age level of the la tte r ,,a generational difference between the two
age groups was maintained.
.158
The precise d efinition of age prompted occasional d iffic u ltie s
in identifying potential subjects. Since birthdates were not always
o ffic ia lly recorded in the past or birth c e rtific a te s perserved,
p articu larly am ong residents of nomadic or Palestinian origin s, other
methods of estimating age were applied. The most prevalent was the
id e n tific atio n of a major historical event (e .g ., the 1948 A rab-Israeli
War; the assassination of Jordan's King Abdullah) or a natural
phenomenon (e .g ., the flooding of the East Ghor Canal) that occurred
during the year in which the w om an was born. While such techniques
cannot assure accurate d efinition of age, they permitted an approxima
tion that was reasonably reliab le in terms of the two 10-year age spans
which delimited the selection of the sample.
Population census data were not consulted in the id e n tific a
tion of potential respondents. A s disclosed by the pretesting of the
interview schedule, use of such data reduces randomness in sampling
from the to ta l population. For the major investigation, therefore,
subjects were sought through random v is its to households scattered
throughout the study sites. To gain a representative sample, a
lim it of three w om en was established as the maximum that could be
drawn from any one household, with no more than two from eith er age
category. Although in 1973 the average size of households in the
Valley was lower than for Jordan as a whole (5.7 persons for the
former as opposed to 6.3 persons for the la t t e r ) , the smaller
number of w om en residing in the Valley (48.2 percent of the total
population) contributed to an estimate o f'th ree per household as a
reasonable number for the study's purposes. In two v illag es.
159
El-Kafrein and Muaddi, interviews also were conducted with students
at the g irls ' schools, while informal discussions were held with the
headmistresses and teachers. This was not possible in El-Manshiya
since at the time of the survey's adm inistration, classes were not
in session because of a school holiday.
Techniques of Data Collection
The primary method of collecting data on social and economic
factors that might pertain to female labor a c tiv ity in the East
Jordan Valley was through the administration of an interview schedule
to the 210 female residents who constituted the sample of the study.
The schedule was constructed to obtain information from the
respondents on the three areas corresponding to the research
variables:
1. th e ir labor a c tiv ity ;
2. th e ir school enrollment; and
3. th e ir socioeconomic background.
Other techniques were used to gather data related to the key
variables under study. At the research site s , unstructured in te r
views were conducted with non-survey residents to gain supplemental
information on the female population of the Valley; foremost in this
group were the mukhtars (mayors) and the headmistresses of the g irls '
schools in the three villag es. Discussions also were held with
o ffic ia ls of organizations based in the Valley, including the
Farmers' Association and the Agricultural Research and Extension
; i6o
: Station in Deir A lia , and at the Jordan Valley Authority, the M inistry
I
! of Education and the Department of S ta tis tic s in A m m an.
I
Field observations also were conducted during two v is its to
the area in November 1978 and March 1979. In this process, ethno
graphic material was collected and recorded while interviews were
underway in the hom es o f the survey respondents and on v is its to the
g irls ' schools and other villa g e sites. Field data obtained in this
manner centered on the a c tiv itie s performed by female members both
within and outside of the home, as well as organizational aspects
of the households and the villages in general.
Construction of the
Interview Schedule
As described in the section "P ilo t Study," the original d raft
of the interview schedule was pretested in the Valley in November
1978. This experience led to major revisions in terms of the
| instrument's substance and organization.
| Substantive revisions. I t was noted previously that certain
items included in the original schedule were marginally useful to the
purposes of the study. The section on Educational Data, for example,
i
included such questions as: "How many hours are you in school each
I day and days per week?" and "Do you have to pay a fee to enroll at
school?" Since the Kingdom observes standard policies in such
i matters, i t was not lik e ly that these questions would generate
i
variation in responses and th a t, as a re s u lt, they would enhance
understanding of educational patterns related to the female residents
of the Valley (e .g ., enrollment constraints imposed by fees).
Consequently, such items were excluded from the fin a l version of the
interview schedule.
Certain questions were added to the instrument that had not
appeared in the original d ra ft. Comparable to items presented in the
education section, respondents were asked to express attitudes on the
propriety of female labor a c tiv ity by indicating whether th e ir
daughters worked (or were expected to in the future) and for what
reasons. Moreover, a question was included to generate information
for possible program development related to s k ills training for
wom en: to obtain a measure of interest in 13 d iffe re n t a c tiv itie s
which ranged from the more tra d itio n a l, such as sewing and farming,
to the "modern," for example, n u tritio n and o ffice work, each
respondent was asked i f she would attend i f courses were offered in
her v illa g e and in which areas sp e c ific ally .
Another major weakness in the original test instrument
concerned the structure and phrasing of questions. In this version,
most items were presented in open-ended form. As revealed by the
p ilo t study, responses were frequently ambiguous, which generated
major d iffic u ltie s in coding and subsequent interpretation; th is ,
in turn, prompted concern about the r e lia b ility of test items.
In trin s ic to the open-ended form of questions is the problem of
achieving a balance between minimizing restraints upon answers while
obtaining s u fficie n t s p e c ific ity in the responses to permit coding
within appropriate categories; in the present study, this problem
was compounded by the survey's conduct in Arabic and the ensuing
need for translating answers into English. O ne of the interviewers
162
during the pretest, a s ta ff member of the Department of S tatistics
with extensive experience in the construction and administration of
questionnaires, also noted that since several interviewers were
needed to conduct the survey, varying expression in recording open-
ended answers would further detract from establishing clear categories
of item responses.
Consequently, in its revised form, the interview schedule
included a set of specific response options fo r most test items to
achieve greater uniformity in measurement. In thoseiinstances where
fixed responses had been provided in the d raft version, the range of
anticipated answers was extended to cover as many alternatives as
possible. To minimize biasing of response during the actual in te r
view, however, questions were stated in an open-ended manner;
response options were not presented to the subject, but were available
on the schedule to fa c ilita te the interview er's categorization of
the response provided by the interviewee.
Organizational revisions. In the original schedule, the
sections on education and labor a c tiv ity preceded questions on personal
and family matters. Because items in the la tte r section, particu
la rly those related to age and marital status, determined the
interviewer's selection of appropriate questions in the other two
sections, the schedule was reorganized to begin with "Personal Data"
items, followed by the section on "Educational Data," and fin a lly ,
"Occupational Data."
W hen revisions of the English draft were completed, the
schedule was reviewed by specialists in development education and
163
educational research with reference to the s u ita b ility of content and
structure. I t was then translated into Arabic by a Palestinian with
excellent com m and of both languages and strong background in research
methodology. A c ritic a l element of the translation was the phrasing
of questions in a manner that would fa c ilita te communication with a
largely n o n-literate population.
Prior to the fie ld investigation conducted in the East Jordan j
Valley in March 1979, s ta ff of the Department of S tatistics examined j
the fin al draft of the test instrument, which was used fo r the main !
I
survey without further m odification. The English version of the j
interview schedule is presented in Appendix B. I
j
Selection of Interviewers j
i
Jordanian w om en were sought to conduct the interviews with j
female residents of the Valley in order to overcome actual and j
potential obstacles. A m ong major considerations, the participation j
of w om en as interviewers was essential for gaining access to ;
I
potential subjects and surmounting resistance from eith er the j
respondents or th e ir male kin who observed customs favoring the
separation of the sexes. Moreover, to communicate with the
respondents fluency in Arabic was required, including an a b ility to
conduct conversations with residents who used local dialects.
F in ally, professional commitments in the United States imposed a
time constraint on the duration of the fie ld research in Jordan and j
as a resu lt, several experienced interviewers were needed to complete
the interview process within a nine-day period.
! 164
Through a professor of sociology at the University of Jordan,
j three interviewers with the requisite qualifications were located.
(Dr. M oham m ad Barhoum and Mrs. Amal Barhoum provided not only
assistance in the identification of interviewers, but also guidance
and encouragement throughout the study.) All were graduates of the
University with majors in the social sciences (one each in sociology,
psychology, and economics). In addition, a ll three had participated
in survey studies in Jordan and conducted interviews in fie ld
conditions. Moreover, they were able to communicate readily in
English, which fa cilitated discussion of phenomena observed at the
research sites.
An alternate also was selected who participated essentially
when the other interviewers were unable to do so. A senior majoring
in sociology at the University of Jordan, she had been involved in
gathering data through survey instruments and had a strong com m and
of English.
After their selection, informal sessions were held with the
interviewers to explain the objectives of the survey and to review
the test instrument. In this process, their attention was drawn to
the sequencing of test items and to the desired treatment of
questions in an open-ended manner. Because the background of each
included both a theoretical base obtained through university courses
and practical experience in survey research, more extensive training
in interview techniques was not required.
In the selection of interviewers, preference was given to
non-governmental personnel to enhance the survey's identification as
165
an independent study. This qualification was particularly pertinent
at the time of the survey because the Department of Statistics had
conducted a population census in the Valley only five months before
(October 1978). Although the Department generously offered to assign
staff members to the study * non-governmental a ffilia tio n was main
tained as a primary criterion for selecting interviewers.
Field Procedures
The main survey was conducted between March 17 and March 26,
1979. Three days were allotted for each village, which was an
adequate period for completion of the requisite number of interviews
at each site (70). The investigation began in El-Kafrein in the
Southern Area, subsequently moved northward to Muaddi in the Middle
Area, and ended in El-Manshiya in the North.
For a ll three villages, a general procedure was established
as follows. Upon in itia l arrival at the survey site , a meeting was
held with a mukhtar to introduce those participating in the study
and to explain its purposes; this measure was intended to conform
to customs observed in the area and to gain recognition from a
village leader that would confer legitimacy to our presence in the
area. In El-Kafrein and El-Manshiya, a mukhtar was not located at
the outset, but only after the interviews had begun; their reception
was characterized by cordiality and interest in the study, as had
been expressed by their counterparts in Jaufat and Muaddi. Two
events w ill illu s tra te the generous reception we received. The
mukhtar with w hom we visited in Jaufat El-Kafrein instructed his
166
f ir s t wife to accompany the interviewers and myself at the outset of
the surveying to introduce us to potential respondents and to explain
our purpose for being in the area. In Muaddi9 the mukhtar requested
that we v is it the g ir ls ’ primary-preparatory school, of which his
daughter was headmistress. W e spent approximately two hours talking
with her, her s ta ff, and students; in the afternoon, after completing
interviews elsewhere in the village, we returned to the school to
meet with wom en enrolled in an adult education program and found
that the headmistress had prepared lunch for us from crops grown
in the area.
A v is it was then made to the g irls ' school in the village.
In El-Kafrein and Muaddi, discussions were held with the head
mistresses and teachers about various aspects of *the school, includ
ing the curricular program, enrollment problems, and particular
constraints on female attendance, general performance patterns,
matriculation trends, training and residency of teachers, adequacy
of existing fa c ilitie s , and parental participation in school affairs.
A fourth primary class on the Koran also was observed in Muaddi. A
school holiday precluded a v is it to the g ir ls 1 school in El-Manshiya,
which had recently been constructed; a meeting with the headmistress
was therefore conducted at her home.
During the v is it in Muaddi, the headmistress described a
literacy program which she had organized for female adults. At her
invitation, a discussion was held with participants of the program
regarding the instruction they were receiving as well as their
reasons for attending.
167
According to the normal pattern, the interviewers dispersed
after visiting the school and spent the remainder of the allotted
time in canvassing the village on a house-by-house basis, identifying
residents in the requisite age groups and conducting interviews.
In two locations, Jaufat El-Kafrein and Muaddi, the clustering of
hom es in the vicinity of the North-South Highway fa cilita te d the
search for respondents. The structures of the other villages,
however, were less conducive to this mode of pursuing potential
subjects: in El-Kafrein, household were widely dispersed over a
considerable area, while El-Manshiya was comprised of at least four
subdistricts, som e of which were located approximately 3 to 7 k ilo
meters apart. In the la tte r's case, car transportation was used to
reach the various sections of the village.
Most interviews were conducted in, or just outside of, the
hom es of the respondents. O n one occasion, interviewers ventured
/
into farm fields on the outskirts of Muaddi where a few interviews
were held, in addition to conversations with Pakistani males working
as fie ld supervisors. Som e students also served as respondents
during visits to the g irls ' schools in El-Kafrein and Muaddi.
The time involved in completing an interview ranged from 15
to 45 minutes. In spite of variation according to the interviewer
as well as the items selected in the sections on education and labor
a c tiv ity , the amount of time needed to complete a particular sequence
was generally comparable. G n the average, 25 minutes were required
to question each respondent.
| 168
I
There were no known instances at any of the survey sites in
i which potential subjects refused to be interviewed. To the contrary,
and in a manner comparable to the mukhtars and the headmistresses of
the g irls ' schools, wom en .residing in the villages were exceedingly
receptive to participating in the survey. They were willing to
interrupt their daily activities and respond to inquiries into their
personal lives--most often while insistently offering tea, coffee,
or another gesture of hospitality. Moreover, they did so while
contending with relatives and neighbors who in accordance with social
customs, gathered in their hom es to listen to the interview and
appraise the foreign visito r. The formation of spectator groups did
not appear to detract from the interview process, while the
researcher's presence might have contributed to legitimizing its
purposes. O n only one occasion did antagonism surface when a female
resident suggested that the survey might be intended to gather
information for Israel; since she was not within the age ranges
required for the study, her participation was not feasible in any
case.
During the survey, a ta lly was kept of the ages of the
subjects interviewed each day. O n this basis, the interviewers were
alerted to the exact number remaining to achieve the requisite of 35
subjects in each age group per village. Every evening, the in te r
views completed that day were reviewed, both to check for major
omissions and to precode item responses.
The need for translating responses from Arabic into English
was minimized by the provision of fixed-item options for most
169
questions in the schedule. In it ia lly , the interviewers assisted in
clarifying responses to open-ended questions as well as notes they j
had made during the course of specific interviews. These tasks were
completed subsequent to the fie ld investigation by the Palestinian who
1
I
had prepared the final translation of the interview schedule. i
t
Statistical Procedures ;
_ . - — - — i
Following the translation of interview responses from Arabic ;
t
to English, an ordering of the data was undertaken as the basis for \
j
conducting the statistical analysis: namely, to test hypothesized ;
relationships between the variables and ultimately, to ascertain j
whether relationships observed in the sample were sufficiently marked 1
to suggest their presence in the population from which the sample i
was derived, 1
f
As the f ir s t procedure, suryey data were arranged in con~ j
tingency tables. Through this technique, observed frequencies of j
the factors under study were cross^partitioned to fa c ilita te analysis \
I
of relations among them, Cross-rtabulations were established in itia lly l
i
to test the relations set forth by the research hypotheses, Other
tables were developed subsequently when the ordering of item responses
suggested that an examination of factors not originally selected for
analysis, such as reasons for attending school and payment for work |
participation, might yield additional insights into female labor j
t
activity in the Valley, !
A test of statistical independence then was conducted to
determine the existence of systematic relationships between the
j 170
research variables. Through application of the chi-square s ta tis tic ,
j values were obtained which served as the basis for testing the
i
j research hypotheses and drawing conclusions about the independence
of the variables in the population that yielded the sample for the
study.
: The final procedure involved measuring the strength of
relationships between female labor activity in the Valley and each of
the independent variables. For all null hypotheses suggesting pre
sum ed relations between these factors, the degree and direction of
association were estimated through the lambda s tatis tic . Since a ll
variables were treated as having been measured at the nominal level,
lambda was suitable for determining how strongly any two variables
were related. A particularly useful feature of lambda Is its
capacity for measuring improvement in prediction about the value of
one variable based upon knowledge of the other.
Multiple responses were obtained for various questions in
the interview schedule; for example, the kinds of labor performed
and the reasons for attending school. In processing these data for
statistical analysis, each response was assumed to be independent
and therefore constituted a distinct variable; on this basis,
frequency distributions were established for each variable and the
statistical tests subsequently conducted whose results are reported
in Chapter IV. To fa c ilita te interpretation of the findings, however,
all responses to a given question also were tabulated, and when
appropriate, the aggregates have been noted in the next chapter.
171
The CROSSTABS subprogram of SPSS was used to subject survey
data to statistical analysis. In this process, i t produced the
contingency tables and computed the chi-square values and lambda
coefficients.
Data Analysis
The statistical analysis of survey data gathered in the East
Jordan Valley yielded the following evaluative information:
1. One-way frequency distributions were obtained for 253
variables related to the sample of the survey. These included such
factors as the respondents' attendance at school; skills-acquisition
in nonformal settings; kinds of labor activity; reasons for Working;
age; marital status; village and length of residency; place of origin;
level of educational attainment of mother and father; and work per
formed by mother and father.
2. Application of the chi-square statistic provided values
to indicate the existence or absence ( i. e . , statistical independence)
of a systematic relationship between the variables under study. As
its primary focus, this statistical technique tested hypothesized
relations between the factors selected for analysis: the labor
activ ity , school attendance and socioeconomic background of the
Valley's female population. In addition, associational patterns were
explored involving other variables, such as age, reasons for attend
ing school and motives for working.
3. Lambda coefficients also were obtained as a measure of
the improvement in a b ility to predict the dependent variable on the
172
I
j
I basis of data pertaining to the independent variable. In general,
! this facet of the data analysis focused upon the symmetric lambda
i
statistic which makes no assumptions about which variable is dependent
and approximates an average of the two asymmetric values computed for
the variables (Klecka et a l., 1975). Asymmetric lambda coefficients
were noted only when the results indicated that knowledge of the
independent variable increased the accuracy in predicting the
dependent variable to a marked extent.
The results of the statistical procedures applied to survey
data from the East Jordan Valley are reported in Chapter IV. The
findings are subsequently interpreted in terms of the relationships
set forth by the null hypotheses, including discussion of variance
between the hypothesized relations and the outcomes of the statistical
analysis. The chapter concludes with a presentation of additional
data generated by the fie ld study.
Methodological Assumptions
Following are the methodological assumptions upon which this
investigation of female labor activity in the East Jordan Valley was
f conducted:
1. The sample surveyed in the East Jordan Valley constituted
■ an appropriate population for the purposes of this study.
2. The interview schedule was a suitable instrument for
i
gathering data pertaining to the variables on which the investigation
focused.
173
i
3. The interview experience of Jordanian nationals was an
j asset to the survey conducted for this study.
4. Answers provided to interview items represented honest
and accurate estimations of the respondents' views and judgments.
5. Responses to the interview items were handled in an
appropriate and accurate manner, thereby meeting requirements for
■ conducting the statistical tests.
Limitations of the Study
Limitations stemming from the methodology used in this
investigation might reduce the validity of generalizing the findings
of the study to the female population of the Valley. Several
d iffic u ltie s related to the designation of villages as research
sites. The lack of current data about the Valley's population
necessitated reliance upon information which was undoubtedly outdated
in terms of present conditions, given the five-year time span between
their collection and the investigation undertaken for the present
study. In effect, use of statistics derived in 1973 signified that
decisions on village sites reflected circumstances existing at that
time, rather than when the fie ld survey was conducted (1978-1979).
A wider range of population data (e .g ., village sex ratios for labor
force participation) would have further strengthened the basis for
selecting villages and, ultimately, the representativeness of the
sample drawn for the study.
In the selection of research sites or subjects, no control
procedures were applied for cultural factors, such as ethnic origin
or patterns of social organization. The presence of such phenomena
might have detracted from the generalizabi1ity of the findings.
Moreover, inclusion of Jaufat Al-Kafrein might have reduced
the comparability of findings between the Southern Area, on the one
hand, and each of the other Areas on the other hand. Although
identification of respondents in Jaufat adhered to the same procedures
and c rite ria for selecting subjects at the other sites, their
inclusion might have compromised the basis upon which village sites
were designated and thereby, the sampling procedure for the study.
Another limitation was derived from the lack of proven
r e lia b ility of the survey instrument. Replication of the study is
required to establish this condition of the measurement procedure.
Since the sample can be described as representative only of
the population from which i t was drawn, replication of the study
also is needed to determine whether its findings can be generalized
to rural wom en in other developing regions.
Time constraints on the conduct of the fie ld investigation
constituted a lim itation in two key respects: f ir s t , the sample was
delimited to 210 subjects as a minimum number for the analysis
procedure, whereas given more time, a larger sampling of the
population would have been feasible and ultimately increased the
strength of conclusions drawn from survey results; and second,
additional time would have enhanced the collection of ethnographic
data and discussion with non-survey residents—in sum, fam iliariza
tion with inhabitants of and conditions in the Valley.
175
For the researcher, inadequate knowledge of Arabic further
limited direct participation in the collection of survey data, as
well as interaction with the subjects and other residents of the
Valley.
Finally, certain assumptions underlying the definition of
the key independent variables might have weakened their measurement
and the subsequent analysis of findings. For example, "school
attendance" was presumed to connote that learning was occurring and
not merely the physical process of going to school, while
"educational attainment" was based on the premise that completion
of a certain grade (e.g ., 6th primary) by any two or more subjects
indicated their achievement of the sam e or a comparable level of
learning. In terms of socioeconomic background, income differentials
were described as inconsequential since the range of average annual
incomes in the Valley was reported as relatively narrow. Given
these assumptions, no controls were sought for such factors, and
i f present, variance in their effects might have constituted a
lim itation on the methodological procedures used in this study.
176
CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS AN D DISCUSSION O F FINDINGS
Results of statistical procedures applied to survey data on
the labor ac tiv ity , school enrollment, and socioeconomic background
of wom en residing in the East Jordan Valley are presented in this
chapter. The f ir s t section provides a descriptive profile of the
sample of interview respondents, drawing upon summary data that
include personal factors categorized by village, as well as general
patterns of school attendance and work activity.
Subsequent sections report the findings of the statistical
techniques selected to test the presumed relations between variables
set forth by the research hypotheses. For each hypothesis, jo in t
frequency distributions of data on pertinent variables were subjected
to statistical analysis through application of two procedures:
1. The chi-square test was conducted to determine the
existence of a systematic relationship between the variables at the
.01 or .05 level of significance. The values yielded by the test
were interpreted in accordance with conventional practice that large
values suggested statistical relatedness, while small values were
indicative of statistical independence.
2. To obtain an estimate of improvement in predictive
a b ility , the lambda statistic was computed as an appropriate measure
of association for data treated at the nominal level. As they came
I 177
i
1
1 closer to lambda's maximum value of 1.0, the coefficients were
I interpreted as manifesting increasing accuracy in predicting the value
i
of the dependent variable on the basis of the value of the independent
i
! variable. Small values, on the other hand, led to the expectation of
considerable error in prediction.
In addition to a descriptive account, the "Analysis of
Findings" includes tables that display the distribution of cases,
chi-square values, degrees of freedom, and lambda coefficients. With
regard to most of the relations tested, schedule items generated
, multiple responses whose ordering for statistical testing resulted
in the formation of several cross-tabulations; to fa c ilita te recording
and analysis, the tables present a summary, rather than a complete
statement, of the case frequencies and statistical results.
Following presentation of the survey findings, the results of
the statistical procedures are discussed in terms of the relationships
described by the null hypotheses. In this process, conclusions are
drawn regarding observed relations as well as divergences between
actual findings and expected patterns. Implications of the findings
are also considered with reference to the framework presented in
Chapter II and alternative relational propositions, in addition to
the research design, methodology, and data analysis used in this
study.
Finally, other findings derived from the analysis of the
survey data are reviewed and interpreted in terms of the research
questions underlying the study.
178
Summary Characteristies of
the Sample
The sample of this study comprised 210 wom en residing in
three villages of the East Jordan Valley, one of which was located in
each of the subregions which served as the key geographical units of
the Social and Economic Survey of the East Jordan Valley: 1973
(Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department of Statistics, 1973).
Interviews were conducted with a total of 70 respondents from each of
the three sites, of w hom half (35) were drawn from each of the
designated age groups: 15-24 years and 35-44 years.
At the time of the survey, 64.8 percent (136) of the sample
were ever-married, while 35.2 percent (74) were single (see Table 8).
A moderately greater number of respondents from El-Kafrein (unless
otherwise indicated, notation of El-Kafrein refers to both El-Kafrein
proper and Jaufat El-Kafrein) was classified in the la tte r group
(42.9 percent) in comparison with Muaddi and El-Manshiya, where
single wom en formed 30.0 percent and 32.9 percent of the village
samples, respectively. All single respondents except one were between
15 and 24 years of age. Of the 136 ever-married subjects, 76.5
percent were wom en between 35 and 44 years, while 23.5 percent were
categorized within the younger age group.
For the sample as a whole, 52.9 percent of the subjects
identified the East Jordan Valley as their place of origin, while
34.8 percent noted the West Bank/Palestine, and 8.1 percent the East
Bank, exclusive of the East Jordan Valley (see Table 9). Considerable
variation in origin was evident according to village: for example.
Table 8
Marital Status of Survey Respondents by Age and Village
Age/Village
Marital Status
15-24
Kafrein/
Jaufat
years
Muaddi Manshi.ya
Kafrein/
Jaufat
35-44 years
Muaddi Manshiya Totals
Single
N
R ow %
30
40.5
20
27.0
23
31.1
0 1
1.4
0 74
Kafrein Jaufat Kafrein Jaufat
23
31.1
7
9.4
0 0
35.2a
Ever-Married
N
R ow %
5
3.7
15
11.0
12
8.8
35
25.8
34
25.0
35
25.7
136
Kafrei n Jaufat Kafrein Jaufat
2
1.5
3
2.2
10 25
7.4 18.4 64.8a
Column percentage.
179
Table 8 (Continued)
Age/Village
Marital Status
15-24 years
Kafrein/
Jaufat Muaddi Manshiya
35-44 years
Kafrein/
Jaufat Muaddi Manshiya Totals
N ow
N
R ow % '■
5 15 12
3.7 11.0 8.8
Kafrein Jaufat
2 3
1.5 2.2
31 32 32
22.8 23.5 23.5
Kafrein Jaufat
9 22
6.6 16.2
127
W idowed
N
R ow %
0 0 0
Kafrein Jaufat
0 0
3 2 3
2.2 1.5 2.2
Kafrein Jaufat
1 2
0.7 1.5
8
Divorced
N
R ow %
0 0 0
Kafrein Jaufat
0 0
1 0 0
0.7
Kafrein Jaufat
0 1
0.7
1
3
Column percentage
Table 9
Place of Origin of Survey Respondents by Village
Village
Place of Origin El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya Totals
East Jordan Valley
N 27 56 28 111
Colum n %
Kafrein
24
34.3
38.6
Jaufat
3
4.3
80.0 40.0 52.9
West Bank/Palestine
N 30 8 35 73
Column %
Kafrein
5
7.1
42.8
Jaufat
25
35.7
11.4 50.0 34.8
East Bank
N 6 5 6 17
Column %
Kafrein
2
2.9
8.6
Jaufat
4
5.7
7.1 8.6 8.1
Table 9 (Continued)
Village
Place of Origin El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya Totals
Gaza
N
Column %
2
2.9
Kafrein Jaufat
0 2
2.9
0 0
2
0.9
Syria
N
Column %
0 0 1
1.4
1
0.5
N o Answer 5 1 6
2.8
183
respondents from El-Manshiya formed a diverse population in which 50.0
percent were from the West Bank/Palestine, 40.0 percent from the
Valley and 8.6 percent from the East Bank; in contrast, respondents
from Muaddi, of w hom 80.0 percent described themselves as indigenous
Valley residents, constituted a far more homogeneous group. For the
sample drawn from the Southern Area, differences between the two sub
units, El-Kafrein and Jaufat El-Kafrein, also were marked: while 68.6
percent of those residing in the former stated that their families had
originated from the Valley, 71.4 percent of the la tte r identified the
West Bank/Palestine as their place of origin.
Regardless of these variations, length of village residency
was pronounced at all of the sites surveyed (Table 10). Of the total
sample, 53.8 percent stated that they had been born in the village
in which they lived. Muaddi claimed the largest proportion of recent
settlers: 21.4 percent of the respondents had resided in the village
five years or less and an additional 15.7 percent, between six and
ten years. With 24.3 percent of the subjects from El-Manshiya and
34.3 percent from Jaufat El-Kafrein dating their residency from 31 to
35 years before, the exodus prompted by the 1948 Arab-Israeli. War
presumably contributed to the settlement of relatively large numbers
of Palestinians at these sites.
For the total sample, the average size of the household was
8.3 persons (Table 11). This was substantially greater than the
5.7 figure recorded for the East Jordan Valley as a whole in 1973
(Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department of Statistics, 1973). Am ong
survey respondents, households ranged from 2 members in the case of
Table 10
Length of Village Residency
Village
Length of Residency
(Years) El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya Totals
1 month-5 years
N
Colum n %
4
5.7
Kafrein Jaufat
2 2
2.8 2.8
15
21.4
6
8.6
25
11.9
6-10 years
N
Colum n %
3
4.3
Kafrein Jaufat
1 2
1.4 2.9
11
15.7
1
1.4
15
7.1
11-15 years
N
Column %
7
10.0
Kafrein Jaufat
2 5
2.9 7.1
0 7
10.0
14
6.7
0 0
Table 10 (Continued)
Village
Length of Residency
(Years) El-Kafreih/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya Totals
16-20 years
N
Colum n %
2
2.9
Kafrein Jaufat
0 2
2.9
3
4.3
1
1.4
6
2.9
21-25 years
N
Colum n %
1
1.4
Kafrein Jaufat
0 1
1.4
3
4.3
0 4
1.9
31-35 years
N
Colum n %
12
17.1
Kafrein Jaufat
0 12
17.1
0 17
24.3
29
13.8
00
on
Table 10 (Continued)
Village
Length of Residency
(Years) El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya Totals
Born in Village
N 37 38 38 113
Column % 52.9 54.3 54.3 53.8
Kafrein Jaufat
27 10
38.6 14.3
N o Answer 4 4
1.9
Table 11
Household Size
0 0
^ 4
Number of Members Incidence Percent
! 2
i
11 5.2
i
3 5 2.4
4 10 4 . 8
5 15 7.1
! 6
i
18 8.6
7 12 5.7
1
8 18 8.6 ;
9
28
0 0
0 0
r — 1
i
10 30 14.3
11 25 11.9
12 15 7.1
13 6 2.9
15 4 1.9
16 2 1.0
No Answer 11 5.2
i
188
11 subjects, to 16 members for 2 respondents; the most frequently
noted size was 10 persons which was reported by 30 subjects, or 14.3
percent of'the sample, while another 13.3 percent (28) identified 9
members in their household.
As revealed in Table 12, school enrollment am ong respondents
was markedly low at a ll study sites. At the time of the survey, 19.5
percent (41) of the sample were attending school, while 29.0 percent
(61) had attended previously; 51.5 percent (108), however, reported
that they had never gone to school. (The statistical analysis of
data generated with respect to Hypotheses 1 through 4 provides
additional characteristics of schooling am ong the sample subjects.)
Differentials in schooling were particularly prominent according to
marital status: among ever-married respondents, 73.5 percent had no
educational background, in comparison with 10.8 percent of the single
group. Of those enrolled in school when the survey was conducted,
single subjects accounted for 87.8 percent of this category, while
12.2 percent were ever-married. (Table 61 in Appendix A reports the
rates of school attendance according to marital status, as well as
village residency.) O n the other hand, l i t t l e variation in terms
of marital status was evident am ong respondents who had attended
school before, but were no longer enrolled: 50.8 percent were, ever-
married and 49.2 percent were single.
Distributional characteristics indicated that school enroll
ment was generally comparable for a ll villages included in the survey;
for example, those who had never attended school comprised 52.9
percent, 50.0 percent and 51.4 percent of the respondents residing in
Table 12
Rates of School Attendance by Village
. Village
School Attendance El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya Totals
N ow
N 17 17 7 41
Column % 24.3
El-Kafrein
17
48.6
Jaufat
0
24.3 10.0 19.5
Before
N 16 18 27 61
Column % 22.8
El-Kafrein
7
20.0
Jaufat
9
, 25.7
25.7 38.6 29.0
Never
N 37 35 36 108
Column % 52.9
El-Kafrein
11
31.4
Jaufat
26
74.3
50.0 51.4 51.5
190
El-Kafrein, Muaddi, and El-Manshiya, respectively. One exception to
the prevailing patterns emerged from El-Manshiya where respondents
recorded a lower rate of current school attendance (10.0 percent) and
a higher level of prior enrollment (38.6 percent) than at the other
sites. The divergence reflected by the former might stem from
inconsistent sampling in that the closure of schools in the village
at the time of the survey precluded on-site interviews with female
students as had been conducted in the other villages. O n the other
hand, the la tte r was congruent with the higher rates of school
enrollment reported in 1973 for the Northern Area in comparison with
the Middle and Southern Areas (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department
of Statistics, 1973), which have been associated with the earlier
implementation of development programs in the North, including
educational services. (Features that differentiate the three sub-
regions of the Valley are discussed^ in the section pertaining to
the "Selection of Subjects" in Chapter I I I . )
With respect to work ac tivity , more than half of the sample
(53.6 percent) described themselves as never having participated in
economically productive labor, while an additional 20 respondents
(9.6 percent) noted that they had worked previously (Table 13). Of
those interviewed, 36.8 percent (77) stated that they were working
at the time of the study. Variation in the incidence of work was
apparent according to village, primarily in terms of differentials
between residents from the Southern Area on the one hand, and those
from the Middle and Northern Areas on the other hand. With 68.6
percent stating that they had never worked, residents from El-Kafrein
Table 13
Incidence of Work A c tiv ity by V illage
Village ,
Work Incidence El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafreina Muaddi El-Manshiya Totals
N ow
N
Col u n in %
23
33.3
El-Kafrein Jaufat
9 14
13.0 20.3
28
40.0
26
37.1
77
36.8
Before
N
Colum n %
3
4.3
El-Kafrein Jaufat
2 1
2.9 1.4
9
12.9
8
11.4
20
9.6
Never
i n
Colum n %
i
I
43
62.3
El-Kafrein Jaufat
24 19
34.8 27.5
33
47.1
36
51.4
112
53.6
a0ne gave no answer.
192
demonstrated a lower propensity to work relative to their counterparts
from Muaddi and El-Manshiya, of whom 47*1 percent and 51.4 percent,
respectively, had never engaged in labor activities.
Single wom en constituted 35.1 percent of the respondents who
were working at the time of the survey, which seemed relatively high
since all except one were within the 15-24 age span in which schooling
and marriage/childbearing tend to be prominent. (Rates of work
activity are provided in relation to both marital status and village
1
residence in Table 62 in Appendix A.) Of the ever-married subjects,
36.8 percent of whom were engaged in labor a c tiv itie s , the one i
divorced wom an and six of the eight widowed respondents included in I
i
the sample were classified among the economically active. j
i
In terms of employment distribution by sector, agriculture i
I
represented the source of activity for 64.6 percent of those who were |
working, with the weeding and harvesting of crops identified as j
primary tasks. Differentials according to village, which are |
j
described in Table 14, revealed that farm labor absorbed more |
i
residents of Muaddi (36.8 percent) and El-Manshiya (35.8 percent) i
than El-Kafrein (27.4 percent). The production of handicrafts, j
i
including sewing, embroidery, knitting, and crocheting, was reported j
by 26.2 percent of subjects engaged in economically productive labor
and thereby constituted the second major form of work. These
activities were largely concentrated at the site in the Southern
Area (62.8 percent) and more specifically, among respondents from i
Jaufat El-Kafrein, who accounted for 46.5 percent of those working
in handicrafts. For the remaining subjects who worked, areas of
Table 14
Types o f Work A c tiv ity by V illage
Village
W ork Activity9 El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya
Totals ,
(Column %)
Farming
Subtotals:
N
R o w %
29
27.4
Kafrein Jaufat
12 17
11.3 16.1
39
36.8
38
35.8
106
(64.6)
Planting 5 8 6 19
Watering 0 1 1 2
Weeding 6 12 13 31
Harvesting 10 13 17 40
Animal Care 8 5 1 14
Multiple responses provided. A ctivities refer to respondents w ho were working
.a t the time of the survey.
% of primary activities.
193
Table 14 (Continued)
Village
W ork A ctivity9 El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya
Totals .
(Column %)
Handicrafts
Subtotals:
N
R o w %
27
62.8
Kafrein Jaufat
7 20
16.3 46.5
11
25.6
5
11.6
43
(26.2)
Sewing/dressmaking 9 4 4 17
Embroi dery 11 4 1 16
Crochet/knitting 7 3 0 10
Teaching
N
R o w %
0 3
60.0
2
40.0
5
( 3.0)
Food Processing
N
R o w %
0 4
100,0
0 4
( 2,4)
aMultipie responses provided. Activities refer to respondents w ho were working
, at the time of the survey.
% of primary activities.
Table 14 (Continued)
Vi Hag e
Totals .
W ork A ctivity9 El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya (Column %)
Marketing/Trade
N 0 1 1 2
R o w % 50.0 50.0
(1.2)
Personal Services0
N 0 0 2 2
R o w % 100.0
(1.2)
Collect Firewood
N 2 0 0 2
R o w % 100.0
(1.2)
M u ltip le responses provided. A ctivities refer to respondents w ho were working
at the time of the survey.
\ of primary activities.
cJanitor; "Arab" or folk doctor.
< x>
cn
196
a c tiv ity spanned a narrow range: teaching (3.0 percent), food
processing (2.4 percent), marketing and trade (1.2 percent), personal
services (1.2 percent), and collecting firewood (1.2 percent).
While agriculture constituted the primary sector of labor
a c tiv ity for the sample, the proportion employed in this fie ld was
considerably less than the level recorded in 1973 for the Valley
o verall, which amounted to-96.1 percent of working women. Moreover,,
employment of 35.4 percent of the respondents in nonagricultural work
signified a marked increase from the 3.9 percent noted in the 1973
report (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department of S ta tis tic s , 1973).
The survey data suggested, however, that while nonagricultural
employment had expanded am ong Valley women, i t was restricted to a
small range of essentially tra d itio n a l a c tiv itie s , mainly handi
crafts; the study yielded no evidence of employment in such sectors
as public u t ilit ie s , transportation, communication, and health whose
labor requirements have grown as developmental projects in the Valley
have reached fru itio n .
With respect to ever-married respondents, the educational
level attained by th e ir husbands was generally low (Table 15). Of
this group, 67.7 percent stated that th e ir husbands had never
attended school or had finished less than six years of primary
education, while 22.1 percent noted completion of primary school.
Only 4.4 percent reported preparatory schooling as the highest level
achieved; comparable rates for the secondary level and post-secondary
education were 2.2 percent and 3.6 percentj respectively. O n the
whole, these levels were comparable to those recorded fo r the ValJey
Table 15
Educational Attainment of Husband
(Highest Level Achieved)
Level of Educational Attainment Incidence Percent
Never attended school 62 45.6
Less than primary 30 22.1
Primary 30 22.1
Preparatory 6 4.4
Secondary 3 2.2
Postsecondary (University
and Teacher Training) 5 3.6
198
in 1973. At that time, 68,0 percent of the Valley's male population
reported never having attended school or having completed less than
the primary le v e l, while 6.8 percent had fu ll preparatory, 3.2
percent fu ll secondary and 1.0 percent postsecondary education ;
(Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan,. Department of S ta tis tic s , 1973). In
spite of th e ir low levels of achievement, the educational background
of husbands overall was more extensive than that of the married
subjects themselves, of w hom 73.5 percent had no schooling, while
only 9.6 percent had finished primary school and one had advanced to
the f ir s t year of the secondary cycle.
i
According to the findings recorded in Table 16, the work 1
performed by husbands of the survey respondents clustered in three
areas: farming, which accounted for 41.4 percent of those who were
economically active; general labor in both agricultural and non
agri cultural (e .g ., construction) sectors, which was reported for
20.7 percent; and transportation, namely taxi and truck driving,
which was the primary a c tiv ity of 10.3 percent. The distrib ution of
employment by villag e revealed a greater concentration of farmers in
El-Kafrein (33.3 percent) and Muaddi (46.7 percent) than El-Manshiya
(20.0 percent) where a larger number than in the other villages
worked as laborers and drivers, accounting for 43.3 percent and 66.7
percent, respectively, of the husbands engaged in these a c tiv itie s .
In terms of sectoral characteristics, the survey data pointed
to a decline in the proportion of agricultural employment re la tiv e to
the 1973 rate , which was 76.3 percent for the total male population
of the Valiev (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Department of S ta tis tic s ,
Work A c tiv ity of Husband by V illage
Village
W ork A ctivity3 El-Kafrein/Jaufat El Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya
Totals
(Column %)
Farming
Subtotals
N
R o w %
20
33.3
Kafrein Jaufat
8 12
13.3 20.0
28
46.7
12
20.0
60
(41.4)
Year-round
Farming 10 16 9 35
Seasonal Farming 10 11 1 22
Animal Care 0 1 2 3
Laborer
N
R o w %
10
33.3
Kafrein Jaufat
1 9
3.3 30.0
7
23.3
13
43.3
30
(20.7)
aMultiple responses provided.
Table 16 (Continued)
Village
W ork Activity3 El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi . El-Manshiya
Totals
(Column %)
Transportation
N
R o w %
3
20.0
Kafrein Jaufat
1 2
6.7 13.3
2
13.3
10
66.7
15
(ao.'3)
Marketing/Trade
N
R o w %
5
45.4
Kafrein Jaufat
1 4
9.1 36.4
5
45.5
1
9.1
11
( 7.6)
Teaching
N
R o w %
1
33.3
Kafrein Jaufat
0 1
33.3
1
33.3
1
33.3
3
( 2.1)
aMultiple responses provided.
Table 16 (Continued)
Village
W ork A ctivity9 El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya
Totals
(Column 7o)
Government Service
(Central and Village)
. N
R o w %
2
16.6
5
41.7
5
41.7
12
Kafrein Jaufat
1
8.3
1
8.3 ( 8.3)
M ilitary
N
R o w %
4
50.0
0 4
50.0
8
Kafrein Jaufat
3
37.5
1
12.5 ( 5.5)
Administration
N
R o w %
0 2
100.0
0 2
Kafrein Jaufat
0 0 ( 1.4)
a
Multiple responses provided.
Table 16 (Continued)
Village
W ork A ctivity9 El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya
Totals
(Column %)
Engineering
N
R o w %
0
Kafrein Jaufat
0 0
0 1
100.0
1
(0.7)
Not W ork
N
R o w %
0
Kafrein Jaufat
0 0
1
33.3
2
66 .J
3
(2.1)
aMultiple responses provided.
203
1973). With the husbands of survey respondents serving as an
indicator, nonagricultural work as the primary employment of males
appeared to have grown substantially, from the 23.7 percent level
reported in 1973 to 56.6 percent noted in the present study. Survey
respondents did not d iffe re n tia te between agricultural and non
agricultural sectors in reporting "labor" as th e ir husband's work
a c tiv ity . W hen the data were ordered for analysis, the occupational
category defined as "labor," which accounted for 20.7 percent of the
overall response generated for the employment of husbands, was
included in the nonagricultural sphere. I t is possible that a
segment of this group was actually engaged in farm a c tiv itie s ;
accordingly, the 56.6 percent rate computed for nonagricultural
employment would be in fla te d .
A comparison of employment by gender disclosed not only the
greater incidence of work am ong males than females, but also the
persistence of patterns of sectoral distribution that prevailed in
1973: namely, that am ong those engaged in labor a c tiv itie s , a larger
proportion of w om en than m en were working in agriculture. Data from
the present study also indicated that although levels of nonagri
cultural employment for both w om en and m en have increased since 1973,
the labor a c tiv itie s in which the husbands of survey respondents were
engaged varied fa r more than those of the respondents themselves.
204
Analysis o f Findings
Relationship Between School
Attendance and Labor Activ
ity (Hypothesis 1)
The expansion of educational opportunities for residents of
the East Jordan Valley constitutes an essential objective of plans for
the development of the area. In programmatic terms, effo rts to
realize this aim have centered upon an increase in school fa c ilitie s !
at the preuniversity level fo r both female and male youth. One measure!
i
of the returns accruing to the Valley from this investment entails J
usage of the fa c ilitie s as reflected in enrollment rates. W hen '
i
outcomes are considered within a long-term context, another indicator
t
pertains to higher levels of productivity and participation in the \
Valley's development am ong residents who have attended school in
comparison with those who have l i t t l e or no formal education. j
i
One of the prime dimensions of the present study was designed j
i
t
to gather evidence on benefits from the investment in education for
women. With returns conceptualized in terms of female labor participa
tio n , s ta tis tic a l analysis of survey responses was conducted to
determine i f female residents who have attended school manifested a
greater propensity to engage in labor a c tiv itie s than w om en with no
educational background. Patterns of work participation also were
i
explored in relation to levels of educational attainment, with i
i
d iffe re n tia ls in labor a c tiv ity noted between w om en who had matricu- j
lated to the secondary level or teacher training and those whose school
ing had not extended beyond the primary or preparatory grades.
205
For w om en in the East Jordan Valley, relatedness between
concurrent school attendance and work a c tiv ity was characterized by
the marked extent to which respondents pursued one sphere exclusively
of the other. As shown in Table 17, 24.4 percent of those enrolled
in school were engaged in work a c tiv itie s , forming a subset that
accounted for only 12.9 percent of the respondents w ho were working
at the time of the survey. O n the other hand, 70.7 percent of those
attending school had never been economically active. According to the
chi-square te s t, current schooling was systematically associated with
each of these indicators of work a c tiv ity : with respect to current
labor p articip atio n, a chi-square of 20.88951 with df = 10 was
s ta tis tic a lly significant (j? < .05), while a chi-square of 23.40742
with df = 10 computed when non-participation in economic a c tiv itie s
constituted the labor variable also was significant (j d < .01). These
findings supported rejection of the hypothesis of independence between
current school attendance and labor a c tiv ity am ong w om en in the Valley,
O n the other hand, the lambda coefficients revealed that in each
instance, neither variable could be expected to be an accurate
predictor of the other (A = 0.04237 and A =0.07194, respectively).
Other relations between labor a c tiv ity and school attendance
am ong Valley w om en were explored according to d iffe re n tia ls in th e ir
occurrence at the time of the survey, before the survey, or never.
Analysis of the data revealed that none of the relationships was
s ta tis tic a lly sig n ifican t, leading to the conclusion that independence
characterized each set of variables. For example, the largest
proportion of w om en who were working when the interviews were
Table 17
Incidence of Work in Relation to School Attendance
Incic ence of W ork
School Attendance N o w Before Never N o Answer Totals
N o w
N 10 0 29 2 41
R o w % 24.4 70.7 4.9
Colum n % 12.9 26.4 19.5
Chi-Square (df = 10) 20.88951* 5.06800 23.40742**
Lam bda (symmetric) 0.04237 0.0 0.07194
Before
N 25 8 28 0 61
R o w % 40.9 13.1 45.9
Colum n % 32.5 40.0 25.4 29.0
Chi-Square (df = 12) 15.94247 9.53267 16.98070
Lam bda (symmetric) 0.05072 0.0 0.08805
Never
N 42 12 53 1 108
R o w % 38.9 11.1 49.1 0.9
Colum n % 54.6 60.0 48.2 51.4
Chi-Square (df = 1) 0.29635 1.22367 0.72098
Lam bda (symmetric) 0.00559 0.0 0.02970
Totals 77 20 110 3 210
R o w % 36.7 9.5 52.4 1.4
Corrected Chi-Square
* £ £ • 05
! **£ ^ . 01 206
207
conducted had no educational background (54.6 percent); s ta tis tic a l
treatment of survey data disclosed a chi-quare value of 0.29635 with
df = 1, which was not s ta tis tic a lly significant at conventional levels.
The lack of education, therefore, was not systematically related to
current work a c tiv ity am ong female residents of the Valley.
In a comparable manner, w om en who had no formal schooling
i
accounted for almost one-half of the respondents who had never worked j
(48.2 percent); o verall, w om en who had neither gone to school nor j
engaged in work a c tiv itie s represented one-quarter of the total
sample (25.2 percent). Yet the value yielded by the chi-square te s t, 1
I
which was 0.72098 with df = 1, indicated that the association between j
the lack of schooling and the lack of labor participation was meager j
and not s ta tis tic a lly sign ifican t at conventional levels. i
Evidence that w om en with formal education had tendencies to
engage in economically productive labor was sought by examining the
work a c tiv ity of w om en who had attended school. A s noted above,
respondents enrolled in school recorded a high rate of non-participa
tion in the labor sphere and as such, defined a relationship with a
high probability of existence in the female population of the Valley.
W o m en who had previously attended school, on the other hand, seemed to
manifest a greater propensity for work: 40.9 percent of this group
were economically active at the time of the survey, and an additional
13.1 percent stated that they had worked before. S ta tis tic a l pro
cedures disclosed, however, that the chi-square value was computed at
15.94247 with df = 12 with respect to the former which did not satisfy
acceptance c rite ria of the .05 level. In terms of the la tte r , the
chi-square of 9.53267 with df = 12 was not sign ifican t and therefore
yielded no evidence of systematic relatedness. Non-participation in
the labor sphere also characterized 45.9 percent of those who had
prior schooling, relatedness between the variables being moderately
noteworthy, but with a chi-square of 16.98070 with df * = 12, not
s ta tis tic a lly sign ifican t at established levels.
For the three sets of relation s, moreover, the coefficients
representing measures of association were computed as X = 0.05072,
X = 0.0, and X = 0.08805, respectively, indicating the p o ssib ility of
considerable error in predicting values for one variable based on
those of the other.
W hen the level of education attained by the subjects was
examined, substantial variation emerged in the incidence of work
a c tiv ity am ong the w om en surveyed (Table 18). For example,
respondents who had completed preparatory and secondary grades, as
well as teacher train in g , accounted for 40.0 percent of those with
formal education who were working at the time of the interviews. O n
the other hand, 48.6 percent, and therefore a larger share of the
subjects who had gone to school and were working when the survey was
conducted, had not matriculated beyond the primary cycle. Moreover,
57.0 percent of those who had acquired som e level of preuniversity
instruction had never engaged in economic a c tiv itie s . These findings
are discussed further in the section dealing with the interpretation
of research results.
In sum, the null hypothesis was not 'rejected with respect to
most of the relations explored between the school attendance and labor
209
Table 18
Incidence of Work by Level of
Educational Attainment
Incidence of Work
Level of School
Attainment N ow Before Never
N o
Answer Totals
N ow
N 10 0 29 2 41
R ow % 24.4 70.7 4.9
Column % 12.9 26.4 19.5
Primary 4 1
Preparatory 1 1
Preparatory 2 3
Preparatory 3 1 17
Secondary 1 2
Secondary 2 1
Secondary 3 2 3
Teacher Training 1 1
Adult Education 5 1
Before
N 25 8 28 0 61
R ow % 40.9 13.1 45.9
Column % 32.5 40.0 25.4 29.0
Primary 1 1
Primary 2 2 1 2
Primary 3 2 3
Primary 4 7 2 2
Primary 5 2 1 8
Primary 6 3 2 4
Preparatory 1 1 3
Preparatory 2 4 4
Preparatory 3 1 1 1
Secondary 3 1
Teacher Training 3
Never
*
N 42 12 53 1 108
R ow % 38.-9 11.1 49.1 0.9
Column % 54.6 60.0 48.2 51.4
Totals
N 77 20 110 3 210
R ow % 36.7 9.5 52.4 1.4 100.0
210
a c tiv ity of w om en in the East Jordan Valley. For two subgroups of
the sample, those who were no longer enrolled in school and those
who lacked formal education, the distributions of frequencies
pertaining to school attendance and work participation disclosed no
consistent association between the variables. O n the other hand,
the relationship between current schooling am ong the respondents
and th e ir lack of participation in the labor sphere was established
as systematic. Although the measure of association indicated that
neither variable contributed substantially to prediction of the
other, findings derived from the test of s ta tis tic a l significance
fostered an expectation of high probability that w om en w ho are
attending school in the Valley refrain from concurrent participation
in the economic sphere and conversely, that w om en engaged in labor
a c tiv itie s tend not to pursue educational programs.
Relationship Between School
Enrollment and Age
(Hypothesis 2a)
Examination of the survey data disclosed decisive patterns
of school attendance in relation to the age of the respondents.
W o m en going to school at the time of the survey and those who had
attended previously were drawn overwhelmingly from the 15-24 year
group, with 92.7 percent in the case of the former and 80.3 percent
with respect to the la tte r. The chi-square values of 42.24850 with
df = 10 and 39.42018 with d£ = 12, respectively, defined relations
between both sets of variables, namely age and current school
enrollment, and age and prior enrollment, as s ta tis tic a lly
211
sign ifican t at the .01 le v e l. Asymmetric lambda coefficients
indicated that in both cases * data on educational background enhanced
knowledge of age to a moderate extent(X = 0.33333 and A = 0.36190,
respectively), although values on age offered no predictive improve
ment when school attendance was considered as the dependent variable
\X = 0.0 for each relationship).
Respondents between the ages of 35 and 44 years, however,
accounted for 83.3 percent of those who had never attended school;
o verall, the older group with no educational background constituted
42.9 percent of the total sample. The predominance of a lack of
schooling am ong w om en of this age range defined a relationship whose
significance was s ta tis tic a lly established on the basis of a chi-
square of 96.09740 with d _ f = 1 (jp < .01). Considerable accuracy in
predictive a b ility also was revealed by the measure of association,
with values pertaining to the lack of schooling increasing the
estimation of age by 68.6 percent (A = 0.68571), while knowledge of
age provided an improvement of 67.6 percent in predicting the lack
of educational background (A = 0.67647).
Affirm ation of systematic relatedness between age and school
enrollment regardless of its occurrence in terms of the study
resulted in rejection of the proposition that no association existed
between these factors with respect to the female population of the
Valley. According to the lambda co efficien ts, moreover, notable
accuracy in prediction could be expected with respect to these
variables. Additional observations on the educational background
of the respondents emerged in relatio n to data generated on th eir age.
Table 19
Incidence of School Attendance by Age
School Attendance
Age
15-24 35-44
Years Years Totals
Chi-
Square
Degrees of
Freedom
Lam bda:
Symmetric
Lambda:
Asymmetric
N o w
N
R o w %
Colum n %
38 3 4i
92.7 7.3
36.2 2.9 19.5
42.24850* 10 0.23973 0 .33333a
0.0b
Before
N
R o w %
Colum n %
49 12 61
80.3 19.7
46.7 11.4 29.0
39.42018* 12 0.22892 0.36190®
0.0b
Never
N
R o w %
Colum n %
18 90 , 108
16.7 83.3
17.1 85.7 51.5
96.09740*C 1 0.68116 0.68571®
0.67647b
, .With age dependent,
j With school attendance dependent.
I Corrected Chi-Square
1 *£<'.01
J
213
While most of the subjects between 15 and 24 years had acquired som e
educational experience, school attendance was not universal am ong
this cohort, 17.1 percent of w h om stated that they had never gone to
school. According to the levels of attainment reported in Table 20,
furthermore, 59.2 percent of those who had attended school before
the survey had not advanced beyond the primary cycle, while only
30.6 percent had completed one of the preparatory grades and 10.2
percent had received som e secondary education. In a subsequent
section, levels of schooling achieved by wom en of both age groups
are considered in terms of the theory underlying the research
hypothesis. Variations in constraints upon: school attendance,which
are analyzed in the findings pertaining to the third hypothesis,
also might yield additional insights into the education attained by
w om en of d iffe re n t generations.
Relationship Between Work
Participation and Age
(Hypothesis 2b)
Am ong Valley w om en working at the time of the survey, no
major variation was apparent in the incidence of work according to
age d iffe re n tia ls that reflected a generational span. Each age group
included in the study accounted for nearly equal proportions of those
currently participating in the labor sphere: 54.5 percent were drawn
from the 35-44 year group, and 45.5 percent were between 15 and 24
years. According to the chi-square of 0.73821 with df = 1, which was
not s ta tis tic a lly significant at eith er the .01 or .05 le v e l, age and
current work a c tiv ity were not systematically related with respect
214
Table 20
Level of Educational Attainment by Age
Age
Level of School
Attainment 15-24 35-44 Totals
N ow
N 38 3 41
R ow % 92.7 7.3
Column % 36.2 2.9 19.5
Primary 4 1 0 1
Preparatory 1 1 0 1
Preparatory 2 4 0
4
Preparatory 3 18 0 18
Secondary 1 2 0
2
Secondary 2 1 0 1
Secondary 3 5 0 5
Teacher Training 2 0 2
Adult Education 3 3 6
N o Answer 1 1
Before
N 49 12 61
R ow % 80.3 19.7
Column % 46.7 11.4 29.0
Primary 1 1 0 1
Primary 2 3 2 5
Primary 3 2 3 5
Primary 4 9 2 11
Primary 5 7 3 10
Primary 6 7 2 9
Preparatory 1 4 0 4
Preparatory 2 8 0 8
Preparatory 3 ' 3 0 3
Secondary 1 1 0 1
Secondary 3 1 0 1
Teacher Training 3 0 3
Never
.
N 18 90 108
R ow % 16.7 83.3
Column % 17.1 85.7 51.4
215
I
to this population. Moreover, the extent to which eith er variable j
contributed to prediction of the other was negligible (X = 0.03846).
These findings led to the conclusion that the hypothesis of
independence between the variables was tenable.
While l i t t l e difference emerged am ong w om en participating in
labor a c tiv itie s in terms of th e ir age, examination of the types of
work they performed disclosed variation between the two age groups
included in the study. According to Table 63 in Appendix A,
agriculture, which was the primary sector of employment for
I
respondents working at the time of the survey, was reported as the
sphere of a c tiv ity of a greater proportion of those between 35 and 44 >
years (75.5 percent) than of the younger subjects (48.5 percent).
i
Handicraft production, on the other hand, was more prominent am ong j
the la tte r , 37.9 percent of w hom id en tified these a c tiv itie s , in j
contrast to only 18.4 percent of the older respondents. Moreover, !
a ll female residents working as teachers were drawn from the 15-24 j
year group. j
Regarding the other data sets subjected to s ta tis tic a l j
analysis, an association appeared to exist between the age of the |
respondents and each of the following: participation in the labor ;
i
t
sphere before the interviews were conducted, and a lack of economic '
a c tiv ity either at the time of or before the survey. In terms of !
i
the proportion of case frequencies, 70.0 percent of those reporting j
I
prior work a c tiv ity were between 35 and 44 years of age, while 30.0
percent were from the younger group. The inverse was apparent
regarding those who had never worked, with younger respondents
Table 21
Incidence of W ork by Age
Incidence of W ork
Age
Corrected
Chi-Square
Lam bda:
Symmetri c
15-24 35-44
Years Years Totals
N o w
N
R o w %
Colum n %
35 42
45.5 54.5
33.3 40.0
77
36.7
0.73821
(df = 1)
0.03846
Before
N
R o w %
Colum n °i
6 14
30.0 70.0
5.7 13.3
20
9.5
3.70350*
(df = i)
0.07258
Never
N
R o w %
Column %
64 49
56.6 43.4
60.9 46.7
113
53.8
4.30484*
(df = 1)
0.12315
*£ < .05
ro
i — 1 i
C T > ]
217
accounting for 56.6 percent and therefore a larger share of this
group, and the older subjects representing 43.4 percent. The chi-
square values derived for distributions pertaining to these data sets
were s ta tis tic a lly sign ifican t at the .05 le v e l, marginally in the
o
former case (x = 3.70350 with df = 1) and more prominently with
respect to the la tte r (x^ = 4.30484 with df =1). Yet lambda co-
■
efficien ts," which were computed at A = 0.07258 and A = 0.12315,
respectively, revealed minimal reduction in error in estimating the
variables of eith er relationship.
With respect to age and both prior work a c tiv ity and no work
1
a c tiv ity am ong survey respondents, therefore, the chi-square values |
supported rejection of the hypothesis that no relationship existed j
between these factors. Nevertheless, in terms of both relation s, the j
measure of association yielded coefficients indicating considerable J
error in making predictions about one of the variables based upon
values for the other.
Relatlonshi p Between Constraints
on School Attendance and Age
(Hypothesis 3)
Indicators of constraints upon the school attendance of w om en
in the East Jordan Valley were sought through inquiries regarding the
reasons that female residents had never enrolled in school or had
discontinued th e ir schooling a fte r in it ia lly attending. Responses
provided by the subjects were analyzed in terms of physical con
s tra in ts , such as the a v a ila b ility of school fa c ilit ie s , access in
terms of distance and transportation, cost and the curricula offered,
as well as parental attitudes and the decision-making capacity of the
respondents regarding attendance, which constituted social constraints.
S ta tis tic a l procedures were sp ecifically applied to determine the
existence of a relationship between the age of the respondents and
th e ir reasons for non-attendance at school, and any variation in the
j
reasons according to age was interpreted as evidence of change in the
factors that have constrained education for female residents of the
i Valley during the course of a 10 to 20-year period.
f
i
! W o m en who had no educational background accounted for 51.5
i
percent of the total sample drawn from the female population of the
j Valley* For the two distributions of frequencies established to
! examine relatedness between age and reasons for never having attended j
i
school, the chi-square test produced values of 103.19083 with df = 9 !
and 19.36169 with df = 6, each of which was s ta tis tic a lly sign ifican t :
(p < .01). These results supported rejection of the proposition
that no association existed between the age of female residents and j
constraints upon th e ir schooling as indicated by th e ir reasons for j
non-attendance. !
I
The value computed by the measure of association suggested
moderate improvement in predictive a b ility with respect to one
distribution of data, but not the second (A = 0.41981 and A =0.13386,;
respectively). For the f ir s t set of responses, the asymmetric lambda :
i
co efficien t indicated that knowledge of the reasons for the lack of j
i
schooling increased the estimate of age by 67.6 percent, thereby \
■
fostering an expectation of considerable accuracy in the former's
i
a b ility to predict the la tte r.__________________ !
219
Table 22
Constraints on School Attendance: Reasons for
Never Attending School by Age
Reasons for Non-
Attendance^
Age®
15-24
Years
35-44
Years Totals
3 46 49
N o School Nearby 14.3% 42.6% 37.9%
11 21 32
Parents Refused 52.4% 19.4% 24.8%
Parents Not 1 2 3
Interested 4.8% 1.9% 2.3%
2 6 8
Poverty 9.5% 5.6% 6.2%
Not Acceptable 1 11 12
for W o m en 4.8% 10.2% 9.3%
Work at Home/ 1 6 7
Farm 4.8% 5.6% 5.4%
Lack of 1 5 6
Interest 4.8% 4.6% .4.7%
1 6 7
War 4.8% 5.6% 5.4%
Mother/Father 0 5 5
Dead 4.6% 3.9%
T ota1s 21 108 129
Lambda Lambda
Chi-Square (Symmetric) (Assymmetric)
103.19083* 0.41981 0.67619 with age
(df = 9) dependent
0.16822 with
reasons dependent
19.36169* 0.13386 0.16190 with age
(df = 6) dependent
0.0 with reasons
dependent
.% refers to columns. :
Provided by the 108 respondents who never attended school. M ultiple
responses were offered.
*£ < .01
As revealed by data presented with reference to Hypothests 2a ;
(Relationship Between School Enrollment and Age), w om en between 35 and;
44 years formed the largest share of those who had never attended
school (83.3 percent). As a re s u lt, the reasons provided by older
residents for th e ir lack of schooling (108) vastly outnumbered those
of the younger respondents (21), of w h o m only 16.7 percent had never
been to school.
With respect to the older subjects, various reasons were
offered for having had no formal education: poverty, war and the need
for household labor occurred with equal frequency (5.6 percent),
while the proportion stipulating a..lack-of interest in going to
school and the death of parents was 4.6 percent for each. The
i
foremost reason stated by the older respondents, however* was the I
lack of nearby school f a c ilitie s , which was reported by 42.6 percent
of this age group. Of this cohort, 21.3 percent also id e n tifie d
th e ir parents' opposition to female education as a reason for never
having attended school, while an additional 10.2 percent sp ecifically
noted that education for w om en was not socially sanctioned when they j
were a t the appropriate age for school and that they had not 1
i
enrolled as a resu lt.
Respondents between the ages of 15 and 24 years, on the other
hand, did not place comparable emphasis upon the a v a ila b ility of !
i
fa c ilitie s : only 14.3 percent of this group cited this as a reason j
I
for th e ir lack of schooling. The most prominent constraint for
w om en of this age group was the refusal of parents to permit th e ir I
221
attendance or a lack of parental interest in th e ir education, which
were id en tified by a total of 57.1 percent of the younger residents.
Questions also were directed at w om en who had attended school
before the survey regarding the reasons for the termination of th eir
education. In contrast to w om en who had no formal education, a
greater segment of those with prior schooling was drawn from the
younger age range (80.3 percent) and thereby provided a larger volume
of responses to account for the cessation of th e ir education;
respondents between 35 and 44-years, on the other hand, formed only
19.7 percent of this subgroup.
Two sets of data distributions were obtained. The chi-square
value of 40.56537 with df .= 16 derived for one was s ta tis tic a lly
significant (j d < .0 1 ), but the co efficien t computed for the second
o
(x = 11.24623 with df_ = 6) fa ile d to meet acceptance c rite ria at
conventional levels of significance. In spite of these varied
results, rejection of the hypothesis of independence between the
variables seemed appropriate in view of the s ta tis tic a l significance
of the distrib ution whose chi-square value was based upon a larger
number of degrees of freedom (See Table 23). O n the other hand,
lambda values, which also were mixed, revealed generally slig h t
improvement in prediction with regard to both distributions
(A =0.22892 and A =0.07759, respectively).
Younger respondents who had attended school previously offered
a wider range of reasons for discontinuing th e ir education than w om en
of the sam e age group who were accounting for th e ir lack of schooling.
While this difference stemmed in part from the larger number
222
Table 23
Constraints on School Attendance: Reasons for
Discontinuing Education by Age
Reasons for Non-
Attendance^1
Agea
15-24
Years
35-44
Years Totals
8 4 12
No School Nearby 13.8% 28.6% 16.7%
5C 1 6
Parents Refused 8.6% 7.1% 8.3%
1 1 2
Poverty 1.7% 7.1% 2.8%
Work at Home/ 9 2 11
Farm 15.5% 14.3% 15.3%
Lack of 6 4 10
Interest 10.3% 28.6% 13.9%
A
11 0 11
War 18.9% 15.3%
Mother/Father 2 1 3
111 7.1% 3.4%
2 1 3
Not succeeding 7.1% 3.4%
6 0 6
Marriage 10.3% 8.3%
3 0 3
Employment 5.2% 4.2%
1 0 1
111 ness 1.7% 1.4%
1 0 1
Travelling 1.7% 1.4%
3 0 3
Graduated 5.2% 4.2%
? % refers to column.
Provided by 61 respondents who attended school before.
Sone respondent specifically noted her father's opposition.
Eight respondents indicated the 1967 Arab-Israeli War while
three referred to the 1970 c iv il disturbances in Jordan.
223
Table 23 (Continued)
Chi-Square
40.56537*
(df = 16)
Lambda
(S.ymmetric)
0.22892
Lambda
(Asymmetric)
0.36190 with age
dependent
0.0 with reasons
dependent
11.24623 0.07759 0.08571 with age
(df = 6) dependent
0.0 with reasons
dependent
*|D < .01
224|
constituting the fir s t group (49 as opposed to 18 of the la tte r), the |
frequency of specific responses, which suggests the prominence of
each am ong the respondents, revealed striking variations between the
i
two groups. For example, war was cited as the primary reason for 1
which younger wom en had terminated their education (18.9 percent),
but was noted by only one of their counterparts with no schooling
j and by none of the older respondents who had attended school before.
i
j Furthermore, nine of the younger group (15.5 percent) attributed
! their withdrawal from school to labor needs at home, which represented
the second most frequent response of this cohort; yet, this reason
was offered by only one of the younger wom en who lacked schooling
and two of the older subjects with prior education. O n the other
hand, wom en between 35 and 44 years defined the lack of nearby
i
i
school fa c ilitie s as one of the foremost reasons for the discontinua- -
tion of their education (28.6 percent), which resembled the response ■
»
of wom en of the sam e age group who had never been to school; only
13.8 percent of the 15-24 year group who had once attended school
provided this reason, however.
Considerable variation in the reasons for non-attendance at
school thus was apparent am ong survey respondents of differing ages,
as well as educational backgrounds. These differences are considered
i
further in the "Discussion of Findings" with reference to constraints ■
i
upon female schooling. The recurrence of themes, such as war and j
i
household family needs, is also examined in the context of developmentj
in itiativ e s in the Valley. Moreover, the expression of a lack of j
interest in attending school by 16 respondents from the two age
225
groups, 10 of whom had been enrolled in school previously, suggests a
need to review the curricula offered in the Valley's schools and to
design programs whose content and mode of instruction can respond to
the varied learning needs and styles of female residents, particularly
those with l i t t l e or no educational background.
Relationship Between Curricular j
Content and the Kind of Labor !
Activity Performed
(Hypothesis 4)
Formal education at the preuniversity level includes content
that pertains directly, or contributes generally, to work-related
i
activities. Subjects that are specifically vocational, as well as
course material providing a foundation for professional studies at
higher levels, are usually integral components of the secondary cycle. ,
i
The extent of work-related input is more restricted in primary and
preparatory grades, although curricula at these levels also
incorporate information that offers basic orientation to and fosters
attitudes about occupational a c tiv itie s , possibly contributing to the 1
I
development of vocational interests and aspirations. !
One facet of the present study focused upon the relationship
between the content of the education pursued by wom en in the East
Jordan Valley and the kinds of labor activities they performed. To
derive an indicator of curricular content, the level of education
attained by female residents was assumed to represent substantive
i
aspects of the schooling they were receiving or had completed prior
to the survey. Since only limited vocational material is provided in
226
primary and preparatory classes, completion of these cycles as the
highest level of achievement was interpreted as indicating only
meager ’ introduction to and knowledge of occupational tasks. In
| addition to teacher training, on the other hand, attendance at the
i
; secondary level signified greater preparation for labor activ itie s,
: through either curricular tracks that emphasize specific spheres of
•inquiry (e .g ., scientific or lite ra ry studies), or vocational courses,
! such as domestic science and crop irrigation.
Within this framework, patterns of participation in specific
kinds of work activities were explored in relation to the level of
: education attained by Valley women. Forty-three subjects drawn from
the female population reported having both formal education and labor
1 experience either before or at the time of the survey; they constituted
20.5 percent and therefore a relatively small portion of the total
sample. Since multiple responses were generated for the kinds of work
l
performed, eight distributions of frequencies were obtained for each
of the two groups of respondents upon which the analysis focused: one
set for those currently enrolled in school and another for those who
| had attended previously.
i
j In terms of the respondents who were both attending school and
' working when the interviews were conducted, the chi-square value of
: only one of the eight distributions (x^ = 179.99272 with &f_ - 130) met
c rite ria of statistical significance at a conventional level!of
acceptance (p < .01), while the others yielded no evidence of
systematic relatedness between the level of schooling and types of
work activity. Such results were conducive to acceptance of the
227
hypothesis of independence with respect to their particular variables.
i
| According to the lambda coefficients, which are reported in Table 24,
I
i the extent to which either variable enhanced knowledge of the other
was negligible for a ll distributions examined.
Respondents engaged in economically productive labor who had
i
j attended school previously represented 32.5 percent of all subjects
! participating in labor activities. Statistical procedures provided
i
i
l i t t l e evidence of a relationship between the educational level of
.* 1
those included in this group and the work they performed. While the
, chi-square of 280.16284 with df = 156 computed for one of the eight
cross-tabulations was s ta tis tic a lly significant (]3 < .01), the values
I derived for the remainder did not achieve established levels. More-
j
over, the measure of association detected no predictive value for
either variable in any of the distributions. This information
j supported the proposition that the level of educational achievement
I and kind of work activity were unrelated for this group of respondents.
r
j Although the statistical analysis yielded meager evidence of
i
i association, examination of the sectoral distribution of labor
\
| performed by wom en who were going to school and working concurrently
J revealed distinct characteristics with respect to their level of
j educational attainment. O n the one hand, those engaged in agricultural
! tasks--crop planting, weeding and harvesting-consisted entirely of
i
| wom en enrolled in adult education and the lowest level of primary
j schooling reported by the students (Grade 4). O n the other hand,
j
none of the pupils at preparatory and secondary levels worked in farm
activities. All of those enrolled in these grades were clustered in
Table 24
Effects of Curricular Content: Differences in Types of W ork
by Level of Educational Attainment
(Respondents Attending School)
W ork Activity9
Level of Educational
Attainment^
Crop
Plant
ing
Crop
W eed
ing
Crop
Harvest
ing
Animal
Care
Sewing/
Dress- Embroid-
making ery
Crochet/
Knit
ting
W ool
W ork
Teach
ing
Primary 4 1
Preparatory 1
Preparatory 2
Preparatory 3 1 1 1 1
Secondary 1
Secondary 2
Secondary 3 2 1
Teacher Training 1
Adult Education 2 2 2 1 2 1
Totals 3 2 2 1 1 3 4 2 1
.Multiple responses provided.
Respondents attending school at the time of the survey, w ho accounted for
12.9 percent of those working.
228
Table 24 (Continued)
Chi-Square Lam bda (symmetric)
179.99272* (df = 130) 0.04237
75.71867 (df = 130) 0.01010
25.44034 (df = 100) 0.01220
38.64355 (df = 90) 0.01351
26.49562 (df = 80) 0.0
4.77623 (df = 70) 0.0
2.28118 (df = 60) 0.0
1.24259 (df = 40) 0.0
* £ < .01
229
230
handicraft production--sewing, embroidery, knitting, etc. W om en
attending adult programs also reported handicraft activity.
Varied patterns of occupational activity also emerged
according to differentials in the educational background of
respondents who were working, but no longer in school. Overall,
these subjects identified a wider range of activities than those
currently attending school, but their level of educational achievement
also was generally low. For example, most of the wom en working in
such fields as food processing and marketing, as well as various
handicrafts, had withdrawn from school before completing six years
of primary education. Of those working in agriculture, moreover?,,
86.2 percent had schooling at comparable levels (between the second
primary grade and the fifth primary level), while only three had
matriculated to the preparatory grades and none had reached the
secondary level. S till another pattern was established by the four
respondents who had completed secondary school and teacher training,
and therefore had attained the highest level of education within this
group: all identified teaching as their only area of occupational
activity.
Analysis of the kinds of work performed by female residents
of the Valley according to their educational background thus indicated
that farm-related work was predominant among those with low levels of
schooling. Respondents who had reached the preparatory or secondary
grades, on the other hand, identified handicrafts as their primary
area of work. A clear pattern also was evident for teachers, a ll of
w hom had completed the teacher education cycle except one who was
Table 25
Effects of Curricular Content: Differences in Types of W ork
by Level of Educational Attainment
(Respondents in School Previously)
W ork Activity3
Level of Educational
Attainment^3
Crop
Plant
ing
Crop
W eed
ing
Crop
Harvest
ing
Animal
Care
Food
Process
ing
Market
ing/
Trade
Sewing/
Dress
making
Embroid
ery Teaching
Primary 1
Primary 2 1 1 1 1
Primary 3 1 1 2
Primary 4 3 7 6 1 1 1
Primary 5 1 1 1 1 1 1
Primary 6 3
Preparatory 1
Preparatory 2 2 1 2 1
Preparatory 3 1
Secondary 1
Secondary 3 1
Teacher Training 3
Totals 5 9 12 3 1 1 8 4 4
?Multiple responses provided.
Respondents w ho attended school previously accounted for 32.5 percent of those working.
ro
co
Table 25 (Continued)
Chi-Square Lam bda (Symmetric)
280.16284* (df = 156) 0.05072
151.65262 (df = 156) 0.01681
58.78090 (df = 120) 0.0
58.10017 (df = 108) 0.0
52.30528 (df = 96) 0.0
63.23692 (df = 84) 0.02532
27.49405 (df = 72) 0.01429
27.47203 (df = 48) 0.01515
* £ < .01
232
233
i
s till in training and had noted the third secondary grade as her ,
highest level of achievement.
With the exception of teachers, however, the manner in and
i
extent to which the content of educational programs contributes to the
labor activities of Valley wom en remain obscure. For example,
| instruction in handicrafts, principally sewing and knitting, is
' offered in Valley schools; yet, interview questions regarding skills
acquired outside of school revealed that most wom en developed
competencies in these areas through informal means, usually under
the guidance of female kin or a neighbor. In a comparable manner,
w om en working in agriculture reported learning farm tasks on-the-job <
i
and without formal training. Subsequent discussion of these findings j
I
suggests caution in drawing conclusions about the effects of j
curricular programs upon the work performed by Valley wom en in terms 1
I of not only the restricted range of their a c tiv itie s , but also the ;
small number of female residents who have as yet completed secondary
j school or received job-related instruction through other programs.
i *
; Relationship Between Age and !
Reasons for Working
(Hypothesi s 5a) ;
To gain information pertinent to the development of incentivesj
for increasing the labor participation of female residents of the i
Valley, questions were directed at respondents who were working when
j the survey was conducted regarding their reasons for engaging in
! !
! economic activities. These responses were analyzed in relation to the!
»
i
subjects' age to determine i f motives varied am ong w om en whose age |
differential spanned a generation. Evidence of major divergences
would denote change in the motivation for working and thereby signify
' the need for formulating different strategies to encourage wom en of
I
differing ages to be economically active. Because multiple reasons
were provided by som e of those included in the sample, case
frequencies were organized into three distributions, each of which
was subjected to the test of statistical significance and summarized
by the measure of association.
These statistical procedures disclosed that the respondents'
reasons for working and their age were not related in a systematic
manner. The chi-square value pertaining to the largest distribution,
which was 15.03076 with df = 9, narrowly failed to satisfy the
c rite ria at the .05 level of significance, while the chi-square
values for the remaining distributions, 11.40703 with df = 6 and
; 2.01923 with elf = 2, were s till more remote from conventional
j standards. By indicating the absence of a relationship, these
t
results did not support rejection of the null hypothesis formulated
with respect to the variables. As noted in Table 26, moreovery the
lambda statistic computed the measure of association at less than
10 percent for each distribution, thus yielding l i t t l e evidence of an
j increase in the a b ility to predict values for one variable on the
t
basis of the other.
Disaggregation of the specific responses provided by female
i
i residents who were working in the Valley revealed that contributing
to the family's income was the reason most frequently stated by wom en
from the two age groups included in the study: 44.7 percent of those
2351
Table 26
Differences in Work Motives by Age
(Respondents Working Now)
A ce
Reason for Working 15-24 Years 35-44 Years
Contribute to
Family Income 21 24
Support Family 0 4
Help in Family
Business 4 11
Have O w n Earnings 6 1
F ill Free Time 10 2
Parents/Husband
Expect 1 0
Enjoy Working 4 0
Help Other People 1 1
Chi-Square Lambda (Symmetric)
15.03076 (df = 8) 0.08242
11.40703 (df = 6) 0.08621
2.01923 (df = 2 ) 0.01764
aMultiple responses provided.
236
between 15 and 24 years and 55.8 percent of the 35 to 44 year group
cited this motive for engaging in economic activities. With respect ;
to other reasons, considerable variation between the two groups was
j
evident. For younger respondents whose motives spanned a wider range
than those indicated by the older subjects, working to f i l l free time
was reported by 21. 3 percent of those between 15 and 24 years and as
i
such, represented the second most frequent response offered by this j
group; only 4.7 percent of the older residents, however, described j
this as their reason for working. ;
i
The desire to have their own earnings also was expressed by j
12.9 percent of the wom en within the younger age range, but by only \
i
one of those between 35 and 44 years. The older respondents, on the }
other hand, placed greater emphasis upon the need to help in the i
i
family business. Of the la tte r, 25.6 percent considered this the
second most prominent reason, in contrast to only 8.5 percent of the j
i
younger group.
Respondents who were economically active at the time of the
survey constituted only 36.7 percent and therefore a limited portion
of the sample. As an indication of potential sources of labor, the
i
remaining subjects were questioned about their interest in participa- ;
ting in economic activities. For those who answered affirm atively,
survey data were examined regarding the existence of an association ;
i
between their reasons for wanting to work and their age. '
Of the respondents who had worked previously, but were not 1
doing so when the survey was conducted, only six, or 30.0 percent of
this subset, expressed interest in re-entering the labor sphere. I
2371
I
Application of the chi-square test to data regarding the reasons for :
their response and their age produced a value of 3.84433 with df = 3,
which was not s ta tis tic a lly significant at conventional levels, and |
i
| the hypothesis of independence between the variables therefore was
I
| sustained. Concerning the specific reasons for wanting to work, these
i
| subjects, most of w hom were within the older age range, stated the need
to contribute to their family's income as their foremost motive.
t
j Of a ll respondents who had never engaged in labor a c tiv itie s,
i r
j and who constituted 53.3 percent of the total sample, those wishing to
| work represented 42.5 percent and thereby nearly half of this subset.
I
j Comparable to the subjects who were working or had worked previously,
j economic factors provided the primary impetus to interest in labor
participation among the 35-44 year group (see Table 27). Contributing ■
i
to the family's income was specifically cited by 84.6 percent of the
older respondents and also was reported by 28.8 percent of those
between 15 and 24 years. The largest proportion of the younger ,
subjects, on the other hand, declared that they wanted to work to f i l l
their free time (33.9 percent), while 20.3 percent of this group also
remarked that the enjoyment they could gain from working was an j
important incentive to their aspirations for work. Although stated by
only five or 8.5 percent of those between 15 and 24 years, the
assertion that their village's need for workers prompted their interest
in becoming economically active is noteworthy from the standpoint of I
developing the Valley's labor resources.
Statistical analysis of data pertaining to reasons for workingj
and age with regard to respondents who had never worked but wished to j
238
Table 27
Differences in Work Motives by Age
(Respondents Not Working Now)
Age
Reasons for Working 15-24 Years 35-44 Years
Worked Before and
Desire Work Now:
Contribute to
Family Income 1 4
F ill Free Time 0 1
Enjoy Working 1 0
Chi-Square Lambda (Symmetric)
3.84433 (df = 3) 0.03571
Never Worked and
Desire Work Now:
Contribute to
Family Income 17 11
Have O w n Earnings 3 0
F ill Free Time 20 2
Enjoy Working 12 0
Village Needs Workers 5 0
Serve Country 2 0
Chi-Square Lambda (Symmetric)
23.35127* (df = 6) 0.16993
20.08704* (df = 6) 0.14961
3.04348 (df = 3) 0.02778
a
Multiple responses provided.
*£ < .01
239
do so, yielded chi-square values of 23.35127 with df = 6 and 20.08704
with &f_ = 6 for the two largest distributions, both of which were
s ta tis tic a lly significant (jd < .01). The value of 3.04348 with df = 3
computed for the third did not satisfy the c rite ria of rejection at
established levels, however. While offering som e indication of a
reduction in error in estimation pertaining to these variables, the
lambda coefficients disclosed that knowledge of the reasons for work
increased the accuracy in predicting the respondents' age within the ,
range of only 18.1 percent to 24.8 percent. The chi-square values, i
!
on the other hand, suggested that a consistent association existed j
between the variables and that rejection of the hypothesis of |
independence was appropriate. !
i i
Of the three subsets of the sample, systematic relatedness !
between reasons for working and age was established only with respect
to respondents who had never been economically active, but who 1
i
expressed interest in participating in the labor sphere. Thus, while i
wom en who engaged in labor activities when the survey was conducted
displayed consistency regardless of age differences by identifying
economic factors as the dominant stimulus for their work, considerable
variation characterized the motives of those who had never worked in
relation to their age. The la tte r finding suggests that change is
occurring with respect to the reasons prompting female residents of
the Valley to participate in the labor sphere. Respondents from the
15 to 24 year group, who formed the largest proportion of those with
no labor background who expressed interest in working, conceived of
work largely in non-economic terms--as a means of fillin g free time
240
and a source of enjoyment. In contrast, subjects from the' older age
range (35 to 44 years) placed primary emphasis upon financial reasons
for working regardless of their labor experience. Such change
specifically points to the need for varied incentives to foster labor
i
| activity among wom en of different ages.
! Relationship Between School
! Attendance and Reasons for
Working (Hypothesis 5b)
| Patterns of motives for working were sought in relation to
! the educational background of w om en residing in the East Jordan Valley.
i '
I The objective of this inquiry was to determine i f wom en who had
I
; attended school differed in their reasons for working from those who
i
i had never gone to school. In addition to providing insight into the
I
effects that formal schooling might have upon motives for work,
1
i
evidence of variance in the reasons according to educational back
ground would have implications for the development of measures to !
generate interest in labor participation among wom en with differing j
educational experiences. 1
Only 10 w om en were working and attending school concurrently,
t
representing 4.8 percent of the total sample. For this small group, *
_ i
the statistical significance (p _ < .01) of the chi-square value j
derived for two of the three distributions established (110.87935
with djf = 60 and 104.73413 with df = 20) signified that their reasons
for working and their schooling were systematically related. As
I
indicated by data presented in Table 28, c rite ria of rejection were i
i
i
not satisfied with respect to the third distribution, whose chi-square
Table 28
Differences in Work Motives by School Attendance
(Respondents Working Now)
School Attendance
Reason for Working Now Before Never
Contribute to
Family Income 5 18 24
Support Family 0 0 4
Help in Family Business 0 4 12
Have O w n Earnings 1 2 1
F ill Free Time 4 7 1
Parents/Husband
Expect 0 0 1
Enjoy Working 2 1 1
Help Other People 1 0
Chi-Square 54.89096 124.28740* 15.28362
(df = 80) (df = 96) (df = 8)
110.87935** 135.75075** 9.44431
(df = 6 0 ) (df = 72) (df = 6)
104.73413** 69.73346** 2.13801
(df = 20) (df = 24) (df = 2)
Lambda 0.02542 0.02174 0.05587
(Symmetric)
0.01923 0.04167 0.06195
0.02326 0.01587 0.01923
aMultiple responses provided.
*£ < .05
**p_ < .01
242
was computed as 54.89096 with df = 80. While the association dis
closed for the former favored rejection of the null hypothesis,
findings pertaining to the la tte r, which were based upon the highest
number of degrees of freedom, suggested that caution should be
exercised in drawing this conclusion.
Support for the alternative hypothesis that posits the
existence of a relationship between reasons for working and school
attendance was conclusive, on the other hand, with regard to
respondents who attended school before the survey: the chi-square
values were s ta tis tic a lly significant at the .01 level for two dis- '
tributions (135.75075 with df = 72 and 69.73346 with df = 24), and at ;
the .05 level for the third (124.28740 with df = 96). Contrary results!
were obtained, however, in the case of economically active wom en who j
had no educational background. For a ll distributions derived, the j
test of statistical significance yielded values that did not meet
rejection c rite ria at conventional levels, thereby prompting the
conclusion that the hypothesis of independence between the work 1
J
motives of this group and their lack of schooling should be retained. :
i
For a ll distributions established to examine relatedness
between reasons for working and school attendance, the lambda
statistic yielded no values indicating a noteworthy increase in
predictive a b ility regarding any of the relationships. As shown in
Table 28, coefficients of association disclosed an improvement of only
1 percent to 6 percent with respect to these variables. i
While consistency was evident am ong the three subgroups of
respondents in terms of identifying the need to contribute to the
243
family's income as their foremost reason for working, variation
emerged in the proportions of the group citing this motive: a larger
share of wom en who had attended school previously (56.4 percent) and
! wom en who had no schooling (53.3 percent) stated this reason in
comparison with those who were enrolled in school at the time of
j the survey (38.5 percent). Financial motives were particularly
j prominent among respondents who lacked an educational background.
; Reasons related to economic factors accounted for 91.1 percent of all
j those identified by this group, which included in addition to
| contributing to the family's income, helping with the family business
| (26.7 percent) and the need to support the family (8.9 percent).
- Respondents attending school, on the other hand, did not describe
work as an economic necessity to the sam e extent as wom en who had
i
! never gone to school. While cited by only one of the la tte r, fillin g
I
free time was the second most prominent reason for engaging in labor
i . . .
activities among the former, as well as those who had attended (
i
school previously. ,
i j
Evidence of an association between reasons for working and
i
school attendance also was considered with respect to respondents who j
i
l
once had been economically active and indicated an interest in I
becoming so again (see Table 29). (None of this cohort was attending
school at the time of the study.) With a chi-square of 73.97801 with
df = 36 that was defined as s ta tis tic a lly significant (j d < .01),
systematic relatedness between these variables was evident for
respondents who had attended school before. Statistical independence
was revealed, on the other hand, by the chi-square value obtained
244
Table 29
Differences in Work Motives by School Attendance
(Respondents Not Working Now)
a
School Attendance
Reason for Working Now Before Never
Worked Before and
Desire Work Now:
Contribute to
Family Income 0 1 4
F ill Free Time 0 0 1
Enjoy Working 0 1 0
Chi-Square 1.75677 73.97801** 3.67590
(df = 30) (df = 36) (df = 3 )
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.0 0.01471 0.00917
Never Worked and
Desire Work Now:
Contribute to
Family Income 9 3 16
Have O w n Earnings 2 1 0
F ill Free Time 9 7 6
Enjoy Working 7 3 1
Village Needs
Workers 4 1 0
Serve Country 1 1 0
Chi-Square 212.79976** 57.74731 17.09950**
(df = 60) (df = 72)
(df = 6)
94.86426** 91.43645 13.38108*
(df = 60) (df = 72) (df = 6)
41.66856 23.24847 3.06779
(df = 30) ( d f = 3 6 ) (df = 3)
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.08989 0.0 0.11333
0.07937 0.02410 0.10484
0.02273 0.01563 0.01905
aMul-ti.ple responses provided. *£ < .05 **£ < .01
with reference to those who had worked before, but had no schooling
p
(x =3.67590 with df = 3). These findings resulted in antithetical
conclusions regarding the research hypothesis: namely, rejection in
the former case and support in the la tte r.
Respondents who had never worked, but were interested in
participating in labor activities formed the largest of the subsets
in the sample*, varied patterns of reasons for wanting to work emerged j
in relation to their educational background. O n the basis of the !
■ I
results of the chi-square test, which are presented in Table 29, the I
hypothesis of independence between their work motives and their j
schooling was rejected with regard to respondents who were enrolled !
at school as well as those who had never attended: c rite ria of i
i
rejection were satisfied for two distributions pertaining to the j
former < .01), while significance was established at the .01 level
for one distribution and at the .05 level for another with respect
to the la tte r. For each of these groups, the distribution with the \
least cells did not yield a value that was s ta tis tic a lly significant
at conventional levels.
With regard to wom en with prior schooling but no work
experience, on the other hand, none of the chi-square values
satisfied the standards of significance at established levels, which I
i
t
indicated consistency with the expected pattern and thereby, support j
i
I
for the hypothesis that no relatedness existed between the reasons j
J
offered by these respondents for wanting to work and their school
attendance.
246
Analysis of the jo in t frequencies of cases revealed that
economic motives were not as prominent among wom en who had never
worked as they were am ong those who were engaged in labor activities
when the survey was conducted. The one exception was recorded by
wom en who had never attended school, 69.9 percent of w hom stated that
they wished to work to contribute to their family's income. As their
only other reasons, these respondents indicated that work would
either f i l l their free time or provide enjoyment, which accounted
for a total of 30.4 percent of their responses. These motives also
were cited by a sizable proportion of the subjects with an educational
background: 50.0 percent in the case of wom en enrolled in school and
62.5 percent of those who had attended previously. In contrast,
economic factors were noted by only 34.4 percent and 25.0 percent of
those groups, respectively. All respondents who attributed their
work aspirations to the need for labor in their village had attended
school: four were enrolled during the survey and one had been a
student before.
Varied reasons for working, or wanting to work were provided
by wom en who differed in terms of school attendance and labor
experience. Respondents who were enrolled in school at the time of
the survey disclosed a greater range of work motives than.subjects
who had prior or no schooling; as indicated in Table 30 and 31, data
on the former's level of achievement further revealed that reasons
varied considerably among those who had reached the highest grades
(Preparatory 3 and above). This contrasts with the findings observed
with reference to respondents without formal schooling who, regardless
Table 30
Differences in W ork Motives by Level of Educational Attainment
(Respondents Working Now )
Educational Level (School Now)
Primary Preparatory Secondary Teacher Adult
Reason for Working 4 3 3 Training Education
Contribute to Family Income 1 1 3
Have O w n Earnings 1
Help Others 1
F ill Free Time 1 2 1
Enjoy Working 1 1
Educational Level (School Before)
(V
Pri Pri Pri Pri- Pri Prepara Prepara Second- Teacher
mary •mary mary mary mary tory tory ary Train
Reason for Working 2 3 4 5 6 2 3 3 ing
Contribute to
Family Income 1 5 2 4 2 1 1 2
Have O w n Earnings 1 1
Help in Family
Business 1 2 1
Fill Free Time 1 2 1 1 2
Enjoy Working 1
Table 31
Differences in W ork Motives by Level of Educational Attainment
(Respondents Not Working Now, but Desiring to Work)
Educational Level (School Now )
Prepara Prepara Prepara- Second- Second Second Teacher
Reason for Working tory 1 tory 2 tor y 3 ar.y 1 ary 2 ary 3 Training
Contribute to
Family Income 4 1 3 1
Have O w n Earnings 2
Fill Free Time 1 1 4 1 1 1
Enjoy Working 1 1 3 1 1
Village Needs
Workers 2 1 1
Serve Country 1
Educational Level (School Before)
Pri Pri Pri - Prepara Prepara Prepara
Reason for Working mary 3 mary 5 m a ry 6 tory 1 tory 2 tory 3
Contribute to
Family Income 1 1 1
Have O w n Earnings 1
Fill Free Time 1 2 1 2 1
Enjoy Working 2 1
Village Needs
Workers 1
Serve Country 1
249
of their work status, defined economic considerations as the primary
reason for their labor activity or interest in economic participation.
Overall, the differences characterizing female residents in
relation to their educational background are consistent with the data
derived with reference to relatedness between age and reasons for
working: while variation was evident to a greater extent am ong younger
respondents aged 15 to 24 years, a large segment of w hom had attended
school (82.9 percent), concern with economic needs preoccupied those
between 35 and 44 years, 83.3 percent of w hom had never been to
school. Within the female population of the Valley, therefore, age
and school attendance appear to constitute interacting variables
with respect to the reasons for which wom en engage in labor
a c tiv itie s. These patterns are discussed subsequently in the chapter,
while the reasons stated by survey subjects who expressed no interest
in participating in the economic sphere are reported in the section
on "Additional Findings."
Relationship Between School
Attendance and the Educa
tional Background of
Parents (Hypothesis 6)
Survey data were analyzed to determine the existence of
patterns of school attendance am ong Valley wom en in relation to the
educational attainment of parents. For the sample as a whole, only
10 respondents, or 4.8 percent of all those interviewed, indicated
that their mothers had any educational background. The level attained
by the others also was low: eight had completed six years of primary
250
school or less, while one had reached the third preparatory grade and
another, the fir s t year of the secondary cycle.
All of the respondents whose mothers had schooling were either
enrolled in school (7) or had attended prior to the survey (3). Most
of the subjects, however, described their mothers as lacking any
formal education: 82.9 percent of those currently enrolled in school
and 95.1 percent of those who had attended previously. With respect j
to the subjects who were in school when the interviews were conducted,;
the chi-square test disclosed that the relationship between their {
attendance at school and their mother's schooling was significant at \
the .01 level (x^= 351.43237 with df = 70). This favored rejection ofj
the hypothesis that no association existed between current school j
attendance among Valley wom en and the educational background of their !
i
mothers. As indicated in Table 32, however, comparable results were
not obtained for the respondents who had attended school before the (
I
survey: for this relationship a chi-square of 65.57126 with df_ = 84 |
was computed which did not meet the c rite ria for rejection at con-
j
ventional levels. With respect to both relationships, moreover, the !
j
lambda coefficients suggested considerable error in predicting values j
i
i
for one variable based upon those of the other ( A = 0.11765 and |
A = 0.01408, respectively). i
i
Although the schooling of most mothers who had formal educa- !
I
tion did not extend beyond the primary level, their daughters mani- j
fested a consistently high level of achievement (see Table 64 in j
Appendix A). Of those currently in school, five were enrolled in the !
third preparatory year and one in the intermediate grade of the
251
Table 32
School Attendance in Relation to
Mother's Educational Level
School Attendance (Respondent)
Mother's Educational
Level Now Before Never
Primary 1 1 1 0
Primary 2 2 0 0
Primary 3 0 1 0
Primary 4 1 1 0
Primary 5 0 0 0
Primary 6 1 0 0
Preparatory 3 1 0 0
Secondary 1 1 0 0
Subtotals:
N 7 3 0
Row % 70.0 30.0
Column % 17.1 4.9
No Schooling:
N 34 58 108
Row % 17.0 29.0 54.0
Column % 82.9 95.1 100.0
Chi-Square 351.4323 7* 65.57126 11.11763
(df = 70) (df = 84) (df = 7)
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.11765 0.01408 0.08939
*jd < .01
252
secondary cycle. (The educational level attained by one of the
daughters was not recorded.) The standard achieved by respondents
! with prior schooling was somewhat lower, with two having stopped at
! the f ifth primary grade and the third, in the last year of the
I
i
preparatory level.
In addition to large proportions of respondents with educa-
j tional background, a ll of the w om en who had never attended school —
] 108 o r.51.4 percent of the sample-stated that their mothers had no
I
! formal education. According to the chi-square value of 11.11763 with
i
; 'df = 7, relatedness between the lack of schooling among the respond- L
i
i
ents and the lack of schooling among their mothers was not statis-
| tic a lly significant at established levels, resulting in a decision to
not reject the hypothesis of independence with respect to these
variables.
i
I
1 In terms of the sample overall, the educational background
| of fathers was more extensive than that of mothers. According to
! data presented in Table 33, 54 respondents noted that their fathers
: had attended school; a high proportion of this group--83.3 percent--
i
! revealed, however, that their fathers had not matriculated beyond
the sixth primary grade and therefore had achieved only a very
moderate level of education.
According to the statistical tests, systematic relatedness ■
was determined for a ll three sets of variables in which the schooling
i
i
of survey subjects was defined according to its occurrence when the ;
interviews were conducted, before the survey, or never. The chi- !
square value was significant at the ,01 level for the association
253
Table 33
School Attendance in Relation to
Father's Educational Level
Father's School Attendance (Respondent)
Educational Level Now j Before Never
Literacy 0 6 5
Primary 1 1 0 0
Primary 2 0 1 1
Primary 3 3 1 0
Primary 4 8 5 2
Primary 5 1 4 0
Primary 6 2 4 1
Preparatory 1 2 1 0
Preparatory 2 0 1 0
Preparatory 3 0 0 0
Secondary 1 0 0 0
Secondary 2 0 0 0
Secondary 3 2 0 0
University 4 1 0 0
No Answer 1 1 0
Subtotals:
N 21 24 9
Row % 38.9 44.4 16.7
Column % 51.2 39.3 8.3
No Schooling:
N 20 37 99
Row % 12.8 23.7 63.5
Column % ' 48.8 60.7 91.7 i
Chi-square 575.76758** 202.72870* 42.88577** j
(df = 140) (df = 168) (df = 14) ;
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.08911 0.04132 0.22222
Lambda (Asymmetric)
1. School attendance
as dependent 0.09756 0.03279 0.35294
2. Father's educa-
tion as dependent___ 0.08333_______ 0.05000________ 0.0
*£ < .05 **£ < .01
254
' between the father's level of educational attainment and each of the
following: current enrollment at school (x^ = 575.76758 with df = 140)
! O
I and the lack of schooling am ong respondents (x =42.88577 with df =
14). With a chi-square of 202.72870 with df = 168, significance was
computed at the .05 level for the relationship between the father's
school background and prior school attendance am ong survey subjects.
O n the basis of these results, the hypothesis of independence was
i rejected for each set of variables.
t
| In general, the lambda values provided l i t t l e evidence that
i
| data pertaining to one variable enhanced prediction of the other with
j respect to any of these relationships. One asymmetric lambda measure
j was noteworthy, however: though a large margin of error remained,
; knowledge of the father's level of education provided an increase of
i
’ 35.3 percent in the a b ility to predict the lack of schooling am ong
( daughters.
! Data generated by the survey suggested that daughters whose
i
fathers had acquired som e formal education, also tended to go to
school. Of those respondents whose fathers had schooling, only 16.7
percent had never been to school, and the level of education attained
i • * i
j by their fathers was relatively low: five had achieved literacy skills
| only, while the remainder had various levels of primary schooling.
i
1 O n the other hand, as Table 65 in Appendix A reveals, daughters whose .
! fathers had matriculated to the preparatory cycle and above also had
i
reached relatively high levels within the formal educational system:
those attending school when the survey was conducted were enrolled in
preparatory, secondary, or teacher education. In terms of female
255
| residents who had completed their schooling before the survey, less
variation in attainment was evident among both the subjects and
their fathers: for example, only one respondent of the five whose !
father had literacy skills had matriculated beyond the primary grades,
while seven of the nine respondents who had reached the preparatory
cycle identified the level achieved by their fathers as lower than
their own.
; There was limited evidence of school attendance am ong
respondents whose fathers had no educational background. Of this
, group, only 12.8 percent were currently enrolled in school, while
r
I 23.7 percent had attended previously. O n the other hand, the largest
proportion of daughters whose fathers had no educational background
I
i reported having no school experience themselves (63.5 percent).
For most of the frequency distributions established to
I explore the relationship between school attendance am ong the
i respondents and the education of their parents, statistical
procedures resulted in rejection of the hypothesis that no
association existed between the variables. With regard to the
educational background of mothers, the support generated for the
i
null hypothesis in two of the three relations tested might pertain to
the small data set obtained for mothers who went to school, as well
i as the respondents themselves. While l i t t l e improvement in predictive;
j a b ility characterized any of the associations examined, the overall
results of the statistical analysis suggested that school attendance
am ong wom en in the Valley was related to the educational background
256
of their fathers in a consistent manner but only to a limited extent
!
j when the schooling pertained to mothers.
} Relationship Between Work Activity
I and the Educational Background of
j Parents (Hypothesis 7)
j Statistical procedures applied to survey data yielded no
i
I evidence that a systematic relationship existed between the incidence
I
; of work am ong the respondents and the educational level of their
! parents. This information provided considerable support for the
! proposition that these variables were independent in the population
from which the sample was drawn.
! For the sets of relations involving the mother's educational
i
; background, the chi-square values were recorded as 6.07894 with dkf = 7
i
! when current participation am ong respondents constituted the work
i
t variable, 1.04450 with df = 7 with respect to prior work ac tiv ity , and
i
i
| 9.18749 with &f_ = 7 regarding the lack of labor participation, none of
i
| which was s ta tis tic a lly significant. Criteria of rejection at
! conventional levels thus were not satisfied in any of these cases,
i Moreover^ , lambda coefficients, which were identical for a ll relations
explored, disclosed that none of these variables enhanced the a b ility
to predict the others (A = 0.0).
i Comparable results were obtained with regard to the father's
level of education (see Table 35). According to the chi-square test,
statistical significance for all hypothesized relations between
father's school and the work activity of daughters attained neither
the .01 nor the .05 level: values were computed as 6.31932 with
257
Table 34
Incidence of Work in Relation to
Mother's Educational Level
Mother's Incidence of Work (Respondents)
Educational Level Now Before Never
Primary 1 0 0 2
Primary 2 0 0 . 2
Primary 3 0 0 1
Primary 4 0 0 2
Primary 5 0 0 1
Primary 6 0 0 1
Preparatory 3 0 0 1
Secondary 1 0 0 1
Subtotals:
N 0 0 10
Column 0 0 8.9
N o Schooling:
N 77 20 102 1
Column % 100.0 100.0 91.1
Chi-Square 5.07894 1.04450 9.18749
(df = 7) (df = 7) (df = 7)
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.0 0.0 0.0
f
258
Table 35
Incidence of Work in Relation to
Father's Educational Level
Father* s Inciderice of Work (Respondents)
Educational Level Now Before Never
Li teracy 5 2 4
Primary 1 0 0 1
Primary 2 1 0 1
Primary 3 1 0 3
Primary 4 6 0 9
Primary 5 2 0 3
Primary 6 2 0 5
Preparatory 1 1 0 2
Preparatory 2 1 0 0
Preparatory 3 0 0 0
Secondary 1 0 0 0
Secondary 2 o 0 0
Secondary 3 0 0 2
University 4 0 0 1
No Answer5 0 0 2
Subtotals:
N 19 2 33
Column % 24.7 10.0 30.8
N o Schooling
N 58 18 74
Column % 75.3 90.0 69.2
Chi-Square 6.31932
(df =14)
6.29383
(df = 14)
9.92131
(df =14)
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.00730 0.0 0.02532
a
Six provided no response.
259
df = 14, 6.29383 with df = 14, and 9.92131 with df = 14 when the labor
participation of the respondents was defined as occurring,
respectively, at the time of the survey, before the survey, or never.
For the three sets of relations, furthermore, the measure of associa-
tion indicated a lack of reduction in error in predicting either
variable (X = 0.00730, X = 0.0, and X = 0.02532, respectively).
Examination of the frequency distributions pertaining to
these variables disclosed that a ll respondents who participated in
labor ac tiv itie s, either concurrently with or prior to the survey,
described their mothers as having had no formal schooling. Only
24.7 percent and 10.0 percent of these subgroups respectively stated
that their fathers had attended school. The level of education
achieved by this parent, furthermore, was very low: 90.5 percent.of
the subgroups combined noted the sixth primary grade or less as the
highest level completed by their fathers, while secondary schooling
and university instruction were reported by only three respondents
who had never worked.
According to the statistical findings, the work activity of
wom en in the East Jordan Valley was not associated with the
educational background of their parents in a systematic manner. This
resulted in a failure to reject the null hypothesis with respect to
all relations explored. The foremost pattern emerging in terms of
these variables was that regardless of the labor participation of the
respondents, a lack of schooling was the predominant feature
characterizing both mothers and fathers.
26G
Relationship Between School Attendance
and the Work Activity of
Parents (Hypothesis 8)
To identify factors that contribute to the education of wom en I
!
in the East Jordan Valley, the school attendance of subjects i
constituting the sample was examined in relation to the economic
activities of their parents. A primary objective of this facet of
the study was to determine i f variation existed in the schooling of |
I
wom en according to the kinds of work performed by their parents, with ;
specific reference to agricultural as opposed to nonagricultural j
a c tivities. j
Regardless of their educational status, a large proportion :
of the subjects--74.3 percent of the total sample-reported that their
mothers had never participated in economically productive labor. Of
those who were enrolled in school, the greater share included their
mothers in this category (87.8 percent), while the rates were somewhat
lower for both respondents who had attended school previously and
those who had no educational background: 68.9 percent of the former
and 72.2 percent of the la tte r indicated that their mothers had never
worked. Of the three subsets, therefore, only 12.2 percent, 31.1
percent, and 27.8 percent, respectively, described their mothers as
economically active.
Because multiple responses were generated for the mothers'
work a c tiv ity , two distributions were produced for each set of
variables examined. With respect to most of the hypothesized
relations between the variables, chi-square values were computed at
261
conventional levels of statistical significance. As reported in
Table 36, c rite ria of rejection at the .01 level were satisfied by
the chi-square of 252.91293 with df = 80 obtained for one of the two
distributions pertaining to the relationship between the work activity,
i
I
of mothers and the current school enrollment of respondents, as well j
as the value of 22.37062 with df = 8 computed with respect to the
i
i
association between the work activity of mothers and the lack of \
schooling am ong respondents. For the second distribution, results ;
in the Tatter's case were s ta tis tic a lly significant at the .05 level
. 2 % i
(x - 7.85478 with df = 3}, but not salient with respect to the I
2 1
former (y = 2.01769 with df = 30). Systematic relatedness between !
the mother's work activity and prior attendance at school also was
established for one distribution at the .05 level (x^ = 120.08728 with
df = 96), but not for the second '(x^ = 3.40486 with df = 36). Since
statistical significance at accepted levels was determined for the
distributions whose chi-square values were based upon the higher
degrees of freedom, the results were interpreted as supporting
rejection of the hypothesis of independence for a ll three sets of
l
variables. O n the other hand, the measure of association yielded i
values indicating that for a ll distributions of cases, neither school
attendance am ong respondents nor the work activity of mothers
improved accuracy in prediction above 10.9 percent when the other
was defined as the dependent variable.
While a major aim of exploring these relationships was to
identify variations in school attendance am ong Valley wom en according
to the type of labor activities in which their mothers participated,
262
Table 36
School Attendance in Relation to
Mother's Labor Activity
Mother's School Attendance (Respondents)
Labor Activity N ow Before Never
Year-round Farmer 0 8 11
Seasonal Farmer 0 6 11
Animal Care 2 1 7
Sewi ng/Dressmaki ng 3 3 1
Midwife 0 1 0
Subtotals:
•
N 5 19 30
Row % 9.2 35.2 55.6
Column % 12.2 31.1 27.8
Never Employed
N 36 42 78
Row % 23.1 26.9 50.0
Column % 87.8 68.9 72.2
Chi-Square 252.91293** 120.08728* 22.37062**
(df = 80) (df = 96) (df = 8)
2.01769 3.40486 7.85478*
(df = 30) (df = 36) (df = 3)
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.01639 0.01408 0.10929
0.0 0.0 0.01818 !
i
aMultiple responses provided.
*£ < .05
* * £ < .01
263
the low incidence of work reported for mothers dictated caution in
drawing conclusions about patterns observed in the data. Overall,
agriculture, which was noted for 85.2 percent of the mothers who
worked, constituted the primary sector of labor activity. Respondents
who had never attended school formed the largest proportion of those
i
whose mothers worked in this area (63.0 percent). O n the other hand, |
only two of the subjects who were attending school at the time of the I
survey, both of w hom were enrolled in adult education, indicated that
their mothers performed farm work, which was specifically defined as
animal care. Respondents who had attended school previously comprised
32.6 percent and therefore a larger share of those who described ’ I
i
i
their mothers as year-round farmers, seasonal farmers or responsible
for the care of animals. According to data presented in Table 66 in
Appendix A, diverse levels of school attainment also were disclosed j
. I
by this group, of w hom five had reached the preparatory or secondary |
levels and one had completed teacher training, while nine had primary
education only.
Sewdhg/dreissmiakihg was the other major form of economic
activity in which mothers of survey respondents were engaged. Of the
seven subjects who identified this area, three were enrolled in the
third preparatory level and another three had completed various
primary grades, while one had never attended school. In addition,
one respondent who had finished the third year of the preparatory
level described her mother as a midwife.
Indicative of the division of labor in which males dominate
the labor sphere in the Valley, most fathers of survey respondents
264
were reported as economically active. According to the frequencies
recorded in Table 37, only 8.0 percent of the sample stated that
their fathers were not working at the time of the survey, including
those who were deceased, or unable to work because of illness.
For the distributions obtained to explore the current school |
attendance of respondents and the work activity of their fathers,
!
the chi-square test yielded values of 192.47444 with df = 140 and '
I
241.25612 with df = 120, both of which were s ta tis tic a lly significant I
i
, - 1
(£ < .01). Based on these findings, the hypothesis that no associa- j
tion existed between the variables was rejected. In terms of J
t i
variation defined according to the subjects' schooling, the highest i
rate of labor activity am ong fathers was recorded by those whose
daughters were enrolled in school when the survey was conducted (95.9
percent).
A chi-square of 21.19234 with df = 12 derived for one
distribution pertaining to the lack of schooling am ong daughters and
the work activity of their fathers was s tatis tic a lly significant
(j d < .05), while the value of 20.69725 with df - 14 for the second
failed to meet c rite ria at established levels. In view of the lower
number of degrees of freedom determined with respect to the former,
indicating less accuracy in estimating probability, such mixed
results suggested that failure to reject the null hypothesis was the
appropriate decision for this set of variables. Regarding prior
school enrollment and father's work a ctivity, the value yielded by
the chi-square test for each of the two distributions (x = 177.89934
with df = 168 and = 91.21951 with df = 144) did not meet c rite ria
265
Table 37
School Attendance in Relation to
Father's Labor Activity
Father's School Attendance (Respondent)
Labor Activity Now Before Never
Year-round Farmer 19 22 45
Seasonal Farmer 6 9 19
Landowner 7 3 7
Animal Care 2 1 9
Laborer 0 4 8
Merchant/Grocer 6 6
4
Government/Village
Employee 3 2
5
M ilitary 0 3 0
Engineer 1 0 0
Driver 3 9 1
Carpenter 0 0 1
Muezzin (religious
figure) 0 0 1 !
Subtotals:
N 47 59 100
R ow % 22.8 28.6 48.5
Column % 95.9 92.2 90.1
Not Working^
2 5 11
R ow % 11.1 27.8 61.1
Column % 4. i 7.8 9.9
Chi-Square 1
(
92.47444** 177.89934 20.69725
df = 140) (df = 168) (df = 14)
241.25612** 91.21951 21.19234*
(df = 120) (df = 144) (df = 12)
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.01818 0.03784 0.08850
0.06250 0.02000 0.07801
^Multiple responses provided.
Includes those not employed, those unable to work, and deceased.
*£ < .05
* * £ < .01
j
266
of significance at defined levels, resulting in a failure to reject
the hypothesis of independence between these variables. Lambda
coefficients for all distribution sets, moreover, indicated that data
|
pertaining to one enhanced knowledge of the other by only 2 percent toj
8 percent, thereby revealing considerable error in the predictive '
i
a b ility of both factors. ]
i
While a wider range of activities was reported by fathers i
than mothers, agriculture accounted for 72.3 percent of the labor ,
provided by the former and was, therefore, the primary source of their;
employment, as was the case for mothers. In terms of their daughters'^
i
i
incidence of schooling, the largest proportion of respondents whose :
fathers engaged in agriculture consisted of those with no educational ;
background (*53.7 percent), which was comparable to findings obtained j
for mothers who performed agricultural tasks. O n the other hand, |
fewer respondents who had schooling identified farming as their
father’ s occupation: 22.8 percent of those reporting this sector were
subjects enrolled in school, while 23.5 percent had attended
previously. With respect to both of these subgroups, the level of
education achieved by the daughters spanned all three preuniversity
cycles, as well as adult education and teacher training, and therefore
was characterized by greater variation than was evident among subjects
whose mothers worked in agriculture.
Other major areas of work in which fathers participated i
i
included trade, transportation, government service, and the m ilitary, j
From a comparative standpoint regarding the incidence of schooling, !
these activities were reported by 27.7 percent of the respondents
. 267
attending school, 40.7 percent of those who had enrolled previously,
and 20.0 percent of those without schooling. Data presented in
i
Table 37 suggest that the greatest variation in the types of work I
i
performed by fathers emerged with respect to respondents who had ,
1
attended but were no longer in school at the time of the survey. Data!
i
set forth in Table 67 in Appendix A disclosed, however, that the j
!
educational level of these subjects was generally low: most clustered i
in the primary grades and with the exception of two who noted driving j
as their fathers' occupation, none had matriculated to the secondary 1
cycle. !
Varied findings emerged from the statistical treatment of
i
data pertaining to the school attendance of survey subjects and the ,
i
work activity of their parents. Systematic relatedness was estab-!
lished between the economic participation.of mothers and schooling
am ong the respondents regardless of the le tte r's occurrence in terms
of the survey; in all of these relations, the high proportion of
mothers who had never engaged in economically productive labor was
the predominant feature and as such, is considered further in the
"Discussion of Findings." O n the other hand, although the incidence
of employment am ong fathers was nearly uni versa!, the only statis
tic a lly significant association between their work activity and the
schooling of daughters was disclosed with reference to respondents
enrolled in school at the time of the survey.
In terms of overall patterns, the lack of variation evident
in the incidence of employment am ong mothers and fathers reduces the
prominence of parental work activity as a factor that contributes to
268
the educational status of daughters. While som e differentiation in
school attendance was indicated in relation to the kinds of labor
performed by parents in that respondents who had never attended
school constituted the largest portion of the sample reporting 1
I
agricultural activity for both mothers and fathers, this finding
should not obscure the substantial number of subjects with schooling j
who described farming as their fathers' sphere of employment. |
i
Relationship Between the Incidence
of Work and the Labor Activity of
Parents (Hypothesis 9) j
Relatedness between the incidence of labor activity among j
survey subjects and the work performed by their parents was apparent !
i
only with reference to the economic participation of mothers.
Statistical significance was established with respect to one of the .
two distributions produced for each of two sets of relations involving
i
the latter: prior activity constituted the work variable for
respondents in one set for which the chi-square of 22.35381 with
df = 8 satisfied c rite ria of rejection (£ < .01), while the other,
whose chi-square of 15.94440 with df = 8 was significant at the .05
i
level, concerned their lack of labor participation. These results
were generated with respect to the chi-square values computed with
the higher degrees of freedom, and thereby were interpreted as
supporting the alternative hypothesis of association for the two sets
of variables.
Table 38 reports the chi-square values for a ll other
distributions, none of which indicated that a systematic association
269
Table 38
I
Incidence of Work in Relation to j
Mother's Labor A c tiv ity I
i
Mother1s Incidence of Work ( Respondent)
Labor Activity . Now Before Never
Year-round Farmer 10 2 7
Seasonal Farmer 8 4 5
Animal Care 6 2 2
Sewing/Dressmaki ng 3 0 4
Midwife 0 1 0
Subtotals:
N 27 9 18
Row % 50.0 16.7 33.3
Column % 34.6 45.0 16.1
Never Employed
N 51 11 94
Row % 32.7 7.1 60.2
Column % 65.4 55.0 83.9
Chi-Square 11.02086 22.35381** 15.94440*
(df = 8) (df = 8) (df = 8)
3.70647 4.67750 4.59998
(df = 3) (df = 3) (df = 3 )
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.02532 0.01000 0.10056
0,0 0.0 0.01887
aMultiple responses provided.
*£ < .05
**£ < .01
270
existed between the variables, including the labor activity of
mothers and current work participation am ong their daughters. With |
i
regard to all three sets of relations, the lambda coefficients, which
also are noted in Table 38, revealed no major improvement in the
a b ility to predict either variable on the basis of the other.
No deviation from the expected pattern was evident when the '
i
work activity of fathers constituted the independent variable. '
According to the chi-square values (see Table 39), statistical j
i
independence characterized all distributions tested to explore 1
relatedness between this variable and the work participation of !
I
I
daughters. Such findings favored the proposition that these j
I
variables were not associated in a systematic manner. Furthermore, 1
the values computed by the lambda statistic indicated a general
lack of increase in predictive a b ility for all sets of relations
i
involving the labor activity of fathers and daughters. j
Differences in the extent to which mothers and fathers were
engaged in labor activities were reflected in the frequencies
obtained with reference to the respondents' economic participation.
Regardless of their daughters' work status, mothers who had never
been economically active comprised the foremost category for the
work participation variable. The largest proportion of mothers
lacking labor experience was recorded by respondents who themselves
had never worked (60.2 percent). O n the other hand, subjects engaged
in the Tabor sphere when the interviews were conducted reported the
highest rate of labor activity am ong mothers (50.0 percent); all
except three of these wom en identified agriculture as their mothers'
271
Table 39
Incidence of Work in Relation to ,
Father’ s Labor A c tiv ity
1
Father’s Incidence of Work [Respondent)
Labor Activity Now Before Never
Year-round Farmer 38 10 37
Seasonal Farmer 11 3 19
Landowner 6 1 10
Animal Care 7 0 5
i
Laborer 5 0 7
Merchant/Grocer 3 1 12
j
Government/Vi 1lage
'
Employee 3 0 7 ;
Mi 1 i ta ry 0 1
2 ;
Engineer 0 0
1
Driver 4 0 8
Carpenter 0 0 i !
Muezzin (religious
figure) 0 0 1 ’
Subtotals:
\
\
N 77 16 110
Row % 37.9 7.9 54.2
Column % 86.5 80.0 82.1 |
Not Working
i
1
j
N 12 4 24
R ow % 30.0 10.0 60.0
Column % 13.5 20.0 17.9
Chi-Square 8.73727 8.71536 10.43606
(df = 14) (df = 14) (df = 14)
10.56009 3.06977 13.10627
(df = 12) (df = 12) idf= 12)
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.00498 0.0 0.05856
0.01724 0.0 0.02920
a
Multiple responses provided.
Includes those not employed, those unable to work, and deceased.
fie ld of employment. Mothers of respondents who had worked before
the survey were divided in nearly equal shares between those who were
economically active (45.0 percent) and those who had never worked
(55.0 percent).
In contrast to the work activity reported for mothers, labor
participation among fathers was uniformly high whether their
daughters had or had not engaged in economic activities. Considerable
variation also was evident in the types of activities performed by
fathers. Proportionately, agricultural activity was most pronounced
am ong fathers of respondents who were economically active, either
before the survey (87.5 percent) or when the interviews were
conducted (80.5 percent). Of all subgroups in the sample, the
greatest diversity in the occupations of fathers was reported by
respondents who had never worked: while 64.5 percent and thus, a
sizable share described their fathers as working in agriculture, the
remainder, forming over one-third of this group, identified a range
of field s --in decreasing order of frequency, trade, transportation,
government service, general labor, and the m ilitary, as well as a
few additional areas noted in Table 38.
Comparable to the results obtained with respect to the school
attendance of daughters, the statistical analysis produced mixed
findings in terms of systematic relationships between the economic
participation of the respondents and the labor activity of their
parents. With regard to the sample overall, however, and irrespective
of the work status of their daughters, the occupational background of
parents was characterized by the lack of labor activity am ong mothers
273
and, conversely, the high rate of employment am ong fathers. Moreover,
]
meager variation in the work activity of the respondents emerged in (
relation to their parents' participation in agricultural versus !
nonagricultural field s, which is considered later in this chapter in j
terms of the small data set produced for the labor activities of J
mothers and the nonfarm areas reported for both parents. These !
features suggest that the work activity of parents lacks salience as j
i
a variable associated with the economic participation of wom en in the |
East Jordan Valley.
i
Relationship Between Work
Participation and Aware- :
ness of Village Labor !
Activities (Hypothesis 10) !
Expansion of female work participation in the East Jordan
Valley presupposes that wom en are cognizant of work opportunities
in the region and that in addition, these options are viewed by
potential workers as appropriate activities in which they could
engage. To assess the extent to which the female population was
aware of labor conditions in the Valley, survey respondents were
asked to identify the kinds of work performed by wom en residing in
their village. The responses subsequently were analyzed in relation
to the incidence of work participation among the respondents, as well
as the types of labor performed by those who were economically
active, to determine i f wom en with varying work backgrounds differed
in their knowledge of labor conditions pertaining to the Valley's
female population.
274|
I
Schedule items generated multiple responses with respect to |
both the labor activities of the respondents and the kinds of work j
i
they identified as being performed by village women. Since each I
response was tabulated as a separate variable in accordance with SPSS
1
procedures, numerous frequency distributions were obtained and ;
subjected to statistical analysis; for example, the kinds of work in j
which survey subjects participated constituted eight variables, each j
of which yielded ten distributions when juxtaposed with the labor i
i
activities reported as areas in which village wom en worked. The ;
i
results of the statistical procedures, including chi-square values
j and lambda coefficients, are reported in Tables 689 69s and 70 in
I
Appendix A. To fa c ilita te analysis and interpretation, Table 40
presents a summary of the findings pertaining to the labor activities |
of village women, including subtotals by economic sector (e.g., !
j
agriculture), which have been cross-tabulated according to the
incidence of work participation am ong the respondents. Because
survey subjects tended to provide multiple responses when identifying
the labor activities of village women, the figures in Table 40 exceed
the total numbers of respondents within the work incidence categories.
Som e of the subjects also performed two or more labor activities
which further contributed to the volume of the data. Thus, those
who, for example, weeded and harvested crops could have reported
both, as well as other areas, as activities in which village w om en
worked.
With respect to respondents who were economically active when
the survey was conducted, systematic relatedness between their labor
275
Table 40
Awareness of Village Labor Activities in
Relation to Incidence of Work
■
Labor Activities Incidence of Work
in Village3 Now Before Never
Agricultural
Plowing 5 0 2
Crop Planting 82 10 35
Crop Watering 14 1 2
Weeding 122 26 66
Crop Harvesting 113 25 71
Animal Care 78 14 35
Subtotalsb 414 76 211
(53.3%) (59.4%) (55.5%)
Handicrafts/
Arti sanal
Sewi ng/Dressmaki ng 103 12 58
Embroidery 70 5 25
Crochet/Knitting 55 5 22
Woolwork 34 5 11
Basketweaving 4 0 0
Pottery Making 1 0 0
Subtotalsb 267 27 116
(34.4%) (21.1%) (30.5%)
Professional
Teaching 54 10 31
Social Work 0 0 2
Office Work 0 0 1
SubtotalSb 54 10 34
( 6.9%) ( 7.8%) ( 8.9%)
Miscellaneous
Food Processing 34 10 13
Marketing/Trade 6 4 0
Masonry 0 0 1
W om en do not Work 2 1 5
Subtotalsb 42 15 19
( 5.4%) (11.7%) ( 5.0%)
aMultiple responses provided. b3ercent refers to column subtotals.
276
participation and their awareness of the work performed by village
wom en was evident for almost one half of the 80 distributions obtained
to test the independence hypothesized between these variables. Chi-
square values met c rite ria of rejection at the .01 level of s ig n ifi
cance in the case of 32 of the distributions whose degrees of freedom
ranged from 18 to 130, while an additional 7 were statis tic a lly sig
nificant at the .05 level, with degrees of freedom between 32 and 143.
Since conventional levels of significance were obtained for distribu
tions whose chi-square values were based upon high numbers of degrees
of freedom, these results encouraged rejection of the hypothesis that
these variables were not related.
O n the other hand , the values produced by the lambda
statis tic were low overall, ranging from A = 0.00000 for two
distributions to a high of A = 0.09694. These levels suggested that
knowledge of either variable did not enhance prediction of the other
to any great extent.
Application of the chi-square test to the cross-tabulations
of frequencies pertaining to respondents who had worked before the
survey revealed that their prior labor activity and their awareness
of village work options were not systematically associated. Of the
40 distributions established, statistical significance was determined
for only a quarter: nine at the .01 level with degrees of freedom
between 6 and 60, and one at the .05 level with 12 degrees of freedom.
O n the basis of these results* failure to reject the null hypothesis
appeared appropriate for the variables pertaining to this subset of
respondents. Moreover, the lambda coefficients, which were computed
Ill
as X = 0.00000 for 15 distributions and whose maximum value reached
only X = 0.05882, indicated meager improvement in predictive a b ility
for any of the observed relationships.
Interview questions concerning the work activities performed
by wom en in the Valley also were directed at survey subjects who had
never participated in economically productive labor. According to the
values yielded by the test of statistical significance, no evidence
was derived for any of the 10 distributions obtained that a systematic
relationship existed between the village labor activities identified
by this cohort and their lack of work experience; the hypothesis of
independence thus was retained with respect to these variables.
Comparable to the two other subgroups, lambda values indicated that
the extent to which data pertaining to one variable contributed to
knowledge of the other was minimal, with levels ranging from
X = 0.04372 to X = 0.09774.
Examination of the types of work reported as being performed by
wom en in the Valley indicated that consistent responses were provided
by survey subjects regardless of their incidence of labor participa
tion. Within each of the three subsets, the largest proportion
identified agriculture as an area in which wom en from their villages
worked; furthermore, weeding and harvesting were described as the
foremost tasks in which female farm labor engaged. Handicrafts and
artisanal activities constituted the second most frequently noted
sector of employment, while teaching and food processing were the
areas designated subsequently by respondents from all three groups.
278;
I
Although not extensive, variation was evident in terms of the ,
proportions of the subgroups that identified specific economic ;
i
activities as being performed by w om en residing in their villages. j
i
As reported in Table 40, agricultural tasks accounted for 59.4 percent1
of all the activities noted by subjects who had worked before the
survey and as such, constituted the largest category of employment •
recorded am ong all subgroups; this sam e cohort produced the smallest
segment reporting handicraft and artisanal activities (21.1 percent), j
Although representing only 6.9 percent of all responses provided by
this subset, 70.1 percent of the respondents who were economically
active when the interviews were conducted defined teaching as an area ;
in which female residents worked, in comparison with 50.0 percent of
the subjects who had worked before and 28.2 percent of those who had !
I
never worked. Office work was indicated by only one from the la tte r
and by none who had been economically active. Of those who stated ■
that Valley wom en did not participate in economically productive
activ itie s, five had never worked, while two were engaged in labor
activities at the time of the interviews and one had worked pre
viously.
Differences in the types of work reported as being performed
by village wom en also were apparent am ong respondents who were
working in varied sectors at the time of the survey (see Tables 68,
i
69, and 70 in Appendix A). For example, those engaged in farming j
tended to identify agricultural tasks to a greater extent than
other areas of work; thus, of the 40 wom en who harvested crops, 85.0
I
percent noted harvesting and 70.0 percent weeding, while only 42.5 J
279
percent reported sewing, and 27.5 percent teaching. W om en working in |
in handicraft production, on the other hand, identified their ow n ;
activities and agricultural tasks with equal frequency: 82.4 percent I
i
of the respondents working as seamstresses reported both sewing and
weeding as areas in which female residents of their villages
I
participated; only 23.5 percent of this group, however, remarked that 1
i
teaching was an occupational option for wom en in the Valley. ;
Am ong respondents with differing work backgrounds, similar j
patterns emerged with respect to the types of work they identified, as
t
being performed by wom en in their villages. Differences were
« t
apparent, on the other hand, in the results of the statistical i
i
analysis, which suggests variation within the Valley's female :
I
population in terms of relatedness between the factors under study.
The relationship between the respondents' work activity and their
definition of areas in which village wom en worked was established as
systematic only with respect to subjects who were economically active
at the time of the survey, but not for those who had worked before
or those who had never participated in labor a c tivities. The volume
of responses provided by subjects within each subset also indicated
disparities in their a b ility to identify the specific activities in
which village residents participated. Thus, although the total
number of respondents who had never worked exceeded by more than 40
percent the number of those who were engaged in labor activities
when the interviews were conducted, the la tte r provided more than
twice as many responses than the former when questioned about the
types of work performed by the ir village co-workers. Such differences
280
in the magnitude of responses can be interpreted as an indicator of
variation within the female population of the Valley in terms of
fir s t , their awareness of the economic sectors in which Valley wom en
work, and second, the areas that are regarded as viable labor options
for wom en residing in the region.
Relationship Between Age and
Skills-Development Training
Areas (Hypothesis 11a)
One facet of the fie ld research conducted in the East Jordan
Valley for the present study focused upon the reaction of female
residents to training in various fie ld s , som e of which included
potential income-earning effects while others pertained to household-
based tasks. The receptivity of the sample respondents to 13
different areas was surveyed through expression of their interest in
attending a course or program in each fie ld i f one was offered for
w om en in their village. Responses then were examined in relation to
the age of the subjects to obtain evidence of variation within the
sample which might have application to the design of skills-develop-
ment training, including content as well as mode of delivery, and the
development of incentives to foster participation among wom en of
differing age groups.
According to the values yielded by the chi-square s ta tis tic ,
which are reported in Table 41, a consistent relationship was
established between the respondents’ age and nine of the ski 11s-
development areas (]> < .01). In each case, respondents within the
younger age range (15-24 years) manifested greater interest in
Table 41 ;
i
r
Interest in Ski 1Is-Development Training [
Areas in Relation to Age
I
Ski 11s-Development Age Chi-Square Lambda
Courses 15-24 35-44 (Corrected)df= 1 (Symmetric)
Sewing si; 42 28.33752** 0.31250
Embroidery 71 si 28.99509** 0.37198
Knitting 73 35 26.09747** 0.35266
Pottery Making 33 15 7.80478** 0.11765
Crop Planting 33 ' 25 1.16719 0.04908
Crop Harvesting 15 15 0.0 0.0
a
Farm Equipment 15 10 0.72649 0.03846
Animal Care 28 19 1.75434 0.05921
Food Processing 62 28 21.17499** 0.27179
Nutrition 62 29 19.85777** 0.26531
House Care 63 31 18.50787** 0.26633
Health 45 24 8.63397** 0.12069
'
Office Administra
tion 48 8 37.03732** 0.24845
a
Since this item was added mid-way through the survey, these
totals reflect only a partial response of the sample.
* * £ < .01
282‘
i
participation than those between 35 and 44 years. The training
spheres included all of the handicraft activities: sewing, embroidery, !
and knitting, as well as pottery making. In addition, systematic !
relatedness was established with respect to each of the food areas
(nutrition and food processing), while identical results were obtained \
i
regarding the divergent areas of house care, health, and office
i
administration. Such findings favored rejection of the hypothesis
i
that age was not systematically associated with each of these skills
areas.
i
The lambda values generated for these distributions indicated
i
that knowledge of one of the variables increased predictive a b ility 1
with respect to the other between 11.7 percent and 37.2 percent-and, ;
therefore, at moderate levels. According to the asymmetric coeffi
cients, values of the particular fie ld of training made a greater
contribution in most instances to estimating those pertaining to age
than when the la tte r constituted the independent variable. The former j
!
was the only direction in which prediction was improved when office j
administration and health were designated as the spheres of training !
(A = 0.38095 and A = 0.20000, respectively). Knowledge of the
respondents' interest in sewing, food processing, house care, and |
nutrition also provided more information about their age than when !
I
1
prediction of the former was dependent upon the la tte r; for these
relationships, the symmetric lambdas were computed as A = 0.31250,
I
A = 0.27179, A = 0.26633, and A = 0.26531, respectively. With regard |
\
r
to knitting, on the other hand, the improvement in estimating either
i
age or this fie ld of activity on the basis of the other was nearly |
283
identical when each was considered as the dependent variable |
(A = 0.35266).
i
Statistical procedures did not yield comparable results
I
with respect to the farm-related areas, however, which led to
i
retention of the hypothesis that age and each of these activities j
were independent. In testing for the existence of relatedness j
i
between these variables, the chi-square statistic computed values i
i
that failed to satisfy criteria of significance when the training \
\
i
fie ld was defined as animal care, crop planting, or farm equipment. ;
i
Since an equal number from each age group indicated interest in I
instruction in harvesting (15), the test of statistical significance !
disclosed the absence of a relationship between age and this |
I
activity. The measure of association also revealed that meager
improvement in prediction characterized each of these sets of
relations, with the increase ranging from only 3.8 percent in terms
of age and farm equipment to 5.9 percent for age and animal care.
While the younger respondents expressed greater interest
than the older subjects in developing skills in a ll areas surveyed
(with the exception of crop harvesting, which generated an identical
response), similar patterns characterized the two age groups with
respect to the relative emphasis placed upon the various fields.
Overall, both young and old were more receptive to the handicraft
activities than to any other areas, with sewing, which was identified
by 77.1 percent of those between 15 and 24 years and 40*0 percent
of the 35-44 year group, generating the greatest expression of
interest from the survey sample. Knitting and embroidery were the j
284
subsequent choices of the younger cohort (69.5 percent and 67.6 |
i
percent, respectively), as well as the older group (33.3 percent and
i
29.5 percent, respectively). Sizable segments of the 15-24 year
respondents also identified house care (60.0 percent), nutrition
(59.0 percent), and food processing (59.0 percent); though the
proportions were substantially lower, the level of interest
manifested by older subjects in these activities followed the sam e
t
general order, with 29.5 percent noting house care, 27.6 percent
t
selecting nutrition, and 26.7 percent identifying food processing. ^
i
Sim ilarity between the two age groups was further evident in
f
terms of the meager receptivity accorded to farm tasks. Respondents '
between 15 and 24 years were least interested in crop harvesting and j
farm equipment, each of which was noted by only 14.3 percent of this
age group, while the la tte r also generated the slightest appeal for
the 35-44 year subjects, of w hom only 9.5 percent selected this area.
With respect to agriculture-related a c tiv itie s, crop planting pro
duced the most favorable reaction from both groups, though the
proportion was only 31.4 percent of the younger and 23.8 percent of
the older subjects.
A major deviation between the two groups occurred, however,
with respect to training in office administration. While 45.7 percent
of the younger respondents expressed interest in this sphere, the
rate for subjects between 35 and 44 years was only 7.6 percent. As
the results of the statistical analysis revealed, moreover, the
extent of receptivity to most of the ski 1Is-development areas
included in the survey varied considerably,according to the age of
285
i
the respondents. Thus, although the relative emphasis placed upon
specific spheres of training by subjects from the two age groups
i
exhibited similar patterns, the magnitude of interest expressed by
i
the younger wom en in 9 of the 13 activities exceeded that of the
older Valley residents to an extent that systematic relatedness was j
established between age and these areas of potential training. j
i
Relationship Between Educational ;
Background and Ski 1Is-Development ■
Training Areas (Hypothesis lib ) ,
One of the premises explored during the course of this study |
centered upon the educational background of the female population of |
the East Jordan Valley as a factor contributing to variation in their 1
i
receptivity to training in a range of skills-development fields. In ;
this segment of the research, data generated by the survey instrument j
i
were subjected to statistical procedures to gather evidence of i
differences in the interest expressed in 13 skills areas by sample
subjects who were attending school at the time of the survey,
respondents whose schooling had ended, and those who had never
enrolled in school. Frequencies are summarized in Table 42 according
to the incidence of schooling, while Tables 71 and 72 in Appendix A
present the data by specific grade levels.
Statistical analysis revealed that l i t t l e deviation from the
t
expected pattern was reflected in the receptivity to instruction in
the activities am ong respondents who had attended school, either at
the time of or before the survey. For both subgroups, values
computed by the chi-square statistic lacked statistical significance
286j
Table 42
Interest in Ski!Is-Development Training
Areas in Relation to
School Attendance
Ski 11s-Development
Courses
School Attendance
Now a Before^ Neverc
Sewing 30 44 49
Chi-Square 8.20187 13.26088 14.86846**
Lambda 0.0 0.0 0.18519
Embroidery 26 36 40
Chi-Square 13.41624 13.83095 10.91100**
Lambda 0.10490 0.10429 0.21569
Knitting 29 38 41
Chi-Square 14.42298 15.01980 15.-04944**
Lambda 0.09091 0.07975 0.25490
Pottery Making 10 * 13 25
Chi-Square 10.65355 6.18999 0.0
Lambda 0.02247 0.0 0.0
Crop Planting 8 21 29
Chi-Square 7.20585 19.88359 0.01029
Lambda 0.0 0.04202 0.0
Crop Harvesting 2 8 20
Chi-Square 11.50597 12.14260 2.58068
Lambda 0.01408 0 ..01099 0.03030
Farm Equipment 5 5 15
Chi-Square 25.23206** 21.28821* 0.49059
Lambda 0.04545 0.02326 0.0
adf = 10
bdf = 12
Corrected chi-square values reported with df = 1
*£ < .05
* * £ < .01
Table 42 (Continued)
287
Ski 11s-Development School Attendance
Courses N ow & Before0
Neverc
Animal Care 10 • 14 23
Chi-Square 8.33651 10.82835 0.04947
Lambda 0.01136 0.01852 0.00671
Food Processing 23 33 34
Chi-Square 11.05508 17.62473 10.81239**
Lambda 0.06107 0.08609 0.16667
Nutrition 26 31 34
Chi-Square 15.63347 18.59297 11.74507**
Lambda 0.09848 0.08553 0.18135
House Care 25 35 34
Chi-Square 13.61998 12.71985 14.77404**
Lambda 0.08889 0.07742 0.22449
Health 14 29 26
Chi-Square 9.36877 19.60747 6.97703**
Lambda 0.02727 0.06154 0.09942
Office Administration 18 24 14
Chi-Square 23.18141* 27.12032** 19.93411**
Lambda 0.06186 0.05983 0.17722
■
adf = 10
bdf = 12
Corrected chi-square values reported with df = 1.
*£ < = .05
* * £ < = .01
288!
at conventional levels and thereby indicated that no relationship
j
existed between their educational background and the interest they ;
manifested in 11 of the 13 ski 1Is-development fields; the test results]
j
therefore failed to n u llify the hypothesis of independence with !
respect to these areas of potential training. Evidence was generated j
for only two activities that each was associated with the respondents1 '
educational status in a systematic manner. A chi-square of 25.23206 |
i
with df = 10 derived with respect to instruction in farm equipment j
i
and current school attendance was s ta tis tic a lly significant (j d < = .01)
as was the value of 21.28221 with df = 12 computed with reference to :
. - . i
the former and prior schooling (£ < = .05). Statistical results were '
reversed with reference to office administration, with c rite ria of j
rejection reaching the .05 level in the case of students (x =
23.18141 with df = 10) and the .01 level regarding those who attended
school before (x2 = 27.12032 with df = 12).
Contrary findings emerged, however, with respect to sample
subjects without schooling. With significance at the .01 level, a
systematic relationship was established between their lack of
educational background and their receptivity to training in eight
different areas. O n the basis of chi-square values computed with no
schooling as the educational variable, which are reported in Table 42,
the null hypothesis was rejected when the skills activity was
identified as training in each handicraft area--sewing, knitting,
and embroidery; the food-related areas of nutrition and food
processing; house care; health; and office work. O n the other hand,
the educational status of this group and their interest in s k ills -
289
related instruction were s ta tis tic a lly independent when pottery making
and the agricultural activities--crop planting, crop harvesting,
animal care, and farm equipment--were defined as the focus of the
proposed training.
According to the lambda coefficients, some increase in
predictive a b ility characterized the associations observed between
respondents who lacked schooling and their interest in acquiring
skills in eight of the fields included in the survey. Improvement in
estimating either of these variables was greatest with respect to the
handicraft a c tiv itie s , for which an increase was recorded between
18.5 percent and 25.5 percent. A comparable rate was obtained for
house care, though its definition as the area of potential training
provided more information about the educational status of the
respondents (x =0.25490) than when the la tte r was interpreted as
the dependent variable (X = 0.19149).
Other lambda values reported in Table 42 indicate, however,
that error in prediction was reduced only minimally when f ir s t , re- '
maining activities were analyzed in terms of wom en who had no formal
schooling, and second, the educational background of the two other
subgroups and their receptivity to skills training were considered.
In the case of the la tte r, less improvement in prediction was apparent
between their educational status and their interest in office admin-
stration—one of the two fields systematically associated with both
current and prior school attendance (X = 0.06186 and X = 0.05983,
respectively)--than was manifested with regard to the lack of school
ing (x = 0.17722). Although knowledge of current school enrollment
290
increased prediction of interest in the second fie ld , farm equipment,
to a slight extent (X = 0.12000), no improvement was registered when
the lack of educational experience constituted the other variable
(X = 0.0).
In spite of the varied conclusions regarding relatedness be
tween the variables, comparable trends in the preference accorded cer
tain skills areas were detected am ong respondents with different
educational backgrounds. With respect to a ll three subsets—subjects
currently in school, those with prior schooling and those with no
schooling--handicrafts were most frequently identified as the areas in
which the respondents were interested in acquiring s k ills. As a pro
portion of the total responses provided by each subgroup, the greatest
interest was expressed by Valley residents enrolled in school, of w hom
73.2 percent selected sewing; 70.7 percent knitting; and 63.4 percent
embroidery. Respective rates for those whose education had terminated
were 72.1 percent, 62.3 percent, 59.0 percent and for those without
schooling, 45.8 percent, 37.9 percent, and 37.0 percent.
Table 42 further reveals that respondents from the three
subgroups were comparable in their receptivity to instruction in
nutrition, house care, and food processing. Students, on the other
hand, manifested less interest in health (34.1 percent) than wom en
with prior schooling (47.5 percent); proportionately, the la tte r also
reacted more favorably to crop planting (34.4 percent) than either
respondents enrolled in school (19.5 percent) or those who had never
attended school (26.9 percent). While training in office administra
tion appealed to only 12.9 percent of the female residents without
291
schooling, which was the smallest proportion recorded by this group for
all fields included in the survey, farm-related areas other than crop
planting generated overall the least receptivity am ong the sample
subjects regardless of their educational background.
Although independence was pronounced when educational status
was defined in terms of current or prior schooling, the statistical
i
analysis of responses to survey items pertaining to interest in areas j
i
of skilIs-development produced comparable patterns when relatedness
was explored in terms of each of the two key variables--the age of the
respondents and their school background. Evidence of s ta tis tic a lly
significant associations, and therefore support for rejection of the !
null hypothesis, was generated for most s k ills areas in relation to j
i
age, as well as the lack of schooling and over half of the activities |
included in the survey. While younger residents and those who had
attended school expressed greater interest in training overall, wom en
of differing ages and varied educational experiences revealed
consistencies in the preference accorded specific areas of potential
training, particularly handicraft activities. These observations are
considered further in the "Discussion of Findings," in which
implications also are noted for the planning of ski 11s-development
courses for wom en in the East Jordan Valley.
Discussion of Findings
Relationships between research variables, as set forth by the
null hypotheses, provide the context for discussion of the results
derived from the statistical treatment of the survey data. To
f a c ilita te interpretation of observed relations between the variables
292
under study, as well as !identification of additional patterns, the
findings pertaining to several hypotheses are reviewed concurrently in
terms of three key areas defined in accordance with the "Delineation
of the Research Problem." The fir s t cluster focuses upon the relation-!
ship between school attendance and labor activity (Hypothesis 1) and j
includes the statistical outcomes generated with respect to age j
i
(Hypotheses 2a and 2b), constraints upon school attendance j
i
(Hypothesis 3), curricular content (Hypothesis 4), and motives for j
i
working (Hypotheses 5a and 5b).
The discussion subsequently considers socioeconomic background
as a factor contributing to the school attendance and work activity of i
i
w om en in the East Jordan Valley (Hypotheses 6, 7, 8, and 9). Finally, ;
to explore the potential that wom en offer as a source of labor in the
region, the investigation examines the awareness of work opportunities
among female residents (Hypothesis 10) and their receptivity to
training in various skills areas (Hypotheses 11a and lib ).
School Attendance and
Labor Activity
In the East Jordan Valley, development in itiatives in the
educational sphere have focused upon the expansion of school services
through an increase in fa c ilitie s . This e ffo rt has included the
construction of new schools and upgrading of existing buildings as
measures to enhance opportunities for preuniversity instruction for
both female and male residents of the region. The primary focus of
the present study was to determine outcomes from the investment in
education for wom en in terms of their participation in labor activities
293
The conceptual basis for this investigation was derived from the
premise set forth in the "Problem Statement" that education con-
i
tributes to the propensity of wom en to engage in economically
productive labor. In this regard, the subsequent discussion examines
findings generated by the statistical procedures with respect to ;
I
relatedness between school attendance and labor a c tiv ity , as well as J
i
evidence of associational trends involving female participation in ’
the Valley's economy, on the one hand, and each of the following, on j
the other hand: age, the content of schooling, and reasons for j
i
working. j
i
As another aspect of the investigation of effects from the !
increase in school services, the following discussion also considers j
results from the data analysis pertaining to school attendance am ong
Valley wom en in relation to their age and the types of constraints
that hinder their optimal use of school fa c ilitie s .
Regarding several of the hypothesized relations discussed in
this section, the statistical analysis of survey data yielded
evidence that led to an in a b ility to reject the hypothesis of
independence, or to disclosure of meager improvement in predictive
a b ility for the relationships observed. In certain instances, mixed
results were generated which confounded conclusions regarding the
null hypothesis, for example, the statistical significance disclosed
with respect to som e distributions, but not others that were derived
to examine the association between work motives and school attendance.
In part, these outcomes may be attributed to weaknesses in measurement
and in particular, to the ordering of the data generated by the
294
interviews. Since comparable patterns were evident with regard to
research hypotheses discussed in the following sections ( i.e ., those
pertaining to socioeconomic characteristics and the labor potential
of wom en in the Valley), methodological factors are considered in
greater detail in the summary portion of the chapter.
i
Education and Work: Inconclusive Patterns. Of the various i
relationships explored between the schooling and labor activity of
wom en in the East Jordan Valley, the only clear pattern emerging
from the data indicates that school attendance and work participation
occur independently rather than concurrently. The tendency for
female students to be economically inactive and, conversely, the !
i
low incidence of school attendance among those engaged.in-labor j
a c tiv itie s, are consistent with the prevailing practice in which !
formal education, particularly at the preuniversity level, occupies
students on a full-tim e basis and to the virtual exclusion of other
a c tiv itie s, including economic tasks.
Beyond the association between school attendance and
abstention from labor a c tiv ity , the lack of prominent trends in the
work participation of Valley wom en who have an educational background
specifically precludes analysis of returns from the expansion of
school fa c ilitie s in terms of female participation in the Valley's
economic sphere. With regard to the sample overall, respondents who
had attended school, but were no longer enrolled when the survey was
administered, constituted the most appropriate source of data on the
effects of school attendance upon the incidence of work activity and
thus, the basis upon which to examine the rationale underlying the
295
research question. Statistical treatment of the data generated with
respect to this group, however, disclosed no strong inclination for
wom en with formal schooling either to engage in or to refrain from
labor activities in the Valley. The lack of high rates of work
participation am ong female residents who have attended school
specifically runs counter to other research cited in Chapter I I that
correlates women's education and an acceleration in their labor
activity.
The in a b ility to determine a systematic association between
education and work activity among wom en with schooling, and thereby
draw conclusions regarding labor participation effects from the in
vestment in female education, could be examined in several ways.
Factors that constrain the economic activity of Valley wom en consti
tute a basis for interpreting the pattern indicated by the survey data.
One consideration pertains to norms that prevail in the
Valley. While rising rates of enrollment at all preuniversity levels
suggest that women's education might be gaining increased sanction,
the value system could be less amenable to change in terms of female
participation in the economic sphere, which traditionally has been
the domain of m en to the virtual exclusion of women. This is
consistent with an observation made in the "Review of the Literature,"
that certain norms, such as those pertaining to the division of labor
and activities undertaken by wom en outside of the home, might resist
modification to a greater extent than those in other spheres. For
wom en who have attended school, moreover, the prestige associated
with their educational status might not enhance their decision-making
296
capacity sufficiently to overcome parental or community opposition to
their participation in the labor force.
The multiple roles performed by wom en in rural areas also
might detract from the fe a s ib ility of accommodating additional
activities; for example, extensive involvement in the economic sphere.
At certain periods, furthermore, specific roles or concerns could
assume precedence and override the effects of other factors,
particularly i f the former are compatible with established norms. For
example, marriage might a lte r a woman's predominant activities and in
the process, transcend the contribution that schooling has made to
her participation in the labor force. As noted in the "Summary
Characteristics of the Sample," female residents of the Valley record
a high incidence of marriage, often at relatively young ages, as well
as large numbers of offspring. Of the 61 respondents whose schooling
had ended prior to the study, 19 of the 49 between 15 and 24 years
were married; all of those aged 35 to 44 years (12) were married and
had an average of seven children. These patterns suggest that
household and childrearing responsibilities are prominent among wom en
within the age ranges from which the sample was drawn. Given the
existing value system that favors family-based activities for women,
performance of these roles might reduce, i f not preclude, a woman's
labor participation, as well as her pursuit of educational programs.
Economic variables also could contribute to the decision
making of wom en who have had formal schooling regarding their
participation in the labor sphere. Am ong these factors, prime
considerations include the a v a ila b ility of work opportunities and the
297
extent to which female residents make use of them. Theoretically,
current employment conditions in the Valley—namely, the inadequate
supply of resident labor--appear conducive to increased work activity
am ong women. Since the data analysis failed to indicate a distinct
tendency among wom en who have attended school to engage in the labor
force, certain characteristics of the Valley's labor market might act
as deterrents to female participation in the economy. For example, as
revealed by data presented in the "Summary Characteristies of the
Sample," differentiation in work spheres according to gender is
apparent in the extent to which m en record a high incidence of work
in varied agricultural and nonagricultural a c tiv itie s. W om en, on the
other hand, are confined to a few areas characterized by routinized
i
and time-consuming tasks: according to the analysis pertaining to age
and work activity which was reported with reference to Hypothesis 2b, ,
I
the principal types of labor performed by the respondents included j
weeding and crop picking in the agricultural sphere and the production
of handicrafts.
In addition to the narrow range of work opportunities, the
prevailing wage structure that pays female farm labor at half the
rate of m en for comparable work detracts from the potential of
monetary benefits to serve as an inducement for wom en to engage in
agricultural tasks. The income-earning capacity of handicraft
a c tiv itie s, furthermore, is restricted by the lack of processes for
maintaining high quality and the scarcity of marketing outlets
available to wom en who produce these goods. Yet, according to the
reasons defined by survey respondents for their work participation,
298
financial returns from their labor constituted the foremost considera
tion in their decision to engage in economic activities. The section
on "Other Related Findings" considers survey data on the payment
received by female workers in the Valley in greater detail.
As noted with respect to curricular aspects of women's
education in the Valley (Hypothesis 4), the statistical analysis
disclosed not only the lack of association between the content of the
schooling received by female residents and the kinds of work they
perform in the region, but also the general paucity of job-related
instruction through the formal school system. These factors, in
effect, impede the development of skills am ong wom en that are
requisite for employment in a variety of field s, particularly in the j
nonagricultural sector in which opportunities have increased as public
services and physical infrastructure in the area have expanded. The
only clear indication that the instruction provided to Valley wom en
through the formal system was appropriate to their labor activity
emerged with respect to teachers, who completed teacher training at
a school in As-Salt, Ajlun, or Irbid, all of which are located outside
of the Valley.
Two dimensions of the instruction available to female
residents are pertinent to their acquisition of job-related s k ills.
First, the content of the formal education pursued by g irls in the
Valley is prescribed in accordance with the national curriculum of
Jordan. Its academic orientation and standardized course offerings
increase the likelihood that g irls in the area have the sam e
opportunity as students elsewhere to achieve the needed qualifications
299
for admission to a teacher training institute or university. Within
this framework, however, actual options are limited: preprofessional
preparation for postsecondary training in fields other than teaching
is circumscribed by the emphasis upon lite ra ry studies in the second
and third grades of the secondary cycle; at the time of the survey,
none of the g irls ' schools in the Valley offered a scientific section,
though one subsequently has been opened. Moreover, the vocational
component of the curriculum is restricted to domestic science, which
includes handicraft a c tivities.
Second, with regard to nonforma1 programs, survey questions I
i
designed to determine the a v a ilab ility of job-skills training outside |
of the formal school system generated evidence that such opportunities!
are meager in the Valley: two respondents reported having received
instruction in health and child care at a clinic for mothers, while
a third had attended a sewing class at a community fa c ility in a
nearby village. The remaining subjects who had acquired a skill
outside of school described their training as unstructured. The most
commonplace of instruction for those who learned a handicraft was
either their hom e or a neighbor's house, while wom en engaged in
agriculture gained fam iliarity with their tasks in farm fields and,
therefore, on-the-job. Table 73 in Appendix A provides a summary of
the data pertaining to the skills developed by survey respondents
in a nonforma1 context.
Thus, while the curriculum of the school system does not
maximize the options for female students to undertake advanced study
in areas in which a scarcity of personnel exists in the Valley
300
(e .g ., health), the diversity and irregularity characterizing the
methods by which skills are acquired outside of the classroom under
score the importance of assessing the standard of instruction, level
of s k ills , and quality of the work produced. These observations
foster the conclusion that the opportunities available to prepare
wom en for activities in the labor sphere are circumscribed and as
such, constitute a constraint upon their participation in the Valley's
economy. They also point to the need for programs to provide
training in income-generating areas to adults and adolescents who are
not enrolled in school, which is considered later in this chapter in
i
terms of survey data pertaining to the receptivity of Valley wom en to J
ski 11s-development instruction in various fields.
While such diverse factors as the a v a ilab ility of work
opportunities, wage incentives and job-related training might
contribute to the lack of high rates of economic participation am ong
survey respondents with schooling, they also could generate comparable
effects upon the labor activity of wom en who have never attended
school. An added consideration that might differentiate these two
groups pertains to job requirements of female residents with formal
education which may delimit their opportunities more stringently than
those considered by wom en without schooling. In this regard, "the
.status-frustration effects" described by Standing (1976) appear
germane in interpreting the economic participation of Valley wom en
who, because of aspirations generated by their educational
experience, resist engaging in certain activities which do not confer
301
--and may actually reduce--status, while yielding few financial
benefits.
According to data analyzed with reference to Hypothesis 4,
certain patterns of occupational activity among the respondents
emerged in relation to their levels of educational attainment. First,
wom en who had completed the highest levels--the upper preparatory
grades, the secondary cycle and teacher training—tended to be
economically active, whereas those who had not matriculated beyond
primary or preparatory classes had a nearly equal likelihood of
working and not working. Second, only those who were enrolled in or
had completed the lowest grades were engaged in the agricultural
sector, while wom en who had reached higher levels (preparatory and
above) worked almost exclusively in handicrafts and teaching. These
findings suggest that schooling and, specifically, attainment at
certain levels, might impact upon the decisions of female students
regarding both the incidence and the particular fie ld of labor
activity. However, the small data set obtained for wom en with
advanced levels of education who had participated in labor ac tiv itie s,
as well as the lack of a s ta tis tic a lly significant association
between curricular content and the types of work performed by wom en
in the region, suggest caution in generalizing these patterns to the
female population of the Valley and concluding that the educational
experience was a prime factor in their derivation.
The lack of relatedness between school attendance and labor
activity among wom en in the Valley also can be reviewed in terms of
the reasons for which female residents engage in economic pursuits.
302
Regardless of age or educational status, respondents working at the
time of the survey described economic need as providing the primary
impetus to their work activity. This suggests that female residents
who work do so as financial circumstances dictate. The economic
incentive also was paramount am ong wom en who had acquired a s k ill
outside of school. As noted in Table 73 in Appendix A, these
respondents described the production of goods for their families and
themselves, and the need to work and earn wages, as the primary
reasons for their efforts to develop a s k ill.
By emphasizing the financial contribution of wom en and thereby
the value of their labor, economic imperatives could challenge the
primacy of factors that constrain labor activity am ong wom en in the
Valley. First, work performed by wom en for financial reasons could
assume precedence over preferred activities focusing upon the household
and thus, social norms that oppose female participation in the economic
sphere. Second, financial needs could increase the value of adolescent
daughters as a source of labor, particularly in family-based enter
prises; as such, their work participation constitutes an alternative
activity to attendance at school. As indicated in Chapter I I , labor
statistics disclosing high rates of activity in agriculture and
cottage industries am ong school-age girls in rural areas are
frequently cited to account for the low in itia l enrollment and high
a ttritio n that tend to characterize the schooling of this population.
With regard to Valley residents included in the survey, 45.5 percent
of those working when the interviews occurred were drawn from the 15
to 24 year group, an age range generally associated with schooling at
303
secondary and postsecondary levels. Moreover, wom en from this age
group who had attended school prior to the survey defined the need to
work at hom e or on the family farm as one of the foremost reasons for
the termination of their schooling, thereby lending support to the
characterization of school attendance and labor participation as
competing rather than concurrent activities.
Alternatively, parents might perceive financial benefits from
their.daughter's continued enrollment at school and on this basis,
forego the la tte r's current activity in the economic sphere in favor
of higher studies to enable their achievement of qualifications for
employment in the wage sector. Confirmation of thts premise, in
effect, would contradict findings from other research on the Valley
which indicates that residents do not send daughters to school as
preparation for income-generating activities (Barhoum, 1976). Analysis
of these opposing views entails delineation of the reasons for which
girls attend school in the area, which is presented in the section
on "Other Related Findings."
While respondents who were economically active defined
financial concerns as the primary reason for their labor participation,
the emphasis placed upon alternative motives by wom en aged 15 to 24
years who either were working or aspired to work in the future,
provides evidence of change in the factors contributing to their work
activity. In spite of the lack of systematic relatedness between work
motives and age, which is disucssed subsequently in terms of
inadequacies in the ordering of the data for statistical analysis,
the tendency was more pronounced for younger respondents than for
304
wom en between 35 and 44 years of age to describe labor activity in
terms of fillin g free time and a source of enjoyment, both of which
convey the notion of choice and not necessity, whether for economic
or other reasons. This was particularly evident am ong subjects
between 15 and 24 years who had never been economically active and
who were mostly attending school at the time of the survey.
Several factors could be involved in fostering this change.
The school-age population could anticipate improved economic
conditions in the Valley that would reduce the need for wom en to work
to contribute to the family's support. With enhanced financial
security, benefits from occupational endeavors might be perceived
increasingly in terms of personal development (e.g ., "work provides
enjoyment and experience") and community participation (e .g ., "the
village needs workers").
Alternatively, in an area where attitudes traditionally have
characterized work performed by wom en outside of the hom e as both
shameful ( 'ab) and indicative of the failure of m en to provide for
female kin, status considerations also could have prompted respondents
to cite non-economic motives for their work aspirations. Female
residents who were enrolled in school, either before or at the time of
the survey, also might not have reported the fu ll extent of their
work participation. This reluctance would be plausible i f the
subjects perceived their tasks as reducing social status or lacking
economic value. The net effect of such a response would be an
incomplete and thus, inaccurate recording of the labor performed by
Valley wom en with an educational background.
305
A perception that suitable work opportunities are scarce, as
well as the arduousness of certain tasks currently performed by female
workers for meager wages, might further encourage younger female
residents to conceptualize labor activity as an optional rather than
a primary role, and ultimately contribute to decisions to refrain from
participating in the economy. This specifically underscores the
importance of defining alternative motives and incentives to encourage
and sustain work activity am ong wom en who have an educational back
ground.
Yet another factor that could be associated with the absence
of distinctive patterns of labor activity am ong wom en who have
attended school in the Valley involves a time element inherent in the
expansion of formal education. In the East Jordan Valley, the increase
in school services for female residents has been recent: the school
construction program undertaken as a component of the Village Develop
ment I project began in 1975 and was completed in 1979. While pre
liminary results of the 1978 census pretest indicate that during the
period 1973-1978, the increase in enrollment rates recorded by females
exceeded that for males at all preuniversity levels (Dajani et a l.,
1980, p. 134), there has not been sufficient time for large segments
of wom en residing in the area to complete the secondary cycle or
beyond, and subsequently to enter the labor market. Preliminary
results from the 1978 census pretest disclose that only 24 percent
of the female residents aged 15 to 19 years were attending school
when the survey was conducted (Dajani et al., (1980). No comparable
information was provided for wom en within the 20 to 24 year old range.
306
Survey findings generated for the present study support this observa
tion: only a few of the w om en whose formal schooling had ended—7 out
of 61--reported completion of the preparatory cycle or above and,
therefore, a high level of educational achievement. The data provided
by this subgroup thus constituted an inadequate basis upon which to
assess returns from the investment in education in terms of female \
participation in the Valley's economy. This caveat prompts the
conclusion that results of the statistical analysis conducted to j
examine the rationale underlying the hypothesized relation between I
school attendance and work activity among female residents must be
considered tentative. I
Schooling: Age-Specific and Greater Accessibility. A promin- j
ent feature of female schooling in the Valley concerns its
association with a specific age segment of the population. The data
analysis conducted with reference to Hypothesis 2a substantiated the
strong relationship between the age of Valley wom en and their
attendance at school * thereby providing considerable support for the
theoretical position that prompted the research question regarding
these variables. The high probability that younger female residents
aged 15 to 24 years have attended school, while few wom en between 35
and 44 years have acquired an educational background, underscores the
change that has occurred in the educational attainment of wom en from
the region. This marked differentiation in educational status
according to age, moreover, attests to the improved conditions that
exist in the Valley with respect to the education of the female
school-aged population.
307
Am ong changing circumstances in the area, the increased
availab ility of educational opportunities appears to constitute a
prominent factor in the variation characterizing the schooling of
wom en from the two age groups. At the time when female residents
between 35 and 44 years were at the age commonly associated with
preuniversity education (6-18 years), few school services were
provided in the Valley, notably at the preparatory and secondary
levels, as well as programs for adults. (According to a survey
conducted by CARE, the number of schools available for the female
population of the Valley in 1974/1975 included 21 at the primary level,
but only 8 offering the preparatory cycle and one secondary fa c ility ,
Dajani et a l., 1980.) As disclosed by survey findings regarding the
reasons that wom en had never attended school, respondents within the
35 to 44 year group defined the lack of nearby fa c ilitie s as the
primary factor that had prevented their schooling.
By 1979, the expansion of school fa c ilitie s in connection
with the implementation of the Summary: Jordan Valley Development
Plan, 1975-1982 (Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Jordan Valley C om
mission, 1976) had resulted in an increase of 53.5 percent over the
number of schools that were available to female residents in 1974-1975.
According to preliminary findings from the 1978 census pretest,
enrollments in the Valley, particularly among female pupils, have
risen sharply from the 1973 levels. In assessing this increase,
Dajani et al. (1980) contended that "a sizeable portion . . . can be
attributed to the new schools constructed under the Village Develop
ment I Project" (p. 132). The high rate of school attendance
recorded by survey respondents between 15 and 24 years also is
i
consistent with the gains in educational attainment reported by the
census pretest for female residents at a ll preuniversity levels.
As described in the "Summary Characteristics of the Sample,"
distributional aspects of school attendance according to region of
residency reveal comparable rates at a ll village sites. The lower
rate of current school attendance recorded for wom en from El-Manshiya 1
i
was not consistent with data generated by the 1973 survey or pre
liminary findings from the 1978 census pretest. (As noted in the
"Summary Characteristics of the Sample," inconsistency in sampling
residents from the Northern site could have contributed to this
divergence.) This suggests greater equity in the spatial allocation
of school services for girls within the Valley than was evident
according to 1973 data and, as such, realization of an objective of
the school construction program which allocated more new classrooms
to the Middle and Southern Areas where fewer g irls ' schools hlud
previously existed. Analysis of preliminary results from the census
pretest conducted in the Valley in November 1978 reveals that the
highest rates of population growth between 1973 and 1978 were
recorded in the Middle and Southern Areas where the expansion of
school services undertaken in connection with the Village Development
Project I was concentrated (Dajani et a l ., 1980).
Other data generated by the survey illustrated additional
consequences of the improved allocation in school services, for
example, the short distance to the schools, the median being
estimated as less than one kilometer, which allowed three-quarters of
those enrolled at the time of the interviews to walk to school and j
thereby avoid travel outside of the village as well as the need for ;
transportation by car, ta x i, or bus. In essence, such an effect
i
reflects a reduction in physical constraints upon the g irls ' attendance
at school.
Findings pertaining to constraints upon schooling that were !
derived with reference to Hypothesis 3 further indicate the extent to
which the lack of opportunities has diminished as a factor impeding I
preuniversity instruction am ong the school-aged population of the ;
Valley. The strong association between age and reasons for non- !
attendance at school specifically points to the change that character- !
!
izes both the scope and nature of factors hindering female residents
i
in their pursuit of an education: the younger respondents who cited
constraints not only constituted a smaller group, but also differed j
from wom en between 35 and 44 years of age in their emphasis upon !
i
certain factors. For example, while access to schools promoted fewer
d iffic u ltie s , other physical factors--namely, household labor needs
and war--assumed greater prominence in the termination of schooling
for wom en in the 15 to 24 year range than in the lack of schooling for
older residents in general. (In identifying war as a factor contribut
ing to the termination of their education, female residents aged 15 to >
24 years noted both the 1967 Arab-Israeli War and the 1970 c iv il |
t
disturbances in Jordan. W om en between 35 and 44 years of age who I
cited war as a constraint upon their schooling referred to the 1948
Arab-Israeli co n flic t.) The designation of these particular con
straints by a young segment of the Valley's population underscores the
importance of s tab ility and both physical and economic security in the J
region to enable residents to make use of and thereby benefit from the
expansion in school services.
The increase in fa c ilitie s and rising enrollments am ong female ;
i
students, moreover, should not obscure existing restrictions on
access to education at the secondary level. The school construction
program completed in connection with the Village Development I project j
[
focused upon the primary and preparatory cycles; only four secondary !
>
schools for girls were built during the la tte r part of the 1970s,
v i
raising the total number of secondary fa c ilitie s for the female 1
population to five. The supply of instructional opportunities for 1
female students at this level, therefore, remains limited. The j
importance of this issue was disclosed by survey respondents between
15 and 24 years who defined the lack of nearby school fa c ilitie s ,
which for their age level refer to secondary and postsecondary
education, as the third foremost reason for the discontinuation of
their schooling. For this cohort, the need to commute to another
village to attend secondary school poses a physical obstacle in spite
of improved roads and transportation, as well as a normative concern
for students and their parents who oppose the former's travel outside
of their village to continue their education. As increasing numbers
of female residents matriculate to the secondary cycle, the provision I
of schooling at this level w ill require reappraisal to ensure that
female residents have convenient access to opportunities at a ll
preuniversity levels. Population growth trends and school enrollment |
f
i
projections based upon recent census data constitute a basis for 1
for reassessing plans for further expansion of educational services in
the area; e.g., the educational components of the Jordan Valley
Village Development Projects II and I I I formulated by the United
States Agency for International Development.
A persisting obstacle from an equity standpoint, furthermore,
is reflected in the wide divergence between younger Valley w om en who
record high rates of school attendance and older female residents
whose formal education is negligible. As indicated by the measure of
association, the accuracy with which the lack of schooling predicted
the middle-age segment of the Valley's female population illustrates
the extent to which the educational needs of this cohort have yet to
be met. The disparity raises in question the provision of educational
opportunities for adults residing in the region. The recent expansion
of school fa c ilitie s , which has occurred only at preuniversity levels,
reflects a conceptualization of educational services in terms of
schooling for the young. Data from the survey conducted for this
study revealed not only the limited school background of w om en within
the older age group, but also the scarcity of opportunities for adults
to engage in educational pursuits: am ong the 35-44 year old
respondents, only three were enrolled in school programs at the time
of the interviews.
This pattern, and the high proportion of subjects aged 15 to
24 years whose schooling had not extended beyond the primary level,
suggests the need for educational programs that take into account:
f ir s t , the extent to which female residents perceive education as both
inaccessible to and inappropriate for adults and therefore themselves;
312;
second, as an extension of the former, the low level of educational ,
aspirations among wom en who by virtue of age, marital status, and |
other personal circumstances are excluded from a school system 1
i
designed for single females aged 6-18 years; and third, the factors
set forth by female adults in the Valley, such as time constraints 1
and multiple role responsibil itie s j that preclude their pursuit of !
education as a concurrent activity. These issues are reviewed in the
section on "Other Related Findings." !
I
In addition to educational opportunities, the marked variation
in schooling among wom en whose age difference spanned a generation
also might be associated with a change in norms pertaining to the
roles and activities that are considered appropriate for female
residents of the Valley. In this context, the higher educational
attainment of respondents from the younger age group, and rising ;
i
enrollments among school-aged g irls in general, can be viewed in 1
terms of a wider acceptance of education for wom en in the area.
Examination of the findings pertaining to constraints upon
the school attendance of Valley wom en in relation to their age j
i
suggests caution, however, in interpreting the educational gains !
i
am ong younger residents in terms of change in the normative sphere. j
According to evidence generated by the statistical analysis, j
consistency between the two age groups included in the study was most !
pronounced in their definition of social variables--parental
opposition and cultural values--as major constraints upon their ;
attendance at school.
313i
I
A disparity between the two groups was apparent, on the other .
hand, in the relative emphasis placed upon these factors. While
wom en between 35 and 44 years of age stressed that female education
had not been considered "acceptable" for wom en of their generation
and thereby had lacked community sanction when they were at an age
associated with formal schooling, younger respondents cited parental
opposition as the foremost reason for their non-attendance at school.
Differentiation between the two factors may be spurious, however,
since societal norms are lik e ly to contribute to parental attitudes
regarding the education of daughters, opposition from parents might
not constitute a distinct reason, but reflect a facet of community
approval and thus a larger phenomenon.
I t also is possible that the delineation of household or
farm labor needs as a constraint upon schooling, particulary by
subjects between 15 and 24 years, might not stem predominantly from
an economic need, but a normative concern. This interpretation is
consistent with other research conducted in the Arab states, includ
ing rural Jordan, which attributes school a ttritio n among female
students to parental adherence to traditional values favoring
confinement of adolescent girls to the home, or perceptions that
women's primary roles can be learned most effectively within the
household (e.g ., house care, chiIdrearing, family farm tasks).
Studies that describe norms as a key factor in fostering parental
opposition to female schooling were cited in the "Review of the
Literature." I
314
As suggested by the definition of travel to a site outside of
the village as a persisting obstacle to the continued schooling of
respondents aged 15 to 24 years, improved access to educational
opportunities might mitigate opposition from parents, as well as the
community in general, to school attendance among wom en in the region.
In the following section, parental characteristics are examined in
greater detail in relation to the schooling of female residents of
the Valley as well as their participation in labor activities.
Socioeconomic Background
An enduring area of debate in the literature on wom en in
developing societies concerns the extent to which socioeconomic
factors contribute to their education and their participation in the
economy. These factors include basic characteristics of a woman's
family: namely, the educational and occupational background of her
parents, residency in a rural or urban environment, and the level of
her family's income. For the purposes of the present investigation,
patterns of school attendance and labor activity among wom en in the
East Jordan Valley were explored in relation to two fam ilial factors:
the educational attainment and the occupational status of mother and
father.
The remaining socioeconomic variables appeared to have limited
salience for research focusing upon this-region. The fundamentally
rural character of the Valley obviated the inclusion of residency as a
key factor in the study. According to data presented in the
"Summary Characteristics of the Sample," the length of residency in
the Valiev reported bv large segments of the respondents at a ll of
315
the village sites contributed to the characterization of the sample
as a rural population. As noted in the "Definitions of Terms,"
moreover, existing data indicated minimal variation in family
earnings in the area, which diminished the importance of income
level within the conceptual framework of the study. I f increased
differentiation in family earnings is disclosed by the 1978 census
pretest and the 1979 national census, on the other hand, such data
would invalidate this conclusion and establish the credibi1ity of
income level as a variable warranting further examination.
The Educational Attainment of Parents. The educational
background of parents was selected as an independent variable for
: this study of the female population of the Valley to test the premise
i
that an educational experience predisposes parents favorably toward
school attendance and labor participation among their daughters.
The schooling acquired by mother and father was further assumed to
have a progressive effect: with rising levels of educational achieve
ment, the probability would increase that parents would encourage
daughters to pursue advanced studies and engage in occupational
endeavors.
O n the basis of survey data pertaining to Hypotheses 6 and 7,
the statistical analysis produced mixed findings concerning
associational patterns involving these variables. Differences
emerged according to the specific factors under study: f ir s t,
regarding parental education, reference to mother or father; and
second, the definition of school attendance or work activity am ong
female residents of the Valley as the dependent variable.
316
With respect to the educational attainment of mothers, the
nearly universal lack of schooling reported for this parent precluded
variation in associational patterns involving factors that pertained
to their daughters. The predominance of mothers who had no schooling
in effect eliminated their educational status as a salient variable
relative to the school attendance and the work activity of female
residents of the Valley.
i
! The small data set obtained for mothers with schooling,
! moreover, challenges the cred ib ility of inferences drawn from patterns
I
observed in frequency distributions pertaining to this subgroup. For
.
example, although advanced levels of school attendance and a lack of
j Tabor participation were reported by a ll of the respondents whose
j mothers had formal education, the size of this subgroup (10) served to
i
discredit the conclusion that greater educational attainment am ong
Valley wom en is likely to contribute to increased school enrollment
am ong their daughters, on the one hand, and to the la tte r's inactivity
in the economic sphere, on the other hand.
The paucity of formal education among the mothers of wom en
residing in the Valley is consistent with the low rates of schooling
disclosed by survey data regarding respondents aged 35 to 44 years,
as well as the low levels of educational attainment that are recorded
for rural wom en within the middle-age and above population in
developing regions generally. In terms of the research question
underlying the present study, the predominant lack of schooling
specifically impeded examination of attitudinal variation am ong
mothers with differing educational backgrounds, notably with reference
317
to their perception of education as a means for improving their
daughter's li f e , or alternatively, as a hindrance that deprives the
household and themselves of their daughter's needed labor. A larger
data base also would be required to consider the decision-making role
of mothers with respect to the schooling and the labor activity of
their daughters and, in particular, the effect of increased
educational attainment upon their authority in these spheres relative
to that of their husband.
Although forming less than a quarter of the total sample, the
number of fathers who had attended school and matriculated beyond the
primary cycle exceeded that of mothers, which is in accordance with
the higher rates of school attainment reported for m en in the Valley
and in developing areas generally. In contrast to the educational
status of mothers, the larger data set generated for fathers with
schooling reflected greater variation in the educational background
of this parent which, in turn, enhanced the likelihood that differing
relational patterns involving the dependent variable would emerge.
The systematic relationship established between the educa
tional attainment of fathers and the school attendance of their
daughters in the East Jordan Valley appears to corroborate evidence
cited in the "Review of the Literature" regarding strong associational
trends involving these factors. The observed tendency for daughters
whose fathers had formal education to attend school and also attain
high levels within the formal system can be reviewed in terms of the
premise that education predisposes fathers in favor of schooling for
their daughters. Disclosure of the converse--that school attendance
318
was limited am ong respondents whose fathers had no educational
background--provides additional support for the rationale underlying
the research question.
The high proportion of fathers with schooling whose daughters
also had attended school suggests that the former's educational
experience might have engendered an awareness of benefits that the
la tte r can derive from formal schooling. In view of the norms
prevailing in the region, i t is likely that fathers who support their
daughter's attendance at school define anticipated effects primarily
in spheres traditionally associated with the female population, for
example, greater chances for marriage to an educated m an with strong
job prospects and thus financial security; acquisition of knowledge
that increases the a b ility to care for children and manage a house
hold; and fin a lly , enhanced social status for herself and her family.
Minimal or no schooling, on the other hand, might hinder cognizance
of potential advantages which alter perceptions that schooling
produces detrimental results, such as encouraging daughters to
deviate from established ways.
A1ternatively, school outcomes might be perceived in terms of
the development of qualifications that are requisite for employment
in the market economy. In spite of a value system that rig id ly
delineates labor tasks by sex, this view might prevail i f fathers
conceptualized economic activity among wom en in terms of personal
development or financial gains. In this regard, the education
acquired by fathers might foster not only their awareness of benefits
that daughters can derive from occupational endeavors, but also
319
decisions to support such activities and thereby violate norms
opposing female participation in the labor sphere.
Statistical results pertaining to the hypothesized relation
between the education of fathers and the labor activity of daughters
provided l i t t l e evidence to substantiate this interpretation,
however. As disclosed by the analysis of survey data, the
independence characterizing these variables indicates that the
educational status of fathers lacked salience with reference to their
daughters' work participation. The in a b ility to determine a
propensity for labor a c tivity among wom en whose fathers had attended
school specifically precluded support for the premise that education
increases the likelihood of paternal approval for their daughters'
participation in economic tasks. While the categorization of
father's school background according to grade level, which produced
a wide dispersion of the data, could have been a contributing factor,
this finding also might attest to the strength of traditional
attitudes in the region regarding female roles in the labor force.
I t might further illu s tra te that in certain spheres, the primary
effect of education, at least in a short-term context, is to
sustain existing values and patterns rather than to contribute to
change in the status quo.
The divergence in statistical results regarding relatedness
between the educational background of fathers and each of the factors
under study that pertained to their daughters might indicate the
effect of two additional variables: age and economic status.
Regarding the former, age might intervene in the association between
320
father's schooling and daughter's work activity in conjunction with
changing educational opportunities in the area. Thus, given the
general expansion of education in the Arab states since the 1950s
and the more recent increase in school fa c ilitie s for residents of
the Valley, fathers of g irls aged 15 to 24 years are more lik e ly to
have attended school than fathers of wom en between 35 and 44 years.
Moreover, the former's daughters, who form a segment of the school-
age population, have recorded a higher rate of school enrollment
than wom en from older age groups.
O n the other hand, since a sizable portion is drawn from the
15 to 24 year age range, respondents whose fathers had schooling
have not had sufficient time both to advance to high levels of
education and to enter the labor force. As noted with regard to
the lack of propensity for work activity am ong wom en with formal
schooling, a larger cohort of female residents who have completed
preuniversity education or above might constitute a basis for
reassessing associational trends between father's educational status
and daughter's economic participation in the Valley and thus, the
rationale prompting the present investigation.
Economic circumstances of the family also could impinge upon
relational patterns involving these factors. Since education,
particularly at advanced levels, is its e lf an indicator of high or
rising socioeconomic status, fathers who attended school might have
financial resources that would enable their children to not only go
to school, but remain through the secondary level and beyond. In a
rural context, economic sufficiency would specifically reduce
321
the need to draw upon the labor of daughters and sons to contribute
to the family's support. Based upon the articulation generally
observed between education and employment for men, fathers with
minimal or no schooling, on the other hand, might have less access
to work that provides adequate wages to sustain a family. By
fostering reliance upon children as labor, this also might encourage
fathers to disregard norms that oppose female labor activity.
Patterns disclosed with respect to Valley wom en that were
economically active appear to support the postulation of interactive
effects among these factors: the higher rate of participation
recorded by female residents whose fathers had no formal education
(75.3 percent) in comparison with those whose fathers had attended
school (24.7 percent); the definition of economic need as the
primary work motive by subjects who were engaged in the labor sphere;
and the identification of labor needs in the household or family farm
as a major constraint upon continued attendance at school. The
delineation of economic status as an intervening factor is discussed
further in the next section which considers statistical findings
regarding the hypothesized associations involving the occupational
background of parents.
The Occupational Background of Parents. Two general
considerations permeate the interpretation of statistical results
regarding the occupational background of parents and, particularly,
the in a b ility to determine an association between this variable and
the economic participation of daughters. First, regardless of the
factors pertaining to their daughters, l i t t l e variation was apparent
322
in the incidence of labor activity reported for either parent, which
was low in the case of mothers and high in terms of fathers. This
feature was important primarily in the investigation of hypothesized
relations concerning the former since in a manner comparable to the
educational status of this parent, the likelihood of differing
patterns of school attendance or work activity am ong daughters in
relation to the occupational background of mothers was reduced by the
predominant lack of labor activity among the la tte r.
Another prominent concern focuses upon the ordering of data
pertaining to the kinds of work performed by mother and father. To
retain as much specific information as possible, fields of employment
were classified according to a broad range of categories, for example,
subsectors within agriculture were recorded as distinct variables--
year-round farming, seasonal farming, landowning, animal care--rather
than grouped into one all-inclusive category. Particularly for
fathers whose rate of labor activity was uniformly high, this pattern
of classification resulted in a wide dispersion of data which
increased the probability of statistical outcomes indicating the
absence of a relationship involving this parent's occupational
background.
In concert, these methodological factors detracted from the
analysis of associational trends regarding the occupational back
ground of parents and thus, realization of its primary objective: to
determine i f patterns of school attendance and labor participation
differed between daughters whose parents engaged in agriculture, the
major economic sector in the Valley, and wom en whose parents worked
323
in nonagricultural field s, which constitute the most rapidly expand
ing sector of employment in the region. These observations under
score the need for discretion in interpreting statistical findings
in terms of the female population of the Valley.
Survey data pertaining to the occupational background of
mothers indicated that among those who were economically active,
virtu a lly all worked in the agricultural sector and that, conse
quently, no variation was evident in the kinds of work they performed
in relation to their daughter's schooling or work activity.
Different patterns of association emerged, on the other hand, in
terms of the incidence of a c tiv ity , with the highest rate reported
by daughters who also were engaged in the labor sphere, while the
lowest rate was recorded by those whose daughters were enrolled in
school at the time of the survey and who tended to be economically
inactive. According to the statistical analysis, relatedness was
systematic between the variables in the case of the la tte r, but not
significant with respect to the former. This divergence might
pertain to methodological considerations, including the small data
set produced for economically active mothers and the wider dispersion
of frequencies generated for the work activity of daughters than for
their school attendance.
In spite of the varied statistical results, the differential
in work activity among mothers in relation to the factors that
pertain to their daughters appears conceptually consistent when
examined in terms of fam ilial economic circumstances and age, which
have been described as having potential effects upon relationships
324
involving the educational attainment of parents. The tendency for
mothers who participated in labor activities to have •daughters who
themselves were economically active could attest to the prominence
of economic factors in fostering work participation among wom en in
the Valley. Accordingly, i t is lik e ly that mothers also worked for
economic reasons, that the financial needs dictating their labor
activity necessitated the participation of their daughters as w ell--
in either ac tivities with income-producing effects or household tasks
performed while mothers worked—and fin a lly , since their daughters
tended to have had no schooling, that the labor provided by the
la tte r assumed precedence over and thereby constrained their
attendance at school.
Conversely, survey data revealed that a lack of economic
activity among mothers was reported by a proportionately greater
number of respondents who were enrolled in school and who had never
worked as economically productive labor. I f economic imperatives
provide the primary stimulus to work a c tiv ity , the mothers' lack of
labor participation might reflect a financial status the precluded
both their need to work and the necessity for their daughters to
work, and that, moreover, fa cilita te d the Tatter's attendance at
school. Such patterns constitute additional support for the
hypothesized linkages between these varied factors: fam ilial
economic status, the incidence of labor activity among mothers, the
school attendance of daughters, and the la tte r ’ s work participation.
Normative concerns and family responsibilities also might
contribute to the general paucity of economic activity that
325
characterized the occupational background of mothers and as such,
dominated the la tte r's association with factors pertaining to their
• daughters. For example, values that favor household-based roles for
wom en and oppose female participation in the economy might induce
wom en to refrain from labor activity. These variables, moreover?;,
could generate differing effects in accordance with the age of the
female residents. In this regard, factors that were cited to
interpret the lack of clear relational patterns involving the school
attendance and labor participation of the survey respondents might
be pertinent; for example, adherence to traditional norms,
particularly am ong older residents, such as the mothers of subjects
aged 35 to 44 years; the preeminence of childrearing and household
responsibilities, which might apply primarily to mothers of
respondents aged 15 to 24 years; or the scarcity of opportunities
for employment in fields that are considered "suitable" for wom en
and that, therefore, would not exert a detrimental effect upon their
status.
In terms of both school attendance and labor activity among
Valley women, l i t t l e evidence of systematic association or
differential patterns of relations was generated when the occupationa
background of parents referred to fathers. The only exception
pertained to current school attendance, which indicated that for
daughters who were enrolled in school, a greater likelihood existed
that their fathers worked than did not work. The essential point
regarding this facet of the study, however, was that the statistical
analysis of survey data offered no basis for drawing conclusions
326
about the propensity for farmers to support or oppose their
daughter's attendance at school or participation in economic tasks
relative to that of fathers engaged in nonagricultural occupations.
As noted previously, these inconclusive results appear to
relate to the manner in which occupational data were ordered. I t is
possible, therefore, that different outcomes might emerge i f
statistical procedures were applied to distributions in which the
labor activities of fathers were aggregated into two inclusive
categories: agricultural and nonagricultural. W hen data are
classified on this basis, the following patterns are apparent: am ong
daughters whose fathers were farmers, a lack of educational backgrounc
was more prominent (53.7 percent) than was the case for wom en whose
fathers engaged in nonagricultural field s, 64.9 percent of w hom had
attended school. Comparable variation was disclosed when the work
activity of Valley wom en constituted the dependent variable: while
51.7 percent of those whose fathers worked in agriculture had
themselves participated in labor a c tiv itie s, either at the time of
or before the survey, 69.6 percent of the daughters of nonfarm
workers reported that they had never been economically active.
Before analysis of these observed patterns can be conducted
validly, statistical tests must be applied to determine i f they are
sufficiently prominent to indicate their presence in the population
from which the sample was drawn. In tentative terms, however,
differences in both school attendance and labor a c tivity am ong Valley
wom en are more evident when these variables are examined in relation
327
to the occupational sector in which their fathers worked than in
terms of the particular type of labor performed by the la tte r.
W hen considered in conjunction with two other factors,
economic status and normative concerns, furthermore, these trends
suggest that rather than lacking salience, the occupational backgrounc
of fathers might contribute to the schooling and economic activity
of their daughters. In comparison with female residents whose
fathers were farmers, for example, the higher rate of school
attendance and lower incidence of labor activity recorded by wom en
whose fathers worked in nonagricultural occupations might indicate
that the la tte r/s fathers generated sufficient income to support the
family without the labor of their children and provide a financial
base for their daughter's attendance at school. I f the economic
t
imperative for their daughter's labor is absent, the approval
conferred by fathers upon their economic participation could refer
principally to the respectability of the type of work a c tivity as
defined by existing norms.
These observations lead to an alternative premise that
economic circumstances of the family and labor a c tiv ity am ong wom en
are systematically associated in the East Jordan Valley. As
corollaries, i t is further suggested: f ir s t , that the economic
status of farmers in the region could necessitate the labor of
daughters to a greater extent than that of male residents engaged
in other occupations; and second, that when financial needs are
minimal or lacking, the support or opposition accorded by male
residents to their daughter's participation in the labor sphere can
328
be attributed largely to status and normative factors. (The
dichotomization of occupational data into two all-inclusive
categories might obscure major differences in income levels and
thereby distort the economic status of groups within each category.
The median income of farmers, for example, could vary according to
the nature of their participation in agricultural production: wage
laborers, share-croppers, tenant farmers, or landowners. Yet as
indicated in the present study, the disaggregation of data into
multiple categories can hinder investigation of relationships
between variables. These methodological concerns are examined in
the summary portion of the chapter.)
I f disclosed by statistical procedures, these patterns would
signify that to expand female participation in the Valley's economy,
employment opportunities must be available which enable wom en to
generate sufficient earnings to contribute to a higher living
standard for the family, on the one hand, and which meet c rite ria
of respectability in accordance with prevailing norms, on the other
hand. Am ong female residents, awareness of work options and interest
in acquiring skills needed for employment in various fields
constitute additional aspects of planning that seeks to enhance the
labor potential of the female population. The next section presents
a discussion of statistical results pertaining to these variables.
329
W om en As a Source of Labor
According to planning documents, the av a ilab ility of resident
labor with the skills required for economic growth and diversifica
tion is essential to an increase in agricultural productivity and
improvement in living conditions in the East Jordan Valley (Salt &
Kelley, 1976; United States Agency for International Development,
1975). The present study advances the premise that the female
population represents a source of workers whose labor and earnings
can contribute to the realization of these objectives to a greater
extent than development programs currently anticipate.
As key components of research focusing upon the economic
participation of wom en who reside in the Valley, this investigation
considered characteristics of their labor potential: namely, their
awareness of opportunities for employment in the area, and their
receptivity to acquiring skills as a fundamental aspect of their
access to work a ctivities. In terms of the former, the next section
discusses the statistical findings generated to assess differences
among female residents regarding their knowledge of the types of
work performed by wom en in their village in relation to their ow n
labor experience. Interest in skills-development training also was
surveyed for a variety of fie ld s, including certain activities with
income-generation potential. Variation in response, according to
age and educational status, is examined subsequently in the chapter
to derive data appropriate to both training programs and incentives
to promote labor participation.
330
Awareness of Work Opportunities. Varied patterns of
association emerged when the types of work identified as being
performed by w om en in the village were analyzed in relation to the
labor experience of female residents of the Valley. Methodological
considerations figure prominently among the factors that appear to
have contributed to the diverse statistical results, notably the
classification of data pertaining to the labor activities reported
for village women, as well as for respondents who were economically
active. Comparable to the effects noted for the occupational
background of fathers, the dispersion of data among numerous work
categories might have enhanced the likelihood that the test of
statistical significance would indicate a lack of systematic
association between these variables.
Regardless of their work background, Valley wom en demonstratec
comparable awareness of the range of activities performed by female
labor as well as consistency in the relative emphasis placed upon
specific sectors as the primary areas in which wom en worked. Such
patterns might illu s tra te a network of communication that tends to
prevail in rural areas in which wom en serve as the primary source of
information for other wom en in the village. Various studies have
referred to communication patterns among wom en in rural areas,
including Davis (1978), Maher (1974), Makhlouf (1979), Papanek (1976).
Simmons (1976), and Sweet (1967). Certain characteristics of the
East Jordan Valley also could fa c ilita te the dissemination of
information regarding labor conditions that pertain to female
residents; for example, geographical proximity due to the region's
331
small dimensions, and the relatively undifferentiated structure of
the economy in which agricultural production is predominant.
The statistical analysis indicated, however, that female
residents of the Valley differed in their knowledge of the labor
activities performed by wom en in their village in accordance with
their ow n work experience. In addition to the high volume of labor
activities identified by wom en working at the time of the survey, the
finding that relatedness between the variables was systematic only
in the case of this cohort can be viewed as evidence that economically
active wom en are more cognizant of work conditions in the Valley than
those who do not work. Participation in the economic sphere as such
could contribute to knowledge of the areas in which wom en work, for
example, through observation while on-the-job or the exchange of
information with coworkers. I t is also possible that their participa
tion in economic activities might foster awareness by generating
greater interest in labor conditions than is the case am ong non
workers for w hom other roles and responsibilities assume priority.
W hen reporting the types of labor provided by female coworkers,
moreover, the tendency for economically active wom en to emphasize
their particular sphere of work appears to reflect their own labor
experience, as well as their perception of economic conditions in the
Valley. Thus, the high rate of recognition accorded to farm tasks by
those engaged in agriculture is lik ely to stem from their first-hand
knowledge of these ac tiv itie s. O n the other hand, the relatively
small segment of farmers that noted handicrafts as an occupational
area for wom en could be interpreted in terms of economic needs that
332
constitute the foremost motive for woriing and in this regard, m ay
reflect uncertainty about markets for, and thus, the income-earning
capacity of, handicraft products. In contrast, the comparable
frequency with which wom en working in handicrafts reported farm tasks
and their ow n activities suggests the prominence of agriculture in the
Valley and specifically, its stature as the primary sector of employ
ment in the region.
Since expansion of the nonagricultural sector has occurred
only recently in the Valley, the lack of fam iliarity with employment
in education, health, and other social services could account for the
low response generated for these areas in general. The current
staffing of school and other service jobs by non-resident personnel
also might contribute to a perception that few wom en from villages in
the region work in these fields. Given the low level of educational
attainment characterizing the female population, awareness of the
qualifications requisite for participation in these fields might have
further prompted those engaged in farming and handicrafts to disregard
teaching and other professional fields as areas of employment for
Valley women.
The in a b ility to discern associational trends when the
analysis focused upon wom en who had never been economically active
signifies that their work status lacks salience as a factor
contributing to their awareness of female labor activities in their
village. The foremost pattern emerging with regard to this group was
the low volume of economic tasks identified as being performed by
female residents in comparison with that reported by wom en engaged
333
in work a c tiv itie s , although the la tte r constituted a smaller segment
of the female population. The differential in magnitude of response
suggests that wom en who are not economically active are less cognizant
about labor conditions than working wom en or did not report the fu ll
extent of their knowledge.
Am ong wom en who do not engage in the economic sphere,
preoccupation with other responsibilities could detract from the
acquisition of information pertaining to female work participation
in the Valley. School attendance, for example, was prominent am ong
the 15 to 24 year old segment of the sample, 60.9 percent of w hom had
never worked. The systematic association established between
concurrent schooling and a lack of work activity am ong female
residents of the Valley suggests that those currently or recently in
school might have meager first-hand experience that would foster
awareness of employment conditions. I f valid, this interpretation
raises in question the extent to which schools in the Valley provide
guidance and channel information regarding occupational training and
labor opportunities to students, as well as the effectiveness of
these efforts.
Normative factors also might contribute to the limited
response provided by non-working wom en regarding the types of labor
performed by the female population of the Valley. A conviction that
work outside of the household is not "suitable" for wom en could
deter not only actual participation in the economic sphere, but also
willingness to report the activities in which wom en actually work.
The reluctance to reveal the extent of their knowledge, moreover,
334
might be selective in accordance with characteristics of particular
kinds of work. Thus, those that are perceived as reducing status9
such as farm tasks, might be ignored, while others that appear
compatible with values favoring roles for wom en (sewing, for example)
might be noted.
While variation was evident in their capacity to identify the
types of work performed by women, the overall range of activities
reported by female residents of the Valley constituted a narrow index
of employment options. Scarce recognition was accorded to certain
sectors in which wom en currently work, such as education and health,
possibly because those engaged in these fields tend not to reside in
the region. Other labor activities were omitted, including areas in
which female residents generally have not worked and whose personnel
needs have increased as development programs have contributed to
change in the labor market structure (e.g ., certain agricultural
specializations, such as irrig atio n , communications, electrical
trades, health care, office work). The likelihood that wom en w ill,
consider these as potential occupational spheres appears to involve
a variety of factors including awareness that employment opportunities
are available in these sectors, which entails information about labor
conditions in the Valley, and access to programs designed to develop
qualifications for employment in these fields. Participation in such
programs, moreover, presupposes an interest in acquiring the requisite
s k ills. Another component of the present study focused upon the
receptivity of Valley w om en to training in various areas; findings
derived from this segment of the research are examdnedi. Subsequently.
335
Interest in Skills Development. Interest in the acquisition
of work-related skills constitutes a key dimension of the development
of projects to expand the economic participation of Valley wom en
through their preparation for a broader range of labor a c tivities.
To generate appropriate input, this investigation considered the
receptivity of female residents to training in a variety of fields,
including both income-generating activities and household-based
tasks. Patterns of interest were noted specifically in relation to
age and educational background to survey differences in interest
between areas identified as traditional spheres for Valley wom en and
those representing new or unconventional a c tiv itie s.
According to the statistical analysis, clear patterns emerged
when interest in skills-development within the female population was
examined in terms of age. The variation observed between wom en of
different generations can be reviewed in terms of change in the
spheres considered appropriate for female residents of the region.
O n the one hand, the minimal interest expressed by wom en aged 35 to
44 years in such fields as office administration and pottery making
could stem from a normative posture that opposes female participation
in these a c tivities. In contrast, the receptivity of younger wom en
which exceeded that of older residents for a ll fields included in the
study except those related to farming, might attest to the former's
acceptance of a wider range of areas than those with which Valley
wom en have been associated traditionally.
The patterns of response evident among younger residents can
further be considered in terms of their primary reasons for working
336
or desiring to become economically active, which were reported with
reference to the hypothesized association between work motives and
age (Hypothesis 5a). The connotation of choice inherent in the
characterization of work as a source of enjoyment or an activity to
f i l l free time, which was prominent among w om en aged 15 to 24 years,
suggests fle x ib ility not only in their decision to engage in
economic ac tiv itie s, but also in the spheres in which they seek to
develop skills required for employment. Moreover, a reduced economic
imperative or lack of financial need to participate in labor a c tiv i
ties might mitigate the importance of preparing for only those with
the potential for income generation or that contribute to family
business enterprises (e .g ., farming, marketing).
I f choice is a cogent factor in the selection of occupational
areas among younger women, such non-traditional fields as health
care and office administration presumably constitute viable
alternatives for employment and skills-development. In relation to
a ll other activities surveyed except those in the agricultural
sector, however, these spheres generated least interest for the
group aged 15 to 24 years. Although those who had attended school
were more receptive to these areas than any other segment of the
population, younger female residents registered a clear preference
for traditional, household-related activities over the non-
conventional fields included in the survey. Given prevailing norms,
their favorable reaction to training in handicrafts, house care, and
food preparation might entail an appraisal of spheres in which they
337
are likely to participate and thus reflect a desire to enhance
a b ilitie s in these areas.
Am ong older segments of the female population, receptivity to
ski 1Is-development in general might be associated with the
m ultiplicity of roles they perform and specifically, the d iffic u lty
in accommodating additional a c tiv itie s, such as training courses.
Given their experience with household-based tasks, older residents
also might consider their skills to be adequate and thereby not
perceive as great a need for training in such a c tivities. Their
meager interest in non-traditional spheres, moreover, might reflect
a view that these areas do not constitute viable options for Valley
wom en and that, consequently, training would not be advantageous.
As suggested with reference to the low rate of school attendance
recorded by wom en between 35 and 44 years, older age groups might
further regard programs to develop skills as rendering potential
benefits to and, therefore suitable for, younger women, but not
themselves. O n the other hand, the educational experience of younger
female residents, whose schooling was disclosed to be systematically
related to their age, might enhance awareness of gains that training
courses can provide (e.g ., job qualifications, personal development)
and thereby foster responsiveness to participation in such programs.
L ittle support for this interpretation emerged, however, from
results of the statistical analysis conducted to explore relatedness
between interest in skills-development and educational background.
For 11 of the 13 fields surveyed, the lack of statistical
significance derived when receptivity to training was examined in
338
relation to attendance at school, either before or at the time of
the interviews, indicates that these variables are independent and
contribute minimally to one another when considered in terms of the
female population of the Valley. Am ong other relational patterns
disclosed during the course of this investigation, moreover, this
finding appears to be an anomaly, particularly within the context
of the association established between age and school attendance
(Hypothesis 2a) and the relationship between age and s k ills -
development in nonfarm fields (Hypothesis 11a).
The results generated with regard to wom en who had never
attended school suggest that methodological factors could have
contributed to the deviation observed. In addition to the sample's
size, the categorization of unschooled wom en as a discrete variable
might have enhanced the probability that statistical outcomes would
reveal their educational status and their interest in training to be
systematically related, as was indicated with reference to eight
skills areas. In contrast, responses generated for wom en with
schooling were disaggregated in terms of two exclusive variables
according to the incidence of school attendance relative to the
survey's administration; these data were further ordered by grade
level and therefore dispersed am ong multiple categories. In view of
the marked interest in training expressed by educated wom en as a
proportion of their overall response, i t is possible that
statistical tests conducted on the basis of one aggregate category
for wom en who attended school might yield increased evidence of
339
relatedness between the variables under study. These methodological
concerns are discussed further in the summary portion of the chapter.
In spite of the variation characterizing wom en of different
generations and the mixed findings derived with respect to their
educational background, consistent trends were evident in the priority
accorded to specific areas of skills-development. Regardless of age
or schooling, wom en who were receptive to training expressed
greatest preference for handicraft activities and least interest in
farm tasks, while household-related areas--house care, food
preparation and nutrition--prompted an intermediate rating.
One factor that might account for this differential in
emphasis pertains to features that distinguish specific field s,
including the conditions within which residents of the Valley must
work. The antipathy to farm-related training, for example, could
stem from the drudgery and menial status associated with the tasks
performed by women, as well as the low wages received by those who
are paid. An expectation that these tasks can be learned on-the-job
and therefore without formal instruction, or that areas in which
training might be beneficial are those in which m en are given
preference in hiring (e.g ., mechanized equipment), mitght-.further curb
interest in participating in courses to develop related skills.
Handicrafts, on the other hand, appear to embody contrasting
characteristics: they can be produced within the home; relevant
skills can be acquired through formal as well as informal instruction;
and their status as appropriate activities for wom en can fa c ilita te
their pursuit for income-generating purposes.
340
Although agriculture is the primary sector of employment for
wom en in the Valley, the meager receptivity to training in any of
its constituent activities suggests that wom en do not engage in
farming by choice, but because they must in the sense both that
economic needs dictate and that their options for employment in the
region are limited. The perception that farm work is an imposed
necessity rather than a preferred area of labor might foster its
identification as a temporary sphere of a c tiv ity , which can deter
participation in programs to develop skills that increase access to
employment and ultimately, contribute to expansion of the
agricultural role of wom en in the region. Particularly among younger
segments of the female population whose educational attainment is
more extensive than that of older groups, work-related aspirations
generated by their school experience could impede recognition of
farming as a reputable occupation and a suitable area of labor
participation.
The response derived with respect to health care also is
noteworthy because of the need for personnel to staff medical
fa c ilitie s that were completed recently in accordance with develop
ment plans to increase health services in' the region. Dajani et al.
(1980) reported that most of the 10 health centers constructed as a
component of U.S. Agency for International Development's Village
Development Project I were not being utilized one year after their
completion in 1979. A major reason cited for the lack of operation
was the scarcity of personnel to staff these fa c ilitie s . The
slight interest demonstrated in this fie ld relative to other skills
341
areas, particularly by wom en who were enrolled in school when the
survey was conducted, can be considered in terms of several factors.
First, educational aspects pertaining to the development of
qualifications for employment in health-related activities could
discourage a favorable reaction to training in this sphere, for
example, the paucity of secondary schools in the Valley that provide
the scientific studies needed as background for specialization in
these fields; the length of training at the postsecondary level,
particularly for physicians; and the necessity of pursuing advanced
studies outside of the Valley, and possibly the country, because of
the lack of local training institutions. Second, although commanding
increased respectability as a profession, nursing lacks a status
comparable to that of physicians and teachers, which diminishes its
appeal as an area of potential employment for women.
Alternatively, Valley wom en might react with minimal interest
in the development of health-related skills because they lack awareness
of the efforts to improve medical services in the region, which have
prompted expansion of opportunities for employment in the fie ld .
This implies inadequacies in existing means of conveying information
about change in labor conditions. Although variation in receptivity
to health care was not evident in relation to school attendance, the
meager responsiveness to training in this fie ld overall also indicates
a need to consider the effects of schooling in fostering attitudes
conducive to preparation for those spheres in which personnel needs
exist in the Valley. Data pertaining to the fields selected for
future occupational pursuits by single wom en enrolled in school might
342
yield additional insight into the work-related decision-making of
those who constitute a source of labor potential in the region. The
section on "Other Related Findings" reports the patterns disclosed
when the occupational preferences of these wom en were examined in
relation to their level of educational attainment. Finally, since
appropriate incentives might a lte r the decisions made by Valley
wom en regarding the spheres in which they work, the next section also
presents evidence of their receptivity to training in agriculture and
non-traditional areas in relation to village of residency and
incidence of labor as input for strategies to foster female
participation in these fields.
Other Related Findings: An Analysis
and Interpretation
During the course of testing the hypotheses that set forth
presumed associations between the variables under study, additional
relations were observed in the data that appeared pertinent to the
questions underlying this examination of the labor participation of
wom en in the East Jordan Valley. Three principal areas were
identified for further investigation. The f ir s t centered upon the
outcomes that Valley wom en expect from schooling, particularly those
pertaining to labor a c tiv ity , whose delineation as a sphere of
research evolved from the lack of evidence regarding an acceleration
in economic participation am ong w om en with formal education. In
this regard, their reasons for attending school were considered in
relation to their educational background to determine differences in
anticipated effects according to level of school attainment. As a
343
related issue, the independence characterizing the curricular content
of educational programs and the kind of work performed by female
residents (Hypothesis 4) prompted an inquiry into the value of
schooling as assessed by wom en with formal education with respect
to their economic tasks.
Another facet of this investigation sought to expand upon
the analysis of work motives which produced mixed results when the
reasons provided for participating in the labor force were examined
in terms of age and educational background (Hypotheses 5a and 5b).
Since work motives reflect factors that foster economic activity,
reasons for engaging in the labor sphere were surveyed relative to
the kinds of work performed by Valley wom en to generate potential
input for strategies to increase economic participation am ong female
residents with differing work backgrounds. Because the in itia l
analysis underscored the prominence of financial needs as a stimulus
for work, this research also included a segment focusing upon payment
for labor in which differentials among economically active wom en were
considered in terms of the type of work they performed.
Finally, additional evidence was generated regarding factors
that contribute to the development of female residents as a labor
resource in the East Jordan Valley. In this context, two areas of
inquiry were pursued: f ir s t , the occupational preferences of single
w om en were examined in relation to their educational background; and
second, variation was explored in receptivity to training in both
household-related and income-generating fields according to the
village in which the wom en resided and their work experience.
344
Relational propositions were formulated as the basis for
analyzing survey data pertaining to these factors. To test the
hypothesized associations, the statistical procedures applied to
examine relations involving the key variables of the study also
served as the techniques for investigating these additional areas of
research. The next section presents the findings of the statistical
analysis, which is followed subsequently by a discussion of observed
patterns, including divergences from the theoretical predictions.
Analysis of Findings
Outcomes from Schooling. Disclosure of systematic relatedness
between age and school attendance within the female population of
the Valley (Hypothesis 2a) underscored the strong propensity for
younger residents to pursue educational programs. Although evidence
also was generated that the small segment with advanced levels of
schooling (preparatory grades and above) tended to be economically
active, the overall lack of distinctive patterns of work activity
am ong wom en who had attended school suggests that female residents
may not perceive outcomes from their educational experience in terms
of participation in the economy and therefore do not associate their
schooling with labor roles.
An investigation of anticipated effects from schooling was
undertaken to parallel the inquiry into constraints upon the
education of Valley women. While the la tte r were interpreted in terms
of reasons for not attending school, indicators of expected outcomes
were sought through an examination of the reasons that female
residents go to school and once enrolled, remain to pursue advanced
345
levels. Responses provided by survey subjects were analyzed in
relation to their level of educational attainment to identify the
factors that constitute incentives to their in itia l enrollment and
continued attendance at school.
Because multiple reasons were provided by those enrolled in
school at the time of the survey, case frequencies were organized
into three distributions, each of which was subjected to the chi-
square test and summarized by the measure of association (see
Table 43). For each of the jo in t distributions, the former produced
a value that met c rite ria of statistical significance (j) < .01).
These results supported rejection of the hypothesis that the reasons
for attending school and the level of education attained by the
students were not associated and, therefore, independent in the
population that yielded the sample of the study. The lambda values,
moreover, suggested that these variables can be expected to predict
each other with accuracy: with regard to the largest distribution,
the statistic measured an overall improvement of 59.8 percent in
predictive a b ility (X = 0.59756).
Comparable findings were derived when the reasons for
attending school referred to respondents whose formal education had
ended before the interviews were conducted.(see Table 44). With
regard to a ll four cross-tabulations generated for this cohort, the
chi-square values,which are reported in Table 44, were s ta tis tic a lly
significant' (jp < .01), thereby establishing their motives for
schooling and their educational background as related in a systematic
manner. One of the lambda coefficients also indicated a moderate
Table 43
Reasons for Attending School According to Level of
Educational Attainment (Respondents Enrolled Now )
Educational Level
Pre Pre Pre Teacher Adult
Pri para para para Second- Second- Second Train Educa- N o
Reasons mary 4 tory 1 tory 2 tory 3 ary 1 ary 2 ary 3 ing ti on Answer
Compulsory
Parents
Wanted
Not stay
at hom e
To get
general
knowledge
To read
and write
To help
children
with
hom ework
To get
employment
To serve
country
4
1
1 0
3 H H ip Ie _ r e s p ons es_pr ovlded
CO
cn
Table 43 (Continued)
Chi-
Square
Degrees of
Freedom Lam bda
593.24072* 50 0.59756
305.39355* 60 0.22807
93.49100* 20 0.06818
*R < •
347
Table 44
Reasons for Attending School According to Level of Educational
Attainment (Respondents Enrolled Previously)
Educational Level
Reasonsa
Pri
mary
1
Pri- Pri
mary mary
2 3
Pri
mary
4
Pri
mary
5
Pri
mary
6
Pre
para
tory
1
Pre- Pre
para- para-
tory tory
2 3
Secohd- Second
ary ary n
1 3
Teacher
Training
Compulsory 1
Parents Wanted 1 2 1 8 7 4 2 7 1 1 1
Brothers/
Sisters/Friends
Went to School 1 2 2 1 1
To get General
Knowlege 2 2 1 2 6 3 2 3 1 3
To read and
wri te 1 1 2 1
Enjoy Studying 1 1
Not Stay at
H om e 1
To Get Employ
ment 1
Not K now W hy 1
a
Multiple responses provided
CO
0 0
A I
Table 44 (Continued)
Chi-Square Degrees of Freedom Lam bda
359.17920* 72 0.41667
199.94203* 60 0.08333
69.33014* 12 0,01613
38.76945* 12 0.02941
.01
CO
-p *
< x >
. 350
increase in the a b ility to predict values for one variable on the
basis of the other (A = 0.41667), although the remainder did not
yield such evidence (A =0.08333, A = 0.02941* and A = 0.01613).
To gain information about factors that encourage female
residents to remain in school, students who stated their intention
to continue their education at the postsecondary level were asked to
indicate their reasons for desiring further schooling. For both data
distributions tested, the statistical significance of the chi-square
values (j d < .01) signified that their responses were systematically
related to their educational level, leading to a rejection of the
independence hypothesized between these variables. As Table 45
reveals, the chi-square test produced similar results with regard to
respondents who were no longer attending school but who expressed
interest in resuming their formal education.
Disaggregation of the reasons provided by wom en within each
subgroup disclosed variation in the emphasis placed upon specific
responses according to their level of education. With respect to
the respondents who were attending school, for example, only those
enrolled in adult education stated a desire to gaih literacy s k ills ;
interest in training for employment, on the other hand, was
concentrated am ong students with higher levels of schooling (the
third preparatory grade, the third secondary grade, and teacher
training). Greater uniformity was evident among wom en whose
education had ended: two reasons--parental expectations and the
acquisition of general know!edge--were prominent across a range of
grade levels, accounting for 77.0 percent of the responses provided
351
Table 45
Reasons for Continuing Schooling3
in Relation to School Attendance
School Attendance
Reasons*3 Nowc Before0 *
To get general knowledge 26 18
To read and write 1 0
To prepare for employment 20 5
To get a certificate 0 1
Enjoy learning 0 2
To get information on
house and child care 1 1
To attain the same level
as husband 0 2
To lead a different life
from village wom en 1 0
Education makes life easier 1 1
To f i l l free time 0 1
Chi-Square 697.31431*
(df = 60)
366.86719*
(df = 96)
103.96146*
(df = 20)
87.26932*
(df = 24)
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.55128 0.16092
0.12963 0.04545
Reasons provided by respondents who attended school
•to resuming their education.
Multiple responses provided.
before pertain
Of the respondents enrolled
continue their education.
in school, 39 out of 41 wished to
Twenty-six of the 61 subjects who had attended school previously
expressed interest in resuming their education.
<..01
352
by this subset. Less dispersion was recorded for other reasons,
however, such as the influence of siblings and friends which, with
one exception, was reported only by those who had not matriculated
beyond the primary cycle.
Differential emphases characterized the response patterns,
on the other hand, when reasons for school attendance were examined
across the four subsets upon which this investigation focused.
Although interest in acquiring general knowledge was prominent am ong
the respondents regardless of their educational background, this
motive represented a larger share of the responses provided by
w om en currently in school (45.0 percent) than that of residents who
were no longer enrolled (32.1 percent). The foremost reason stated
by the la tte r concerned parental influence which constituted 44.9
percent of this cohort's responses, but only 10.0 percent when the
analysis focused upon female residents attending school. While a
desire for general knowledge was paramount among the students who
wished to continue their education, interest in the development of
job-related skills accounted for 40.0 percent of their responses and,
as such, was the second most prominent reason cited by this group.
In contrast, only a small segment of the wom en who had attended
school previously (16.1 percent) described preparation for employment
as an inducement to their interest in resuming their education.
In spite of the differential focus evident am ong wom en with
varying educational backgrounds, a com m on feature of their response
patterns was the narrow range of reasons for their attendance at
school. Three factors accounted for the vast portion of the responses
353
derived from the total sample surveyed: acquisition of general
knowledge, compliance with parental wishes, and development of job-
related s k ills . Implications of the prominence of these motives for
strategies to promote female schooling in the Valley are considered
in the section dealing with the interpretation of research results.
The delineation of training for employment as a factor that
fosters attendance at school, notably by students who expressed
interest in further schooling, suggests a perceived linkage between
their education and participation in the labor sphere. As indicated
by the inconclusive results obtained from the statistical investiga
tion of relatedness between the content of school programs and the
types of work performed by female residents, however, the manner in
which education contributes to the work a c tivity of Valley wom en
lacks c la rity . To derive a measure of effects from schooling in
terms of their labor participation, wom en with formal education who
were engaged in economically productive labor at the time of the
survey were asked to evaluate the usefulness of their schooling with
regard to their work. The assessment provided by these respondents
was examined specifically in relation to the sphere in which they
worked to determine i f variation characterized wom en who participated
in different sectors of the Valley's economy.
According to the data reported in Table 46, the chi-square
values computed for six of the eight distributions of frequencies
established to investigate relational patterns between these
variables met c rite ria of statistical significance at the .01 level,
while one other was measured at the .05 level. Although the chi-
354
Table 46
Assessed Usefulness of Schooling in Relation to
Labor Field (Respondents Working Now)
a
Schooling Schooling
Kind of Work Useful Not Useful
Crop Planting 2 4
Weeding 2 8
Crop Picking 4 9
Animal Care 2 2
Food Processing 0 1
Marketing/Trade 0 1
Sewi ng/Dressmaki ng 6 3
Embroidery 4 3
Crochet/Knitting 3 1
Woolwork 2 0
Teaching 5 0
Degrees of Lambda
Chi-Square Freedom (Symmetric)
169.57236** 26 0.17273
80.92267** 26 0.05495
46.64156** 20 0.01351
48.08612** 18 0.01515
35.37872** 16 0.0
40.28090** 14 0.03922
17.49500 12 0.02381
17.85475* 8 0.02632
a
Multiple'responses provided
*£ < .05
**£ < .01
355
square for the remaining data set failed to satisfy standards of
rejection (x = 17.49500 with df = 12), the overall results were
conducive to concluding that the null hypothesis should not be
retained with regard to these variables. The measure of association,
on the other hand, produced coefficients ranging from A = 0.17273 to
A = 0.00000, which indicated considerable error in predicting
values for one variable on the basis of those for the other.
W hen the appraisal offered by economically active wom en
regarding their schooling's usefulness was reviewed without reference
to the particular fie ld in which they worked, only a slight difference
in assessment was apparent: 51.6 percent of the responses indicated
that the educational experience of the respondents had not
contributed to their labor a c tiv ity , while 48.4 percent reported the
contrary. Examination of the responses in terms of sector of
a c tiv ity , on the other hand, yielded evidence of variation in the
value which wom en workers ascribed to their schooling.
A clearly favorable reaction was provided by teachers, all
of w hom described their educational experience as useful background
for their work. A large segment of the wom en who produced handi
crafts (68.2 percent) also perceived their schooling as yielding
benefits to the a c tivities in which they were engaged. The responses
generated for female residents performing agricultural tasks,
however, indicated a contrary viewpoint: 69.7 percent maintained
that their educational experience lacked value with regard to their
work, while only 30.3 percent concluded that i t had produced positive
effects.
356
According to the coefficients computed by the chi-square
test, relatedness between the assessed value of schooling and the
sector of labor a c tiv ity was sufficiently marked to suggest its
presence in the female population of the Valley. Conclusions based
upon the patterns observed in the data must be drawn with caution,
however, since the number of respondents who appraised their
education in relation to the work they performed accounted for only
16.7 percent and therefore a small portion of the total sample of
the study. To identify additional factors that contribute to female
participation in different spheres of work, non-educational variables
identified by female residents working in diverse fields might
represent another area of research pertinent to this study. The next
section presents the findings derived when these factors, defined in
terms of reasons for engaging in the economic sector, were considered
in relation to the type of activity performed by Valley women.
Relatedness Between Work Motives and Types of Labor. While
divergent outcomes from schooling were reported by w om en working in
different sectors, factors that do not pertain to education also
might exert varying effects upon female participation in different
kinds of economically productive labor. To test this premise, the
motives reported by Valley wom en for engaging in work activities were
assumed to represent key factors that foster their participation in
the labor sphere. Their reasons were examined in relation to the
fields in which they worked to ascertain i f the factors identified
by wom en performing agricultural tasks differed from those noted by
female workers engaged in nonfarm areas. Evidence of divergence, in
357
effect, would parallel the pattern observed with respect to the
assessment of school effects provided by wom en working in different
economic sectors. I t also would yield information pertinent to the
development of measures that seek to expand the range of labor
activities in which Valley wom en work.
Because of the m ultiplicity of cases generated for both
variables when the investigation focused upon female residents who
were economically active at the time of the survey, observed
frequencies were arranged into 24 contingency tables. With regard
to 12 of the distributions, application of the chi-square test
produced values that were s ta tis tic a lly significant at the .01 level;
one other achieved the c rite ria of the .05 level. Standards of
rejection at conventional levels were not satisfied with regard to
the other 11 cross-tabulations, however. In spite of these divergent
results, rejection of the hypothesis of independence between the
variables appeared tenable in view of the statistical significance of
the distributions whose chi-square values were based upon generally
large number of degree of freedom (see Table 47). The lambda
s tatis tic also yielded mixed coefficients: while one distribution
recorded an improvement of 49.4 percent in predictive a b ility
(A = 0.49351), the remaining produced values that range from
A = 0.33333 to A - 0.00000, thereby indicating considerable error in
estimating one variable on the basis of values of the other.
As revealed in Table 48, comparable findings were derived
when work motives were analyzed in relation to the labor activities
performed by wom en who had worked previously, but who were no longer
Table 47
Reasons for W ork in Relation to Labor Field
(Respondents Working Now )
Kind of Work9
Reason for
Work9
Crop
planting
Crop
wateri ng
Weeding
Crop
Picking
Animal
Care
Collect
Firewood
Food
Process
ing
Market
ing/Trade
Sewing/
Dress
making
Embroid
ery
Crochet/
Knitting
Woolwork
Teaching
"Arab"
(folk)
Doctor
Maid/
Janitor
Total
Contribute to
Family Income 11 1 18 24 10 1 2 0 10 8 2 1 3 0 0
91
Support Family 1 0 3 3 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 12
Help in Family
Business 6 1 9 13 2 1 0 1 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 37
Have O w n Earnings 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 3 3 1 0 2 0 0 11
F ill Free Time 3 0 2 2 1 0 1 1 3 3 3 2 3 0 0 24
Parents/Husband
Expect 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3
Enjoy Working 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 1 2 0 0 7
Help Other
People 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 2
Multiple responses provided.
358
Table 47 (Continued)
Chi-Square Degrees of Freedom Lam bda (Symmetric)
746.66260** 104 0.49351
188.13568** 78 0.09091
82.78842** 26 0.02532
340.28052** 104 0.33333
51.90311 78 0.07265
0.77049 26 0.0
198.92853** 80 0.23729
156.25856** 60 0.05769
0.48987 20 0.0
203.58998** 72 0.21818
152.23904** 54 0.06818
0.37647 18 0.0
119.20116** 64 0.18868
54.87193 48 0.05000
0.32352 16 0.0
85.02986** 56 0.13684
239.06540** 42 0.06897
0.18930 14 0.0
119.59953** 48 0.09302
16.43192 36 0.0
0.09041 12 0.0
50.85687* 32 0.06098
33.99530 24 0.0
0.04925 8 0.0
*£ < .05
* * £ < .01
G O
cn
360
Table 48
Reasons for Work in Relation to Labor Field
(Respondents Worked Before)
Reason for Work9
Kind of Work9
Contribute
to Family
Income
" ill Free
Time
Enjoy
Worki ng
Crop Planting 1 1 0
Crop Watering 0 1 0
Weeding 1 1 0
Crop Picking 4 1 0
Animal Care 1 0 0
Sewing/Dressmaking 1 0 0
Hairdressing 0 0 1
Chi-Square 354.06860*
222.65459*
222.56650*
251.19229*
(df = 18)
(df = 15)
(d f= 9)
( d f= 6)
Lambda (Symmetric) 0.29630
0.12500
0.16667
0.33333
aMultiple responses provided
* £ < .01
361
economically active when the survey was conducted. For each of the
four sets of frequency distributions obtained, the chi-square value
was s ta tis tic a lly significant (j d < .01), which favored acceptance
of the alternative hypothesis of association between the variables
with reference to this subset. The measure of association, which
recorded levels between X = 0.33333 and ^ = 0.12500, disclosed that
knowledge of one variable enhanced prediction of the other to only a
slight extent.
Differences between economically active wom en in the Valley
were evident when their work motives were examined in terms of each
of the following: f ir s t , the relative importance accorded to a
specific reason by wom en laboring in various sectors; and second,
the pattern of response provided by female residents who worked in
a particular sphere of activity.
As disclosed when reasons for working were considered in
relation to age and educational background, financial factors were
identified as the principal motive for labor participation among
wom en engaged in different fields at the time of the survey.
Contributing to the family's income constituted 48.7 percent of a ll
responses, while the second most frequently noted reason was to help
in the family's business (19.8 percent). Female residents working
in agriculture, which was the primary sector of labor activ ity am ong
wom en in the Valley, provided the dominant share of these responses:
70.3 percent in terms of the former and 83.8 percent with respect
to the la tte r. The respective rates for wom en producing handicrafts,
the second most prominent type of work within the female population,
362
were 23.1 percent and 10.8 percent. Divergent patterns emerged with
respect to non-economic motives, on the other hand: among those
attributing their activities to interest in f illin g free time, for
example, 45.8 percent of the responses were provided by residents
working in handicrafts, while 33.3 percent referred to wom en laboring
on farms. Only handicraft workers and teachers described the
enjoyment gained from work as an inducement to participation in the
labor sphere.
The prominence of economic factors was further apparent when
work motives were analyzed according to fie ld of a ctivity. For
example, financial factors--contributing to the family's income,
supporting the family, helping in the family's business, and
generating earnings for oneself--constituted 91.2 percent of a ll of
the reasons cited by wom en engaged in farm ac tiv itie s. As the only
other reasons reported by this labor group, f illin g free time and
acceding to the expectations of parents or husband represented 6.9
percent and 1.7 percent, respectively, and therefore small portions
of their overall response.
While 68.0 percent of the reasons provided by wom en who
produced handicrafts related to economic factors and, as such,
comprised their primary motive for working, a smaller share referred
specifically to contributing to the family's income (42.0 percent)
and a larger proportion to generating one's ow n earnings (14.0
percent) than were derived for farmers, whose rates were 55.7 percent
and 1.7 percent, respectively. Female residents working in
handicrafts, moreover, noted non-economic motives--namely, to f i l l
363
free time (22.0 percent) and to gain enjoyment (10.0 percent)--with
greater frequency than wom en engaged in agriculture, none of w hom
reported the la tte r. The pattern that was observed for wom en who
had worked in agriculture before the interviews were conducted also
reflected greater diversity than that of female workers currently
laboring in this sector: while 63.6 percent of the former's response
focused upon contributing to the family's support, the remainder
(36.4 percent) described the performance of farm tasks in terms of
fillin g free time.
Less variation between economic incentives and non-economic
factors characterized the motives identified by teachers, who
although referring to only five women, formed the only other major
occupational group within the sample.' Providing income for their
families and fillin g free time each constituted 27.3 percent of their
responses, while a rate of 18.2 percent was derived for both earning
wages for oneself and obtaining enjoyment from work.
Although som e evidence of variation in motives was generated
for respondents who worked in different field s, the emphasis placed
upon economic factors by female residents who participated in the
Valley's labor sphere underscored the cogency of investigating the
payment they received for their work. This examination was undertaken
to determine not only the extent of income-generation among
economically active wom en in the Valley, but also differentiation in
the incidence of payment according to sphere of labor.
The statistical procedures generated clear evidence that
payment for the work performed by wom en in the region was associated
364
with their sector of activity in a systematic manner. The chi-square
test computed values that were s ta tis tic a lly significant at the .01
level with regard to seven of the eight distributions established,
while the coefficient derived for the eighth met rejection c rite ria
at the .05 level. As indicated in Table 49, the measure of
association yielded moderate values for certain distributions and
negligible values with regard to others. O n the other hand,
asymmetric lambda coefficients revealed that knowledge of the type
of labor activity increased the a b ility to predict compensation for
work by as high a level as 68.8 percent (asymmetric X = 0.68831).
W hen income-generation was considered in terms of the sample
of economically active wom en overall, a slightly greater proportion
of the respondents reported payment for work (56.1 percent) than did
not (42.9 percent). According to a sectoral analysis of responses,
moreover, the differential was v irtu a lly eliminated with respect to
those engaged in farming: while 50.9 percent of the wom en who worked
in agricultural a c tivities earned wages, a nearly comparable segment
(49.1 percent) stated that they were not paid for their labor.
Less divergence characterized the income-earning status of
wom en who worked in nonagricultural areas, which included handicrafts,
teaching, food processing, marketing, and jan ito rial services.
Almost two-thirds of those laboring in these fields (65.9 percent)
indicated that their activities provided wages; the remainder (34.1
percent), on the other hand, received no remuneration for their work.
These patterns are discussed in the section that presents an
interpretation of statistical findings in terms of the sectoral
365
Table 49
Incidence of Payment According to
Field of Labor
Incidence of Payment
Work Activity5 Yes No
Agriculture:
Planting 8 11
Watering 0 2
Weeding 15 16
Harvesting 22 18
Animal Care 9 5
Handicrafts:
Sewing/Dressmaking 14 3
Embroidery 11 5
Crochet/Knitti ng 3 4
Woolwork 0 3
Teaching 4 l b
Collecting Firewood 1 1
Food Processing 2 2
Marketing/Trade 2 0
"Arab" Doctor 0
1
Maid/Janitor 1 0
Chi-Square Degrees of Freedom Lambda
256.69751** 26 0.48052
178.04410** 26 0.33333
119.01054** 20 0.22881
105.87659** 18 0.22727
95.19652** 16 0.20755
48.53676** 14 0.13684
30.92726** 12 0.09302
16.78497* 8 0.04878
bMultiple responses provided.
Unpaid because undertaking the practical component of the
teacher training program.
*£ < .05
* * £ < .01
366
distribution of female labor activity in the Valley, as well as the
contribution of economically active wom en to higher living standards
in the area.
As another measure to delineate factors that contribute to
female participation in the Valley's economy, specifically those that
encourage wom en to remain in the labor force, questions were
directed at economically active wom en to determine: f ir s t , their
preference for their current work or a different kind of activity;
and second, the reasons for their choice. Of the 77 respondents
engaged in economically productive a c tiv itie s, 58.4 percent stated
that they were satisfied with the work they performed. Regarding
the reasons for this response, a frequency analysis revealed that
nearly equal emphasis was placed upon a perceived lack of other labor
opportunities (39.0 percent) and the enjoyment gained from the
acti vi ty (36.6 percent).
The remainder of this sample (41.6 percent) expressed
interest in engaging in another sphere of labor. Sewing and
embroidery generated the most favorable reaction as alternative
activities (51.9 percent), while a general desire for any kind of
work except farm tasks accounted for 18.5 percent of the responses.
To explain their preference for a different fie ld , respondents cited
disaffection with their present work as their foremost reason (45.9
percent), while an additional 16.2 percent of the responses referred
specifically to the desire to engage in more respectable work or to
have better work conditions. Less prominence was attached to
economic motives as an incentive to change in labor ac tiv itie s, on
367
Table 50
Reasons for Preferred Labor Activity
(Respondents Working Now)
A. Reasons Prefer Current Work:
No other opportunities 16
N o skills for other work 4
Like present work 15
No time for other work 5
Prefer to not work 1
B. Reasons Prefer Different Work:*3
For higher wages 11
Not like present work 10
Requires much time 2
I t is d iffic u lt 3
Dislike farm work 2
Want more respectable work and better
work conditions 6
Prefer to work at or nearer to hom e 2
Prefer to not stay at hom e 1
aForty-five of the seventy-seven respondents working at the time
of the survey; ndt a ll provided reasons.
^Thirty-two of the seventy-seven economically active subjects;
multiple responses provided.
368
the other hand; higher wages comprised only 29.7 percent of the
responses provided by female workers who were dissatisfied with the
kind of tasks they performed.
An alternative approach to the investigation of factors that
contribute to labor roles among wom en in the East Jordan Valley
centers upon variables that restrain or prevent their work activity
and thereby hinder the expansion of female participation in the
Valley's economy. In this regard, the segment of the female
population that did not work in economically productive activities
and expressed no interest in entering the labor sphere was surveyed
to identify the reasons for their lack of propensity to engage in
Tabor tasks.
Regardless of prior work experience, respondents who were not
economically active when the interviews were conducted cited family-
related factors as the primary reason for their work status. Am ong
wom en who had participated in economic tasks previously, a change
in marital status and the care of hom e and children accounted for
over three-quarters of the responses provided to explain the
termination of their labor activity. Household tasks, moreover, were
reported by a ll except one of the subjects who did not want to
resume working.
Familial responsibilities also were predominant am ong female
residents who had neither work experience nor interest in entering
the labor force (52.9 percent). Am ong the other reasons reported by
this cohort, 14.7 percent of the responses referred to opposition
369
Table 51
Reasons for Lack of Labor Activity According
to Incidence of Work
Incidence of Work
Reasons3
Before^ Before^
(Stopped) (Not Resume) Never0 *
To care for family 6 12 36
To get married 9
To have children 2
Lack of interest 8
Husband opposes 1 8
Parents oppose 2
Future uncertain0 5
11Iness 4
Lack of time 1 2
W om en should stay hom e 2
Displaced by farm
machi ne 1
Not need to work 1
Not like to work 1
a
Multiple responses provided.
Respondents who worked previously (20) and were reporting the
reasons for which their labor activity stopped.
°Thirteen of the twenty respondents who worked previously stated
that they did not want to resume labor activity.
^Sixty-one of the 112 subjects who had never worked indicated that
they did not want to become economically active.
eCited by respondents enrolled in school at the time of the survey.
370
from husband or parents, while a lack of interest in labor participa
tion was acknowledged specifically in an additional 11.8 percent of
the responses generated.
The emphasis placed upon household-related roles by Valley
wom en who expressed no interest in engaging in economically
productive work appears to support the postulation of fam ilial
responsibilities as a key factor that contributes to a lack of labor
participation among female residents. As revealed by a frequency
analysis of the reasons provided by wom en for their economic
inactivity, another feature characterizing the responses is their
limited diversity. With the exception of one notation regarding
displacement from work by farm machines, none referred to labor-
related circumstances—for example, the paucity of work opportunities,
the social status of available a c tiv itie s, or the lack of requisite
job sk ills. This omission, coupled with the primacy of household
responsibilities as a constraint upon female work participation in
the Valley, suggests a need to survey work expectations among wom en
who are single to derive a measure of their potential as a source of
labor in the Valley.
The Labor Potential of Single W om en. To identify labor
resources within the female population of the Valley, an inquiry was
conducted into the expectations of single wom en regarding their
participation in economic activities after marriage, including
delineation of the sector in which they prefer to work. Am ong those
who anticipated future labor roles, the fie ld selected as their
sphere of work activ ity was considered in relation to level of
371
educational attainment to gather evidence of variation in occupationa
preferences according to school background. The objective of this
research was twofold: f ir s t , to assess the possible impact of
marriage upon the labor participation of a young segment of the
female population of the Valley; and second, to define effects from
schooling in terms of decision-making that pertains to fields of
work activity.
Seventy-three female residents between 15 and 24 years of
age comprised the sample upon which this investigation focused.
(Because the analysis focused upon the 15 to 24 years of age segment
of the population, the one single respondent whose age was recorded
within the 35 to 44 year old range was omitted from this investiga
tio n.) In terms of their educational background, 49.3 percent (36)
were enrolled in school at the time of the survey and 39.7 percent
(29) had attended previously; 10.9 percent (8), on the other hand,
had no formal schooling.
Statistical analysis of the survey data disclosed a clear
trend among the respondents who were pursuing educational programs
when the interviews were conducted: 80.6 percent of this cohort
stated that they would participate in labor activities after
marriage, while 19.4 percent did not expect to do so. To som e
extent, the birth of children altered the response of the former,
68.9 percent of w hom expressed their intention to remain economically
active, while 31.0 percent indicated the contrary. According to the
test of statistical significance, the chi-square values obtained for
all three jo in t frequency distributions satisfied c rite ria at the .01
Table 52
Expected W ork Activity According to Level of Educational Attainment
(Single Respondents Attending School)3
Level of Education
Expected, W ork
Activity^
1 4
Pre- Pre-
para- para-
tory 1 tory 2
18 2
Pre- Second-
para- ary
tory 3 1
1
Second
ary
2
5
Second
ary
3
2
Teacher
Train
ing _
2
Adult
Educa
tion
1 1
Total
Crop Planting 1 1
Sewi ng/Dressmaki ng 1 1 2 1 1 6
Embroidery 1 1 1 3
Teaching 1 2 7 1 1 4 2 18
Social Welfare 1 1
Office Administra
tion 1 1 5 7
Medicine 1 1
Nursing '2
Engineering 1 1
Air Hostessing 1 1
Radio Announcing 1 1
Respondents attending school at the time of the survey accounted for 89.3 percent of the sing
subjects aged 15-24 years.
^Number refers to total enrolled in the grade level.
M ultiple responses provided.
372
Table 52 (Continued)
Chi-Square Degrees of Freedom Lam bda
280.11182* 110 0.24138
203.35466* 70 0.07143
126.30638* 50 0.08000
*p < .01
CO
0 0
374
level, thereby signifying that the expected work activities and the
level of education attained by the wom en were systematically related.
These results favored rejection of the hypothesis of independence
between the variables under study. As reported in Table 52, however,
lambda values were measured at low levels, which indicated minimal
improvement in prediction regarding the observed associations.
A contrasting pattern emerged with respect to both the
respondents who were no longer enrolled in school and the single
wom en who had never had formal education. In each case, a larger
proportion stated that they did not expect to be economically active
when married. In terms of the group that had attended school before,
53.3 percent did not anticipate engaging in the labor sphere, while
57.2 percent of those without schooling provided this response. For
each of these subsets, on the other hand, the differential in
expectations regarding future work activity was slight. W hen the
data generated for this variable were analyzed in relation to the
educational background of the respondents, statistical procedures
revealed a lack of systematic association, which led to retention of
the hypothesis that these factors were not related in the population
yielding the sample. According to the chi-square test, distributions
pertaining to wom en with prior schooling yielded values that did not
meet conventional standards (see Table 53). While c rite ria of
rejection were satisfied at the .01 level of significance in the case
of one distribution derived for subjects who lacked formal education
(x? - 47.75092 with df = 11)9 the failure to achieve comparable
results for the remaining cross-tabulations suggested caution in
Table 53
Expected W ork Activity According to Level of Educational Attainment
(Single Respondents W h o Attended School Previously)^
Expected W ork
Activity^
Level of Education
Pri -
m ar.y 2
Pri
mary 4
Pri- Pri- Prepara-
mary 5 m ar.y 6 tory 2
Prepara
tory 3
Sec ond-
ary 1
Teacher
Traininq Totals
Crop Planting 1 1
Crop Weeding 1 1
Crop Harvesting 1 1
Sewing/Dressmaking 1 1 1 1 1 5
Embroidery 1 2 3
Crochet/Knitting 1 1
Teaching 1 3 4
Office Administration 1 1 2
Nursing 1 1
Military/Pol ice 1 1
Chi-Square Degree of Freedom Lam bda
123.24165 132 0.05607
44.27419 84 0.0
54.09308 60 0.01429
c l
Single respondents w ho attended school previously accounted for 39.7 percent of the
single subjects aged 15-24 years.
^Multiple responses provided.
376
drawing conclusions regarding associational trends involving the
variables. Lambda coefficients computed on the basis of data
pertaining to these subgroups, moreover, indicated that knowledge
of either variable did not enhance prediction of the other to any
great extent.
As reflected in the conclusions regarding relatedness between
work expectations and educational attainment, variation characterized
the occupational preferences described by wom en with different
school backgrounds. While dispersed among eight areas that included
teaching, office administration, nursing, engineering, and radio
announcing, 76.2 percent of the responses provided by survey subjects
enrolled in school referred to professional fields as the designated
spheres of labor a ctivity. Teaching accounted for the largest share
of the interest expressed in this sector (56.3 percent) and generated
a particularly favorable reaction among students who recorded the
highest levels of education within the subset (the fir s t secondary
grade and above). Handicraft a c tivities also were noted, comprising
21.4 percent of a ll of the fields reported by this cohort. Only one
of the respondents attending school, on the other hand, stated that
she expected to engage in the agricultural sphere after marriage.
This contrasts with the work expectations of the small segment of
wom en without schooling for w hom farm tasks constituted 62.5 percent
of all of the fields reported and thereby the primary sector in
which they anticipated working.
Am ong wom en whose schooling had ended before the survey was
conducted, those who had matriculated to relatively high levels (the
377
Table 54
Expected Work Activity Reported by Single
W om en Without Schooling
Expected Work
Activi tya Lack of Schooling*3
Crop Planting 2
Crop Weeding 1
Crop Harvesting 2
Sewi ng/Dressmaki ng 1
Teaching 1
Office Administration 1
Chi-Square Degrees of Freedom Lambda
47.75092* 11 0.26351
10.79122 7 0.08547
7.67562 5 0.06306
aMultiple responses provided.
^Single respondents who had never attended school accounted
for 10.9 percent of the single subjects aged 15-24 years.
*p < .01
378
preparatory cycle and above) demonstrated an interest in teaching and
other professional fields comparable to that of female residents
who were enrolled in school. In contrast to the la tte r, however,
respondents with prior schooling included a smaller portion that
expected to participate in the economic sphere regardless of marital
status. Except for teaching, moreover, their designation of certain
fields as preferred work activities revealed generally different
patterns of emphasis. For example, the sector that prompted greatest
interest was handicraft production (45.0 percent). Agricultural
tasks accounted for 15.0 percent of the responses of this group and,
as such, approximated the rate recorded for teaching (20.0 percent).
A differential in educational attainment was evident among the
respondents who cited these field s, however; while wom en reporting
agricultural activities were concentrated at the primary level, those
selecting teaching had reached the secondary cycle or beyond.
In spite of the mixed results derived with respect to
educational background, the statistical analysis underscored the
salience of both current enrollment in school and matriculation
beyond the primary grades with respect to the occupational
preferences of single wom en in the Valley who anticipated being
economically active after marriage. These patterns suggest that the
educational experience of those pursuing formal schooling might
generate effects upon expectations regarding labor participation when
their marital status changes, as well as their selection of the fie ld
in which they would work. The relatedness disclosed between current
schooling and work aspirations also contrasts with the lack of
379
association observed between the content of educational programs and
the kind of labor performed by female residents in the Valley
(Hypothesis 4). The disparity in these findings prompts considera
tion of the av a ilab ility of opportunities and resources that enable
single wom en to f u l f i l l work expectations which is pursued further
in the "Discussion of Findings."
Interest in Skills-Development Training. The acquisition of
skills to work in a diversified range of fields that reflects changes
in the occupational structure of the Valley represents a central
facet of the expansion of labor participation within the female
population of the region. The development of qualifications,,
moreover,", presupposes interest in training designed to prepare
residents for employment in fields in which labor shortages exist,
as well as to enhance competencies in areas in which they currently
work. In addition to the investigation of relational patterns
involving age and educational background, research focusing upon the
receptivity of Valley wom en to developing skills in 13 different
areas was conducted with reference to the village in which they
lived and their work experience.
The particular features associated with each of the three
subregions of the Valley, which were described in the Methodology
chapter as background pertinent to the selection of the subjects,
prompted speculation that wom en residing in different parts of the
Valley might manifest varied interest in training. Since each
village selected as a research site met c rite ria that defined its
representative stature within the area in which i t was located,
380
evidence of differential receptivity to skills-acquisition at the
village level could be generalized to the larger subregional unit
and thereby serve as input for training programs that seek to increase
labor participation within the female population of the area.
According to the values computed by the chi-square test,
which are reported in Table 55, interest in ski 11s-development and
village site were systematically related with respect to only two
fields: crop harvesting and office administration. The chi-square
of 8.40000 with df = 3 derived with respect to the former, and the
value of 11.15259 with df = 3 regarding the la tte r, were s ta tis tic a lly
significant at the .05 level. The lambda statis tic measured a meager
6 percent to 7 percent increase in predictive a b ility for each of
these associations, however, thereby revealing that the variables
contributed minimally to estimation of one another.
In terms of the data overall and without reference to
particular skills areas, the greatest interest in training was
expressed by residents of El-Manshiya, whose responses accounted for
38.8 percent of the total generated. Favorable reaction among
respondents residing in Muaddi was computed at 29.1 percent, which
was the lowest level recorded for a ll village sites, while the rate
derived for wom en in El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein was 32.1 percent.
W hen receptivity to specific fields of training was
considered, the response emerging from El-Manshiya exceeded that of
the other two villages with respect to a ll skills areas except animal
care, in which residents at the Southern site demonstrated slightly
greater interest. The differentials between the three villages were
Table 55
In te re st in Skills-Development Training Areas in
Relation to V illage Residence
Village
Skills Area
El-
Kafrein
Jaufat/
El-
Kafrein
Subtotals:
El-Kafrein/
Jaufat Muaddi
El-
Manshiya
Chi-
Square
Degrees
of
Freedom Lam bda
Sewing 24 15 39 42 42 5.12195 3 0.02203
Embroidery 17 14 31 32 39 2.68791 3 0.06198
Knitting 19 13 32 37 39 3.54575 3 0.04545
Pottery Making 11 8 19 9 20 6.72454 3 0.05851
Crop Planting 9 9 18 16 24 2.47731 3 0.04040
Crop Harvesting 5 5 10 4 16 8.40000* 3 0.07059
Farm Equipment 3 6 9 4 12 5.67567 3 0.04848
Animal Care 8 10 18 13 16 1.37057 3 0.01604
Food Processing 14 11 25 30 35 3.44167 3 0.02174
Nutrition 15 11 26 28 37 4.92566 3 0.05628
Health 11 12 23 18 28 3.30250 3 0.04785
House Care 18 12 30 30 34 2.69626 3 0.02137
Office Administration 15 7 22 11 23 11.15259* 3 0.06122
*£ < .05
CO
00
382
not sufficiently prominent, however, to enable the test of
statistical significance to establish a systematic association
between location of residence and 11 of the fields surveyed. Crop
harvesting and office administration were the only areas generating
levels of interest that distinguished respondents located at
El-Manshiya from w om en at the other sites.
For most of the spheres of training included in the study,
furthermore, the development of skills prompted a favorable response
from a mere minority of the sample derived from each village. Sewing
generated the greatest expression of interest at a ll research sites
and was the only a c tiv ity in which over one-half of the respondents
at each location stated that they would seek instruction. Comparable
segments from Muaddi and El-Manshiya (52.9 percent and 55.7 percent,
respectively) selected knitting as a fie ld of training. Embroidery,
food processing and nutrition were the only remaining fields that
appealed to a majority of a village sample, which in each case,
referred to the residents of El-Manshiya whose rates of interest were
recorded as 55.7 percent, 50.0 percent, and 52.9 percent, respec
tively.
An alternative source of information for the formulation of
strategies to realize the labor potential of Valley wom en centers
upon their receptivity to ski 1Is-development training in relation to
labor experience. Both the incidence of work and the type of labor
performed by economically active wom en might contribute to interest
in instruction in specific skills areas. For example, female
residents who are engaged in labor activities might perceive a need
383
to enhance a b ilitie s in connection with their performance of current
tasks. Alternatively, dissatisfaction with their present fie ld of
activity might foster interest in the acquisition of skills in another
sphere. Am ong wom en who do not participate in the economic sector,
receptivity to instruction in particular fields would constitute an
index of potential labor resources that could be drawn upon in the
future.
Because wom en who were economically active either before or
at the time of the interviews tended to report more than one work
a c tiv ity , case frequencies were organized into eight distributions
to investigate the relationship postulated between their labor
participation and their interest in training in each skills area.
W hen the data referred to wom en currently engaged in the economic
sphere, the chi-square sta tis tic produced values that were
s ta tis tic a lly significant at conventional levels with regard to only
6 of the 13 fields surveyed. As noted in Table 56, c rite ria of
rejection were satisfied for a majority of the distributions in only
three of these cases, which lent support to the alternative
hypothesis when the association involved each of the following: crop
harvesting, which was the only activity for which significance was
measured at the .01 or the .05 level for all eight cross-tabulations;
farm equipment for six distributions and crop planting for five
distributions. According to the lambda coefficients reported in
Table 56, which with one exception did not exceed 10 percent, however,
improvement in prediction with respect to a ll of the observed
relations was meager.
Table 56
In te rest in Skills-Development Training Areas in Relation to Type
of Labor A c tiv ity (Respondents Currently Working)
Skills Area
Kind of Work9
Sew-
ins
Embroid
ery
Knit
ting
Pottery
Making
Crop
Planting
Crop
Harvesting
Farm
Equipment
Agriculture:
Planting (19) 12 8 10 7 6 4 3
Watering (2) 2 2 1 2 2 1 1
Weeding (31) 16 12 10 8 11 6 5
Harvesting (40) 22 17 17 9 15 12 8
Animal Care (14) 7 5 5 5 5 3 2
Handicrafts:
Sewi ng/Dres sm a k i ng
(17) 7 6 6 3 4 1 1
Embroidery (16) 11 9 9 5 6 5 3
Crochet/Kni tti ng (7) 5 3 5 3 1 1 1
Woolwork (3) 2 2 3 2 1 0 0
Collect Firewood (2) 1 0 0 1 0 0 0
Food Processing (4) 3 3 2 1 2 1 1
Marketing/Trade (2) 1 1 2 1 2 1 0
"Arab" Doctor (1) 1 1 1 0 1 0 0
Janitor/Maid (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Teaching (5) 5 4 5 1 2 0 0
3
Multiple responses provided.
CO
C o
Table 56 (Continued)
Skills Area
Pottery Crop Crop Farm
Sewing Embroi dery Kni tti ng Making Planting Harvesting Equipment
Chi-Square
(df = 13) 21.54489 15.79690 20.38969 13.54532 22.96928* 31.97064** 10.54480
(df =
13)
12.25513 11.48330 14.97487 19.54860 24.85655* 30.25159** 16.11023
(df =
10) 9.51919 11.39155 13.04970 23.74463** 10.15066 21.53893* 20.15843*
(df =
9)
14.56820 13.48112 14.43104 18.11668* 15.86849 25.88541** 21.45746*
(df =
8)
7.25506 8.63855 9.30207 14.22649 14.23294 24.56824** 20.75426**
(df =
7)
4.03034 5.42049 5.56644 10.58304 14.91152* 25.06746** 20.09187**
(df =
6)
4.74923 6.07731 5.95781 10.83451 13.42453* 25.10213** 21.14738**
(df = 4)
3.62284 5.07173 4.95456 7.97735 11.03171* 18.54143** 10.52962*
Lam bda 0.06707 0.06145 0.07263 0.01600 0.05185 0.02804 0.0
0.04138 0.05000 0.08750 0.02830 0.06034 0.03409 0.01205
0.03906 0.04895 0.09790 0.06742 0.03030 0.02817 0.03030
0.06667 0.05185 0.09630 0.04938 0.05495 0.04762 0.03448
0.03448 0.03053 0.06870 0.03896 0.05747 0.05085 0.03704
0.0 0.03333 0.04167 0.04545 0.06579 0.06250 0.04651
0.01042 0.03604 0.02703 0.05263 0.07463 0.10256 0.05882
0.0 0.02804 0.01869 0.03774 0.06349 0.08571 0.03333
*£ < .05
* * £ < .01
CO
0 0
cn
Table 56 (Continued)
Skills Area
Kind of W orka
Animal
Care
Food
Processing Nutrition Health
House
Care
Office
Administration
Agriculture:
Planting (19) 6 9 10 8 11 4
Watering (2) 1 2 1 2 2 0
Weeding (31) 6 14 13 13 16 8
Harvesting (40) 10 16 18 15 19 10
Animal Care (14) 6 6 6 6 7 3
Handicrafts:
Sewing/Dress
making (17) 4 6 6 6 7 5
Embroidery (16) 6 8 9 7 8 6
Crochet/
Knitting (7) 4 4 5 3 4 3
Woolwork (3) 3 3 3 2 3 1
Collect Firewood (1) 1 1 1 1 1 1
Food Processing (4) 2 3 3 1 2 1
Marketing/Trade (2) 2 2 2 1 1 1
"Arab" Doctor (1) 0 0 0 1 0 0
Janitor/Maid (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0
Teaching (5) 1 5 4 1 4 4
aMu1tiple responses provided.
CO
0 0
< T >
Table 56 (Continued)
Skills Area
Ki nd of W orka
Animal
Care
Food
Processing Nutrition Health
House
Care
Office
Administration
Chi-Square
(df = 13) 18.22461 14.24165 14.34028 11.88039 11.81083 14.56286
(df = 13) 22.32451 10.70556 11.53016 16.18301 13.90105 6.38243
(df = 10) 16.41342 11.82085 7.02211 12.49612 12.13157 10.35009
(df = 9) 18.32117* 11.86481 11.79720 18.20567* 13.72715 10.83530
(df = 8) 13.50806 7.12161 7.03493 17.50142* 8.93149 8.05389
(df = 7) 13.89766 6.26293 6.10859 7.74562 7.86488 11.36186
(df = 6) 14.43117* 7.28078 7.17532 7.24561 7.40335 6.60575
(df = 4) 11.51553* 6.15203 6.06224 4.88346 6.32070 4.04518
Lam bda 0.02419 0.05389 0.06548 0.02055 0.06433 0.03008
0.04762 0.04054 0.05369 0.05512 0.07237 0.0
0.04545 0.04580 0.03030 0.04545 0.05185 0.03093
0.05000 0.05691 0.05645 0.07843 0.07087 0.03371
0.03947 0.04202 0.04167 0.08163 0.05691 0.02353
0.04615 0.04630 0.04587 0.03448 0.06250 0.05405
0.07143 0.05051 0.05000 0.03846 0.05825 0.03077
0.05769 0.04211 0.04167 0.02703 0.05051 0.01639
Multiple responses provided.
*p < .05
**p < .01
CO
00
"vj
388
The consistency disclosed with respect to only three of the
eight cross-tabulations when the fie ld of instruction referred to
animal care, and for two distributions each regarding health and
pottery making, resulted in retention of the hypothesis of indepen
dence when the training variable pertained to these areas. For the
seven remaining fields included in the study, moreover, the
statistical results generated with respect to economically active
wom en prompted the conclusion that receptivity in training in these
spheres and the type of work they performed were not systematically
related.
Comparable findings were derived when the statistical
procedures were applied to data pertaining to wom en who had worked
before the survey was conducted, as well as to the subjects who had
never been economically active. With respect to the former, none
of the four distributions established to test relatedness between
each of the training fields and the prior labor activity of the
respondents recorded a chi-square value that achieved standards of
statistical significance at either the .01 or the .05 level. W hen
the investigation focused upon female residents who had never
engaged in economically productive labor, the chi-square of 3.96108
with df = 1 derived with respect to this work status and receptivity
to instruction in crop planting was significant (j d < .05), which
provided support for the alternative hypothesis of association
between these variables. The small deviations from expected values
computed with respect to a ll other skills areas, however, resulted in
Table 57
Interest in Skills-Development Training Areas in Relation to Type of
Labor A c tiv ity (Respondents W h o Worked Previously)
Skills Area
Kind of Work3
Sew
ing
Embroid
ery Knitting
Pottery
Making
Crop
Planting
Crop
Harvesting
Farm
Equipment
Agriculture:
Planting (6) 4 3 3 3 2 1 0
Watering (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Weeding (8) 5 4 5 4 1 1 0
Harvesting (11) 7 6 8 4 2 1 0
Animal Care (2) 2 1 1 2 1 0 0
Handicrafts:
Sewing/Dress-
making (4) 3 1 2 0 0 0 0
Crochet/
Knitting (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Food Process- :
ing (1) 1 0 0 1 1 0 0
Nursing (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Hairdressing (1) 0 0 0 0 1 0 0
3
Multiple responses provided.
Table 57 (Continued)
__________________ Skills Area___________________________________
Embroid- Pottery Crop Crop Farm
Sewi ng ery________ Knitting Making_____ Planting Harvesting Eguipment
Chi-Square
(df = 6) 4.00233 2.85195 3.91598 7.14668 6.22775 2.50935 2.98719
(df « 5) 5.74875 3.62257 6.29142 10.74280 4.58346 1.89220 1.27067
(df = 3) 2.20223 2.28572 2.40289 7.03214 3.06062 1.22547 0.69216
(df = 2)
2.12169 2.00328 2.00328 3.67933 0.77050 0.33654 0.27287
Lam bda 0.01869 0.0 0.01639 0.0 0.01282 0.0 0.0
0.02083 0.01802 0.02703 0.05263 0.01493 0.0 0.0
0.01087 0.00935 0.01869 0.03774 0.01587 0.0 0.0
0.01124 0.00962 0.00962 0.02000 0.0 0.0 0.0
390
Table 57 (Continued)
3
Animal Food
Skills Area
Health
House Office
Kind of W ork Care Processing Nutrition Care Administration
Agriculture:
Planting (6) 2 2 2 2 3 1
Watering (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0
Weeding (3) . 3 5 5 3 5 2
Harvesting (11) 3 6 6 4 6 2
Animal Care (2) 1 1 1 1 2 0
Handicrafts:
Sewing/Dress
making (4) 1 1 1 2 1 0
Crochet/
Knitting (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0
Food Processing (1) 0 0 0 0 1 0
Nursing (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0
Hairdressing (1) 0 1 1 1 1 1
aMultiple responses provided.
OJ
Table 57 (Continued)
Animal
Care
Food
Processing
Skills
Nutrition
Area
Health
House
Care
Office
Administration
Chi-Square
(df = 6) 2.18282 5.04174 5.05477 3.29454 4.85377 6.48176
(df = 5) 4.48690 6.97097 6.90687 3.02285 7.21723 1.23134
(df = 3) 3.98537 2.19485 2.19512 2.53596 2.63801 0.79823
(df = 2) 3.76487 2.08373 2.07275 2.53540 2.04460 0.73427
Lam bda 0.0 0.02727 0.02703 0.01124 0.02632 0.01316
0.01786 0.04040 0.04000 0.01282 0.04854 0.0
0.01923 0.01053 0.01042 0.01351 0.02020 0.0
0.02041 0.01087 0.01075 0.01408 0.01042 0.0
CO
VO
ro
393
Table 58
In te re s t in Skills-Developm ent Training Areas
(Respondents W ho Never Worked)
Ski 1 Is-Area
Interest in Training
Yes No Chi-Square3 Lambda
Sewi ng 67 45 0.06387 0.0
Embroidery 58 54 0.73606 0.02000
Kni tting 57 55 0.00077 0.0
Pottery Making 25 87 0.00109 0.0
Crop Planting 24 88 3.96108* 0.06410
Crop Harvesting 14 98 0.35156 0.01563
Farm Equipment 15 97 0.24831 0.0
Animal Care 22 90 0.72555 0.02069
Food Processing 47 65 0.01953 0.0
Nutrition 45 67 0.71691 0.00529
Health 32 80 1.60355 0.02994
House Care 47 65 0.53659 0.0
Offi ce Admi ni strati on 31 81 0.03924 0.0
aCorrected chi-square.
*£ < .05
394
a failure to reject the null hypothesis for the relationships
involving these training variables.
Examination of the emphasis placed upon various fields of
instruction by economically active wom en indicated that interest in
handicraft activities exceeded that for all other skills areas
regardless of the sector in which the wom en worked. As the
statistical results disclosed, systematic variation in response
according to the type of labor performed by female workers emerged
only with respect to agricultural tasks, which of a ll of the fields
surveyed, generated the least favorable response overall. Dis
aggregation of the data revealed that a high proportion of the
respondents who were receptive to instruction in these activities
were engaged in the agricultural sphere: 74.3 percent of those
expressing interest in crop harvesting, for example, were w om en who
worked in farming.
W hen the level of interest in skills-development was
considered in terms of the incidence of work a c tiv ity , slight
differentiation emerged between the response pattern of wom en who
participated in labor a c tiv itie s , either before or at the time of
the survey, and that of female residents who had never been
economically active. Except for handicraft ac tiv itie s, less than
one-half of the respondents included in each subset were receptive
to training in the fields surveyed. Data pertaining to instruction
in specific skills areas, moreover, indicated that variation between
w om en with different work backgrounds was> meager. Instruction in
sewing, for example, prompted a favorable response from 57.9 percent
395
of the economically active respondents, 61.1 percent of those who
had worked previously, and 59.8 percent of the wom en without work
experience. Training in areas in which Valley wom en have not
traditionally worked tended to appeal to a proportionately larger
segment of the respondents who were engaged in labor activities.
O n the other hand, levels of interest in non-conventional fields
diverged only minimally am ong female residents with varied work
backgrounds and were, in addition, consistently lower than those
recorded for handicrafts. This pattern is illustrated by the rates
derived with regard to office administration, which were 28.7
percent, 16.7 percent, and 27.7 percent for the respective labor
participation categories noted above.
According to the results of the statistical analysis, few
distinctive trends characterized the receptivity of Valley wom en to
training in most of the skills areas included in the study in
relation to either their village site or their work background. In
essence, the examination indicated that residency in different parts
of the Valley or varied labor experiences contribute meager evidence
pertinent to the formulation of programs to develop labor skills
within the female population of the area. Another disclosure
emerging from this investigation' concerned the limited interest in
skills-development training expressed by female residents in general,
regardless of their location in the region or incidence of work.
Factors contributing to this pattern, as well as implications for
planning that seeks to enhance the potential of wom en as a labor
resource in the Valley, are reviewed in the next section.
396
Discussion o f Findings
The in a b ility to discern clear patterns of labor a c tiv ity
am ong Valley w om en who have formal education prompted an inquiry into
the reasons for th e ir attendance at school as an index of expected
outcomes from th e ir educational pursuits. This additional area of
research was undertaken s p ecifically to determine i f female
residents included interest in the development of labor-related
qualifications am ong the factors contributing to th e ir enrollment
in school. Evidence of a perceived linkage between education and
work a c tiv ity , p a rtic u la rly in professional fie ld s , would be
consistent with theories that posit a close articu latio n between
schooling and employment in the modern labor market and that further
characterize education as producing comparable labor participation
effects for w om en and men.
Application of s ta tis tic a l procedures to survey data
revealed not only that resons for school attendance differed
according to the level of education attained by Valley women, but
also that work-related preparation was a key reason for the e n ro ll
ment of those who were currently in school. The importance of this
motive to the large segment of students who intended to pursue
education at the postsecondary level contrasts with the negligible
recognition that i t was accorded by w om en whose schooling had ended,
most of w h om had not m atriculted beyond the primary cycle. This
divergence suggests that continued schooling, p a rtic u la rly to
re la tiv e ly high levels within the formal structure, might contribute
to in terest in economic participation as well as enhance awareness
397
of outcomes from schooling in terms of labor roles that could
encourage female students to remain in school to develop q u a lific a
tions for work a c tiv itie s .
Other findings derived from the s ta tis tic a l analysis appear
to support the postulated effe c t of continued school attendance upon
both work aspirations and recognition of education as preparation
for future economic roles. The d iffe re n tia l in work expectations
am ong single w om en in relation to th e ir educational backgrounds--on
the one hand, those enrolled in school w ho generally anticipated
engaging in labor a c tiv itie s a fte r marriage and, on the other hand,
the large segment of female residents who no longer attended school
and did not expect to be economically active--p aralleled the
variance observed with respect to th e ir delineation of work-ski 11s
acquisition as a reason for going to school. The tendency for
students who had reached the highest educational levels recorded in
the survey to select professional fie ld s as th e ir preferred work
a c tiv itie s also can be reviewed in terms of th e ir school experience
and s p e c ific a lly , the aspirations that Standing (1976) attributed
to education. Thus, while school at the preparatory level and
beyond might foster expectations am ong w om en that they w ill engage
in the labor force irrespective of th e ir m arital status, i t could
further impact upon th e ir attitudes regarding appropriate spheres of
work and thereby delim it the range of areas defined as preferred
labor a c tiv itie s .
Other factors might contribute to the emphasis placed upon
work-related preparation as a reason for schooling am ong Valley w om en
398
w ho were pursuing educational programs at the time of the survey.
Most of the respondents enrolled in school were not only single but
also drawn from the 15 to 24 year old age range, which suggests that
they were not yet to ta lly preoccupied with household and childrearing
tasks. Age, coupled with few family res p o n s ib ilitie s , could
fa c ilita te consideration of labor roles as options for the future.
A change in the spheres of a c tiv itie s viewed as appropriate for
w om en also could be involved. While female schooling has gained
acceptance from a broad segment of the V alley's population, approval
of women's participation in the economic sphere and thus, an
a lte ra tio n in the tra d itio n a l division of labor, might be concentratec
am ong younger residents. The tendency for these factors to be
coexistent underscores the d iffic u lty in distinguishing th e ir
particu lar effects. For example, since w om en aged 15 to 24 years
comprised the vast portion of the respondents who were attending
school, age might contribute to the development of work aspirations
am ong Valley w om en essentially in conjunction with education,
p a rtic u larly at high levels.
The findings derived with respect to w om en who had attended
school before the survey was conducted appear to challenge the
premise that these factors—education, age, and changing attitudes
regarding suitable a c tiv itie s for women—were prominent, eith er
individually or jo in tly , in fostering recognition of labor outcomes
from education or in generating interest in work-related q u a lific a
tions as a motive for schooling-. In a manner comparable to those
399
currently enrolled in school, for example, a large segment of the
respondents with prior schooling (80.3 percent) were between 15 and
24 years of age. Yet only one am ong them cited preparation for labor
participation as a reason for attending school.
Regardless of th e ir school enrollment in relatio n to the
survey, on the other hand, the preference for professional fie ld s
indicated by single w om en who had matriculated beyond the primary
cycle, while those with lower levels designated handicrafts or
agricultural tasks as future labor a c tiv itie s , suggests that awareness
of an association between education and work in the modern sector
might develop when students reach re la tiv e ly high grades. I t is
possible, therefore, that a threshold level of education, at the
preparatory cycle and above,predisposes w om en in favor of not only
participation in spheres in which Valley w om en have generally not
worked, notably in the market economy, but also further education to
achieve qu alifications requisite for employment in these areas.
The major e ffe c t of continued schooling upon interest in
economic participation might refer to the provision of information
regarding alternative roles and lif e styles that are not tra d itio n a lly
associated with the female -population of the region. Education
beyond the primary level also might expand awareness of benefits
from employment in the modern sector (e .g ., increased status), as
well as the s k ills required for participation in professional and
technical fie ld s . While schooling in the Valley might enhance
cognition of options and foster aspirations for engaging in non-
con ventional areas, the lack of relatedness between the content of
400
educational programs and the work performed by Valley w om en fosters
speculation regarding the extent to which education provides the
means for f u lf illin g these expectations.
The appraisal offered by economically active w om en regarding
th e ir schooling's usefulness to the work they performed illu s tra te s
this point. O n the one hand, a favorable assessment emerged with
regard to fie ld s that account for a minority share of female labor
in the region (e .g ., teaching, handicraft production). In terms of
the primary economic sector in which female residents work, on the
other hand, the markedly negative reaction derived from w om en engaged
in agriculture reflects the lim ited value which they a ttrib u te to
th e ir schooling as i t pertains to the performance of th e ir tasks.
As educational services have expanded in the Valley, instruction
offered to the female population through the schools appears to
generate labor effects prim arily in a few nonagricultural fie ld s .
This raises in question what ro le , i f any, planners have conceived
for education in terms of promoting the interest of female residents
in participating in agriculture and enhancing th e ir s k ills in this
sphere as well as a diversified range of nonagricultural a c tiv itie s .
While work aspirations am ong Valley w om en could be associated
with th e ir educational experience, the expectations of parents also
figure prominently in the schooling of female residents according
to the factors that respondents defined as th e ir reasons for attend
ing school. The importance of this motive attests to the authority
of parents within the social structure of the region, which was
disclosed as well by the id e n tific a tio n of parental opposition as a
401
major constraint upon female schooling. Reference to parental
expectations, moreover, was made prim arily by w om en whose education
had ended at the primary cycle, which contrasts with currently
enrolled respondents, few of w hom noted the wishes of parents as a
reason for schooling. The difference can be interpreted in terms of
the source of interest in education which appeared to be largely
self-generated in the case of the la tte r , thereby suggesting a role
in decisions regarding th e ir education, while the predominant impetus
regarding the former was provided by parents rather than the students
themselves.
In view of trad itio n al norms regarding the division of labor,
as well as the lack of relation al patterns between the labor a c tiv ity
of Valley w om en and educational or occupational characteristics of
th e ir parents, i t is probable that the la tte r's expectations regarding
th e ir daughters1 schooling refe r to anticipated outcomes that are
compatible with prevailing values: for example, the status that
education confers upon the student and her fam ily, or knowledge that
increases the a b ility to care for children and manage a home.
Benefits from education, on the other hand, might not be conceptual
ized in terms of such tangible effects. Although s ta tis tic a l findings
indicated a lower incidence of school attendance am ong daughters whose
fathers had no schooling in comparison with w om en whose fathers had
formal education, the paucity of schooling reported by Valley w om en
as prevalent am ong th e ir parents might heighten the value accorded to
the opportunity to attend school which might thereby constitute a key
factor in parental decisions to send daughters to school.
402
The emphasis placed upon the acquisition of general knowledge,
which was the foremost reason defined by w om en with formal education
for th e ir enrollment in school, appears consistent with this
interp retatio n. Female residents, as well as th e ir parents, might
view education as a process to be valued prim arily in its ow n rig h t.
Reference to "general knowledge," on the other hand, could signify
a primary concern for developing general competence as opposed to
concrete s k ills and a b ilitie s that pertain to particu lar roles.
While this implies that Valley w om en do not associate education with
labor-related preparation, i t also could re fle c t a reluctance to
indicate a perceived linkage because of existing norms regarding
female a c tiv ity in the economic sphere. A ltern atively, the ambiguity
of this motive suggests that female residents might lack c la rity in
th e ir awareness of the reasons for attending school or the outcomes
that they could derive from th e ir education.
The primacy of economic need as a motive for labor a c tiv ity
reveals greater precision in the delineation of factors that
constitute incentives to the work participation of w om en in the
Valley. By emphasizing financial concerns not only to the virtu a l
exclusion of other motives, but also beyond the level reported by
female workers in nonagricultural fie ld s , w om en engaged in agriculture
seem to contend that as economic conditions dictate th e ir performance
of farm tasks, th e ir participation in this sector stems from
necessity and not choice. Reference to the lack of opportunities as
a reason cited by female labor for th e ir interest in remaining in
th e ir present work is consistent with the interpretation that farming
403
is not a preferred sphere of a c tiv ity for Valley women, but one which
they pursue because they do not perceive alternatives that yield the
needed financial benefits or for which they possess the requisite
s k ills .
According to data generated to investigate payment am ong
female labor in the region, the lower incidence of wage compensation
reported by w om en farmers in comparison with female residents working
in nonagricultural fie ld s appears to signify that the former's labor
does not achieve the financial gain—and thus, th e ir primary
objective—as e ffe c tiv e ly as work in other sectors. From this
standpoint, the continued participation of w om en in farming might be
misguided. The application of monetary c rite ria in assessing the
outcomes of labor a c tiv ity , however, distorts the economic value of
the work performed by w om en in agriculture. I t overlooks both the
ind irect e ffe c t upon income-generation associated with labor performed
in fam ily enterprises which accounts for the major share of farm
production in the region, and also the value inherent in the products
raised for household consumption.
The rate of non-payment evident am ong female labor regardless
of th e ir sector of a c tiv ity , moreover, should not detract from
recognition of the marked increase in compensation indicated by the
survey data, which reflected an improvement of 28.3 percent over the
level recorded in 1973. (As noted in Chapter I , 72.2 percent of the
female labor force in 1973 were unpaid workers in fam ily enterprises.)
For wom en who perform agricultural tasks, this s p e c ific ally suggests
a reduction of those working as unpaid family labor, as well as
404
growth in monetary benefits that could enhance fam ily income levels.
F in a lly, the economic effects of female farm work should be reviewed
in the context of labor conditions in the Valley; namely, the
scarcity of a ltern ative opportunities for w om en and the preferential
hiring of m en in most fie ld s . Reference also should be made to the
marginal s k ills possessed by those presently engaged in farming and
the lack of training programs to increase and diversify th e ir
qualifications for economic roles.
The high rate of compensation reported by w om en workingtfn
nonagricultural fie ld s can be considered in terms of the expected
increase in wage employment in nonfarm a c tiv itie s resulting from the
substantial investment in infrastructure and social services in the
region. However, the predominance of handicraft production am ong
w om en engaged in the nonagricultural sphere and, s p e c ific a lly , the
restricted outlets for th e ir products, detract from conclusions
regarding the greater potential for income-generation am ong nonfarm
workers than farmers. This caveat underscores the need to examine
both the level of wages earned by female workers in nonagricultural
a c tiv itie s and the marketing capacity of handicrafts for those
producing such items.
Although economic factors were characterized as the major
incentive to th e ir labor, w om en engaged in teaching, handicrafts,
or other nonfarm fie ld s disclosed a greater propensity to c ite
altern ative motives than farm workers. The variance can be
interpreted in terms of economic status. W o m en working in these
areas might have a degree of financial security that fa c ilita te s
405
acquisition of the instruction requisite fo r performance of tasks in
these spheres and th at, moreover? reduces the need to work solely as
economic circumstances d ic ta te , which could constrain the choice of
a c tiv itie s in lig h t of available opportunities.
Education that provides background appropriate to employment
in these field s also could be involved. While raising expectations
regarding suitable spheres of work, schooling might further contribute
to awareness of the reduction in economic dependency upon kin and the
heightened self-esteem associated with labor p articip atio n ,
p a rtic u larly in the modern wage sector. Recognition of alternative
outcomes such as these might foster a reluctance to engage in areas
that do not y ie ld comparable benefits in terms of self-su fficien cy
and personal development.
The strength of tra d itio n a l norms pertaining to the division
of labor, on the other hand, could accord primacy to the view that
equates work performed by w om en for wages with the in a b ility of the
family to provide for its members. The shame stemming from this
association might encourage female residents to indicate factors other
than financial need, such as an in terest in f illin g free time, as a
reason for th e ir labor. The low status of certain types of work,
for example, weeding and crop harvesting, could further induce the
w om en who perform such labor to explain th e ir participation in terms
suggesting that the a c tiv ity is non-essential and possibly temporary.
The predominance of economic factors in motivating work
a c tiv ity am ong w om en prompts speculation that with rising liv in g
standards in the V alley, the financial inducement to th e ir labor
406
participation might diminish. In addition to a net loss in revenues
for fam ilies residing in the region, a plausible outcome would be
the increased confinement of female residents to a narrow range of
a c tiv itie s that focus prim arily upon fam ily and the household. While
awareness might increase, on the other hand, that the wages earned by
female kin contribute to higher living standards than might otherwise
be achieved, the other motives id e n tifie d by w om en engaged in the
nonfarm sector might provide a source of altern ative incentives to
promote female economic participation in a region characterized by
a shortage of labor.
The re la tiv e ly small segment of w om en currently working in
nonagricultural fie ld s as a proportion of the to ta l female labor
force, as well as the insignificance of non-economic factors to those
engaged in farming indicate, however, that planning to increase
female labor a c tiv ity in the Valley must incorporate the expansion of
opportunities that can respond to prevailing needs and interests.
Another p rio rity is the formulation of strategies to promote
altern ative motives for th e ir continued particip atio n. Generating
interest in the development of s k ills pertinent to areas in which
female residents presently work, as well as additional spheres
reflectin g recent alterations in the sectoral distribution of
employment, constitutes one dimension of this e ffo rt.
Various patterns emerged that appear salient to projects to
expand the labor roles of w om en when research regarding the receptiv
ity of Valley w om en to training in 13 d iffe re n t fie ld was conducted
in reference to th e ir v illag e residency and labor experience. The
407
meager in terest recorded for agricultural training regardless of
eith er of these variables provides additional support for the view
that w om en in the region perceive farm labor as a necessary rather
than a preferred a c tiv ity . The s lig h tly greater recep tivity to
instruction in this sphere am ong w om en residing in El-Manshiya could
stem from the more advanced stage of agricultural production, with
its related prospects of greater economic benefits, that character
izes the Northern Area. A comparable tendency for w om en engaged in
farming to manifest a higher level of interest in farm -related
training than w om en working in other sectors might be interpreted
in terms of the former's perception of a lack of altern ative work
opportunities, which could contribute to a desire to increase
productivity in th e ir present work, or in a related vein, to the
expectation of financial gain as a resu lt of the enhancement of
th e ir s k ills . The minimal in terest in agricultural training am ong
w om en engaged in other fie ld s , on the other hand, appears illu s tra tiv e
of the low status of farm work. I t also could re fle c t the possession
of s k ills requisite for access to other labor opportunities that
yield the outcomes they expect, e .g ., monetary benefits and enhanced
status.
While interest in areas in which Valley w om en have not
generally worked, e .g ., o ffic e adm inistration, was slig h t o v e ra ll,
the re la tiv e ly more positive response am ong female residents from
El-Manshiya could be associated with the a v a ila b ility of opportunities
in these spheres resulting from the concentration of early develop
ment effo rts in the Northern Area. The more recent expansion of the
408
nonfarm sector, which could lim it awareness of labor prospects,is
lik e ly to account fo r the meager recep tivity apparent am ong
respondents from Muaddi. Although variation in response, according
to educational background, was not c le a rly established by the
s ta tis tic a l analysis, i t is possible that schooling could contribute
to interest in non-conventional fie ld s . The favorable reaction to
o ffice administration am ong teachers who attained the highest levels
of education recorded in the study can be reviewed in this context.
The findings derived from this investigation foster several
considerations pertaining to projects to increase female labor
a c tiv ity in the region. The general consistency evident in the
recep tivity of female residents to training in relation to th e ir
location in the Valley sign ifies a minimal need to plan s k ills -
development instruction on the basis of residency in d iffe re n t parts
of the Valley. In spite of the specific features characterizing the
subregions, the s ta tis tic a l analysis suggests that programs can be
formulated without reference to the specific area in which the
training w ill be provided.
Evidence pertaining to work experience prompts a sim ilar
conclusion. In spite of the slig h t interest in agricultural training
generally, however, the more favorable response from those engaged in
farm tasks indicates a source of labor interested in enhancing s k ills
in a sector in which a labor shortage and low productivity have been
defined as major factors impeding its development.
The low level of interest in ski 11s-acquisition o v e ra ll, as
disclosed by the survey of the 13 fie ld s included in the study, has
409
further implications for programs that seek to promote female
participation in the economic sphere. O n the one hand, this finding
could signify that in accordance with norms opposing th e ir labor
p articip atio n , Valley w om en prefer trad itio n al household-based roles
rather than non-conventional a c tiv itie s . Receptivity to instruction
in handicrafts as the only sphere generating a favorable response
from a m ajority of the respondents at a ll v illa g e sites appears to
illu s tra te this point. An alternative interpretation involving
normative concerns is a reluctance to manifest in terest in field s
outside of the sphere tra d itio n a lly id e n tifie d with the female
population.
One the other hand, the slig h t enthusiasm for training in a
range of s k ills areas might stem from an in a b ility to perceive
specific benefits from the instruction. In view of the lim ited
educational background of the female population of the region, a
lack of c la rity could prevail regarding possible outcomes from
training programs, which also was suggested with respect to the
ambiguous reference to a desire for general knowledge by Valley
w om en as th e ir foremost reason for attending school. Moreover,, the
importance of fam ily res p o n sib ilities, which has been defined as a
deterrent to both continued schooling and labor a c tiv ity am ong female
residents, might account for th e ir reluctance to consider additional
a c tiv itie s , such as work-related trainin g. In a comparable manner,
the re la tiv e ly high rate of labor a c tiv ity am ong w om en in Muaddi
could contribute to th e ir meager recep tivity to skills-development
instruction, thereby illu s tra tin g the d iffic u lty with which female
410
residents perceive the accommodation of training programs am ong th e ir
present resp o n sib ilities.
The patterns emerging from the s ta tis tic a l analysis suggest
that expansion of female participation in the V alley's economy must
e n ta il, as an in it ia l concern, the formulation of strategies to
foster in terest in developing work-related s k ills within the female
population. The discussion of findings from the research discloses
several pertinent factors; fo r example, relating outcomes from
instruction to p articu lar needs and concerns, such as economic
conditions, childrearing, or increased self-esteem; designing the
format of programs to take into account current roles and time
constraints; and gaining support for training courses from fam ily
members and key community personnel (e .g ., teachers, villa g e notables,
religious leaders) and, thus, segments of the population that might
res is t the participation of female residents in accordance with
tra d itio n al norms. F in a lly , i f the potential that w om en o ffer as a
source of labor in the region is to be realized , incentives must
constitute another component of plans to encourage w om en to consider
developing labor-related q u alificatio n s, as well as to engage in
programs to prepare for participation in the economic sphere.
Summary
The s ta tis tic a l treatment of survey data pertaining to the
female population of the East Jordan Valley produced mixed findings
when relation al propositions were examined to derive answers to
questions that constituted the framework of this study. The analysis
conducted with reference to associations involving education and______
411
labor a c tiv ity , which were the primary focus of the research,
disclosed a tendency for current schooling and work a c tiv ity am ong
female residents to occur independently. No cldar patterns of labor
participation am ong w om en with formal education emerged, on the other
hand, which precluded conclusions concerning outcomes from schooling
in terms of the economic roles that w om en perform in the region.
W hen the investigation centered upon female education in the
Valley, d iffe re n tia ls in school background were consistently related
to age, which was a p a rtic u la rly strong predictor of a lack of
schooling within the female population. The variance in school
attendance according to age was reviewed essentially in terms of
changing circumstances in the area, including improved access to
school and increased approval fo r women's education.
Change also was apparent in the factors constraining school
attendance, with physical obstacles, such as the a v a ila b ility of
f a c ilit ie s , noted as having diminished in importance, although
attitudes reflectin g established norms remained prominent. While
lim ited in scope, expected outcomes from schooling, defined in terms
of reasons for attending school, were observed to vary in relation to
the level of education attained by female residents. In this regard,
preparation for future labor participation as an incentive to school
attendance was concentrated prim arily am ong students who had advanced
beyond the primary grades and who also expressed interest in pursuing
postsecondary education. This finding led to the postulation that
awareness of an association between schooling and labor a c tiv ity am ong
female residents occurs at a certain threshold level of education.
412
The data analysis focusing upon hypotheses that involved
female labor participation in the Valley yielded l i t t l e evidence
to support the inclusion of economic a c tiv itie s am ong the " a lte r
natives" to which Youssef (1976-1977) referred when interpreting the
provision of educational opportunities for w om en as an indicator of
the approval accorded to roles outside of the household. (Youssef*s
viewpoint was presented in the "Review of the L ite ra tu re ." )
Although w om en performing nonfarm tasks provided a more favorable
appraisal of th e ir schooling’ s usefulness to th e ir work than female
farmers, inconclusive results emerged when the content of the
educational programs pursued by female residents was considered in
relatio n to th e ir labor a c tiv ity . O n the other hand, the id e n tific a
tion of financial need as the primary stimulus to labor participation
by w om en engaged in the economic sphere revealed greater precision
in the delineation of work motives. Slight variation also was
apparent in the reasons for labor a c tiv ity am ong w om en in relation
to e ith e r age or educational background.
With the exception of the consistency disclosed between the
educational background of fathers and the school attendance of
daughters, factors pertaining to parents were not salient with
regard to eith er the schooling or.the labor a c tiv ity of w om en in
the Valley. The lack of systematic relationships observed when the
investigation focused upon these socioeconomic characteristics was
reviewed prim arily in terms of methodological weaknesses, which are
subsequently discussed in greater d e ta il.
413
Trends were more pronounced when the analysis considered
variables selected to explore the labor potential of the female
population. Awareness of the types of work performed by w om en
residing in the v illa g e , fo r example, tended to be more extensive
am ong those engaged in labor a c tiv itie s a t the time of the survey
than residents who were not economically active, although mixed
s ta tis tic a l results were derived which might re fle c t the categoriza
tion of frequencies pertaining to types of work.
The investigation of recep tivity to training in various
s k ills areas, moreover, produced clear relational patterns in which
the interest in instruction expressed by younger residents was
substantially greater than that of older w om en in most of the fie ld s
surveyed. Variation was less apparent with respect to educational
background, residency, and labor experience, however, which resulted
in conclusions that these factors provided minimal input fo r programs
to prepare w om en for economic a c tiv itie s . The findings further
indicated that recep tivity to skills-development training was apparent
am ong only a m inority of the female population which suggests a need
to define measures to increase interest am ong w om en in preparing for
and engaging in economically productive labor.
Throughout the discussion of findings generated by the
s ta tis tic a l analysis, references were made to methodological factors
in interpreting the retention of the hypothesis of independence
regarding som e variables, or the derivation of mixed results when
relational patterns involving other factors were explored. As
observed when the investigation considered level of educational
414
attainments work motives, the occupational background of parents and
the types of Tabor performed by female residents* frequencies
pertaining to these variables were ordered within a range of
categories that sought to preserve s p e c ific ity . One prominent
outcome of this pattern of classificatio n was the expansion of the
number of cells within the contingency tables upon which the
s ta tis tic a l analysis was conducted. As the number of cells increased,
observed cases of item responses were distributed more widely, which
resulted in smaller numbers of frequencies within the c e lls .
P articu larly fo r survey items producing small data sets, the
dispersion of frequencies increased the p o s s ib ility that the ch i-
square test would yield small values which would lead to conclusions
regarding the absence of a relationship between the variables.
These considerations raise the expectation that for som e of
the hypotheses included in the study, certain modifications in the
methodological procedures might yield greater evidence of relatedness
and accuracy in prediction: f ir s t , clas s ific a tio n of item responses
generated for a given variable according to a few comprehensive
categories; and/or second, an increase in the size of the sample
which would produce a larger data base for the s ta tis tic a l analysis
and ultim ately enhance the probability of deriving a sample that
represented the V alley's female population more precisely.
F in a lly , findings pertaining to several relation al proposi
tions suggest that the s ta tis tic a l procedures in fact might not have
tested what was intended. The investigation of the occupational
background of fathers, for example, appeared to consider item
415
responses in terms of working versus not working, rather than
differences in the fie ld of labor performed by fathers, which was
the primary focus of the inquiry. Questions also emerge regarding
assumptions underlying definitions of terms; is completion of grade
le v e l, fo r example, an accurate indicator of educational achievement?
These observations foster speculation regarding the v a lid ity of the
test instrument and therefore the measurement procedures used in
certain components of the research.
416
CHAPTER V
S U M M A R Y, CONCLUSION, A N D
R EC O M M EN D A TIO N S
Summary
Persisting d isp arities in livin g standards and the d is trib u
tion of resources within developing societies have spurred reassess
ment of the assumptions and perspectives that prevailed in develop
ment planning u n til the 1970s. In this e ffo rt, increased attention
has focused upon rural areas where past policies favoring urban
centers e ffe c tiv e ly curtailed the access of inhabitants to societal
goods and services, thereby forging an enduring legacy of poverty
and high rates of out-migration.
Recent in itia tiv e s to meet basic needs and improve living
conditions in the rural sector include promoting the participation
of residents in development processes, s p e c ific ally those that
relate to the economic sphere. A key dimension of this approach is
to enhance the range and q u ality of work-related s k ills . In the
formulation of strategies to increase labor resources, however, the
productive capacity of rural w om en generally has been ignored as
planners have adhered to the tra d itio n a l delineation of sex roles
which accords primacy to household a c tiv itie s for wom en and obscures
recognition of th e ir actual contribution to economic output.
The a v a ila b ility of labor possessing diverse s k ills has
assumed ma.iVoi^lmpontance^n^he^East.JArdanJ/alley.^a^reqion in which
ongoing development projects represent a substantial investment in
the expansion of agricultural production and social services,
including education. A shortage of resident labor has hindered fu ll
implementation of these programs and resulted in the formulation of
policies to a ttra c t new settlers and import foreign workers to the
area. While increased productivity am ong inhabitants also has been
%
sought, for example, through farm -related training and support
services that include credit and marketing fa c ilit ie s , such measures
have been devised prim arily for the male population and rarely for
female residents, although available census data indicate that w om en
constitute one-third of a ll farm labor in the Valley.
A n altern ative strategy focusing upon enhancement of
indigenous hum an resources and th e ir capacity to generate income to
raise liv in g standards in the region entails examination of the
female population as a source of labor potential in the Valley. In
this context, there is a need to define the actual role of w om en in
the economic sphere, including th e ir motives for working, as well as
the prospects fo r increased female participation as economic growth
and d iversificatio n occur. Beyond the expansion of fa c ilitie s and
rising rates of enrollment, patterns of education also have yet to
be delineated with respect to the female population. A n investiga
tion of associational trends involving education and work particip a
tio n , including effects of schooling upon the propensity of female
residents to engage in economically productive tasks, could provide
guidelines fo r planning that seeks to promote w om en as a labor
resource in the Valley.
418
The Problem
Within the context of labor needs to achieve development
objectives in the East Jordan Valley, this study was conducted to
investigate factors that contribute to the economic participation of
the female population of the region. Tw o variables constituted the
focus of the research. F irs t, education at the preuniversity level
was selected in accordance with the widely-held assumption that
schooling from the primary through secondary grades provides backgrounc
fo r labor roles by developing lite ra c y as well as specific work-relatec
s k ills and attitud es. To delineate labor participation benefits
accruing from the investment in education in the Valley, patterns of
work a c tiv ity am ong female residents were explored in relatio n to
th e ir educational background.
The recent expansion of school fa c ilitie s that provide
instruction at the primary through secondary levels also prompted an
examination of diverse aspects of female education in the area. These
include d iffe re n tia ls in educational attainment between age groups,
constraints upon attendance, curricu lar content that conveys general
and vocational m aterial, and interest in skills-development trainin g.
The second factor comprised socioeconomic characteristics of
Valley women, namely, the educational and occupational background of
th e ir parents. The former was designated as an independent variable
to test the premise that an educational experience increases the
likelihood of parental support fo r school attendance and labor
participation am ong daughters. Associational patterns involving the
work a c tiv ity of parents were explored to determine i f the schooling
419
and economic participation of Valley w om en varied according to the
kinds of work performed by th e ir parents, with specific reference to
agricultural as opposed to nonagricultural a c tiv itie s .
As its primary purpose in examining relationships between
the labor participation of Valley w om en and each of these variab les--
preuniversity schooling and socioeconomic background--research for
this study was directed toward generating data for planning to
enhance the preparation of female residents for labor a c tiv ity and
increase th e ir participation in the economic sphere. In this regard,
the following questions constituted the framework of the investiga
tion:
1. Is there a relationship between the school attendance of
w om en and th e ir participation in economic a c tiv itie s in the
Valley?
2. Are younger w om en in the Valley (aged 15-24 years) more
lik e ly to have attended school and completed higher levels
of education than older residents (aged 35-44 years)?
3. What constraints exist on the education of the V alley's
female population--in terms of access, f a c ilit ie s , job-
related programs, financial cost and family attitudes--and
is variation evident in relation to the age of residents?
4. D o Valley w om en who have attended school manifest a tendency
to participate in specific types of work a c tiv itie s , and is
variation apparent according to the level of education
attained and, thereby, the content of the curricula pursued?
420
5. What economic tasks do w om en currently perform in the Valley?
6 . For what reasons do w om en work in the Valley?
7. D o parents with a certain level of educational attainment—
lite ra c y , primary, preparatory, or secondary schooling-
manifest a tendency to encourage th e ir daughter(s):
a. to attend school;
b. to particip ate in an economic activity?
8 . D o parents who work in agriculture in the Valley have a
greater propensity than those working in nonagricultural
fie ld s to encourage th e ir daughter(s):
a. to attend school;
b. to p articip ate in an economic activity?
9. Are w om en aware of income-generating opportunities in the
Valley, and are they interested in developing s k ills
requisite for participation in spheres in which labor needs
exist?
Conceptual Background
A review of pertinent lite ra tu re was conducted to establish
a conceptual framework fo r investigating the work a c tiv ity of w om en
in the East Jordan Valley and, s p e c ific a lly , the contribution of
educational background and socioeconomic status to the participation
of female residents in the economic sphere. The survey considered
several areas of research; namely, development planning in rural
areas; the labor participation of w om en in developing societies,
including th e ir role in agricultural production; female education in
421
the Middle East; and economic aspects of investments in education for
women, p a rtic u la rly with reference to the Arab world.
From the lite ra tu re reviewed, recurrent themes were defined
as the context for discussing concepts and empirical data pertaining
to the variables under study. In this process, certain key findings
were reiterated within d iffe re n t themes to underscore the factors
that appeared salient to an analysis of relation al patterns involving
the education, work a c tiv ity , and socioeconomic characteristics of
w om en in the East Jordan Valley. By presenting such findings through
a thematic approach, the survey sought to provide a frame of reference
for a study focusing upon the education and labor participation of
w om en who reside in a rural area where programs are underway to expand
economic production and enhance social services.
One prominent thesis advanced by available studies is th at,
u n til recently, development planners have generally ignored the
productive labor of w om en in terms of the la tte r's actual contribu
tion to the economic sector and the potential they o ffer as a source
of s k ills . This neglect can be attributed to several factors,
including the inadequacy of concepts and methodologies for analyzing
economic phenomena in developing regions and the perception that
women, p a rtic u la rly in the rural sector, are innately in fe rio r as
workers and resistant to change in general. The reluctance to
recognize w om en as labor also has evolved from the notion that th e ir
roles in child care and household maintenance supercede th e ir
economic p articip atio n , thereby defining the la tte r as interm ittent
and its value as marginal. P articu larly with respect to the Arab
422
states, such perceptions have fostered inaccurate conclusions, namely,
that w om en neither contribute to economic production nor represent a
source of labor potential.
Moreover, the paucity of data regarding female labor p a rtic i
pation in developing areas has tended to obscure the adverse impact
that change processes have exerted upon the economic tasks performed
by women. Recent studies have documented two contrasting patterns:
f ir s t , with increased d iffe re n tia tio n and specialization in economic
production, w om en often are displaced from tra d itio n a l labor a c tiv i
tie s or restricted to spheres whose output diminishes in value; and
second, the introduction of new techniques to enhance production has
increased the workload of w om en which has not been offset by labor-
saving practices, while constraints upon th e ir access to train in g ,
equipment, marketing, and other resources e ffe c tiv e ly c u rtail th e ir
labor productivity. The primary e ffe c t of these trends has been to
reinforce the low stature of w om en as workers and in a broad sense,
to hinder th e ir participation in development processes o verall.
In regions where policy planning accords p rio rity to the
expansion of agricultural output, the need for an available supply
of requisite s k ills prompts consideration of the labor provided by
female residents and th e ir potential for contributing to increased
economic growth and, ultim ately, higher livin g standards for themselves
and th e ir fam ilies. Where women's role in agriculture has not been
well documented, as in the Arab states, one key facet of this
investigation entails identifying and recording the a c tiv itie s
performed by w om en in accordance with a broad d efin itio n of labor
423
participation that extends beyond the trad itio n al concept of wage
employment in the market sector and thst/recognixes the integration
of female roles that prevails in a subsistence economy.
Although the range of s ta tis tic s on female education fo r most
developing nations exceeds that focusing upon female labor a c tiv ity ,
analysis of such data remains meager. Available research pertaining
to the Arab states reveals that in spite of strikin g gains in school
enrollments within the female population, disparities continue to
characterize the education of w om en and men. A m ong female residents,
rates of attendance are not only lower re la tiv e to those of males at
every level of the educational system, but the d iffe re n tia ls also
increase with each higher level of educational attainment. Curricular
d iffe re n tia tio n is further apparent according to gender: g irls who
m atriculate to the secondary and te rtia ry cycles are concentrated in
"academic" fie ld s , while few pursue technical and agricultural
studies.
In rural areas, moreover, lim ited education among w om en stems
prin cip ally from inequities in the allocation of school services
resulting from policies that have concentrated resources in urban
locations and neglected the rural sector in general. Where female
residents have access to educational opportunities, lower rates of
enrollment and greater a ttr itio n within this segment of the population
re la tiv e to those recorded by m en suggest persisting constraints upon
the former's use of existing f a c ilitie s . The cost of schooling and
preference for investing in the education of sons constitute key
obstacles to higher educational achievement am ong rural women. The
424
household-based labor provided by daughters, coupled with the
in a b ility of parents to perceive what benefits g irls can gain from
attending school, also figure prominently in parental opposition to
schooling for th e ir daughters. While studies conducted in Arab
societies indicate that school attendance am ong w om en is associated
with high levels of educational attainment am ong th e ir fathers,
comparable findings are lacking with respect to mothers, as well as
parents who reside in rural settings.
A m ong parents and within the community, in general, attitudes
toward female education re fle c t prevailing norms regarding the
appropriate roles for women. In societies where fa m ilia l honor is
associated with female v irtu e , such as the Arab states, support for
or opposition to fiemale education rests largely upon the extent to
which school attendance is perceived as jeopardizing the daughter's
stature and, thus, that of her fam ily.
School factors also appear to contribute to d isp arities in
the educational experience of w om en and m en in rural areas. Studies
disclose that in addition to d iffe re n tia ls in access and curricular
content, instruction and educational m aterials tend to reinforce
dominant values and trad itio n a l roles, including those pertaining to
the division of labor.
The survey of research on women's education in developing
societies further suggests that the coexistence of factors spanning
the personal, community, and educational spheres of rural lif e
detracts from explanation of variance in school attendance am ong
female residents. Minimal analysis has been undertaken, moreover,
425
regarding the educational achievement of w om en in terms of performance
and the effects that th e ir schooling actually has produced. In the
economic sector, the outcomes that w om en derive from education are
assumed to be the sam e as those for men. Yet the investment in
female education has been lower than for m en in most developing
countries because w om en are not perceived as labor and producers.
B y res tric tin g the preparation of w om en for economic roles, planners
cu rtail th e ir access to labor a c tiv itie s and th e ir contribution to
economic production.
Where female education has expanded in developing areas,
rising educational achievement has been associated with an increased
propensity for labor a c tiv ity within the female population. While
high rates of participation characterize w om en who have advanced
levels of schooling, those who have l i t t l e or no education also
manifest a clear tendency to be economically active, which appears
related to a low socioeconomic status that necessitates the labor of
both female and male kin. In contrast, w om en who have completed
primary or som e preparatory grades record low rates of economic
a c tiv ity . In this regard, i t is possible that aspirations generated
by th e ir educational experience foster th e ir reluctance to engage
in certain spheres, yet work opportunities that require the s k ills
they actually possess are lim ited. In rural areas, furthermore, low
educational achievement and restricted access to support services,
including train in g , e ffe c tiv e ly curb the participation of female
residents in mechanized agriculture and fie ld s that service the farm
population. As educational opportunities increase in rural areas,
426
the e ffe c t of rising school attainment am ong w om en upon th e ir
&
propensity to engage in agricultural pursuits has yet to be
delineated.
Labor conditions in Jordan illu s tra te , moreover, that neither
a shortage of workers nor schooling precipitates high rates of
female participation in the economy. This underscores the need for
further research: f ir s t , to id en tify key factors that impact upon
decisions to engage in labor a c tiv itie s , including work-related
aspirations and educational background; second, to analyze the
effects of schooling am ong w om en in terms of th e ir participation in
the economic sphere; and th ird , to formulate strategies, including
incentives, to enhance the interest and actual participation of
w om en in labor a c tiv itie s .
Methodology
Survey research was undertaken in the East Jordan Valley to
examine relation al patterns between the labor a c tiv ity of female
residents and each of the following independent variables: pre
university instruction received by the w om en and socioeconomic
characteristics of th e ir fam ilies. Other factors explored during
the course of the investigation included age, constraints upon
schooling, curricular content, work motives, cognition of female
labor a c tiv itie s and recep tivity to ski 11s-development trainin g.
An interview schedule was constructed to generate data pertaining
to these variables.
427
Following a p ilo t study to determine both the fe a s ib ility of
gathering data in the region through interview procedures and the
effectiveness of the test instrument, the primary investigation was
conducted through the administration of a revised schedule to 210
female residents who constituted the sample of the study. Seventy
w o m erv were selected from each of three v illa g e s , with an equal
number (35) drawn from two age groups that represented a d iffe re n tia l
of nearly one generation: 15-24 years and 35-44 years. The villages
were designated as research sites in accordance with predetermined
c rite ria that sought to establish the stature of each as representa
tiv e of the subregion in which i t was located: El-K afrein/Jaufat El-
Kafrein in the Southern Area, Muaddi in the Middle Area, and El-
Manshiya in the Northern Area.
Data generated by the test instrument were ordered for
s ta tis tic a l analysis upon completion of th e ir translation from Arabic
into English. To test presumed relations that were set forth by the
null hypotheses, observed frequencies pertaining to the factors under
study were arranged in contingency tables, and chi-square values were
computed to determine the likelihood that the variables were
systematically related at the .01 or .05 level of significance. A n
estimate of improvement in the a b ility to predict the value of the
dependent variable on the basis of the value of the independent
variable also was derived through the lambda s ta tis tic which was an
appropriate measure fo r data treated at the nominal level.
The fin a l segment of the data analysis entailed discussion of
the s ta tis tic a l results in terms of the relationships described by the
428
null hypotheses. In this process, observed associations, as well as
divergences between the theoretical predictions and the actual
findings, were interpreted with reference to concepts and trends
that were discussed in the "Review of the Literatu re." To supplement
this analysis, additional findings derived from the survey and
information obtained through other methods, including fie ld observa
tion in the Valley and unstructured interviews with non-survey
residents and government o ffic ia ls in Jordan, also were considered in
drawing conclusions regarding the research questions that provided
the framework for the study.
Findings
The null hypotheses that were formulated in accordance with
the questions underlying the study served as the basis fo r testing
presumed relations between the research variables. Within this
context, the principal findings derived from the s ta tis tic a l analysis
are summarized as follows:
1. For w om en in the East Jordan V alley, a systematic
association was established between th e ir current attendance at
school and th e ir lack of labor participation at the .01 level of
significance, which favored rejection of the independence postulated
between these variables. The lambda s ta tis tic , on the other hand,
disclosed the a b ility of eith e r factor to increase prediction of the
other as minimal.
W hen relational patterns involving labor a c tiv ity were
examined with reference to both schooling pursued before the survey's
— a dmmis.tr at i on_and_the_lack _o.fL.fo rma 1 _e d u ca t i.o n_amon g_f. em a l.e__________
429
residents, the values computed by the chi-square te st yielded no
evidence of s ta tis tic a l significance at conventional levels. These
results supported retention of the null hypothesis fo r each set of
variables.
2a.. Decisive patterns emerged when school attendance was
investigated in relatio n to the age of w om en who reside in the
Valley. With s ta tis tic a l significance measured at the .01 level for
each association tested, considerable evidence was generated that a
consistent relationship between the factors existed in the female
population of the region. The asymmetric lambda coefficients further
indicated that knowledge of educational background contributed to
prediction of the age of Valley w om en to a marked extent; the propor
tional increase recorded for the lack of schooling was 67.6 percent
and, therefore, p a rtic u la rly noteworthy. According to the data
analysis, w om en between 15 and 24 years of age were predominant
am ong those enrolled in school eith er before or at the time of the
survey, while female residents who had never attended school were
drawn overwhelmingly from the 35-44 year old group.
2b. Am ong Valley w om en who were economically active when
the survey was conducted, no major variation in labor participation
was evident in relation to th e ir age.1 The hypothesis of independence
therefore was not rejected with respect to these variables.
In contrast, age d iffe re n tia ls were s u ffic ie n tly large when
the incidence of work referred to both prior a c tiv ity and a lack of
participation that each relationship was defined as systematic at the
.05 level of significance; on this basis, rejection of the null
430
hypothesis was tenable. W o m en aged 35 to 44 years accounted for the
dominant share of those who had been engaged in labor a c tiv itie s
before the survey. O n the other hand, a larger proportion of those
without work experience was between 15 and 24 years of age. With
reference to each of these relationships, however, no major
improvement was registered in the estimation of eith er variable
based upon the values of the other.
3. A consistent relationship was disclosed between the age
of female residents of the Valley and constraints upon th e ir
education as defined by th e ir reasons fo r never attending school.
According to the chi-square te s t, the computation of s ta tis tic a l
significance at the .01 level fo r both data distributions derived
favored the proposition that relatedness between these variables
was systematic. The asymmetric lambda values also fostered an
expectation of moderate accuracy in predicting age on the basis of
knowledge pertaining to the factors that constrain female education
in the region. Disaggregation of the data revealed two prominent
trends: f ir s t , consistent with the greater likelihood that older
w om en had never attended school, the reasons provided by w om en aged
35 to 44 years vastly outnumbered those cited by younger respondents;
and second, variation in the nature of the constraints was apparent
according to age. Regarding the la tte r , the foremost constraint
id en tified by the older group was the lack of nearby school f a c i l i
tie s , while w om en between 15 and 24 years of age stressed parental
opposition to th e ir schooling.
431
The hypothesis of independence also was rejected when
constraints upon school attendance were examined with reference to
w om en who had attended school but were no longer enrolled. In
contrast to those without schooling, w om en aged 15 to 24 years not
only comprised a larger share of this group, but also emphasized
d iffe re n t factors--namely, war and labor needs at home—as the
primary reasons for the termination of th e ir education. Comparable
to th e ir counterparts without formal education, female residents
within the 35 to 44 years of age span who had attended school
previously reported the lack of access to fa c ilitie s as the major
constraint upon th e ir continued enrollment in school.
4. Regardless of attendance prior to or at the time of the
survey, no systematic relationship was apparent with respect to the
content of the education pursued by Valley women, as indicated by
th e ir level of school attainment, and the kinds of labor a c tiv itie s
they performed. The s ta tis tic a l results were thus conducive to
retention of the null hypothesis regarding these variables. The only
clear associational trend disclosed by the analysis pertained to
teachers who had achieved the highest levels of schooling recorded
in the survey.
5a. No deviation from the theoretical prediction emerged
when the work motives defined by economically active w om en were
analyzed in relation to th e ir age. For both age groups included in
the study, economic need, described in terms of contributing to the
fam ily's income, provided the primary stimulus to th e ir labor
p articip atio n.
432
O n the other hand, the s ta tis tic a l results generated with
respect to w om en who had never worked, but expressed interest in
doing so suggested that a consistent association existed between
th e ir reasons for wanting to become economically active and th e ir
age. In contrast to the findings derived with reference to w om en
working at the time of the survey, therefore, rejection of the
independence postulated between the work motives and age of this
population was appropriate. W o m en between 15 and 24 years of age were’
predominant in this relationship; as key reasons for th e ir work
aspirations, they cited the desire to f i l l free time and to gain
enjoyment. The lambda coefficients suggested, however, that neither
variable could be expected to be an accurate predictor of the other.
5b. Examination of work motives in relatio n to the educa
tional background of Valley w om en yielded evidence of diverse
associational patterns. With respect to those currently attending
school, the mixed values computed by the chi-square s ta tis tic
dictated caution in drawing conclusions regarding relatedness between
th e ir reasons for working and th e ir schooling. With s ta tis tic a l
significance established at conventional levels for a ll distributions
tested, on the other hand, support was conclusive for the alternative
hypothesis that posits the existence of a relationship between work
motives and the educational experience of those who had attended
school previously.
In contrast, the s ta tis tic a l independence observed when the
reasons for working offered by w om en who lacked schooling were
433
considered rela tiv e to th e ir educational status, indicated that the
null hypothesis could not be rejected with respect to these variables.
In a ll three sets of relations examined, and therefore
regardless of educational background, the primary motive for working
was defined as the need to contribute to the fam ily's income. This
reason was p a rtic u larly prominent among those whose schooling had
ended before the survey was conducted, while greater variation in
motives was apparent in the responses of w om en who were enrolled in
school and those who had never attended.
6. The paucity of schooling am ong mothers was the foremost
characteristic emerging from the investigation of relational patterns
involving this parent's educational background and school attendance
am ong Valley women. In spite of its prominence, however, the
s ta tis tic a l analysis generated mixed results: relatedness was
systematic with reference to the current school enrollment of
daughters, but not when the dependent variable was defined as eith er
prior school attendance or a lack of formal schooling am ong daughters.
The chi-square values, on the other hand, favored rejection
of the null hypothesis fo r a ll associations pertaining to the
educational attainment of fathers and the schooling of the region's
female population. C rite ria were met at the .01 level of significance
with reference to w om en who had attended school previously, and at the
.05 level regarding both those currently enrolled in school and those
without formal education. For the three sets of relatio n s, however,
the measure of association indicated the p o ssib ility of considerable
error in predicting the values of eith er variable on the basis of
434
those of the other. Disaggregation of the data derived to explore
associational patterns involving these variables revealed a greater
incidence of schooling am ong fathers whose daughters were attending
school, while a higher proportion of w om en whose schooling had ended
or who had no formal education reported that th e ir fathers had never
attended school.
7. According to the s ta tis tic a l findings, the labor
participation of w om en in the East Jordan Valley was not associated
with the educational background of eith er parent in a systematic
manner. This resulted in an in a b ility to reject the independence
postulated with respect to a ll relations explored. The primary
feature emerging from the analysis was that irrespective of th e ir
daughters' work a c tiv ity , the predominant educational status of
both mothers and fathers was a lack of schooling.
8 . Support fo r the altern ative hypothesis was generated when
the school attendance of Valley w om en was examined in relation to the
labor a c tiv ity of th e ir mothers. Whether the former had attended
school, eith er at the time of or before the survey, or had never
enrolled, a lack of work experience was prevalent am ong mothers.
Nevertheless, the lambda coefficients indicated that neither variable
improved accuracy in predicting the other to an extent above 10.9
percent.
W hen parental work participation referred to fathers,
c rite ria of s ta tis tic a l significance were met at conventional levels
only with respect to current school attendance am ong daughters.
Although the null hypothesis was rejected for this set of variables,
the measure of association disclosed that the contribution of eith er
variable to estimation of the other was meager. With reference to
associations involving prior education or a lack of schooling am ong
Valley women, on the other hand, the chi-square s ta tis tic yielded
values suggesting that these variables were independent with respect
to the Valley's female population. In terms of overall patterns,
therefore, minimal variation was evident in the schooling of female
residents according to the kinds of work performed by th e ir parents,
notably with reference to agricultural as opposed to nonagricultural
a c tiv itie s .
9. Independence emerged as the primary characteristic of
a ll associations involving the labor a c tiv ity of fathers and the work
background of th e ir daughters. For each set of variables examined,
therefore, retention of the null hypothesis was appropriate.
In contrast, relation al patterns involving the economic
a c tiv ity of mothers were established as consistent when labor
participation among th e ir daughters referred to prior a c tiv ity or the
lack of work experience. The lambda coefficients derived with
respect to these variables, on the other hand, fostered an
expectation of marked inaccuracy in prediction. Although a large
segment of mothers was described as economically inactive, moreover,
the s ta tis tic a l tests disclosed that the work status of mothers and
current labor a c tiv ity among Valley w om en were not systematically
related. Accordingly, the null hypothesis was not rejected with
respect to these variables.
436
10. The s ta tis tic a l analysis indicated that Valley w om en
with varying work backgrounds differed in th e ir awareness of the
types of work performed by w om en residing in th e ir villages. Because
s u ffic ie n t distributions met c rite ria of acceptance at the .01 or .05
levels of significance, relatedness between current labor p articip a
tion and cognizance of female work a c tiv itie s was defined! as system
a tic and the altern ative hypothesis as tenable for these variables.
According to the lambda values, however, the a b ility of e ith e r
variable to enhance prediction of the other was minimal.
With regard to w om en who either had worked prior to the
survey or had never been economically active, no consistent associa
tion existed between th e ir work status and th e ir awareness of the
types of labor performed by w om en in th e ir v illag es. This finding
favored retention of the hypothesis of independence posited for each
set of variables.
11a. Am ong female residents of the Valley, in te re s t in
skills-development training and th e ir age were systematically related
at the .01 level of significance with respect to nine areas that
ranged from handicrafts to o ffice adm inistration. For each s k ills
area, moreover, the lambda s ta tis tic computed a moderate increase in
predictive a b ility in which knowledge of the fie ld of training made a
greater contribution to estimating the age of Valley w om en than when
the la tte r constituted the independent variable. With respect to
these nine s k ills areas, female residents within the younger age range
(15-24 years) expressed greater in terest in training than those
between 35 and 44 years of age.
437
S ta tis tic a l procedures did not yield comparable results with
respect to the four farm -related areas surveyed. This signified an
in a b ility to reje c t the hypothesis that age and recep tivity to
training in each of these a c tiv itie s were independent.
lib . Minimal divergence from the theoretical prediction was
disclosed when interest in instruction in 11 of the 13 s k ills areas
included in the study was analyzed in relation to the educational
status of w om en who attended school eith er at the time of or before
the survey. Relatedness was measured at conventional levels of
significance only with respect to training in o ffice administration
and farm equipment, which resulted in rejection of the independence
hypothesized between each of these areas and the women's educational
background.
W hen the lack of schooling constituted the educational
variable, on the other hand, the chi-square values met c rite ria of
s ta tis tic a l significance at the .01 level regarding training in
eight s k ills areas, including handicrafts, food-related tasks, house
care, health, and o ffice work. These findings supported the
altern ative hypothesis for each set of variables. According to
evidence generated by the measure of association, moreover,
information pertaining to each of these areas of potential training
increased the accuracy of predicting the lack of schooling am ong
Valley w om en between 9.9 percent and 25.5 percent and, thus, to a
slig h t extent.
The lack of educational background and interest in s k ills -
development instruction were s ta tis tic a lly independent, however, when
438
pottery making and the four agricultural a c tiv itie s included in the
survey were defined as the focus of the proposed train in g . The
s ta tis tic a l resu lts, therefore, favored retention of the hypothesis
that no association existed between the lack of schooling am ong
female residents of the Valley and th e ir recep tivity to instruction
in each of these s k ills areas.
Conclusions and Implications
A n assessment of the findings generated by the s ta tis tic a l
analysis of survey data was undertaken to answer the questions
underlying this study of labor a c tiv ity among w om en in the East
Jordan Valley. This process yielded the following conclusions and
related im plications.
la . In the East Jordan Valley, female residents attend
school and participate in the economic sphere as independent and
not concurrent a c tiv itie s . An exception was noted with respect to
adults who, in contrast to young residents attending school on a
fu ll-tim e basis, tend not to refrain from labor tasks when they
pursue educational programs. The negligible number of adult w om en
enrolled in instructional programs, however, reveals the scarcity of
educational opportunities for this segment of the Valley's population,
which constitutes a constraint upon the fu lfillm e n t of th e ir learning
needs and th e ir attainment of higher levels of education.
lb. Beyond the association between current enrollment in
school and abstention from labor a c tiv ity , there is no evidence of a
propensity am ong w om en who attended school e ith e r to engage in or
439
refrain from participating in the Valley's economy. A comparable
conclusion was reached with respect to w om en who had no formal
education.
The lack of prominent patterns o f work a c tiv ity am ong Valley
w om en who have an educational background s p ecifically precludes
analysis of returns from the investment in female education in the
region in terms of the labor participation of female residents.
Although a high rate of economic a c tiv ity was recorded for w om en who
had completed advanced levels within the educational system (prepara
tory and secondary grades), the small size of this group dictates
caution in drawing generalizations with respect to the region's female
population. I t also detracts from interpretation of this finding as
support for Youssef's (1974b) observation that in the Middle East,
"the tendency of education to accelerate the female employment rates
is clearly progressive" (p. 57).
The in a b ility to determine a systematic association between
education and work a c tiv ity am ong w om en in the East Jordan Valley
further impedes analysis in the context of the three associational
trends id e n tifie d in the "Review of the Literature" as prevailing
patterns of labor participation am ong w om en in developing societies
in relatio n to th e ir educational attainment: high a c tiv ity am ong both
well educated w om en and those with l i t t l e or no education, with
marginal rates observed am ong w om en whose schooling ended at the
primary lev e l. While the s ta tis tic a l findings derived with regard to
Valley w om en might signify that schooling yields no labor p articip a
tion benefits as far as this population is concerned, the recent
440
expansion of school fa c ilitie s and increase in enrollments in the
region suggest that there has not been s u ffic ie n t time for sizable
segments of the female population to m atriculate to advanced levels of
schooling and subsequently to enter the labor market. The requisite
data, therefore, are lacking for drawing conclusions about the work
a c tiv ity of female residents of the Valley in terms of the U-shaped
relationship posited with respect to w om en in developing areas and
for assessing effects from the investment in female education in
terms of th e ir labor particip atio n.
2a. School attendance is a prominent characteristic of young
female residents of the Valley (aged 15 to 24 years), while i t is
negligible am ong older segments of the female population (35 to 44
years of age). The marked d iffe re n tia l in educational background
according to age sign ifies that change has occurred in terms of female
schooling in the region. In this regard, the expansion of school
f a c ilitie s appears to fa c ilita te the access of w om en to formal
instruction. The high proportion of young wom en attending school also
implies that education for w om en has gained increased acceptance in
the area, thus reflectin g a change in attitudes regarding this sphere.
The high enrollment rates recorded by wom en aged 15 to 24
years further a tte s t to the rising levels of education attained by
the female population. In contrast, the v irtu a l lack of school
attendance am ong middle-aged residents underscores the scarcity of
educational opportunities not only when they*were a t an age generally
associated with instruction at primary through secondary grades, but
also in terms of programs for adults. The la tte r , in conjunction
441
with the recent expansion of school fa c ilitie s which has occurred only
at preuniversity levels, suggests that education in the Valley is
conceptualized predominantly as a domain for the young.
2b. According to the s ta tis tic a l results, age d iffe re n tia ls
within the small segment of w om en who participate in the Valley's
labor sphere are not pronounced. O n the other hand, female residents
between 15 and 24 years of age account for the major share of the
w om en who have never been economically active. This finding is
consistent with the tendency of residents within this age range to
refrain from economic tasks while they attend school. I t further
suggests that younger w om en in the region are remaining in school and
pursuing th e ir education at high levels.
The paucity of labor a c tiv ity am ong female residents aged 15
to 24 years s ig n ifie s , however, a change from the pattern indicated by
data gathered in 1973. At that time, the highest rates of work
a c tiv ity among w om en were recorded by the 15 to 19 year old and 20 to
24 year of age groups. The d iffe re n tia l connotes a decline in the
incidence of adolescents working as family labor, which might be
associated with rising wage employment in the region. This reduction
s p e c ific ally implies a drop in the number of w om en employed in
agriculture since the m ajority of w om en engaged in labor tasks in 1973
worked as unpaid farm labor.
3. Both in terms of scope and nature, the factors that
constrain the education of female residents of the Valley have under
gone marked change during the course of approximately one generation.
442
3a. The d iffe re n tia l in magnitude reflects the variation in
educational background that characterizes- the female population
according to age. Thus, while older w om en aged 35 to 44 years report
a large number of reasons for the lack of formal schooling that is
prevalent within this age group, young w om en between 15 and 24 years
of age, who have a high rate of school attendance, c ite fewer
constraints, thereby disclosing a reduction in the factors hindering
female residents in attaining instruction through the formal system.
O n the other hand, obstacles to high levels of educational achievement
am ong young Valley w om en persist, as revealed by the volume of
constraints they id e n tifie d upon th e ir continued attendance at school
which vastly outnumbered th at described by older women.
3b. Such physical factors as the a v a ila b ility of educational
opportunities and access to fa c ilitie s have declined in importance
as constraints upon the in it ia l school enrollment of Valley women.
They remain prominent, however, in terms of the continued schooling
of young female residents at the secondary level and above. Other
physical constraints, including household labor needs and war,,,
moreover,5 , have contributed to the termination of schooling am ong
w om en aged 15 to 24 years to a greater extent than the lack of
education am ong older residents. The salience of these factors with
respect to the schooling of a young segment of the V alley's female
population underscores the importance of s ta b ility as well as physical
and economic security in the region to enable residents to use
available fa c ilitie s and attain higher educational levels.
443
3c. Change is also apparent in the social variables that
contrain female schooling in the Valley. The extent to which
education for w om en has gained acceptance in the region is revealed
by the infrequency with which residents aged 15 to 24 years re fe r to
the lack of community sanction as a factor that has hindered th e ir
schooling, which contrasts with the emphasis that i t was accorded by
middle-aged women.
The prominence of parental opposition as a reason for both
the lack and termination of school attendance am ong younger women,
on the other hand, indicates the endurance of social constraints
upon the education of the Valley's female population. While physical
phenomena, such as access to school and security in the region, are
generally amenable to planned change, in tia tiv e s designed to a lte r
attitudes and cultural values en tail increased complexity and
uncertain results. I t is possible, however, that the expansion of
fa c ilitie s and the provision of sex-segregated classrooms that
safeguard fa m ilia l honor in conformity with prevailing norms, might
fa c ilita te increased acceptance of education for w om en in the Valley
and contribute in time to further reduction in opposition to female
schooling am ong parents.
4. The reasons cited by w om en in the Valley for attending
school and once enrolled, for remaining to pursue higher levels,
d iffe r in accordance with th e ir level of educational attainment.
4a. The importance of work-related preparation as a motive
for female residents enrolled in school and notably those who intend
to pursue th e ir education at the postsecondary le v e l, contrasts with
444
the scant recognition that i t receives from w om en who have not
advanced beyond the primary cycle. This variation suggests that
continued schooling to re la tiv e ly high levels within the formal
system might contribute to in terest in labor a c tiv ity am ong Valley
women. The converse also might obtain; namely, that aspirations
for economic roles might encourage female students to remain in
school to develop the qu alification s requisite for occupational
a c tiv itie s , p a rtic u la rly in the modern sector.
In conjunction with the preference for employment in pro
fessional fie ld s expressed by single women, most of w h om are enrolled
in school, the d e fin itio n of work-related preparation as a motive
for schooling suggests that female students perceive an articu latio n
between education and future economic roles. I t also fosters the
expectation that the supply of female residents with professional
s k ills w ill increase in the Valley. The extent to which female
students associate th e ir educational pursuits with work in non-
professional areas, on the other hand, appears to be negligible.
Relative to the total female population, moreover, the number of
w om en who conceive of th e ir education in terms of training for
employment is small, which indicates a need for measures to enhance
interest in job-related preparation am ong those enrolled in school.
4b. The prominence accorded the acquisition of general
knowledge as the foremost reason for attending school suggests that
Valley w om en regard schooling essentially as a process for achieving
a general level of competence and not specific outcomes in terms of
s k ills or a b ilitie s that relate to particu lar roles, including those
445
in the economic sphere. "To be educated" thus appears valuable in
its ow n rig h t. O ne particu lar facet of this inference might be the
perception of schooling as conferring social status that benefits
the student and her fam ily.
A1ternatively, the interest in general knowledge might
indicate a lack of c la rity am ong female students regarding th e ir
reasons for attending school and the possible effects that they can
derive from th e ir education. This implies inadequacies in the
instruction provided in the schools in terms of enhancing awareness
of such outcomes in a range of spheres, including personal develop
ment, community participation and economic a c tiv itie s .
4c. Reference to parental expectations as a key factor
providing impetus to attendance at school is consistent with the
authority accorded to parents within the V alley’ s normative system.
Its id e n tific a tio n p rin cip ally by w om en whose education ended at
the primary level implies that school attendance for this segment
of the female population sign ifies the fu lfillm e n t of th e ir parents'
wishes and not th e ir ow n interests. In conjunction with the low
educational level of these residents, this suggests the need to
review the curricula offered in the V alley's schools and develop
programs that can respond to the varied learning aptitudes of w om en
in the area, including those who express a lack of interest in
formal instruction.
5. W o m en who attend school in the Valley have high
expectations that they w ill engage in economic pursuits a fte r
marriage. This contrasts with the low level of a c tiv ity anticipated
446
by female residents whose schooling generally has not advanced beyond
the primary cycle. Moreover, students enrolled in preparatory and
secondary grades indicate a clear preference for professional fie ld s ,
such as teaching, as spheres of future occupational endeavors. W o m en
with lower levels of educational achievement, on the other hand,
designate handicrafts or agricultural tasks as future labor
a c tiv itie s .
These differences foster the conclusion that am ong single
w om en who reside in the Valley, continued schooling to re la tiv e ly
high levels within the formal system contributes to: f ir s t ,
expectations of economic participation when th e ir m arital status
changes; and second, the designation of certain fie ld s as preferred
areas of labor a c tiv ity . A key im plication of these findings is that
a threshold level of education, namely, the preparatory grades and
above, predisposes w om en in favor of Tabor a c tiv ity a fte r marriage
and fosters aspirations for participation in professional fie ld s .
6 . The content of the education pursued by w om en residing
in the East Jordan Valley makes no apparent contribution to the work
performed by those who are economically active. With the exception
of teachers who receive special training at sites outside of the
region, there is no evidence that formal instruction offered in the
primary through secondary cycles of the Valley's school system conveys,
information and develops s k ills pertaining to the economic pursuits
of female residents.
6a. According to w om en farmers who account for the vast
portion of female labor in the Valley, th e ir schooling has lim ited
447
value for the performance of th e ir work. The predominant pattern in
which w om en who are engaged in this sector learn th e ir tasks on-the-
job underscores the lack of work-related instruction offered through
the formal system. The prominence of informal means for the develop
ment of handicraft s k ills further reveals the meager role of the
schools in preparing female residents for labor a c tiv itie s .
6b. The apparent dearth of both occupational content in
the curriculum of the formal system and nonformal training programs
designed to enhance labor s k ills within the female population
suggests that planners eith er do not perceive expansion of the role
of w om en in the V alley's economy as a policy objective or have not
formulated specific strategies to provide instruction that would
promote the interest of female residents in economic participation
and develop th e ir s k ills in a diverse range of labor fie ld s .
6c. The strongly academic orientation of the curriculum
offered in the Valley's schools also prompts speculation regarding
its impact upon the development of attitudes that are conducive to
the kinds of economic a c tiv itie s pursued in the region, notably in
agriculture. The clear preference for professional fie ld s expressed
by single w om en who aspire to economic roles in the future, implies
that the schools generate a meager, i f not negative, e ffe c t upon the
interest of Valley w om en in farming and non-professional fie ld s as
occupational options.
7. Regardless of age, educational background or the kind of
work performed, economic need constitutes the primary motive for
labor a c tiv ity am ong w om en in the East Jordan Valley.
448
7a. The primacy of financial reasons, defined prin cip ally
in terms of the need to contribute to the fam ily's income, reflects
economic conditions in the region and s p e c ific a lly , the character of
agricultural production that has tra d itio n a lly required the labor of
family members. By emphasizing financial concerns not only to the
virtu a l exclusion of other factors, but also beyond the level
reported by those working in nonfarm occupations, w om en engaged in
agriculture seem to indicate that as economic circumstances dictate
th e ir performance of farm tasks, th e ir participation in this sector
stems from necessity and not choice. In view of the prominence of
economic need as a work motive, the lower incidence of wage
compensation among female fanners re la tiv e to that of w om en working
in nonagricultural areas lends support to the conclusion that female
participation in agriculture in the Valley is not optional, but
reflects instead the labor requirements of family farms or the lack
of eith er access to alternative work opportunities or the s k ills
requisite for other fie ld s .
The importance of the financial incentive further implies
that economic imperatives assume precedence over social norms that
favor household-based roles fo r w om en in the Valley. By increasing
the value of female kin as a source of labor, i t also might generate
support within the family for th e ir economic participation and
thereby contribute to surmounting opposition to labor a c tiv ity
performed by w om en outside of the home.
7b. A lternative motives for engaging in the economic sphere
characterize young female residents who eith er work in nonfarm areas
449
or do not work, but express interest in being economically active in
the future, most of w hom are enrolled in the Valley's schools. The
id e n tific a tio n of non-economic reasons for work a c tiv ity by a young
segment of the population provides evidence of .change in the factors
that contribute to the labor participation and work aspirations of
w om en in the region. Within this group, the high incidence of
schooling further implies that education generates an e ffe c t upon the
conceptualization of such factors as work motives, for example, by
raising awareness of benefits from occupational pursuits in terms of
personal development or the need fo r labor in the region.
The greater propensity for w om en engaged in nonfarm fie ld s ,
as well as those who aspire to future economic roles, to conceive of
work in non-economic terms—as a means of f illin g free time and a
source of-enjoyment—im plies that in contrast to female farmers, the
economic level of the former reduce th e ir need to work because of
financial imperatives. Increased economic security in the region
might, therefore, enhance the importance of such factors in encourag
ing and sustaining labor a c tiv ity am ong Valley women. As such, they
represent a source of incentives to work participation am ong w om en as
liv in g standards rise in the region and the financial need fo r th e ir
labor diminishes.
The delineation of non-economic motives fo r working might
re fle c t, on the other hand, the strength of tra d itio n a l norms that
define income-generating labor am ong female residents as shameful and
that as a result foster a perception of economic p articip atio n as an
optional rather than an essential a c tiv ity . To reduce the social
450
stigma associated with labor performed outside of the hom e and, thus,
its possible contribution to reducing work a c tiv ity among female
residents, strategies are needed to generate interest in labor roles,
as well as expand work opportunities that take into account the
status concerns and fa m ilia l resp on sibilities of w om en residing in
the area.
8 . While the educational status of mothers lacks salience
with respect to either the school attendance or the labor p articip a
tion of Valley women, there is a high probability, that female
residents attend school i f th e ir fathers have a formal education.
A comparable conclusion cannot be drawn, however, regarding the
economic a c tiv ity of w om en residing in the region.
8a. The nearly universal absence of schooling am ong the
mothers of Valley w om en refle c ts the low levels of education
generally recorded by w om en in the middle-age and above range in
rural areas o f developing countries. This underscores the importance
of formulating instructional programs designed to meet the learning
needs of adult women. Within the context of this study, its
predominance sp e cific ally precludes consideration of relation al
patterns involving variables that pertain to th e ir daughters and
thus conclusions regarding the rationale underlying the research
question. Consequently, no inferences can be made with respect to
the educational background of mothers in terms of its effects upon
th e ir attitudes and decision-making authority regarding the school
ing and labor a c tiv ity of th e ir daughters.
451
8b. The strong tendency for female residents whose fathers
have formal education to attend school and also a tta in high levels
within the formal system, while lim ited schooling is characteristic
of w om en whose fathers have no educational background, lends
considerable support to the theoretical proposition that prompted
the investigation of relational patterns involving these variables.
This finding suggests that education fosters support am ong fathers
for th e ir daughters' schooling, possibly by enhancing the former's
awareness of benefits that the la tte r can derive from attending
% school. Another im plication is that expansion of educational
opportunities for adult males, as well as higher educational a tta in
ment within the male population o verall, might contribute to a
reduction in paternal opposition to female schooling, and thereby
m itigate a persisting constraint upon the education of Valley women.
I t is possible, furthermore, that a comparable outcome might emerge
with respect to mothers as schooling among female residents of the
area increases.
In contrast to the findings related to school attendance,
the lack of a clear propensity for labor a c tiv ity am ong w om en whose
fathers attended school sig n ifies an in a b ility to sustain the premise
that education enhances the likelihood of paternal support for th e ir
daughters' participation in the economic sphere. The divergence in
evidence generated with respect to the educational background of
fathers reveals the strength of tra d itio n a l norms in the Valley
regarding the division of labor and implies in addition that educa
tio n 's e ffe c t in terms of changing attitudes regarding this sphere,
452
at least in a short-term context, is minimal. I t further suggests
that development of support am ong fathers for th e ir daughters'
economic participation entails measures to increase the former's
awareness o f benefits from the T atter's labor (e .g ., financial gain)
and incentives to compensate for social censure generated by the
daughters' work a c tiv ity .
9. There is no evidence to indicate that the education and
labor a c tiv ity of w om en in the East Jordan Valley vary in accordance
with the work performed by th e ir parents. The analysis of survey
data, therefore, offers no basis for drawing conclusions about the
propensity of farmers to support or oppose th e ir daughters'
attendance at school or participation in the economic sphere re la tiv e
to that of mothers and fathers engaged in nonagricultural areas.
9a. With regard to mothers, the low incidence of work
a c tiv ity reported fo r this parent detracts from an examination of
associations involving the schooling and labor participation of
th e ir daughters. This feature is consistent with the primacy of
fa m ilia l resp on sibilities among women, as w ell'as the opposition to
female roles outside of the household that is prevalent in the
Valley. Increased economic a c tiv ity am ong female residents, which
recent census data disclose as a trend in the region (Dajani e t a l.,
1980), constitutes a basis for reexamining the theoretical proposition
that led to the in it ia l investigation.
9b. The in a b ility to determine clear patterns of schooling
or labor a c tiv ity am ong Valley w om en in relatio n to th e ir fathers'
occupational background appears to stem from the manner in which data
453
pertaining to the la tte r were c la s s ifie d . This suggests that a
reordering of the occupational d a ta --fo r example, into two inclusive
categories (agricu ltu ral and nonagricultural)--m ight increase the
likelihood of d iffe re n t results when s ta tis tic a l procedures are
applied to test presumed relations between the variables.
10. Regardless of th e ir work experience, w om en residing in
the Valley manifest comparable knowledge of the range of a c tiv itie s
performed by female labor in th e ir villages as well as consistency
in the re la tiv e emphasis placed upon specific areas as the primary
sectors in which the female population works. O n the other hand,
the a b ility of economically active w om en to Id e n tify the labor tasks
of th e ir v illag e co-workers surpasses that of the larger group of
female residents who have never worked, thereby revealing a
d iffe re n tia l in awareness of labor conditions in the Valley according
to work background.
10a. Relative to w om en who do not work, the substantially
higher volume of labor a c tiv itie s reported by those participating
in the V alley's economy sign ifies that the la tte r are more cognizant
of labor trends in the region than the former. This suggests that
actual participation in labor tasks fosters knowledge of and
possibly interest in work conditions that pertain to the female
population. Conversely, the lack of labor experience appears to
detract from awareness of the economic a c tiv ite s performed by
female residents. Within the non-working segment of the female
population, moreover, the prominence of young w om en (aged 15 to 24
years), and therefore female residents who have an educational
454
background, prompts speculation regarding the role of the V alley's
schools in providing guidance and channeling information to students
regarding labor conditions in the area and job-related trainin g.
10b. While female residents d iffe r in th e ir a b ility to
id e n tify the types of work performed by w om en in th e ir v illa g e s , the
overall range of a c tiv itie s associated with the female population
constitutes a narrow index of employment options. This suggests
that Valley w om en are not cognizant o f, or are reluctant to report,
certain occupational areas in which w om en work (e .g ., health).
A lte rn ativ ely , i t might imply that they do not regard these spheres
as viable work options for the female population because they eith er
represent fie ld s in which few female residents have tra d itio n a lly
worked (e .g ., mechanized farming) or are not viewed as "suitable" for
w om en (e .g ., mechanical trades). The findings overall foster the
conclusion that Valley w om en do not perceive the fu ll range of work
opportunities that exist in the region and that this inadequacy
could lim it th e ir interest in labor a c tiv ity and th e ir actual
participation in the economic sphere.
11. The recep tivity of Valley w om en to the development of
s k ills in a variety of fie ld s , including both income-generating
a c tiv itie s and household-based tasks, varies according to age, but
not in relatio n to educational background, villa g e residence or work
experience. Regardless of any of these variables, moreover, only a
m inority of the female population expresses interest in acquiring
s k ills in the areas surveyed. Also, those who react favorably to
455
such training indicate a clear preference for a c tiv itie s associated
with trad itio h a l female roles in the region, namely handicrafts.
11a. Young w om en (aged 15 to 24 years) manifest greater
in terest in skills-development instruction than older segments of
the female population. The d iffe re n tia l distinguishes the former
as a source of participants fo r programs designed to develop
competencies am ong Valley wom en in a range of fie ld s . I t further
underscores the need to delineate the reasons for the slig h t
recep tivity apparent am ong middle-aged w om en and to formulate
strategies to foster increased in terest within this age group.
lib . The in a b ility to determine relational patterns
involving school attendance, e ith e r before or at the time of the
survey, and most of the s k ills areas included in the study prompts
the conclusion that an educational experience does not contribute
to interest in training in the spheres examined. This fosters
speculation regarding the effects of schooling in developing
attitudes that are conducive to skills-development and participation
in instructional programs generally. O n the other hand, the marked
in terest in training expressed by w om en with schooling as a propor
tion of th e ir overall response, which contrasts with the lower
recep tivity evident am ong wom en without formal education, suggests
that methodological considerations might account fo r the findings
derived. S p e c ific a lly , the aggregation o f data pertaining to the
schooling of Valley w om en who have an educational background into
one category might provide a base which when subjected to s ta tis tic a l
456
tests, would y ie ld evidence indicating greater in terest in ski 11s-
acquisition am ong w om en who had attended school.
11c. N o variation characterizes the recep tivity of female
residents to skills-development according to th e ir v illag e s ite . The
general consistency evident in the responses of w om en from the
Northern, Middle, and Southern Areas of the Valley signifies that with
regard to the fie ld s included in the survey, programs to develop
s k ills w ithin the female population can be designed fo r the region
as a whole and without reference to the p articu lar location in which
the training is provided.
lid . Regardless of th e ir labor experience, Valley w om en
disclose comparable patterns of in terest in participating in training
courses formulated to develop s k ills in most of the areas considered
in the study. O n the basis of this finding, i t is possible to
conclude that work background is not a salient factor in strategies
to provide instruction to the Valley's female population in a range
of fie ld s that includes handicrafts, food-related areas, health,
house care, and o ffic e administration.
lie . From the data analysis, several additional conclusions
can be drawn regarding in terest in skills-development training am ong
Valley w om en that have implications for planning to foster
competencies in both income-generating and household-related areas.
A general preference for a c tiv itie s tra d itio n a lly associated with
the female population of the region--handicrafts, house care, food
processing— characterizes w om en of varying ages, educational back
grounds, villag e s ite s , and labor experiences. This pattern which
457
suggests a lack o f9 or reluctance to express, interest in non-
conventional spheres (e .g ., health care, o ffice administration)
fosters an expectation that Valley w om en would re s is t engaging in
such a c tiv itie s . In this regard, female residents do not constitute
a viable source of labor to meet personnel needs in these fie ld s .
The interest indicated in such pursuits as handicraft
production and food preparation further connotes acceptance of the
household-based roles tra d itio n a lly performed by Valley women. I t
is possible, on the other hand, that the response reflects an
appraisal of options that female residents consider as re a lis tic in
view of prevailing norms and perceived opportunities in the.region.
In this regard, instruction in handicrafts, which prompts greatest
interest am ong a ll of the areas surveyed, might represent a sphere
in which w om en could develop s k ills that have income-earning
po ten tial, but that do not deviate from tra d itio n a l norms and incur
the social censure generated, for example, by o ffice work.
In terms of training in farm -related areas, the greater
recep tivity demonstrated by w om en engaged in agriculture in
comparison with w om en who work in other sectors and those who are
not economically active, suggests that instruction should be focused
upon the former to maximize benefits in terms of enhancing sk illed
labor in this fie ld . The meager recep tivity to instruction in farm
a c tiv itie s from a broad spectrum of Valley w om en indicates, however,
the low esteem with which they regard agricultural tasks and the
meager overall prospects fo r drawing upon the female population as a
458
viable source of labor to meet the shortage of workers in this
sector.
F in a lly , w om en who are receptive to instruction in the areas
surveyed represent only a minority of the female population of the
Valley. I t is possible that except fo r handicrafts, the slig h t
enthusiasm expressed for the development of s k ills stems from the
nature of the specific areas considered in the study; other fie ld s
might, therefore, generate a d iffe re n t response. The findings
derived by the s ta tis tic a l analysis foster the conclusion, however,
that with the exception of female residents between 15 and 24 years
of age and, thus a young segment of the population, there is minimal
interest am ong Valley w om en in training to develop s k ills in the 13
areas included in the Valley.
Recommendations
O n the basis of the s ta tis tic a l results and conclusions drawn
with reference to the questions that constituted the framework of
this study, several recommendations can be made. They include the
fo l1owi ng:
1. A fter a time interval in which larger segments of the
female population complete the preparatory and secondary levels of
education, a replication of the study could be undertaken with a
sample comparable to that used in the present investigation. Because
the expansion of school fa c ilitie s in the region has been recent, the
additional time would enable increased numbers of female students to
m atriculate to higher grades and subsequently enter the labor market,
459
thereby yielding a p o ten tially suitable data base for examining
associational patterns involving school attendance and economic
a c tiv ity am ong female residents and drawing conclusions regarding
labor participation effects from the investment in female education
in the area.
To foster a longitudinal perspective, moreover, the research
design could be modified to include a sample whose a c tiv itie s in the
educational and labor spheres can be traced over time. The data
derived within this context would contribute to analysis of the long
term social impact of development projects in the area and,
s p e c ific a lly , changing trends in the economic participation of female
residents. As such, they might generate answers to questions that
were set forth during the course of the present study.
a. D o w om en engage in economic a c tiv itie s in the Valley
because they have received a certain level of education,
or do aspirations to participate in productive labor
encourage female residents to pursue education which is
perceived as providing access to jobs?
b. Does the V alley's labor market require certain levels of
educational attainment from w om en or does i t merely benefit
from the education that w om en obtain for other reasons?
c. In the V alley, do w om en tend to leave agriculture a fte r
achievfhg-j a certain level of education, or does
participation in nonfarm work spur educational pursuits?
2. The disparity in educational attainment that character
izes Valley w om en whose ages represent a d iffe re n tia l of nearly one
460
generation dictates consideration of strategies to enhance the
educational background and meet the learning needs of adult women.
In this regard, educational planning for the region should a lte r its
predominant focus upon the young and expand opportunities for w om en
who because of age, m arital status or other personal circumstances,
are excluded from a school system focusing upon single females aged
6-18 years. Educational objectives and modes should be defined in
the context of the m ultiple role responsibilities and time constraints
faced by adult women. The instruction, moreover, should be designed
to foster s k ills that both increase performance of everyday tasks,
including economically productive a c tiv itie s , and enhance the
q u ality of lif e . Appendix C presents a summary of a proposal for
a p ilo t program that was conceived for this population.
3. Educational programs also are needed for out-of-school
adolescents, both those who have no formal schooling and those whose
education has ended because of obstacles to th e ir continued
attendance. Regarding the former, instructional opportunities should
focus upon the development of lite ra c y and other s k ills appropriate
to th e ir age and aptitude levels. Outreach effo rts by school
personnel (e .g ., headmistresses, teachers) also are needed to
id e n tify and encourage potential participants to jo in the programs.
Such instruction, as well as that provided to adult women, could be
offered in existing school fa c ilitie s when the regular school program
is not in session. This illu s tra te s an altern ative use of buildings
which, at the time of the fie ld survey fo r this study, were not
being u tiliz e d during off-school hours and vacations. The program
461
for adult w om en in Muaddi is an exception in this regard and further
demonstrates the potential of the g irls ' schools to be the locus of
additional a c tiv itie s . Through such use, moreover, the aura of the
schools as the exclusive domain fo r educating the young might
diminish and th e ir stature as a m ultifaceted component of community
li f e increase.
4. Delineation of the lack of nearby fa c ilitie s as a
constraint upon continued schooling, p a rtic u la rly at the secondary
le v e l, indicates the need to monitor population growth patterns
pertaining to the female population and in accordance with changing
trends, to revise plans fo r allocating school services within the
Valley. Periodic specialized surveys, in addition to current census
reports, could generate the requisite .input fo r planning.
For students who id en tify financial need as a deterrent to
schooling, measures to defray expenses should be extended, including
existing practices to forego enrollment fees and book costs at the
secondary level. As liv in g conditions improve in the area, moreover,
patterns of school attendance and change in the physical factors
that serve as obstacles to female education should be reassessed to
determine effects from rising economic levels. The extent to which
increased s ta b ility and physical security in the region are
associated with a decline in wastage rates in the schools and within
a broader context, the development of a larger resident population,
also represents another pertinent area o f investigation.
To reduce parental opposition to school attendance am ong
daughters and thereby surmount an enduring constraint upon female
462
education in the V alley, several suggestions might be advanced.
F irs t, research could be conducted to examine the e ffe c t of proximity
to school fa c ilitie s upon change in parental attitudes regarding
th e ir daughters' attendance a t school. Evidence of a clear re la tio n
ship between increased parental support and the access of daughters
to school constitutes relevant input for planning regarding
distributional aspects of education in the area.
Second, s ta tis tic a l findings suggest that increased education
am ong fathers might enhance th e ir awareness of benefits that th e ir
daughters can derive from schooling and, as such, predispose them in
favor of education for women. The observed association between the
educational background of. fathers and school attendance am ong
daughters in the Valley sp e c ific ally underscores the cogency of
raising the educational level of male residents. In view of the low
educational attainment of male as well as female adults in the region
o v e ra ll, expansion of instructional programs fo r this population
could be considered as a measure to foster positive attitudes am ong
parents regarding schooling for th e ir daughters.
F in a lly , a systematic e ffo rt might be undertaken by school
personnel to engender support am ong parents, p a rtic u la rly those with
l i t t l e or no educational background. The focus of such an endeavor
would be twofold: f ir s t , to channel information regarding school
objectives and a c tiv itie s to mothers and fathers; and second, to
encourage parental participation in school-related a ffa irs .
5. Am ong female students, the association between work-
related preparation as a key reason for attending school and th e ir
46^
m atriculation to re la tiv e ly high levels within the educational system
suggests that strategies should be formulated to encourage g irls to
remain in school in the expectation that continued enrollment would
Nl .
enhance th e ir awareness of outcomes from schooling in terms of labor
participation and contribute to interest in preparing for future
economic roles. Specific measures include incentives to foster
attendance, such as scholarships, allowances to fam ily, transporta
tion i f fa c ilitie s are d istan t, and commendations that gain recogni
tion from peers, fam ily, and the community. Moreover, counseling by
school and other appropriate personnel to provide both support for
educational endeavors and information pertinent to occupational
decision-making could deter a ttr itio n am ong female students and
sp e c ific ally promote th e ir recognition of an association between
continued schooling and future labor pursuits.
To reduce the ambiguity prevalent am ong female residents
regarding th e ir reasons for attending school, guidance processes also
could increase cognition of possible outcomes in terms of concrete
s k ills and a b ilitie s that pertain to diverse roles, including those
in the economic sphere.
Yet another recommendation pertains to research. A s
increasing numbers of female residents advance to high levels within
the formal educational system, th e ir motives fo r attending school
could be reexamined: f ir s t , to derive evidence of change in the
outcomes they expect from th e ir education that might have implications
fo r planning regarding female labor particip atio n ; and second, to
464
assess the effectiveness of measures designed to encourage th e ir
continuation in school.
6 . To foster aspirations for labor roles a fte r marriage
am ong young, single w om en in the Valley, the findings derived with
reference to the work-related expectations of single female residents
prompt consideration of measures to encourage female students to
remain in school and reduce constraints upon th e ir pursuit of higher
levels of education.
From a planning standpoint, however, the existing paucity of
jobs in the professional areas in which female students prefer to
work underscores the need to synchronize work aspirations and actual
opportunities for economic participation to avoid underutilization
of labor and dissatisfaction that results in the migration of s k illed
residents from the region. In this context, key objectives of
development programs should include: f ir s t , expansion of employment
opportunities for w om en with professional s k ills ; second, id e n tific a
tion of altern ative labor spheres as viable options for w om en in
terms of c rite ria of social acceptability; and th ird , recognition of
fie ld s that are not tra d itio n a lly associated with w om en in the Valley
as appropriate areas of a c tiv ity for the female population.
Increasing labor needs in technical and sem i-skilled areas in
accordance with development objectives also prompt consideration of
measures to achieve: f ir s t , d ivers ific a tio n of the range of fie ld s
defined as preferred spheres of labor by w om en attending school in
the Valley; and second, enhancement of interest am ong female re s i
dents with l i t t l e or no schooling and, thus, the m ajority of the
465
female population, in preparing for participation in such fie ld s .
Another recommendation based upon conclusions drawn with
reference to the occupational aspirations of single w om en refers to
further research. Tracer studies focusing upon the roles and
a c tiv itie s of female residents upon completion of formal schooling
would generate evidence of the extent to which th e ir work-related
expectations were s atis fie d . Outcomes from the fa ilu re to f u l f i l l
the aspirations, such as abstention from labor a c tiv ity .o r migration
from the region, also would be disclosed. Such data would serve as
a basis for assessing, with reference to the female population, the
v a lid ity of Fernea's (1977) contention that expansion of the schools
"w ill be a s ta b ilizin g contribution of the utmost importance" (p. 29)
in the Valley.
An area of related research entails investigation of the
relationship between the schooling of Valley w om en and decision
making that pertains to th e ir economic a c tiv ity . The essence of
the study would be to delineate the effects of rising educational
attainment upon the participation of female residents in decisions
to engage in the economic sphere and to select the specific fie ld
of labor a c tiv ity .
♦
7. S ta tis tic a l findings regarding the content of the
educational programs pursued by female residents prompt several
recommendations. F irs t, revision of the curriculum of the V alley’ s
schools could be considered in lig h t of the paucity of work-related
input that characterizes existing programs. This measure would
466
entail inclusion of content that both offers basic orientation to
occupational roles and develops s k ills in specific labor tasks.
Second, provision of s c ie n tific studies in a ll secondary
schools for g irls in the region would increase th e ir opportunities
for acquiring background for postsecondary preparation in fie ld s
in which a shortage of personnel exists in the Valley (e .g ., health).
Third, the negative assessment provided by w om en engaged in
farming regarding the usefulness of th e ir schooling to the labor
tasks they perform, suggests a need to incorporate instruction in
the schools that enhances performance of agricultural work. In
addition, provision of nonformal programs and extension services to
female farmers constitutes another measure to upgrade th e ir knowledge
of processes, inputs and methods which could increase th e ir
productivity in this sector.
Fourth, among w om en whose education has not extended beyond
the primary le v e l, the low propensity to engage in economically
productive work generates a need for incentives sp ecifically
designed for this group, both to develop interest in work a c tiv ity
and to enhance th e ir actual participation in the economic sphere.
The lack of association between curricular aspects of the
schooling received by Valley w om en and the kind of work they perform
in the region raises certain policy considerations. The role of
the schools in preparing female residents for economic a c tiv itie s in
the Valley should be defined with greater c la rity . In this regard,
the objectives, scope, and nature of such instruction should be
467
synchronized with labor requirements within the area and nonformal
programs formulated sp ecifically to develop work-related s k ills .
This endeavor presupposes, moreover, that the preparation of
w om en for labor a c tiv itie s and expansion of th e ir economic particip a
tion in general constitute policy objectives within the planning
framework that pertains to the Valley. Their delineation as such
entails modification of existing plans which, at present, do not
consider or define policy regarding female residents as a labor
resource. Proposed programs to upgrade the productivity of farm
labor further suggest that planners do not envision an expanded or
d iversified role for w om en as agricultural development occurs in the
Valley. The agricultural training in s titu te to be located at W adi
Yabes, for example, includes only males within its projected student
population, while the proposed curriculum for the Rural Development
Center in Muaddi sharply distinguishes ski 11s-development options
according to gender: domestic science and handicrafts fo r women;
agriculture and technical trades for men. Such features underscore
the need to enunciate policy regarding the future role of w om en in
agriculture in the context of: f ir s t , the shortage of workers in
this sector; second, current policies to import foreign workers to
meet labor needs, including the economic and social costs of such
measures; and th ird , development goals to expand economic output and
raise the liv in g standards of the resident population.
Research in related spheres could generate additional input
for the formulation of policy and the design of programs to develop
the labor potential of Valley women. For example, analysis of the
468
work-related preparation provided by the formal system in terms of
performance in school, rather than the amount of education obtained,
might yield evidence of factors that enhance achievement of specific
learning outcomes (e .g ., those pertaining to the economic sphere).
Another pertinent area of research refers to the methods
used by Valley teachers who are products of the sam e kind of educa
tion provided to female residents enrolled in school. Does the
instruction provided by teachers in the region reinforce trad ition al
values regarding the appropriate roles and a c tiv itie s of Valley
w om en? Or do they seek to develop s k ills and a b ilitie s that enable
g irls to function in various capacities--not only that of a
university student, but in a job context, as a family member, and as
a participant in community affairs?
P ilo t project also might be developed that incorporate
instructional strategies to increase the competencies of w om en
engaged in work a c tiv itie s . Adaptation of the Vocational Training
Corporation (VTC) concept that provides nonformal on-the-job
training to w om en working in urban areas of Jordan might be considerec
in this context.
8 . The primacy of economic need in promoting labor a c tiv ity
am ong Valley w om en provides support for measures to increase th e ir
income-generation cap ab ility, including greater access to paid
employment and equalization of wages paid to w om en and m en for the
sam e work. These suggestions are p articu larly salient with regard
to female farmers who form the largest labor group am ong economically
active women, but who record a lower incidence of compensation than
469
w om en engaged in nonagricultural fie ld s . The d iffe re n tia l also
discloses the need to develop adequate methods for assessing the
economic value of the work performed by unpaid female labor and its
contribution to farm earnings.
In view of the high rate of payment reported by w om en who
produce handicrafts in the region, examination of the level of wages
generated by and the marketing potential of such products could
yield insight into the expansion of such a c tiv itie s as a viable
economic sphere for women. The social sanction accorded handicraft
production as a "suitable" area for female residents and the wide
spread in terest recorded by the survey among Valley w om en in acquir-
*
ing ski 11s in these fie ld s further contribute to appraisal of the
economic potential of handicrafts as an area for further investiga
tion.
Moreover, as livin g standards rise in the V alley, with the
p o ss ib ility of a concomitant reduction in the financial imperative
for work a c tiv ity am ong fem ale,residents, altern ative incentives
should be provided to foster high rates of female labor participation
and, thus, to maximize the contribution of w om en to economic
production and higher income levels in the region. The non-economic
motives id e n tifie d by young w om en who generally have never engaged
in labor tasks indicate a source of potential options. Their
emphasis upon benefits in terms of enjoyment and f illin g free time,
however, prompt speculation about the extent to which certain kinds
of work prevalent in the Valley could be perceived as satisfying
such interests (e .g ., farm tasks). To encourage w om en to engage in
470
these spheres, there is a need for measures that e ffe c tiv e ly offset
the negative aspects associated with the work; th e ir d e fin itio n
represents another area of program development.
9. In view of the paucity of schooling characterizing the
mothers of Valley women, which precluded examination of associational
patterns involving the school attendance and labor a c tiv ity of the
la tte r , i t is recommended that this component of the study be
replicated when the segment of adult w om en with schooling has
increased.
A comparable suggestion is advanced with respect to male
residents to assess conclusions based upon findings from the present
research that an educational experience predisposes this parent in
favor of schooling for daughters. Rising educational attainment
am ong adult residents is thus expected to generate an appropriate
data base for investigating the theoretical rationale underlying
this component of the study. I t also could yield evidence to
consider the e ffe c t of increased educational achievement upon the
respective authority of mothers and fathers regarding decisions that
pertain to the schooling and labor a c tiv ity of daughters.
10. As change occurs in the labor participation of Valley
women, notably in terms of an increase in the number of w om en w ho
are economically active, the occupational background of mothers
could be reexamined in terms of the theoretical proposition that in
the Valley, a relationship exists between this socioeconomic
characteristic of the fam ily and factors pertaining to daughters
( i . e . , school attendance and work a c tiv ity ).
471
With regard to fathers, the occupational data generated for
this parent could be reclassified into fewer categories (s p e c ific a lly ,
agricultural sector/nonagricultural sector) to reduce the number of
cells in the contingency tables. O n the basis of the revised
ordering, the s ta tis tic a l tests could be repeated to determine i f
school attendance and labor a c tiv ity am ong Valley w om en whose fathers
are farmers d iffe r from female residents whose fathers work in non-
agricultural fie ld s . With regard to both parents, moreover,
d iversificatio n of the V alley's economy and, thus, change in the
spheres in which residents work would constitute a basis for
additional research focusing upon the occupational background of
mothers and fathers as a variable that contributes to the education
and labor a c tiv ity of w om en who reside in the region.
11. The narrow range of a c tiv itie s reported by Valley w om en
as those in which female residents work prompts consideration of
strategies to expand awareness of actual labor conditions as well as
changing labor needs associated with the d iv e rs ific a tio n of the
region's economy. The creation of ongoing channels of information
could serve this function; in this regard, the trad itio n al role of
w om en as communicators and information brokers in the area should be
recognized as a factor that might impact upon the effectiveness of
such measures. Occupational counseling services also could be
developed to monitor the a v a ila b ility of work opportunities and
provide guidance regarding programs to develop s k ills requisite for
employment. The fe a s ib ility of extending occupational information
and counseling through the schools in the Valley could be examined.
472
In view of the variation observed in the a b ility of w om en
with d iffe re n t labor backgrounds to id e n tify the types of work
performed by female residents in th e ir v illa g e s , moreover,
inform ational, counseling, and other services should incorporate
measures designed for specific groups. The lower level of awareness
characterizing w om en who have never been economically active, for
example, suggests the need for outreach e ffo rts that provide
comprehensive data on labor conditions; this contrasts with female
workers whose knowledge appears more extensive and who might benefit
from information regarding specific job and training opportunities.
12. O n the basis of the clear preference for handicrafts,
food processing, and other trad itio n al a c tiv itie s am ong w om en who
represent a broad spectrum of ages, educational backgrounds, villa g e
s ites, and labor experiences, i t is recommended that s k ills training
programs build upon this interest and thereby focus upon such areas
both to enhance existing competencies and to extend the opportunity
for th e ir acquisition to wider segments of the female population. As
an integral component of planning, i t is further suggested that
strategies be devised to fa c ilita te the transfer of acquired a b ilitie s
into marketable s k ills . Instruction in n u tritio n or food processing,
for example, might foster knowledge and s k ills that are applicable to
the canning industry, which because of the region's agricultural
productivity, represents an area with economic potential for the
Valley.
The d iffe re n tia l in recep tivity to ski 11s-development training
according to age suggests that instructional programs should be
473
designed for target populations in accordance with p articu lar features
and interests of these groups. In addition to the slig h t interest
expressed in training by middle-aged women, the favorable response
generated with respect to only a minority of the female population
overall underscores the need for both additional research and
specific measures as requisite aspects of effo rts to increase
recep tivity to the development of competencies in both household-
related and income-generating a c tiv itie s . These might include
several considerations:, f ir s t , d efin itio n of the reasons for the
paucity of enthusiasm regarding ski 1 1 s,-development instruction,
which would indicate the factors that constitute obstacles to
participation in training programs; second, examination of interest
in acquiring s k ills in areas other than those included in this
study; th ird , formulation of incentives to foster recep tivity and
encourage participation in courses to develop s k ills , p a rtic u la rly
in areas in which Valley w om en manifest minimal in te re s t, but which
are characterized by a labor shortage (e .g ., agriculture, health
care); and fourth, as illu s tra te d by the program plan fo r "Job and
Family Care Skills-Development Am ong W o m en in the East Jordan Valley"
presented in Appendix C, design, and subsequent testing, of p ilo t
programs to develop s k ills within the female population in fie ld s
that accord with the interests of female residents and have potential
income-earning effects.
13. The fa ilu re to reje c t the independence posited with
reference to certain variables under study, and the derivation of
mixed results when relation al patterns involved other factors, prompt
consideration of modifications in the methodology and subsequent
replication of the study in accordance with these revisions.
a. C lassification into fewer salien t categories to reduce
the dispersion of data pertaining to several variables;
this pertains to such factors as the level of educational
attainment, work motives, and the types of labor performed by
Valley w om en as well as th e ir parents.
b. Increase in the size of the sample to enhance representation
of the female population of the region and to derive a larger
data base for examining returns from the investment in
education in terms of female labor a c tiv ity and, thus, the
rationale underlying the hypothesized relation between school
attendance and work participation am ong female residents.
c. Increased randomization in the selection of the subjects by
f ir s t , s tric t adherence to the c rite ria established fo r the
designation of research s ite s , which would preclude extension
to other locations ( i . e . , Jaufat E l-K afrein ), and second,
v is its to schools as well as households as interview sites at
a ll villages to include female residents whose educational
pursuits reduce the p o s s ib ility of interviews at home; th e ir
exclusion s p e c ific a lly detracts from the derivation of a
representative sample for the study.
d. D efinition of indicators that represent the phenomena under
consideration with greater accuracy. In this regard,
underlying assumptions can weaken the measurement and
subsequent analysis of key variables. In this study, for
475
example, the level of education attained by Valley w om en was
interpreted as an appropriate index of curricular content
because the grade (or amount of schooling) was assumed to
embody substantive aspects of th e ir education (Hypothesis 4).
In the absence of controls, the fa lla c y of this assumption
would resu lt in inappropriate or fa u lty conclusions. Since
the variables under study tend to be coexistent, moreover,
measures to isolate such factors also should be devised to
enhance th e ir analysis,
e. As a control procedure for the s ta tis tic a l analysis, addition
of other variables to assess th e ir effects upon the
hypothesized relationships.. Thus, with reference to the
association postulated between school attendance and labor
a c tiv ity am ong w om en in the Valley, the control of such
factors as age, economic background and m arital status
through test procedures could foster greater accuracy in
defining the nature of the relationship and drawing
conclusions in terms of the rationale that prompted its
investigation.
476
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477
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APPENDIXES
488
APPENDIX A
TABLES 59 TH R O U G H 73
Table 59
Population of the East Jordan Valley by Sex and Area
(March 1973)
Sex
% of % of % of
Total Total Total
Area Female Population Male Population Total Populati
Northern Area 13,710 21.4 14,352 22.4 28,062 43.8
Middle Area 12,285 19.2 13,510 21.1 25,795 40.3
Southern Area 4,858 7.6 5,297 8.3 10,155 15.9
All Valley 30,853 48.2 33,159 51.8 64,012
Calculated from Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Social and Economic Survey of the East
Jordan Valley: 1973, A m m an : Department of S tatistics, 1973, Table 1, p. 86.
- p *
00
VO
Table 60
School Enrollment in the East Jordan Valley by Age and Sex
(March 1973)
% of Age Group % of Age Group % of Total
(by Sex) in School Age Group
Age Female Male Female Male Female Male
6-11 years 54.8 76.5 39.5 60.5 26.2 40.0
12-14 years 37.7 82.0 29.6 70.4 18.0 42.8
15-17 years 15.5 54.7 20.9 79.1 7.5 28.2
18-19 years 4.9 27.9 15.8 84.2 2.6 13.7
Calculated from Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Social and Economic Survey of the East
Jordan Valley: 1973. A m m an : Department of S tatistics, 1973, Table 19, p. 128.
Table 61
Rates of School Attendance by V illage and M arital Status
Village
School
Attendance El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrien Muaddi El-Manshiya
Totals
(Column % )
N
R o w %
Attending N o w
S d
17
41.4
Kafrein
S M
17 0
41.4
M D
0
Jaufat
S M
0 0
S
12
29.3
M
5
12.2
S
7
17.1
M
0
S M
36 5 '
48.6% 3.7%
41
19.5%
N 9 7 8 10 13 .14 30 31 61
R o w % 14.8 11.5 13.1 16.4 21.3 22.9
Attended Before
Kafrein
3 4
Jaufat
6 3
4.9 6.6 9.8 4.9 40.5% 22.8% 29.0%
N 4 33 1 34 3 33 8 100 108
R o w % 3.7 30.6 0.9 31.5 2.8 30.6
Never Attended
Kafrei n Jaufat
3 8 1 25
2.8 7.4 0.9 23.1 10.8% 73.5% 51.5%
N 30 40 21 49 23 47 74 136 210
R o w % 14.3 19.0 10.0 23.3 10.9 22.4
Subtotals
aSingle
^Married
491
Table 62
Incidence of Work A c tiv ity by V illage and M arital Status
Village
Incidence of
W ork El-Kafrein/Jaufat El-Kafrein Muaddi El-Manshiya Totals
N
R o w %
s a
10
12.9
M D
13.
16.9
S
9
11.7
M.
igd
24.7
S
8
10.4
18 -
23.4
S
27
35.1
M
50
64.9
Col. r
77
N o w
Kafrein Jaufat
S . M
5 4
6.5 5.2
S M
5 ‘ 9e
6.5 11.7 36.8
N
R o w %
0 3
15.0
0 9
45.0
0 8f
40.0
0 20
100.0
20
Kafrein Jaufat
Before 0 2
10.0
0 1
5.0 9.6
N
R o w %
20
17.9
23
20.5
12
10.7
21^
18.8
15
13.4
21
18.8
47
41.9
65
58.1
112
Never
Kafrein Jaufat
18 6
16.1 5.3
2 17
1.8 15.2 53.6
N
R o w %
Subtotals
30
14.4
39
18.7
21
10.0
49
23.4
23
11.0
47
22.5
74 135 209
fsingle
Married
JjC olum ri percentages
Includes two widows
.Includes two widows and one divorcee
Includes one widow
- P a .
V £ >
ro
Table 63
Type o f Work A c tiv ity Performed in
R elation to Age
Age
Work A c tivity_____________ 15-24__________ 35t44 Totals
Working N ow a
N 35 42 77
R ow % 45.5 54.5 100.0
Column % 33.3 40.0 36.7
Planting 5 14 19
Watering 1 1 2
Weeding 10 21 31
Harvesti ng 12 28 40
Animal Care 4 10 14
Collect Firewood 0 2 2
Food Processing 3 1 4
Marketing/Trade 1 1 2
Sewing/Dressmaking 8 9 17
Embroidery 10 6 16
Crochet/Knitting 5 2 7
Woolwork 2 1 3
T eachi ng 5 0 5
"Arab" Doctor 0 1 1
Janitor/Maid 0 1 1
a
Worked Before
N 6 14 20
R ow % 30.0 70.0 100.0
Column % 5.7 13.3 9.5
Planting 0 6 6
Watering 0 1 1
Weedi ng 2 6 8
Harvesting 3 8 11
Animal Care 0 2 2
Food Processing 0 1 1
Sewi ng/Dressmaki ng 2 2 4
Crochet/Kni t t i ng 0 1 1
Nursing 1 0 1
Hairdressing 1 0 1
Never Worked
N 64 49 113
R ow % 56.6 43.4 100.0
Column % 60.9 46.7 53.8
aM ultiple work a c tiv itie s reported by most respondents.
Table 64
Daughter's Educational Level in Relation to Mother's Level of Educational Attainment
Mother's Educational Level
Daughter's P ri P ri P ri- P ri- P ri P ri- Prepara- Second Never to
Educational Level mary 1 mary 2 mary 3 mary 4 m a ry 5 m a ry 6 tory 3 ary 1 School
School N ow 9
Primary 4 1
Preparatory 1 1
Preparatory 2 4
Preparatory 3 1 1 1 1 1 13
Secondary 1 2
Secondary 2 1 0
Secondary 3 5
Teacher Training 2
Adult Education 6
School Before
Primary 1 1
Primary 2 5
Primary 3 5
Primary 4 11
Primary 5 1 1 8
Primary 6 9
Preparatory 1 4
Preparatory 2 8
Preparatory 3 1 2
Secondary 1 1
Secondary 3 1
Teacher Training 3
Never to School 108
a0ne respondent did not indicate her mother's educational level.
- F *
Table 65
Daughter’ s Educational Level in Relation to Father's Level of Educational Attainment
Father's Educational Level
Daughter's Liter Pri - P ri P ri P ri P ri P ri Pre- Pre- Second Uni Never
Educati on acy mary mary mary mary mary mary para- para- ary versity to
Level 1 2 3 : 4 5 6 tory 1 tory 2 3 4 School
School N o w a
Primary 4 1
Preparatory 1 1 0
Preparatory 2 1 2 1
Preparatory 3 1 1 5 2 1 8
Secondary 1 1 1 0
Secondary 2 1 0
rSecondary 3 I 4
Teacher Training 1 1
Adult Education 1 5
School Before3
Primary 1 1
Primary 2 2 3
Primary 3 1 - 4
Primary 4 1 1 2 7
Primary 5 1 1 1 7
Primary 6 1 1 1 5
Preparatory 1 1 1 2
Preparatory 2 1 1 1 5
Preparatory 3 1 2
Secondary 1 1 0
Secondary 3 1
Teacher Training 2 1 0
Never to School 5 1
2
1
99
a0ne respondent did not indicate her father's educational level.
4*
vo
cn
Table 66
Daughter's Educational Level in Relation to Mother's Work A c tiv ity
9
Mother' s W ork Acti. vi ty
Daughter's Year-Round Seasonal Animal Sewing/ Never
Em ployee Educational Level Farmer Farmer Care Dressmaking Midwife
School N o w
Preparatory 3 0 0 0 3 0 15
Adult Education 0 0 2 0 0 4
All Other Levels 0 0 0 0 0 17
Subtotals:
N 0 0 2 3 0 36
R o w % 4.9 7.3 87.8
School Before
Primary 2 1 0 0 1 0 3
Primary 3 1 1 0 0 0 3
Primary 4 2 0 0 1 0 8
Primary 5 0 1 0 0 0 9
Primary 6 1 1 1 1 0 5
Preparatory 1 1 1 0 0 0 2
Preparatory 2 1 1 0 0 0 6
Preparatory 3 0 0 0 0 1 2
Secondary 1 1 0 0 0 0 0
Teacher Training 0 1 0 0 0 2 -
All Other Levels 0 0 0 0 0 2
Subtotals:
N 8 6 1 3 1 42
R o w % 13.1 9.8 1.6 4.9 1.6 68.9
Never to School
N 11 11 7 1 0 78
R o w % 10.2 10.2 6.5 0.9 72.2
QMultiple responses provided.
496
Table 67
Daughter’ s Educational Level in Relation to Father's Work A c tiv ity
Father's W ork A ctivity3
Daughter's
Educational
Level
Year-
Round Seasonal Land Animal Merchant/
Government/
Village
Farmer Farmer owner Care Laborer Grocer Employee
School N o w
Primary 4 1 0 0 0 0 0 0
Preparatory 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0
Preparatory 2 2 2 0 0 0 1 0
Preparatory 3 9 3 2 0 0 3 2
Secondary 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0
Secondary 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0
Secondary 3 3 1 2 0 0 0 0
Teacher Training 0 0 1 0 0 0 1
Adult Education 2 0 1 2 0 0 0
Subtotals:
N 19 6 7 2 0 6 3
R o w % 38.8 12.2 14.3 4.1
■
12.2 6.1
M u ltip le responses provided.
->
Table 67 (Continued)
Father’s W ork A ctivity3
Daughter’s
Educational Not
Level M ilitary Engineer Driver Carpenter Muerzzin Working
School N o w
Primary 4 0 0 0 0 0 0
Preparatory 1 0 0 0 0 0 0
Preparatory 2 0 0 1 0 0 0
Preparatory 3 0 0 2 0 0 0
Secondary 1 0 1 0 0 0 0
Secondary 2 0 0 0 0 0 0
Secondary 3 0 0 0 0 0 0
Teacher Training 0 0 0 0 0 0
Adult Education 0 0 0 0 0 2
Subtotals:
N 0 1 3 0 0 2
R o w % 2.0 6.1 4.1
M u ltip le responses provided.
• P *
i£ >
00
Table 67 (Continued)
Father's W ork Activity^
Daughter's
Educational
Year-
Round Seasonal Land Animal
Laborer
Merchant/
Government/
Village
Level Farmer Farmer owner Care Grocer Employee
School Before
Primary 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Primary 2 3 0 1 0 0 0 0
Primary 3 3 1 0 0 0 1 0
Primary 4 4 4 0 0 1 1 0
Primary 5 0 1 0 1 2 0 0
Primary 6 5 0 0 0 1 0 2
Preparatory 1 2 2 0 0 0 0 0
Preparatory 2
3 0 1 0 0 2 0
Preparatory 3 1 0 0 0 0 2 0
Secondary 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Secondary 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Teacher Training 1 1 1 0 0 0 0
Subtotals:
N 22 9 3 1 4 6 2
R o w % 34.4 14.1 4.7 1.6 6.2 9.4 3.1
Never to School
N 45 19 7 9 8 4 5
R o w % 40.5 17.1 6.3 8.1 7.2 3.6 4.5
aMultiple responses provided.
.t*
VO
VO
Table 67 (Continued)
Father’s W ork A ctivity3
Daughter's
Educational
Not
Level
M ilitary Engineer Driver Carpenter Muezzin Working
School Before
Primary 1 Q 0 0 0 0 1
Primary 2 0 0 0 0 0 1
Primary 3 0 0 0 0 0 0
Primary 4 1 0 2 0 0 0
Primary 5 1 0 2 0 0 2
Primary 6 0 0 2 0 0 1
Preparatory 1 0 0 0 0 0 0
Preparatory 2 1 0 1 0 0 0
Preparatory 3 0 0 0 . 0 0 0
Secondary 1 0 0 1 0 0 0
Secondary 3 0 0 1 0 0 0
Teacher Training 0 0 0 0 0 0
Subtotals:
N 3 0 9 0 0 5
R o w % 4.7 14.1
7.8
Never to School
N 0 0 1 1 1 11
R o w %
0.9 0.9 0.9 9.9
Multiple responses provided.
500
Table 68
Awareness of Types of Labor Performed in Village in Relation to W ork Activity
(Respondents Working N ow )
Type of Labor in Village9
Work Activity
Performed^ Plowing
Crop
Planting Watering W eedi n g Harvesting
Animal
Care
Food
Processing
Crop Planting (19) 0 11 3 13 13 11 3
Watering (2) 0 0 1 2 1 0 0
Weeding (31) 0 12 2 25 22 13 4
Harvesting (40) 1 14 2 28 34 11 2
Animal Care (14) 2 8 3 9 9 10 5
Collect
Firewood (2) 0 2 0 2 0 2 2
Food
Processing (4) 0 2 0 3 2 3 2
Marketing/
Trade (2) 0 1 0 1 2 0 0
Sewing/Dress
making (17) 1 10 1 14 10 9 4
Ebroidery (16) 1 11 1 13 8 10 4
Crochet/
Knitting (7) 0 6 0 5 4 5 5
Woolwork (3) 0 3 0 2 2 3 2
Teaching (5) 0 2 1 4 4 1 1
"Arab" Doctor (1) 0 0 0 1 1 0 0
Janitor (1) 0 0 0 0 1 0 0
aMultiple responses provided.
^Number refers to total respondents working in the activity.
501
Table 68 (Continued)
Type of Labor in Village3
W ork Activity
Performedb
Marketing
Trade
Sewing/
Dressmaking Embroidery
Crochet/
Knitting Woolwork
Pottery
Making
Crop Planting (19) 0 15 10 8 5 0
Watering (2) 0 0 0 0 0 0
Weeding (31) 1 16 10 7 2 0
Harvesting (40) 0 17 9 6 3 0
Animal Care (14) 1 11 8 6 4 0
Col 1ect
Firewood (2) 0 2 2 2 2 0
Food Processing (4) 1 3 2 2 0 0
Marketing/
Trade (2) 0 1 0 0 0 0
Sewing/Dress
making (17) 1 14 10 7 5 0
Embroidery (16) 1 12 10 8 6 1
Crochet/
Knitting (7) 1 6 5 5 4 0
Woolwork (3) 0 3 3 3 3 0
Teaching (5) 0 2 1 1 0
0
“Arab doctor" (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0
Janitor (1) 0 1 0 0 0 0
aMultiple responses provided.
^Number refers to total respondents working in the activity.
cn
o
ro
Table 68 (Continued)
Types of Labor in Village3
W ork Activity Basket W o m e n do
Performed*3 Weaving Teaching Not W ork
Crop Planting (1*9) 0 9 0
Watering (2) 0 0 0
Weeding (31) 0 11 .0
Harvesting (40) 0 11 0
Animal Care (14) 0 6 0
Collect
Firewood (2) 0 0 0
Food
Processing (4) 0 3 0
Marketing/
Trade (2) 0 1 0
Sewing/Dress
making (17) b 4 1
Embroidery (16) 1 4 1
Crochet/
Knitting (7) 1 2 0
Woolwork (3) 1 0 0
Teaching (5) 0 2 0
"Arab doctor" (1) 0 0 0
Janitor (1) 0 1 0
M u ltip le responses provided.
^Number refers to total respondents working in the activity.
503
Table 68 (Continued)
Chi-Square
Lam bda
(Symmetric) Chi-Square
Lam bda
(Symmetric)
1. 200.88547** 0.08837 2. 128.75211 0.09694
(df - 130) (df =130)
183.16273* 0.08257 108.64883 0.07538
(df = 143) (df = 143)
144.86334* 0.04124 126.17801 0.04000
(df = 117) (df = 117)
136.16071 0.03086 160.13330* 0.02797
(df = 130) (df = 130)
130.81413 J 0.02797 163.77591** 0.03226
(df = 117) (df = 117)
180.53232** 0.04839 234.24091** 0.05714
(df = 104) (df = 104)
116.72620** 0.03571 162.04814** 0.04301
(df = 78) (df = 78)
145.61615** 0.02941 161.25987** 0.03614
(df = 78) (df = 78)
40.56770 0.01087 62.92514** 0.01370
(df = 39) (df = 39)
39.80998 0.03488 70.26318* 0.01493
(df = 52.) (df = 52)
*p < .05
**p < .01
504
Table 68 (Continued)
Lam bda Lam bda
Chi-Square (Symmetric) Chi-Square (Symmetric)
3. 94.31361 0.05587 4. 28.06783 0.05263
(df = 100) (df = 90)
72.90535 0.04396 45.70842 0.05172
(df = 110) (df = 99)
91.04543 0.05063 57.03383 0.03333
(df = 90) (df = 81)
118.54510 0.03175 81.42418 0.03390
(df = 100) (df = 90)
120.65425* 0.02804 104.58702* 0.04040
(df = 90) (df = 81)
285.20557** 0.03409 261.44238** 0.05000
(df = 80) (df = 72)
113.12003** 0.02632 113.33952** 0.04412
(df = 60) (df = 54)
125.14529** 0.03030 114.30739** 0.05172
(df = 60) (df = 54)
125.26118** 0.03571 111.00429** 0.04167
(df = 30) (df = 27)
249.07141** 0.06000 250.76675** 0.07143
(df = 40) (df = 36)
*p < .05
**p < .01
cn
W
C T l :
Table 68 (Continued)
Chi-Square
Lam bda
(Symmetric) Chi-Square
Lam bda
(Synmetric)
5.. 25.50447 0.04790 6. 32.02058 0.05769
(df = 80) (df = 70)
59.28700 0.04118 39.37663 0.05660
(df = 88) (df = 77)
57.52740 0.02740 42.97377 0.02222
(df = 72) (df = 63)
91.88350 0.04386 56.68687 0.02913
(df - 80) (df = 70)
87.92688 0.04211 71.17500 0.03571
(df = 72) (df = 63)
257.10962** 0.05263 253.15829** 0.06154
(df = 64) (df =56)
102.73021** 0.04688 113.90117** 0.05660
(df = 48) (df = 42)
105.39360** 0.05556 71.95189** 0.04651
(df = 48) (df = 42)
88.70015** 0.02273 70.60574** 0.03030
(df = 24) (df = 21)
53.36969* 0.02632 34.82857 0.03704
(df = 32) (df = 28)
*p < .05
**p < .01
506
Table 68 (Continued)
Chi-Square
Lam bda
(Symmetric) Chi-Square
Lam bda
(Symmetric)
7.. 20.02919 0.04082 8. 16.28127 0.02098
(df = 60) (df = 40)
47.37889 0.04667 23.95190 0.02055
(df = 66) (df =44)
110.43118** 0.03175 50.32874 0.01639
(df = 54) (df = 36)
50.23595 0.03191 24.96230 0.01111
(df = 60) (df = 40)
63.38091 0.04000 18.53148 0.01408
(df = 54) (df = 36)
229.15002*** 0.05357 16.36459 0.01923
(df = 48) (df = 32)
60.68431** 0.04545 18.95570 0.02500
(df = 36) (df = 24)
70.76671** 0.05882 18.69119 0.03333
(df = 36) (df = 24
69.90353** 0.04167 0.39400 0.0
(df = 18) (df =12)
34.46201 0.05556 0.22934 0.0
(df = 24) (df = 16)
*p < .05
**p < .01
507
Table 69
Awareness of Types o f Labor Performed in V illage in Relation to Work A c tiv ity
(Respondents W ho Worked Before)
Types of Labor in Village^
W ork Activity
Performed*5 Planting Watering Weeding Harvesti ng
Animal
Care
Food
Processing
Marketing/
Trade
Planting (6) 1 0 4 4 2 2 1
Watering (1) 0 0 0 1 0 0 0
Weeding (8) 2 0 6 6 3 1 1
Harvesting (10) 3 0 8 10 3 2 1
Animal Care (2) 1 0 2 0 1 2 1
Food
Processing (1)
0 0 1 0 0 1 0
Sewing/Dress
making (4) 1 1 3 2 3 1 0
Crochet/
Knitting (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Nursing (1) 1 0 1 1 1 0 0
Hairdressing (1) • 1 0 1 1 1 1 0
M u ltip le responses provided.
^Number refers to total respondents w ho worked in the activity.
Table 69 (Continued)
Types of Labor in Villages
W ork A ctivity
Performedb
Sewi ng/
Dressmakinq Embroidery
Crochet/
Knittinq Woolwork Teaching
W o m e n do
Not W ork
Planting (6) 2 1 1 1 1 0
Watering (1) 0 0 0 0 0 0
Weeding (8) 3 1 1 1 2 0
Harvesting (10) 4 2 2 2 4 0
Animal Care (2)
Food
1 1 1 1 0 0
Processing (1)
Sewing/Dress
0 0 0 0 0 0
making (4)
Crochet/
1 0 0 0 1 0
Knitting (1) 0 0 0 0 G 1
Nursing (1) 0 0 0 0 1 0
Hairdressing 1 0 0 0 1 0
aMultiple responses provided.
h
Num ber refers to total respondents w ho worked in the activity.
cn
O
vo
Table 69 (Continued)
Lam bda Lam bda
Chi-Square (Symmetric) Chi-Square (Symmetric)
1. 88.47256** 0.01899 2. 16.13593 0.01361
(df = 60) (df = 50)
35.70665 0.02484 118.32692** 0.02000
(df = 66) (df = 55)
20.34174 0.01460 17.53694 0.,01587
(df = 54) (df = 45)
32.04204 0.00952 24.53122 0.01064
(df =60) (df = 50)
69.77396 0.02326 89.97906** 0.02667
(df = 54) (df = 45)
26.51439 0.01493 6.91369 0.0
(df = 48) (df = 40)
60.38264** 0.01818 8.65969 0.0
(df = 36) (df = 30)
8.49665 0.0 9.43202 0.0
(df = 36) (df = 30)
12.36240 0.0 10.67814 0.0
(df = 18) (df = 15)
0.98979 0.0 0.42103 0.0
(df = 24) (df = 20)
*p < .05
**p < .01
510
Table 69 (Continued)
Lam bda Lam bda
Chi-Square (Symmetric) Chi-Square (Symmetric)
3. 8.22412 0.00699 4., 7.29001 0.01429
(df = 30) (df = 20
109.21637** 0.01370 6.75774 0.01399
(df = 33)
(df = 22)
8.85500 0.00820 6.64391 0.00840
(df = 27) (df = 18)
8.16953 0.0 18.85149 0.01149
(df =30) (df = 20)
74.44234** 0.01408 210.45572** 0.02941
(df = 27) (df = 18)
5.72984 0.0 18.45795 0.02041
(df = 24) (df = 16)
7.84975 0.0 25.56270* 0.02703
(df = 18) (df = 12)
8.89677 0.0 29.26556** 0.03704
(df = 18) (df = 12)
10.38924 , 0.0 34.23111** 0.05882
(df = 9) (df = 6)
0.22934 0.0 0.09041 0.0
(df = 12) (df = 8)
*p < .05
**p < .01
512
Table 70
Awareness o f Types o f Labor Performed in
V illa g e in R elation to Work A c tiv ity
(Respondents W ho Never Worked)
Chi-Square Lambda (Symmetric)
10.95212 0.04661
(df = 10)
17.69075 0.05439
(df =11)
12.38835 0.04651
(df = 9)
8.76270 0.04372
(df = 10)
8.98915 0.06707
(df = 9)
6.68827 0.06207
(df = 8)
11.42514 0.09774
(df = 6)
9.44962 0.07317
Cdf=6)
4.23420 0.04425
(df = 3)
6.19869 0.04673
(d f = 4)
*j d < .05
* * £ < .01
Table 71
In te rest in Ski 11s-Development Training Areas in Relation to
Level of Educational Attainment
(Respondents Enrolled in School)
Level of Educational Attainments
Skills-Development Pri- Prepara Prepara Prepara^1 Second Second Second Teacher Adult
Area mary 4 tory 1 tory 2 tory 3 ary 1 ary 2 ary 3 Training Educati on
(I) (1) (4) (18) (2)
(1)
(5)
(2)
_(6)
Sewi ng 1 1 2 13 1 1 3 2 5
Embroidery 0 1 1 12 2 1 2 1 5
Kni t t i n g 1 1 1 12 2 1 3 2 5
Pottery Making 0 1 1 4 0 0 0 1 2
Crop Planting 0 0 0 6 1 0 0 0 1
Crop Harvesting 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0
Farm Equipment 0- 0 1 2 0 1 0 0
Animal Care 0 1 0 6 1 0 1 0 1
Food Processing 0 1 1 9 1 1 3 2 4
Nutrition 1 1 1 10 2 1 3 2 4
House Care 1 1 1 10 2 1 3 2 4
Health 0 1 1 5 1 1 1 0 3
Office Administra- 1 0 2 11 1 0 1 1 0
tion
9
The number in parentheses refers to the total numberrof respondents
enrolled in the grade.
cn
C jO >
Table 72
Interest in Skills-Development Training Areas in Relation to
Level of Educational Attainment (Respondents Enrolled
in School Previously)
Level of Educational Attainment9
Skills
Development
Area
P ri
mary 1
(1)
P ri
mary 2
(5)
P ri
mary 3
(5)
P ri
mary 4
(11)
P ri
mary
(10)
Pri-
5 mary 6
(9)
Prepara
tory 1
(4)
Prepara
tory 2
(8)
Sewi ng 1 4 3 9 7 5 4 4
Embroidery 1 4 2 4 6 6 3 3
Knitting
1 4 2 5 7 5 4 3
Pottery Making 2 0 2 2 2 2 2
Crop Planting
1 2 0 5 3 3 0 2
Crop Harvesting 1 0 1 2 0 0 2
Farm Equipment
1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0
Animal Care 2 0 2 2 1 1 2
Food Processing 1 3 2 4 5 5 3 2
Nutrition 1 3 0 4 5 6 3 2
House Care 1 2 3 6 5 5 3 3
Health 0 3 2 6 3 4 3 3
Office Administra
tion 1 1 0 5 1 3 2 5
aThe number in parentheses refers to the total number of respondents w ho
reported completing the grade,
514
Table 72 (Continued)
Level of Educational Attainment^
Skills Prepara Second Second Teacher
Development tory 3 ary 1 ary 3 Training
Area (3)
(1)
(1) (3)
Sewi n g 2 1 1 3
Embroidery 2 1 1 3
Knitting 2 1 1 3
Pottery Making 1 0 0 0
Crop Planting 3 0 0 2
Crop Harvesting 1 0 0 0
Farm Equipment 2 0 0 0
Animal Care 2 0 0 1
Food Processing 3 1 1 3
Nutrition 3 1 1 2
House Care 3 1 1 2
Health 3 1 0 1
Office Administra
tion 2 1 1 2
aThe number in parentheses refers to the total number of respondents w ho
reported comp!eti ng the grade.
Table 73
Skills-Development Outside of School
516
Number
1. Number of respondents reporting acquisition
of s k ills outside of school 94
2. Types of s k ills acquired
A. Handicrafts
(1) sewing/dressmaking 52
(2) embroidery 36
(3) knitting/crochet 16
(4) woolwork 2
B. Agricultural
(1) crop planting/care 30
(2) animal care 15
(3) crop harvesting 7
C. Others
(1) food processing 10
(2) house care 8
(3) health care 2
(4) hairdressing 1
(5) pottery making 1
3. Locus of instruction3
A. hom e 64
B. farm fie ld s 19
C. neighbor's house 11
D. dressmaker's 3
E. c lin ic for mothers and children 2
F. community building 1
G. hairdresser's 1
4.
a
Reasons fo r acquiring s k ill
A. to make goods for family and s e lf 49
B. to work and earn wages 28
C. to have a hobby 27
D. no other subject to study 2
E. to improve s e lf in the future 1
F. m aterials are not expensive
1
aM ultiple responses provided.
517
APPENDIX B
THE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE:
ENGLISH TRANSLATION
Personal Data
A. Age: Number of years
Year of birth
B. Marital Status:
1. Never Married
a. After you marry, do you think
that you will do other kinds
of work besides looking after
your family and home?
Yes No
1) Please indicate
the reason(s):
a) for economic reasons:
(1) to supplement
the family income
(2) to have own
earnings
(3) to help the family
business/farm
(4) other: __________
b) to fill in free time
c) husband will expect me
to work
d) I enjoy working and
therefore want to
e) my town needs people
to work
f) other: _______________
(Continue: 1. a. 2) )
Date of Interview:
Village:
Control No.:
Married Now or Previously
a. (circle) Now Widowed Divorced
b. How many years have you been married?
c. Education of your husband:
1) Number of years completed: __________
2) Level completed:
a) primary 12 3 4 5 6
b) preparatory 12 3
c) secondary: 12 3
what field?
d) post-secondary1 1 23 4
what field?
d. What kind of work does your husband do?
1) farming
a) year-round
b) seasonal
2) marketing/trade
3) teaching
4) government employee
5) military
6) other: ________________
7) unemployed: what kind of work would
he like to do? ________
(Continue: 2. e.)
2
(Continue: B . 1. Never Married)
2) What, kind of work do you
think you will do?
a) agricultural:
(1) plowing
(2) planting
(3) watering
(4) weeding
(5) harvesting
b) animal care
c) food processing
d) marketing/trade
e) handicraft/artisanat:
(1) sewing/dressmaking
(2) embroidery
(3) crochet; knitting
(4) woolwork
(5) pottery
(6) other: __________
f) social services:
(1) teaching
(2) social welfare
(3) other: ____
g) administration/office work
h) o t h e r : ________ _____
* b. After you have children, do you think
that you will do other kinds of work
besides looking after your family and home?
Yes No
* C. Residence
1. How many years have you lived in this town? _________
2. Prior residence:
a. If you are not married:
1) When did your parents settle
in this town? _______
2) Where did your family~lTve
before coming here? ________ _
3. How many members of your family are presently living i
Everyone)
(Continue: B . 2. Married N o w or Previously)
e. Number, age and residence of children:
Daughters: Sons: Check if living at home now:
b. If you are married:
1) When did you and your husband settle
in this town?
2) Where did you live before coming
here? ________________
your home? ________________
519
3
* D. Parents:
1. Occupation of:- Mother Father
a. farmer:
1) year-round
2) seasonal
3) animal care
b. merchant
c. teacher
d. government employee
e. military
f. homemaker
g. other: _____________
h. unemployed (but would like
to work in )
i. never employed
2. Education of:
a. Number of years completed
b. Level completed:
1) primary 12 3 4 5 6
2) preparatory 12 3
3) secondary: 12 3
what field?
4) post-secondary: 1 2 3 4
what field?
* E. How many brothers and sisters do you have? brothers sisters
Number of brothers and sisters who used to go to school or are going to school now.
(* Everyone)
<_n
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4
II. Educational D ata
Are you attending school now?
1. Yes
a. Where is your school
located?
b. Which school are you
attending?
c. How far away is the
school from your home?
d. How do you get to the
school?
e. How many years have
you attended school?
f. What level have you
finished?
1) primary 12 3 4 5 6
2) preparatory 12 3
3) secondary 12 3
a) What area did
you study?
(1) literary
(2) scientific
(3) commercial
(4) technical
(5) agricultural
4) post-secondary
a) university 12 3
What was your
major? ____ __
b) teacher training
c) technical
d) other ___________
Why did you choose
this field?
(Continue: 1.' g.)
No
a. Did you go to school before?
1) Yes 2) No
a)
b)
c)
How many years
did you attend?
What level did you finish?
(1) primary 12 3 4 5 6
(2) preparatory 12 3
(3) secondary 12 3
(4) post-secondary:
(a) university 12 3 4
(b) diploma: _________
Who encouraged you to go
to school?
(1) parents
(2) brothers/sisters
(3) other relatives
(4) friends
(5) teacher(s)
(6) community member(s)
(7) other(s)
d) Why did you go to school?
(1) compulsory
(2) parents wanted me to
(3) I wanted to because:
(a) brothers/sisters went
(b) friends went
(c) I wanted to get
general knowledge
(d) I didn't want to
stay at home
(e) I wanted to get a job
(f) other:
(Continue: 2. a. 17 ej )
a) Why didn’t you go?
(1) no school nearby
(2) my parents didn't
want me to go
(3) I had to work at home
(4) I wasn't interested
(5) other:
b) If you could, would you
go to school now?
(1) Yes (2) No
Why? Why?
(a) to get general (a)
knowledge
(b) to get training
for a job (b)
(c) to have same
level as husband
(d) to get iriforma- (c)
fcion on child (d)
and house care (e)
(e) other: _________(f)
(End of this section)
I must
look after
my family
No time
because
of job
too old
illness
no interest
other
tn
ro
5
(Continue: A . 1. Y es) (Continue: A . 2. N o )
Who encouraged you to
go to school?
parents
brothers/sisters
other relatives
friends
teacher(s)
community member(s)
other(s)
el Why are you no longer going to school?
1)
2 )
3)
4)
5)
6 )
7)
Why are you going to
school now?
1) compulsory
2) parents want me to
3) I want to because:
a) brothers/sisters go
b) friends go
c) I want to get
general knowledge
d) I don't want to
stay at home
e) I want to get a job
f) other:
Do you want to continue
your education?
1) Yes
a)
2) No
To what level? Please indicate
(1) finish primary your reason(s):
(2) preparatory a) no school nearby
(3) secondary b) the program I
(4) post-secondary: want is not available
(a) university c) it is too expensive
In what field? d) my parents need me
(b) diploma: to work at home
teaching e) my parents don't
technical want me to continue
agricultural f) I want to get a job
nursing
g) I am getting married
commerce h) no interest
itinue: A. 1. i. 1) b) ) i) other:
(End this section)
(1)
(2 )
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6 )
(7)
my parents don't want me to go
my parents need me to work at home:
(a) to look after other children
(b) to do housekeeping
(c) to work on the farm and care for animals
no school nearby
I got married
I must look after my children and home
I am working (have a job)
other:
fl If you could, would you go to school now?
Yes (2) No
Why? why?
(a) to get general knowledge (a) I must look after
(b) to get training for a job my family
(c) to have same level as (b) no time because
husband of my job
(d) to get information on (c) too old
child and house care (d) illness
(e) other: (e) no interest
(f) other:
(End of this section)
cn
ro
ro
6
(Continue: A. 1. Yes)
i. Do you want to continue
your education? (continue)
1) Yes
b) For what reason(s)?
(1) to get general knowledge
(2) to get training for a job
(3) to have a high level as I
expect to marry an educated man
(4) my parents expect me to continue
(5) other:
(Everyone)
B. Have you ever studied a subject or learned a skill somewhere besides a school?
1. Yes
2. No
a. Where?
1) at home
2) at a neighbor's house
3) at a community building
4) other: j
b. What did you learn?
1)
sewing, dressmaking
2) embroidery
3) knitting
4) potterymaking
5) house care
6) crop planting and care
7) crop harvesting
8) animal care
9) food processing
10) nutrition
11)
health care/nursing
12) office clerical work
13) other:
(Continue: 1. c.)
Oi
FO
00
7
c. Why did you want to learn this skill?
1) to have a hobby
2) to be able to work and earn wages
3) to do my work;, better
4) to be able to make things for myself/my family/my friends
5) to increase the welfare of my family
6) other: ______________________
C. If a course or program was offered for women in your town, would you attend if the subject was:
Subject
1. sewing, dressmaking
2. embroidery
3. knitting
4. potterymaking
5. house care
6. crop planting and care
7. crop harvesting
8. animal care
9. food processing
10. nutrition
11. health care/nursing
12. office clerical work
YES NO
D. 15-24 Year Group:
In the future, if you have a daughter,
are you planning to send her to school?
1. Yes
To what level?
1) primary
2) preparatory
3) secondary
4) post-secondary:
(a) university
diploma (b)
(Continue:
35-44 Year Group:
If you have daughters, have they attended school?
1. b.)
(* Everyone)
No
Why?
a. no school nearby
b. she should stay
at home
c. I will need her
help at home:
1) to look after
other children
2) to do housekeeping
3) to help on the farm
d. other: _______________
(End this section)
Yes
a. To what level?
1) primary 12 3 4 5 6
2) preparatory 12 3
3) secondary 12 3
4) post-secondary:
a) university 12 3 4
b) diploma
(Continue: 1. b.)
2. No
Why!
a.
b.
c.
no school nearby
girls should not go to school
I needed them to help me:
1) to look after other
children
2) to do housekeeping
3) to work on the farm
they did not want to go
other:
(End this section)
c n
ro
15-24 Year Group
(Continue: 1. Yes)
Why?
1) to get general knowledge
2) to be able to work and earn wages
3) to be at the same level as an
educated husband
4) to care well for her children
and home
5) to develop her potential to its
highest
6) to increase the standard of the
country
7) other:
35-44 Year Group
(Continue: 1. Yes)
b. Why did they go to school?
1) compulsory
2) my husband and I wanted them to go
3) they wanted to go because:
a) brothers/sisters went
b) friends went
c) they wanted to get general knowledge
d) they did not want to stay at home
e) they wanted to get a job
f) other: ______________________
c. If they are no longer going to school,
please indicate the reason(s) they stopped:
1) to get married
2) to work/have a job
3) no school nearby
4) school is too expensive
5) to help me at home:
a) to look after other children
b) to do housekeeping
c) to work on the farm
6) girls should stay at home when they reac!) puberty
7) other:___________________________
525
I l l . Occupational D ata
A. In addition to taking car.e. of your family and home, is there other work that you do?
1. Yes 2. No
a. Please describe the
kind of work you do:
1) agricultural
a) plowing
b) planting
c) watering
d) weeding
e) harvesting
When do you do
each of the above
types of work?
a) fall
b) winter
c) spring
d) summer
2) animal care
3) food processing
4) marketing/trade
5) handicraft/artisanat:
a) sewing, dressmaking
b) embroidery
c) crochet, knitting
d) woolwork
e) pottery
f) other: _____________
6) social services:
a) teaching
b) social welfare
c) other:
7) administration/office work
8) other:
(Continue: A. 1. b. )
Did you work before?
1) Yes
a) What kind of work did you do?
(1) agricultural
(a) plowing
(b) planting
(c) watering
(d) weeding
(e) harvesting
(2) animal care
(3) food processing
(4) marketing/trade
(5) handicraft/artisanat:
(a) sewing, dressmaking
(b) embroidery
(c) crochet, knitting
(d) woolwork
(e) pottery
(f) other:
(6) social services:
(a) teaching
(b) social welfare
(c) other:
2) No
a) Would you like to work?
(1) Yes (2) No
(7) administration/office work
(8) other:
Why?
(a) for economic
reasons:
1. to supplement
family income
2. to have own
earnings
3. to help family
business/farm
(b) to fill in free
time
(c) husband expects
me to work
(d) I enjoy working
and want to
(e) my town needs
people to work
(f) other:
Why?
(a) I must take care
of children and
home
(b) my parents don't
want me to work
(c) my husband doesn't
want me to work
(d) I don't have
training for a job
(e) women should stay
at home and not
work outside
(f) I'm not interested
(g) too old
(h) illness
(i) other: ____
b)
b) If you are married, would your husband
support your decision? Yes
c) If you are single, would your parents
For what reason(s) did you stop?
(1) to get married
(2) to have children
(3) to take care of children
and home
I did not like the work .
my parents didn't want me to work (End this section)
my husband didn't want me to work
other:
No
(4)
(5)
( 6 )
(7)
support your decision? Yes No
(Continue: A. 2. a. 1) c) )
<_n
ro
cn
(Continue: A . 1. Yes)
Where do you work?
Are you paid? Yes No
Approximately how long
have you been doing
this work? years
How many hours do you do
this work each day and
days per week?
Would you prefer doing
a different kind of work?
1) Yes 2) No
a) What kind?
b) In another
place?
c) Why?
(1)
Why?
a)
b)
c)
d)
e)
f)
I don't like
the work I
do now
(2) my work
requires too
much time
(3) my work is
not related
to what I
studied in school
(4) to get higher
wages
(5) I'm interested
in other work
(6) my parents/husband
don't like the work
I'm doing
(7) other:
I enjoy my work
my work is related
to what I studied
in school
I get good wages
my work is conve
nient to my home
working hours are
good
other:
(Continue: A. 1. g.)
1 0
(Continue: A . 2. N o a.)
c) Would you like to work now?
(1) Yes (2)
Why?
(a) for economic reasons:
1. to supplement
family income
2. to have own
earnings
3. to help family
business/farm
(b) to fill in free time
(c) husband expects me
to work
(d) I enjoy working and
therefore want to
(e) my town needs people
to work
•(f) other:_____________
(End this section)
No
Why?
(a) I must take care
of children and home
(b) my parents don't want
me to work
(c) my husband doesn't
want me to work
(d) I don't have training
for a job
(e) women should stay at
home and not work
outside
(f) I'm not interested
(g) too old
(h) illness
(i) other:______________
527
1 1
(Continue: A. 1. Yes)
g. Why are you working?
1) for economic reasons:
(a) to supplement the family income
(b) to have own earnings
(c) to help the family business/farm
2) to fill in free time
3) my parents/husband expect me to work
4) my friends work
5) I enjoy working and therefore want to
6) other: _______________________
h. If you went to school, do you think
that what you studied in school is
useful to your work?
1) Yes 2) No
In what way? Why?
a) studies prepared me a) my studies were too general
for the work I do b) my school did not offer any
b) studies gave me general job-related courses
knowledge I can use in c) no work is available in my
my work town related to my studies
c) other: d) other:
i. If you are married, how does your husband feel about your working?
1) approves and encourages me to work
2) prefers that . t do not work, but:
a) feels I must to help support the family
b) realizes that I want to work
3) does not want me to work
j. If you are single, how do your father and mother feel about your working?
1) approve and encourage me to work
2) prefer that I do not work, but:
a) feel I must to help support the family
b) realize that I want to work
3) do not want me to work
528
1 2
{Everyone:)
B* Which of the following kinds of work do women do in your village?
1. agriculture
a. plowing
b. planting
c. watering
d. weeding
e. harvesting
2. animal care
3. food processing
4. marketing/trade
5. handicraft/artisanat:
a. sewing, dressmaking
b. embroidery
c. crochet, knitting
d. woolwork
e. pottery
f. other: _________
6. social services:
a. teaching
b. social welfare
c. other: ___________
7. administration/office work
8. other:
C. Do women need some kind of education or training to do these kinds of work?
1. Yes: What kind? 2. No
a. formal education
1) primary
2) preparatory
3) secondary
4) post-secondary
a) university
b) diploma
b. special training
U i
ro
VO
13
* D. 15-24 Year Group
In the future, if you have a daughter,
do you expect her to. work besides
taking care of her family and home?
Yes NO
Why? Whyl
a. for economic reasons: a,
1) to supplement
family income b.
2) to have own
earnings c.
3) to help family
business/farm
b. to fill in free d.
time
c. husband will expect
her to work
d. if she wants to work,
she should
e. other:
she must take care
of children and home
her husband would
not want her to work
women should stay
at home and not
work outside
other:
(* Everyone)
35-44 Year Group
If you have daughters who are not going to school,
are any of them working?
1. Yes 2. No
a. What kind of work
do they do?
1) farming
2) animal care
3) food processing
4) marketing/trade
5) handicraft/artisanat:
a) sewing, dressmaking
b) embroidery
c) crochet, knitting
d) woolwork
e) pottery
f) other: __________
6) social services:
a) teaching
b) social welfare
c) other: _________
7) administration/office work
8) other:
b. Why are they working?
1) for economic reasons:
a) to supplement
family income
b) to have own earnings
c) to help family
business/farm
2) to fill in free time
3) husbands expect them to work
4) they want to work
5) other: ________________
Why?
a. they must take care
of children and home
b. their husbands don't
want them to work
c. women should stay at
home and not work
outside
d. they aren't interested
in working
e. other:
cn
C .O
o
APPENDIX C
P R O G R A M P LA N
532
Program Plan
Job and Family Care Skills-Development A m ong W om en in the East
Jordan Valley.
A. Purpose: This program seeks to increase the participation
of w om en in the Tabor force of the East Jordan Valley to meet the
need for skilled personnel requisite for the region’s development.
B. Objectives: Specific objectives of the program include
the following:
1. Increase the participants' knowledge of farming
principles and practices to enhance th e ir productivity;
2. Diversify the agricultural s k ills of w om en to
include management and marketing tasks;
3. Develop lite ra c y s k ills to the level of primary
school completion, as needed fo r further training in social services,
adm inistration, and commercial a c tiv itie s in accordance with the
fiv e year (1980-1985) projection of labor needs in the Valley;
4. Increase the women’ s awareness of existing employ
ment opportunities and future labor needs, as well as programs
through which requisite s k ills can be developed;
5. Promote knowledge to improve fam ily l i f e , including
family planning and health, child care, n u tritio n , and sanitation,
and channel information regarding community or regional social
agencies that o ffe r ongoing services in these areas;
6. Increase efficiency in household maintenance, both
in terms of time and energy, through demonstrated practice and
improved use of available resources.
533
C. Target Audience: The program is designed for w om en 15
years of age and above who f a ll within one or two categories: (1)
Those not presently engaged in economic a c tiv itie s and who thereby
represent a potential source of s k ills fo r the Valley's labor force;
and (2) those working in the labor force whose s k ills can be upgraded
or who might wish retraining to enter d iffe re n t fie ld s . The scope
of this audience is 15,000 women. However, i t is anticipated that
only a th ird are potential participants because of child care needs
and opposition to program participation from family members.
D. Program Content: Three courses comprise the substance of
the program, each focusing on a particu lar content area:
1. Agricultural methods appropriate to the
East Jordan Valley
2. Functional lite ra c y training
3. Household mangement and basic principles of
health and child care.
Integration of course content w ill be stressed. For example, literacy
training w ill focus on women's household and economic roles and w ill
serve as a vehicle for job counseling as w ell; the relationship
between domestic tasks and economic role w ill also be explored. In
addition, the program w ill o ffe r extension services to households or
small groups of w om en as needs are id e n tifie d .
Format: Teams o f instructors w ill establish mobile
training units to o ffe r courses and extension services. Three teams
w ill be formed, one for each of the three major regions of the Valley.
Each unit w ill o ffe r instruction a t the designated program sites (see
534
G . Location) as well as v is it other villages where specific
instructional or extension service needs are id en tifie d .
F. Program Resources: Each team of instructors w ill include
a specialist in each of the content fie ld s --a g ric u ltu re , lite ra c y
train in g , household management/health care. Instructors must also be
knowledgeable about the V alley’ s socioeconomic structure, preferably
through actual residential and work experience in the area, and
fa m ilia r with community development techniques. W o m en instructors
w ill be sought to diminish concern am ong participants regarding
observance of separate male-female spheres.
G. Location: Six v illag es, two in each of the Valley's
three main d is tric ts , w ill serve as program sites. C rite ria for
selection include: (1) total population density to maximize the
program’ s outreach po ten tial; and (2) ease of access for neighboring
v illa g e residents ( i.e ., no more than one hour for commuting).
Transportation needs w ill be considered and vehicles available to
fa c ilita te attendance. Instruction w ill be provided at a g irls '
primary school which w ill serve as the mobile un it's operational
base in the villa g e .
Schedule: The courses w ill be offered for a year's
duration, with classes suspended as needed at times of peak
agricultural a c tiv ity . At each s ite , classes w ill meet twice a week
in a sequential manner so that participants can take two courses
concurrently (e.g., lite ra c y and household management); participants
w ill define the actual days and time of class meetings.
535
Financing: Complete funding for the program w ill be
provided by the Jordan Valley Authority, which is the governmental
agency responsible for the region's development, through a grant to
the University of Yarmouk.
J. Community Resources: At each program s ite , the instruc
tional teams w ill iden tify and involve key community members (e.g*,
teachers at local government schools; members of farmer cooperatives;
religious leaders) in program planning and implementation to achieve
the following: (1) id en tify potential participants at program sites
and nearby villag es; (2) determine outreach techniques to encourage
w om en to participate in courses and use extension services; (3)
define strategies to overcome resistance from family members to the
participation of female kin in the program; and (4) establish and
maintain the program's operational base at the girls' primary school.
K. Anticipated Results: At the conclusion of the year-long
program, lite ra c y am ong participants should be increased to the
primary school completion level and interest fostered in continued
lite ra c y or jo b -s k ills trainin g. Those enrolled in the agricultural
course will have acquired new production techniques and information
on inputs to increase yield s; they w ill also be cognizant of
community, government, and university services that can provide
ongoing technical assistance. Improved household maintenance and
application of health care and nu tritio n principles will result
from the household management course. F in a lly , a ll participants
w ill have gained information about future employment needs in the
Valley and how they can develop skills necessary fo r these jobs.
536
A potential by-product of the program is the id e n tific a tio n
of other learning needs am ong w om en in the East Jordan Valley as well
as interest in continuing education am ong program participants.
Analysis of these needs and d efin itio n of appropriate strategies
to meet them w ill be undertaken by program s ta ff in cooperation with
the Jordan Valley Authority.

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The effect of test-wiseness training on the achievement and causal attributions of Korean and Hispanic elementary students

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Psychological androgyny: A study of its relationship to self-esteem, achievement motivation, age, and group membership in women religious and women college students

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Creator Stuart, Madeleine Fisher (author)

Core Title Developing labor resources in the Arab world: Labor activity effects from school attendance and socioeconomic background among women in the East Jordan Valley

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag economics, labor,Middle Eastern Studies,OAI-PMH Harvest,women's studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c26-496607

Unique identifier UC11246787

Identifier usctheses-c26-496607 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier DP24804.pdf

Dmrecord 496607

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Stuart, Madeleine Fisher

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA