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The perspectives of Black teachers and administrators on identity and career opportunities
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Content
The Perspectives of Black Teachers and Administrators on Identity and Career
Opportunities
Yasmene Kimble
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024
© Copyright by Yasmene Kimble 2024
All Rights Reserved
The Committee for Yasmene Kimble certifies the approval of this Dissertation
Alan Green
Christina Kishimoto
Gregory Franklin, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024
iv
Abstract
This narrative qualitative research study delved into the perspectives of Black teachers regarding
the accessibility of school leadership and the barriers encountered by school leaders during their
transition into school leadership roles. Its objective was to highlight the underrepresentation of
Black educators, particularly Black administrators. Since the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education,
the percentage of Black educators has significantly declined. The ruling failed to provide clear
guidelines for integrating Black and White schools and staff, resulting in a widespread exodus,
demotion, and dismissal of Black educators. Seventy years later, Black educators remain
significantly underrepresented. Previous research has inadequately considered the perspectives of
Black educators concerning their identity and career paths, along with the barriers face by Black
school leaders in attaining administrative roles. Utilizing a narrative design allowed the
researcher to collect data through an open-ended survey question, two journal responses, and
virtual interviews with five Black teachers and five school administrators across public and
charter schools in Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Texas. Critical race theory
and social identity theory provided the framework for this study. Key findings from the study
included Black teachers had a disinterest in becoming school administrators due to the lack of
representation, lack of school administrator support, and negative relationships with school
administrators. However, some expressed aspirations to become administrators driven by the
opportunity to enhance professional support for teachers and foster cultural and academic
support for students. Additionally, the study identified barriers faced by school administrators,
such as discriminatory hiring practices, negative stereotypes related to race, age and gender, and
challenges in career advancement linked to their identities. The last finding highlighted the effect
of intersectionality on perspective regarding career progression. Implications of the findings are
v
discussed in relation to critical race theory and social identity theory and for the concepts of
racial segregation, intersectionality, and gendered racism.
vi
Dedication
To my unexpected accountability partner, my friend, who encouraged me to infuse something
that I love into my dissertation. I dedicate this dissertation using song lyrics.
To the youth, especially the Black kids, that may not have the representation or mentorship,
Tyler, the Creator (2017) once said, “Tell these Black kids they can be who they are” (Track 2).
Never be afraid to do explore the things you are interested in.
To the women that feel overlooked, like their hard work goes unnoticed, especially Black
women, Earthgang (2022) celebrated our resilience, stating, “society thinks you’re crazy …but
they don’t know what’s inside … don’t get the credit that we own you” (track 19). Little Simz
and Cleo Sol (2021) echoed this sentiment, declaring “woman to woman, I just wanna see you
glow” (Track 2). I see you! You are doing great, keep going!
To those who feel like their dreams are unattainable, Teezo Touchdown (2023) challenged the
perception of unattainable dreams, asserting, “Who said it would be impossible?” (Track 5). You
will never know until you try! Flatbush Zombies (2018) said “own the day”, emphasizing the
importance of going after opportunity and striving to achieve your goals (Track 18).
To my ancestors, the ones who paved the way before me, especially my grandparents. As Vince
Staples (2022) expressed “on the dead homies” I seriously would not be here without their love,
sacrifices, and guidance (Track 4).
vii
Acknowledgements
I am extremely grateful for my mom. She has always been my biggest fan and number
one supporter. Your unwavering love, encouragement and realism have played an integral role in
the person I am today. Additionally, I extend my thanks and love to my grandparents. I am also
grateful for the mentorship from our dear neighbor, Mr. Pruitt. Witnessing his dedication to
research during his dissertation as a child was truly inspiring, and I am honored to incorporate
his work into my own study.
I express my gratitude to Dr. Tasha Ginn for inadvertently motivating me to pursue a
doctoral program. Your support and words of encouragement have meant the world to me. Thank
you for believing in me, especially at an unconventional stage in my career. We all need a guide
like Dr. Ginn, and I aspire to one day offer the same level of support and inspiration to others as
you have to me.
Next, I extend a heartfelt thanks to Dr. Genea Shoulders for the abundance of supportive
texts and words of encouragement throughout my doctoral program. Your simple text of "how
are you coming along" provided reassurance and motivation. In addition to your willingness to
serve as a thought partner as I navigated this process was invaluable.
I want to thank my friends for their unwavering encouragement throughout my academic
journey, particularly in the past year. Your love and support have been a constant source of
strength for me, and I am truly grateful for each and every one of you. Often, you were even
more excited about my achievements than I was, and I feel incredibly fortunate to have such
amazing people in my life.
viii
Finally, I would like to thank my dissertation chair, Dr. Gregory Franklin, and my
committee members, Dr. Christina Kishimoto and Dr. Alan Green. Without their guidance and
recommendation, this would have not been possible.
ix
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgements....................................................................................................................... vii
List of Figures............................................................................................................................... xii
List of Tables ............................................................................................................................... xiii
Chapter One: Overview of the Study.............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Problem ................................................................................................ 3
Statement of the Problem.................................................................................................... 7
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 8
Research Questions............................................................................................................. 9
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 9
Limitations and Delimitations............................................................................................. 9
Definition of Terms........................................................................................................... 10
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 12
Chapter Two: Literature Review .................................................................................................. 13
Early Foundations of Black Education in America .......................................................... 13
The Effects of the Brown Decision................................................................................... 19
Current State of Black Educators...................................................................................... 23
Journey to School Administration .................................................................................... 28
Barriers Encountered by Black Teachers and School Administrators.............................. 36
Theoretical Frameworks ................................................................................................... 42
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 45
Chapter Three: Methodology........................................................................................................ 46
Purpose of the Study ......................................................................................................... 47
x
Research Questions........................................................................................................... 47
Selection of the Population ............................................................................................... 47
Design Summary............................................................................................................... 49
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 50
Data Collection ................................................................................................................. 52
Data Analysis.................................................................................................................... 53
Validity and Reliability..................................................................................................... 54
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 56
Chapter Four: Results ................................................................................................................... 57
Participants........................................................................................................................ 58
Participant Summary......................................................................................................... 64
Results Research Question 1............................................................................................. 65
Results Research Question 2............................................................................................. 74
Results Research Question 3............................................................................................. 83
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 93
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 94
Findings............................................................................................................................. 94
Implications for Practice ................................................................................................. 110
Future Research .............................................................................................................. 114
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 118
References................................................................................................................................... 120
Appendix A: Recruitment Infographic ....................................................................................... 139
Appendix B: Participant Recruitment Email .............................................................................. 140
Appendix C: Survey Protocol ..................................................................................................... 141
Appendix D: Email Invitation to Participate in a Virtual Interview........................................... 143
xi
Title ................................................................................................................................. 143
Purpose of Study............................................................................................................. 143
Participation Includes...................................................................................................... 143
Schedule.......................................................................................................................... 143
Appendix E: Journal Reflections ................................................................................................ 145
Journal Reflections.......................................................................................................... 145
Virtual Interview Scheduling.......................................................................................... 145
Appendix F: Information and Consent Form.............................................................................. 146
Appendix G: Email for Interview Reminder .............................................................................. 148
Appendix H: Interview Protocol for Teachers............................................................................ 149
Interview Questions for Teachers................................................................................... 150
Appendix I: Interview Questions for School Administrators ..................................................... 153
Interview Questions for Administrators.......................................................................... 153
xii
List of Figures
Appendix A: Recruitment Infographic 139
xiii
List of Tables
Table 1: Survey Participants 59
Table 2: Interview Participants 60
Table 3: Survey Responses 84
Table 4: Journal Prompt Responses 86
1
Chapter One: Overview of the Study
Over the past decade, there has been a significant decrease in the number of individuals
entering and remaining in the field of education (White, 2023). According to the American
Association of Colleges for Teacher Education (2022), the number of education graduates
decreased by nearly a third between the academic years of 2008–09 and 2018–19. The decline in
the number of educators has contributed to the underrepresentation of marginalized groups in
education. Currently, only 7% of teachers are Black. Like K–12 education, there is a prominent
underrepresentation of Black faculty members in higher education. In Fall 2021, among the 1.5
million faculty members in degree-granting postsecondary institutions, 6% were Black, with 4%
being Black women and 3% being Black men (Nation Center for Education Statistics, 2023).
Several factors associated with the underrepresentation of Black teachers are barriers to
acceptance and retention in teacher programs, a shortage of financial resources, student debt, and
challenges in college completion (White, 2023). However, it is worthy to emphasize that Black
students, particularly Black women, are successfully receiving college degrees. During the
academic year 2018–2019, the majority master’s and doctoral degrees were awarded to female
students (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019). This trend was constant across all
racial and ethnic groups, with a more significant influence on Black students in comparison to
their peers of other races and ethnicities. Black women earned 70% of master’s degrees received
by women. The percentage of master’s degrees earned by women ranged from 56% for Asian
women to 65% for Native women. In contrast, men earning master’s degrees ranged from 30%
for Black men to 44% for Asian men. At the doctoral degree level, 67% of doctoral degrees were
earned by Black women. The percentage of doctoral degrees earned by women range from 53%
for White women to 57% for Hispanic women. Despite Black women obtaining master’s and
2
doctoral degrees at higher rates than any other race and gender, there has been no corresponding
rise in the percentage of Black women employed as faculty at colleges and universities (de Brey
et al., 2019).
Showunmi (2023) stated that Black people, particularly Black women faced severe race
and gender-based discrimination in academia. Showunmi (2023) additionally asserted that Black
women in academia frequently encounter unequal barriers and discrimination with little to no
institutional protection. Within the first week of January 2024, two Black women professors had
national attention in the news. On January 2, 2024, Dr. Claudia Gay, Harvard University’s first
Black president was asked to resign due to plagiarism allegations and what some considered as
an inadequate response to antisemitism on campus (Streeter, 2024). The Seattle Times (2024)
reported that, “Gay’s resignation was celebrated by the conservatives who put her alleged
plagiarism in the national spotlight—with additional plagiarism accusations surfacing” (LeBlanc
& Binkley, 2024, para. 8). In parallel, Dr. Antoinette Candia-Bailey, the Vice President of
Student Affairs at Lincoln University of Missouri, an HBCU, was terminated on January 3, 2024
(Adams, 2024a). On January 8, 2024, she died by suicide, documentation emerged that Dr.
Candia-Bailey had endured depression and anxiety due to mistreatment from her supervisor
(Adams, 2024a). On March 22, 2024, Lincoln University of Missouri reported that the president,
Dr. John B. Moseley, will remain president (Adams, 2024b). According to university officials
they “found no evidence that he had bullied her” (Adams, 2024b, para. 1). Dr. Candia-Bailey’s
dissertation was centered on the treatment of Black women in academia, especially in leadership
roles (Adams, 2024a). Her personal journey mirrored the historical accounts of Black educators
facing barriers and denial of access within educational institutions. Her research highlighted the
obstacles Black women encountered in academia, marginalization, outsider treatment, exclusion
3
from decision-making, and the devaluation of their voices and experiences based on race, age,
and gender (Adams, 2024a).
The systematic disparities in education are evident in the underrepresentation of Black
educators in both K–12 schools and colleges. This lack of representation preserved a cycle where
Black students struggled to see themselves reflected in their teachers and professors, potentially
impacting their belonging and academic success. Furthermore, the absence of diverse role
models limits opportunities for mentorship and support, impeding the professional development
and advancement of Black educators. Addressing underrepresentation of Black educators
requires efforts to recruit, retain, and support Black educators at all levels of education, by
fostering inclusive learning environments for students and educators.
Background of the Problem
Prior to desegregation, Black teachers played pivotal roles in their communities, with a
deep commitment to the development and success of their students, and often serving as mentors
for community members and students (Tillman, 2004). Likewise, Black principals were integral
to the education of Black students, with some assuming dual roles as both teachers and
principals. Black principals assumed numerous responsibilities, including raising funds for
schools, establishing the vision and direction for staff and students, teaching classes, designing
student curriculum, organizing teacher development, and supporting the superintendent (Tillman,
2004).
The Brown v. The Board of Education decision (1954) did not offer directives on how to
integrate schools or address the inclusion of Black teachers and principals (Chatman, 2021).
Consequently, numerous Black teachers and principals experienced demotions, terminations,
reassignments, and encountered unethical hiring practices. (Chatman 2021; Haney, 1978;
4
Tillman 2004). Leading up to desegregation, 82,000 Black teachers taught in schools across the
country (Chatman, 2021; Haney 1978;). Immediately following the decision, White
superintendents-initiated school integration, leading to over 10,000 Black teachers and principals
losing their positions. (Chatman, 2021; Haney 1978; Will, 2019). By 1965 more than 38,00
Black teachers had been removed from their positions (Chatman, 2021, Haney 1978; Will,
2019). The number of Black students in K–12 schools has significantly increased since the
1960's, but the representation of Black teachers does not reflect the student population growth.
During the 2020–2021 school year, while 15% of students were Black, only 5% of teachers were
Black and 9% of principals were Black (Taie & Lewis, 2022).
Today, Black teachers and principals play a fundamental role in educating Black
students, but on a smaller scale due to underrepresentation (Taie & Goldring, 2019). However,
there has been an uptick in the recruitment of Black teachers compared to previous decades
(Ingersoll & May, 2011). Research showed that Black educators demonstrated higher retention
rates, particularly in high-needs schools (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Farinde et al., 2016).
However, the representation of Black teachers is still underrepresented when compared to the
Black student population (Chatman 2021; Taie & Lewis, 2022).
Low salaries, heavy teacher workload, poor school conditions, and inadequate
administrative support have been identified as contributing factors to teachers leaving the
profession (Hancock & Scherff, 2010; Farinde et al., 2016). Several studies have indicated that
factors influencing the retention of Black teachers include their backgrounds, dissatisfaction with
school culture and workload, discipline systems, collaboration with colleagues, and the
intersection of class and race (Chatman, 2021; Farinde at el., 2016; Karpinski, 2006). These
combined factors accentuated the underrepresentation of Black teachers and suggested
5
dissatisfaction with their roles (Hancock & Scherff, 2010; Farinde et al., 2016). Black teachers
who remained in the profession often felt overlooked for professional advancement, despite
being equally or more qualified than their counterparts (Griffin & Tackie, 2017). The exodus of
Black teachers intensified the teacher shortage and disrupted the teacher-to-principal pipeline, as
teachers served as the primary source for future principals (Griffin & Tackie, 2017; Tillman,
2004). Since Brown v. Board of Education in 1954, Black educators have experienced adversity
in transitioning from teacher to principal. In the 1970s and 1980s, there were efforts to recruit
minority teachers to large urban school districts, yet these efforts resulted in teacher diversity
remaining relatively unchanged (Madkins, 2011).
After Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the number of Black principals substantially
decreased. Tillman (2004) noted that due to inadequate record keeping and data practices, the
literature and research on the deficit of Black principals were not as prevalent as those
concerning Black teachers. Nonetheless, reports have revealed significant declines in the number
of Black principals between 1967 and 1970: North Carolina decreased from 620 to 170, Alabama
from 250 to 40, and Mississippi lost most of its 250 Black principals (Haney, 1978). In 1972,
90% of Black high school principals experienced job loss in 13 states (Haney, 1978).
Additionally, the percentage of Black elementary school principals who lost their jobs was even
higher. Limited information existed regarding for the number of Black principals immediately
following the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision and even a decade thereafter.
Therefore, it was imperative to analyze current data to assess the then-current state of Black
principals. From the 1999–2000 school year until the 2019–20 school year, the percentage of
Black public-school principals remained constant at 11% (McFarland et al., 2019; Taie & Lewis,
2022). By the 2020–21 school year, this percentage had dropped to 9.5% (Taie & Lewis, 2022).
6
These findings indicated that the number of Black principals did not recover after Brown v.
Board of Education (1954) and has remained stagnant for 70 years.
Research suggested that Black students benefited from having Black educators due to
their cultural understanding of student backgrounds and community life (Milner, 2006; Farinde
at el., 2016). Furthermore, students experienced academic and emotional advantages when they
shared identities with their teachers and principals (Farinde at el., 2016). Research conducted by
Lindsay and Hart (2017) demonstrated positive short-term effects on academic achievement,
discipline suspensions, and school attendance when student-teacher demographics were similar,
especially for Black students. In alignment, Gershenson et al. (2021) conducted a study that
reported Black male students who are randomly assigned to a Black teacher in grades K–3 were
more likely to graduate from high school and attend college compared to their peers who were
not assigned a Black teacher. Additionally, the researchers discovered that students who had at
least two Black teachers were 32% more likely to pursue postsecondary education (Gershenson
et al., 2021).
Grissom et al. (2021) found that Black principals increased the likelihood of hiring Black
teachers by 3%. Additionally, the same study demonstrated that the presence of a Black
principals positively impacted Black students’ math achievement (Grissom et al., 2021). There
was also a direct correlation between Black educators and the likelihood of Black students
entering college (Grissom et al., 2021). The journey towards becoming a principal typically starts
in the classroom. This implied that increasing and retaining the number of Black teachers may
lead to an increase in the number of Black principals.
As the student population becomes more diverse, it is imperative that the teacher and
principal populations reflect student diversity. Unfortunately, discussions about race are often
7
overlooked in school leadership, policies, and practices (Tillman, 2004). Women of color were
also often excluded from discussions regarding school leadership (Weiner et al., 2022).
According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2022b), in the 2020–21 school year,
57% of public-school principals were women, yet women comprised 74% of teachers. Women,
particularly Black women, were significantly underrepresented in principal roles, comprising
only 6% of principals (Weiner et al., 2022). In Texas, women were found to be 35% less likely to
become a principal compared to men (Fuller et al., 2007).
Black educators have battled areas of intersection, race, gender, and class regarding
educational leadership and school administration. There is a need for more research to
understand the experiences of Black principals and teachers, with the aim of recruiting and
retaining Black educators.
Statement of the Problem
Over the last 20 years, the percentage of Black public-school principals has plateaued at
approximately 10–11% (Taie & Lewis, 2022). Likewise, the percentage of Black teachers
remained constant, ranging between 6–8% (Nation Center for Education Statistics, 2019). To
promote equity and diversity in educational leadership, it is important to understand the factors
that contribute to the underrepresentation of Black school leaders (Chatman, 2021). In the 2020–
21 school year, 15% of students were Black, 5% of teachers were Black, and 9% of principals
were Black (Taie & Lewis, 2022). With the underrepresentation of Black principals and teachers,
paired with a rise in student diversity, there is a pressing need to recruit, develop and support
Black principals (Wilkerson & Wilson, 2017).
Researchers at the Wallace Foundation found that principals had become more racially
diverse, but the rate of change had been insignificant compared to the student population
8
(Grissom et al., 2021). The foundation recognized a deficiency in understanding regarding the
limited progress made in diversifying the principalship along racial and ethnic lines (Grissom et
al., 2021). Bartanen and Grissom (2019) confirmed that having Black principals has a positive
impact on student achievement and staff retention. According to Harvey (1999) the presence and
achievements of Black administrators will inspire others and contribute to establish a welcoming
and supportive environment for other Black minority educators. Gaining a deeper understanding
of the lived experiences of Black administrators and teachers can offer valuable insights and help
bridge gaps within research and literature. The objective of this study was to add to the ongoing
educational research concerning the experiences of Black administrators and teachers, focusing
on the impact of identity perspectives on career progression.
Purpose of the Study
This narrative qualitative study aimed to investigate the perspectives of Black teachers
and the experiences of Black administrators regarding the accessibility of school leadership
opportunities, as well as the potential for growth of Black teachers into the principal pipeline,
while considering the role of identity in their professional journey. The study was designed to
document the experiences of five Black administrators and five Black teachers, capturing
narratives of the barriers they faced and the perspectives of their identity on their career journeys
(Creswell, 2014). The perspectives and barriers experienced by Black educators provided
additional research regarding the Black teacher-to-principal pipeline. The researcher analyzed
the perspectives and experiences of Black teachers and Black principals through a self-reported
survey, two reflective journal questions and one individual virtual interview.
9
Research Questions
Research questions were designed to provide insight regarding the professional and social
experiences of Black teachers and administrators.
The narrative study was guided by the following research questions:
1. What are the perspectives of Black teachers regarding access to school
leadership?
2. What do Black administrators identify as barriers to becoming a school leader?
3. How does a Black educator's identity influence potential career opportunities?
Significance of the Study
The research study provided insight into the perspective of Black teachers regarding the
accessibility of school leadership positions, as well as the experiences of Black school leaders
during their transition into leadership roles. This study can be used to inform administration
preparation programs, hiring practices and support strategies for recruiting and hiring Black
educators. And address barriers that Black school administrators have experienced and
overcame, that may help encourage other Black educators to pursue an administrator position.
Limitations and Delimitations
This study had several limitations. First, participants were recruited from random school
districts across the country, potentially impacting the study's generalizability. Secondly, the
teacher participants were from North Carolina, Georgia, and Texas, while the school
administrator participants were from Virginia, Tennessee, and Texas, which limited the diversity
of perspectives. Additionally, the findings of this study exclusively reflected the experiences and
viewpoints of Black teachers and school administrators, potentially overlooking the perspectives
of other school personnel and other racial or ethnic groups. Furthermore, the relatively small
10
number of participants constrained the research findings. Finally, the decision to limit the
number of participants to five teachers and five administrators aimed to facilitate in-depth
analysis but may have restricted the overall scope of the study.
There were also several delimitations of this study. Firstly, the population under
consideration was delimited to solely the perspectives of Black teachers and administrators. This
choice excluded the viewpoints of other racial or ethnic groups, thereby limiting the scope of the
study. Secondly, the sample size constituted a delimitation. It failed to gather a substantial
proportion of narratives from Black teachers and administrators, potentially constraining the
richness and diversity of perspectives. Thirdly, the geographic location of the study served as a
delimitation. The selected cities and states confined narratives to a particular public school
district or charter organization. Lastly, the study exclusive focused on Black teachers and
administrators, emphasizing a specific demographic group while overlooking the experiences of
others.
Definition of Terms
• Assistant principal serves as a school administrator, aiding the principal in managing
daily operations, student discipline, and educational initiatives (Goldring et al., 2021).
Responsibilities may vary based on school needs and the principal guidance.
Assistant principals also collaborate closely with teachers, students, and families
(Goldring et al., 2021).
• Black refers to a non-Hispanic person having origin in the Black racial groups of
Africa (National Archives, n.d.).
• Career path is a series of jobs in one or several professions (Jefferson, 2023).
11
• Critical race theory or CRT is a tool to analyze race and racism (Dumas & ross,
2016). It considered an attempt to make sense of and respond to institutionalized
racism, as experienced and tolerated by Black people (Dumas & ross, 2016).
• Gendered racism is the different experiences of racism for Black men and Black
women because of the intersection of race and gender (Wingfield 2007).
• Intersectionality is the intersection between multiple systems of power and
oppression that Black women experience based on their race, gender, and social class
in the legal system (Crenshaw, 1989). And the critical analysis of the systems of
oppression and structural inequalities that are created and perpetuated by the social
construction of marginalized identities (Atewologun, 2018).
• Narrative inquiry is a research design that records the experiences of an individual
and asks them to provide narratives of their lived experience or perspective (Creswell,
2014).
• Principal is a chief administrator of a K–12 school campus, the person with most
authority in a school (Grissom et al., 2021). A principal is a key visionary and
instructional leader of a school and is one of the largest school-level factors affecting
student achievement (Grissom et al., 2021).
• School administrator is a person at a school who is responsible for providing
instructional leadership and developing, implementing, and evaluating district and
school systems and policies, mainly identifies both principals and assistant principals
(National Center on Safe and Supportive Learning Environments, n.d.).
• Social identity refers to an individual's awareness of belonging to or aligning with a
specific group (Abrams & Hogg, 1995).
12
• Social identity theory or SIT is a theory that says a person’s social identity impacts
their self-perceptions as well as their view of their own identity (Hogg et al., 1995).
• School leader is person who is responsible for the welfare and operations of the
school, typically referred to as the school principal or assistant principal, also can be
used interchangeable with school administrator (Wang, 2017).
Organization of the Study
This study was organized into five chapters. Chapter 1 provided an overview of the study
and introduced data to exhibit the disparity of Black school leaders and included definitions of
terms used in this study. Chapter 2 presented a literature review in the following three areas:
black principals and segregation, the impact of Brown v. Board of Education (1954), and
principalship and identity. Chapter 3 described the methodology selected for this research study
and included: sample and population selection, interview questions, data collection, and data
analysis. Chapter 4 reported the research findings. Chapter 5 is composed of a summary of
findings, limitations of the study, implications for practice, and recommendations.
13
Chapter Two: Literature Review
The purpose of this narrative research study was to provide insight into the perspective of
Black teachers regarding the accessibility of school leadership positions. And explored the
experiences of Black administrators during their transition into school leadership roles.
Participants were recruited after completing a self-reported survey that was posted on LinkedIn
or sent via email. If participants self-identified as Black, they were selected to complete two
reflective journal responses and a one-on-one, semi-structured virtual interview. Five Black
teachers and school administrators participated in the study.
The purpose of this literature review was to gain an understanding of the historical
context in relation to existing research. It aimed to identify deficiency in literature with reference
to factors that affect the experiences and career trajectory of Black teachers and school
administrators. This literature review consists of five sections. The first section establishes the
foundation for Black people and education in the United States. Section two outlines the effects
of the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision. The third section highlights the current state
of Black educators examining teacher retention, the teacher-to-principal pipeline, the role of
assistant principals, school administrator certification process, and the influence of school
principals. The fourth section outlines the obstacles faced by Black teachers and school leaders,
substantiated by research. Section five introduces the theoretical frameworks of this study, which
included critical race theory and social identity theory. These frameworks were used to examine
the experiences of Black educators through the lens of their perceived identities.
Early Foundations of Black Education in America
Acknowledging access to education for Black people is essential in understanding the
current underrepresentation of Black educators. In United States, education was established and
14
utilized as a structural system to repress active citizenship for poor Americans and non-White
Americans (Kober & Rentner, 2020). Prior to colonialism and enslavement, Africans were well
educated. There were records of systems of higher education and universities throughout north,
west and south Africa (Swartz, 2007). In the United States, Africans were valued for their
knowledge and skills. During slavery, the successful cultivation of rice in South Carolina and
Georgia was attributed to the expertise of Songhay women (Swartz, 2007).
Black people were denied access to education in the United States because it was
understood that the ability to read and write unlocked true freedom (Rose, 2022). In the 17th and
18th century, The African Free Schools in New York City were the predecessor of education for
free and enslaved Black people (Swartz, 2007). Black educators exerted a significant influence
on public education in New York and throughout the country, as many schools modeled their
instruction around these institutions (Anderson, 1988; Swartz, 2007). Literacy programs and
schools freely emerged in the early 1800s in Virginia, Louisiana, South Carolina, Mississippi,
Alabama, and Texas (Anderson, 1988). Prior to the Civil War, White politicians, philanthropists,
and planters maintained racial supremacy by outlawing access to education, especially in the
South, making it illegal to teach free or enslaved Black people how to read or write (Swartz,
2007).
Black Education After the Civil War
After the Civil War ended, Black communities sought to make education accessible to
all. They initiated literacy programs and established physical churches to address the spiritual
and educational needs of the community (Anderson, 1988; Pruitt, 2013). Education was
considered a privilege of the free and White, which led to Black churches and schools becoming
targets of political and economic violence (Anderson, 1988; Pruitt, 2013). The exclusion of
15
Black people from education was justified by the belief that “Negros, a lesser form of man could
not be educated” (Pruitt, 2013, p. 89). In 1867, the Freemen’s Record noted that formerly
enslaved people preferred to send their children to Black led private schools rather than
supporting White dominated free schools (Anderson, 1988). In lieu of traditional school, Sabbath
schools were established for Black people who cannot attend school during the day (Anderson,
1988; Tillman, 2004). These church sponsored schools offered elementary instruction and held
classes, for all ages, during evenings and weekends.
The 14th amendment, ratified in 1868 acknowledged Black people as full citizens.
Following this, in 1870, the ratification of the 15th amendment granted Black men the right to
vote. In pursuit of empowerment and freedom, Black people sought education and the
opportunity to participate in elections (Butchart, 2010). According to the Freedmen's Bureau,
records indicated that White northern teachers, along with a few Black teachers, traveled to the
South to teach Black students during Reconstruction (Butchart, 2010). During Reconstruction,
Whites maintained racial dominance by shaping education that primarily aimed to produce
skilled farmhands within Black communities (Butchart, 2010).
Former enslaved communities laid the groundwork for universal education, yet they
faced challenges in sustaining an educational system for Black children (Anderson, 1988). Pruitt
(2013) stated that, “denying the Negro education was an attempt to deny the Negro any claim to
humanity” (Pruitt, 2013, p. 89). The extensive use of child labor by Southern planters played a
significant role in undermining Black education. Faced with the challenge of systemic exclusion
of Black people from educational institutions, Southern states explored alternative strategies.
They aimed to hinder the educational progress of Black communities, ultimately seeking to
uphold White supremacy (Pruitt, 2013). In 1865, Virginia planters blocked Black children’s
16
schooling by threatening eviction, while Alabama employers terminated the employment of
servants whose children attended schools (Anderson, 1988). In 1869, the Freedmen's Bureau
found that planters in northern Texas and northwestern Louisiana prohibited colored children
from attending school (Anderson, 1988). Throughout the South, Black school terms were
contingent on crop success (Anderson, 1988). This often resulted in short and irregular times,
limiting time for Black students to learn (Anderson, 1988).
Between 1860 and 1880, the White middle and lower classes in the South showed no
interest in or desire for educational change (Anderson, 1988). The White middle and lower
classes relied on the planters, who in turn depended on formerly enslaved labor. As this
interdependence played out, “Freedmen's Bureau officials were particularly alarmed by lowerclass Whites’ general apathy towards public education. Bureau officials recognized that some
planters were hostile to the idea of public education for poor Whites” (Anderson, 1988, p. 25).
Additionally, Southern Whites showed minimal interest in education, even within their own
community (Anderson, 1988, p. 26). The approach and attitude towards education differed
considerably between White and Black communities.
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
The Plessy v. Ferguson decision legalized racial segregation under the doctrine of
“separate but equal” (Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896). This ruling perpetuated a system of segregated
schools for Black people that were unequal. Across the United States, Black students were
subjected to substandard facilities, inadequate resources, and inferior educational opportunities
solely based on their race. The segregation enforced by Plessy deprived Black students of an
equal education but also perpetuated systemic racism and reinforced the notion of White
supremacy. Plessy v. Ferguson indirectly paved the way for the establishment of Hampton-
17
Tuskegee model schools, normal schools, and county training schools, which, although provided
education to Black students, frequently perpetuated segregation and disparities in resources when
compared to their White counterparts (Pruitt, 2013).
Hampton-Tuskegee Model
Understanding the historical accessibility of higher education for Black communities was
crucial for comprehending its influence on the availability of teachers and school leaders in the
past and present. Before the Civil War, the establishment of Historically Black Colleges, and
Universities (HBCUs) was initially met with controversy regarding their necessity (Rose, 2022).
Supporters of HBCUs argued that these institutions were vital for providing a safe space for
Black students, while opponents feared they would perpetuate segregation and harm the Black
community (Rose, 2022).
In the early 1880s, the attitude of formalized education shifted amongst middle class
Whites. Anderson (1988) noted that southern Whites recognized the rapid industrialization and
advancement in intelligence and skills in the northern states and abroad. This led southerners to
advocate for a formalized public education system to maintain competitiveness. In 1877, former
Confederate general Thomas Muldrup Logan addressed the American Social Science
Association, advocating for formal education in the South (Anderson, 1988). However, to
preserve social hierarchy and racial segregation, he suggested Black Americans be steered
towards industrial education (Anderson, 1988; Tillman, 2004). White southerners believed that a
caste allotment would be beneficial to southern society based on a race-based division of labor.
Hence the creation of the Hampton-Tuskegee model (Anderson, 1988).
The Hampton-Tuskegee model, developed in the late 19th century, prioritized vocational
training and industrial education for Black people (Pruitt, 2013). The model stemmed from the
18
establishment of the Tuskegee Institute (now Tuskegee University) by Booker T. Washington in
Alabama and the Hampton Institute (now Hampton University) in Virginia in 1868 (Anderson,
1988). These institutions implemented a vocational training approach, influenced by
Washington's philosophy, which emphasized practical skills training for Black students as a
means of racial uplift (Anderson, 1988; Pruitt, 2013). In the South, White support for the
Hampton-Tuskegee model reflected its focus on manual labor and practical skills, steering Black
students away from higher education and professional careers, perpetuating economic
inequalities and racial hierarchy (Pruitt, 2013).
Normal Schools and County Training Schools
At the beginning of the twentieth century, approximately two-thirds of elementary-age
Black children in the South were not enrolled in school because of insufficient school buildings
or capacity issues to accommodate class sizes (Anderson, 1988). Additionally, the shortage of
Black teachers established a barrier to establishing schools because White teachers refused to
teach Black students. Philanthropists recognized the need for Black teachers and viewed small
private Black normal schools and high schools as strategic supplements to the HamptonTuskegee model for providing industrial teachers (Anderson, 1988; Pruitt, 2013). A normal
school was an institution that primarily focused on training further teachers. The main goal of
Black normal schools was to produce industrial teachers, specializing in vocational training, thus
further upholding racial hierarchy (Anderson, 1988).
Northern philanthropists aimed to address the teacher shortage by establishing county
training schools (Anderson, 1988). Most Black teachers were being produced by private Black
schools. County training schools were established primarily in rural areas to provide vocational
and agricultural training for Black students, particularly in counties with limited access to formal
19
education (Anderson, 1988). In early 1911, the General Education Board aimed to improve
industrial and manual training in Black rural schools through teacher preparation in county
training schools (Haney, 1978; Anderson 1988). This initiative involved deploying paid agents
within southern state education departments, beginning with Virginia in 1910 (Anderson, 1988).
This approach spread to Kentucky, Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and
Louisiana. By 1918, Mississippi, South Carolina, Maryland, and Texas had state supervisors of
Black rural schools, tasked solely with ensuring adherence to the industrial teaching model
(Anderson, 1988).
Supporters of county training schools envisioned them as providing Black students with
basic preparation for teaching industrial education in rural areas, although teacher training was
not their primary focus (Anderson, 1988; Haney, 1978; Pruitt, 2013). Enrollment in teacher
training courses remained minimal, with only 324 students enrolled out of 35,000 in 1928, as
Black students sought higher-quality education elsewhere (Anderson, 1988). County training
schools struggled to adapt to evolving educational standards and certification requirements,
resulting in their dismantling in all southern states except Louisiana by 1932 (Anderson, 1988).
By 1935, most of the county training schools had either closed or been converted into public
high schools (Anderson, 1988).
The Effects of the Brown Decision
Before the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, principals served as both school
and community leaders (Tillman, 2004). Black teachers played an integral role in supporting
Black students and fostering student achievement (Tillman, 2004). The Brown v. Board of
Education (1954) decision ruled that the segregation of children in public schools based on race
was unconstitutional (Brown v. Board of Education, 1954). Brown v. Board of Education (1954)
20
held significance for Black principals as it recognized their contributions to educational practice
and theory. It also generated goals to address educational inequalities, thereby facilitating
improved working conditions for Black principals (Tillman, 2004). On the contrary, the Brown v.
Board of Education (1954) decision obstructed education for Black students by igniting the
dismissal of hundreds of Black principals and teachers (Will, 2019). Desegregation shifted the
Black educational structure in the South, resulting in the loss of over 10,000 jobs held by Black
teachers and principals as White superintendents-initiated school desegregation (Tillman, 2004;
Will, 2019). Moreover, the experience of desegregation was comparatively less for urban Black
educators due to residential segregation (Ethridge, 1980). In 1953, a year before the Brown v.
Board of Education, teacher Darla Buchanan received a letter Wendell Godwin the
superintendent of Topeka, Kansas, stating, “the majority of people in Topeka, [Kansas] will not
want to employ Negro teachers next year for White children. It is necessary for me to notify you
now that your services will not be needed for next year” (Will, 2019, para. 5).
The Disappearance of Black Educators
In the 1970s, in Nashville, Tennessee, The Race Relations Information Center
documented survey findings indicating that Black principals were the most affect by
desegregation (Haney, 1978). The report revealed that hundreds of Black principals had been
“dismissed, demoted, denied contracts, or pressured into resigning as schools desegregated”
(Haney, 1978, p. 94). Black principals were often reassigned to central office roles such as
secretaries or coordinators, while those who remained at school campuses were typically
demoted to assistant principal positions (Haney, 1978; Tillman, 2004). During the early 1950s,
more than 82,000 Black teachers were employed in the South (Haney, 1978). Subsequently,
between 1954 and 1965, Whites testified during post-desegregation legal proceedings advocating
21
to dismantle all-Black schools and to replace Black principals with White principals (Haney,
1978). White people claimed that Black principals were ineffective in supporting Black students,
contributing to a pattern of displacing Black educators throughout the South (Haney, 1978;
Tillman, 2004). In 1954, in Mobley, Missouri, 14 fully certified Black teachers, among them an
educator with a doctorate, were terminated, despite the 125 White educators who remained.
Some of those White teachers had less classroom experience or college credits compared to the
terminated Black teachers (Ethridge, 1980; Will, 2019). From 1954 to 1965, there was minimal
reliable data of employment categorized by race in the South (Ethridge, 1980). Throughout this
period, most all-Black schools in Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Oklahoma, and
West Virginia were closed and over 50% of Black principals were dismissed from their positions
(Haney, 1978; Tillman, 2004). By 1956, the Alabama Legislature passed a bill granting school
boards the jurisdiction to dismiss Black teachers without cause (Haney, 1978). Meanwhile, in
North Carolina during the same period, 128 of 131 superintendents deemed it unsuitable to
employ Black teachers (Haney, 1978).
In 1964, Black principals were employed in all 67 school districts in Florida; however, by
1975, only 40 school districts had retained Black principals, despite the growing Black student
population (Tillman, 2004). Between 1967 and 1970, North Carolina witnessed a decline in
Black principals from 620 to 170, while Alabama experienced a decrease from 250 to 40, and
Mississippi lost most of its 250 Black principals (Haney, 1978). For decades throughout the
South, discrimination cases against Black educators were routinely dismissed. In 1965, in Giles
County, Virginia, the Franklin v. The County School Board of Giles case determined that
terminating Black teachers or principals solely because they worked at an all-Black school was
discriminatory and unnecessary, particularly since the school was closed (Franklin v. The County
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School Board of Giles, 1965). This case was the first to protect Black educators against
discriminatory practices (Ethridge, 1980). The displacement of Black principals significantly
affected the pool of Black teachers who could be mentored for leadership roles. Desegregation
dismantled the support systems for recruiting, hiring, and promoting Black teachers to principal
positions (Tillman, 2004).
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education (1971)
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education ruling in 1971 affirmed the
government’s role in actively dismantling segregationist policies and promoting integration in
Charlotte, North Carolina (Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg, 1971). The decision mandated that
each school’s racial and ethnic makeup closely mirror the proportions of Black and non-Black
students in the district (Godwin et al., 2006). Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools (CMS) used
mandatory bussing to desegregate schools. Staff assignments were required to adhere to the
racial patterns in schools. This resulted in the transfer of teachers and school administrators to
other schools within the district (Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 1971).
Over time, the acceptance of mandatory bussing declined, leading families to move out of
Charlotte (Godwin et al., 2006). CMS reduced the number of students subject to mandatory
busing. Instead, the district introduced a managed choice program focused on magnet schools.
By 1992, one-third of CMS schools became full or partial magnets, each with quotas for both
White and Black students (Godwin et al., 2006). Despite the reduced busing, a group of parents
sued CMS. The court ruled that the school district must allow students to attend their
neighborhood schools and ordered CMS to discontinue the use of race and ethnicity in school
assignments (Godwin et al., 2006). In 2001, bussing ended in CMS, resulting in the return to
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racially segregated schools. This also led to the underrepresentation of Black educators in certain
schools (Godwin et al., 2006).
Dowell v. Board of Education of Oklahoma City Public Schools (1991)
Dowell v. Board of Education of Oklahoma City (1991) hastened the end of federal court
desegregation orders. In 1972, a federal district court mandated the implementation of the
"Finger Plan" by the Board of Education of Oklahoma City, which involved busing black
students to predominantly White schools (Dowell v. Board of Education of Oklahoma City,
1991). By 1977, the district court revoked its enforcement of the plan, deeming that the Board
had achieved a “unitary” racial composition (Dowell v. Board of Education of Oklahoma City,
1991). In 1984, the Board introduced the Student Reassignment Plan, which aimed to decrease
busing and reduce travel time for Black students. Despite potential resegregation consequences,
the Supreme Court ruled that a federal desegregation order should be terminated. While Brown v.
Board of Education (1954) desegregated schools, Dowell v. Board of Education of Oklahoma
City (1991) addressed the termination of federal desegregation orders, potentially leading to
resegregation.
Current State of Black Educators
Pruitt (2013) highlighted the staffing disparities between Black and White teachers in
Gloucester, Virginia after Reconstruction. In 1880, there were 20 White schools, with a total of
816 students taught by 24 White teachers (Pruitt, 2013). Compared to 13 Black schools, with a
total enrollment of 995 Black students, taught by nine Black teachers. Black students composed
54% of Gloucester county’s student population, while Black teachers accounted for 27% of the
county’s teaching staff (Pruitt, 2013). A decade later, there were 25 White schools with 999
White students and 25 Black schools with 1486 Black students (Pruitt, 2013). Over 130 years
24
later, the educational disparities are still prevalent in the United States. According to data from
the 2020–2021 school year, 15% of students were Black, 5% of teachers were Black, and 9% of
principals were Black (Taie & Lewis, 2022). Despite increased entry rates, Black teachers did
not stay in the profession at the same rate as their White counterparts, as seen over the past 2
decades (Chatman 2021; Farinde et al., 2016; Ingersoll & May, 2011).
When students lack role models who share their identities in positions they aspire to, they
may perceive those roles as less accessible to them (Allen & Morgan, 2023). School districts
often exhibit notable demographic disparities between students and teachers (Allen & Morgan,
2023). For instance, at Fort Worth Independent School District, two-thirds of the student
population is Hispanic, whereas 25% of teachers were Hispanic, half of the teachers were White,
but White students only make up 10% of the district’s student body (Allen & Morgan, 2023).
Teachers
The current teaching workforce does not represent the majority non-White student
population, this gap has notably widened in recent years (Lindsay & Hart, 2017; Taie & Lewis,
2022). Between 2001 and 2013 in North Carolina, the proportion of Black and Latino teachers
declined from 16% to 15%, while the percentage of Black and Latino students rose from 37% to
41% (Lindsay & Hart, 2017). Elementary students were less likely to be disciplined if they share
the same race with their teacher. Black Exposure to Black teachers reduced the likelihood of
Black students being subject to exclusionary disciplinary consequences and increased reading
achievement (Lindsay & Hart, 2017). Lindsay and Hart (2017) suggested that the recruitment
and retention of Black teachers could significantly enhance behavioral and academic
development of Black students.
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State licensure requirements are a known barrier for minority teacher recruitment. Black
and Latino educators historically score lower on these standardized tests compared to their White
and Asian counterparts (Will, 2019). Additionally, the expense associated with licensure exams
added an extra burden. Between 1984 and 1989, approximately 21,000 Black teachers were
displaced due to new requirements imposed on teacher preparation programs and certifications
(Will, 2019).
Allen and Morgan (2023) suggested that school districts prioritize educator support to
decrease the high turnover rate among teachers who often leave after only a few years of
teaching. Studies indicated higher retention rates when the teacher shared the same identity as
the principal (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eiland, 2022). Bartanen and Grissom (2019) found
that Black teachers reported higher job satisfaction and were less likely to leave the school if
their principal shared their racial identity. In 2012, a study revealed that Black teachers were
disproportionately concentrated, with 50% working in urban public schools, 27% in suburban
schools, nearly 70% teaching in high-poverty schools, and only 1% working in predominantly
White schools (Will, 2019). Additionally, retention rates among Black teachers surpassed White
teachers in culturally diverse schools with high needs. This potentially indicated a deeper
commitment to teaching Black students (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eiland, 2022).
Underrepresentation of Black Teachers
In the 2020–21 school year, the percentage of Black teachers was 5%, decreasing from
9% in the 2018–19 school year (Taie & Lewis, 2022; Black Teacher Collaborative,
n.d.). According to CRT, segregation served to uphold the interests of white people rather than
promote justice and equality of Black people (Guinier, 2004; Horsford, 2010). The Brown v.
Board of Education (1954) decision and desegregation significantly altered the educational
26
landscape for Black educators and Black students, resulting in the underrepresentation of Black
educators. In 2019, Black teachers made up eight percent of the public-school workforce (Black
Teacher Collaborative, n.d.). Texas, Georgia, and Florida had the highest Black student
populations in the United States. Specifically, Texas had over 686,000 Black students, followed
by Georgia with over 646,000, and Florida with over 630,000 students (Black Teacher
Collaborative, n.d.). North Carolina, Louisiana, and Maryland were also rank among the states
with significant Black student populations, with North Carolina having over 390,000, Louisiana
over 307,000, and Maryland over 301,000 Black students (Black Teacher Collaborative, n.d.).
However, the representation of Black teachers did not mirror the student demographic.
Similarly, Texas, Georgia, and Florida, which had the highest number of Black students and
Black teachers (Black Teacher Collaborative, n.d.). Texas employed over 35,000 Black teachers,
Georgia had over 28,000 teachers, and Florida had approximately 23,000 Black teachers (Black
Teacher Collaborative; 2019). Following these states, Louisiana, North Carolina, and Virginia
ranked among the top states with the highest Black teacher populations, with Louisiana
employing almost 21,000 Black teachers, North Carolina over 14,000, and Virginia had around
11,000 Black teachers (Black Teacher Collaborative, n.d.). Notably, Black teachers were
predominantly concentrated in the southern region and often served in high-needs schools
(Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Johnson-Brown, 2023).
Underrepresentation of Black Administrators
The legacy of the Brown v. The Board of Education decision of 1954 continued to affect
Black principals, with their representation standing at 11% (Taie & Lewis, 2022). This
percentage remained stagnant over decades, with figures showing 9.3% of principals being Black
in 2003–2004, increasing to 10.6% in 2007–2008, slightly decreasing to 10.1% in 2011–2012,
27
and remaining constant at 11% in 2017–2018 (Grissom et al., 2021; Taie & Lewis, 2022). In
public schools, Black principals constituted 10.4% of the total, with 18.5% in urban schools,
9.8% in suburban schools, and 4.6% in rural schools (Grissom et al., 2021; Taie & Lewis, 2022).
Additionally, 16.3% of all principals at public charter schools were Black (Taie & Lewis, 2022).
Among Black principals, 18.4% worked at schools where 75% of students qualified for free
lunch (Taie & Lewis, 2022). Black principals had a positive impact on student achievement and
staff retention, with studies showing that they were 5–7% more likely to hire Black educators
with higher education levels (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eilan, 2022). Black principals
contributed to a five percent decrease in the turnover rate of Black teachers and a three percent
increase in student exposure to Black educators (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eilan, 2022). Black
principals also increased Black student enrollment in gifted programs and reduce disciplinary
actions for Black students (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eilan, 2022). Bartanen and Grissom
(2019) discovered that Black students math scores increased when the principal was Black.
Student proficiency increased by the principal’s 2nd year at the school (Bartanen & Grissom,
2019).
Schools are predominantly led by White educational leaders. This reality aligns with
theories suggesting that educational policies and practices may perpetuate racial inequalities and
hinder equal opportunities for minority educators and students, largely influenced by White
culture (Johnson-Brown, 2023).
Underrepresentation of Black Superintendents
In 2017–18, data from the National Center for Education Statistics indicated that Black
teachers held higher levels of education beyond a master’s degree compared to their White
counterparts. And 13% of Black teachers had a post-master’s degree compared to nine percent of
28
all teachers (National Center of Education Statistics, 2022). However, about 8% identified as
superintendents of color, of which 1.8% respondents were Black (AASA Decennial Study, 2020,
cited by Johnson-Brown, 2023). This data provides a deeper insight into the lack of opportunities
and overt inequitable recruitment and hiring practices of Black educational leaders (JohnsonBrown, 2023).
Journey to School Administration
Transitioning into a school administrator role involves navigating various pathways,
including the teacher to principal pipeline, which is the traditional route. While transiting from
the classroom to school leadership, aspiring administrators often begin as assistant principals,
before advancing to the principalship.
Teacher to Principal Pipeline
The teacher to principal pipeline refers to the pathway or process through which
educators progress from teaching positions to assuming leadership roles as principals within
educational institutions. On average, approximately 4 years pass for teachers to transition to the
role of principal (Sparks, 2017). Studies reveal variations of career trajectories based upon race
and gender (Sparks, 2017). White male teachers were more likely to become principal before
their women and minority counterparts. In addition, White teachers with administrative
certification were more likely to become principals than Black or Latino teachers with the same
credentials. However, Black, and Latino male teachers were more likely to become principals
than women teachers of any racial background (Eiland, 2022; Sparks, 2017).
Black Teacher to Principal Pipeline
Recent quantitative analyses of the principal pipeline neglected to include considerations
of race or revisit discussions from prior research that underscored the prevalence of White male
29
privilege in the principalship (Davis et al., 2017; Goldring et al., 2021; Grissom et al., 2021).
This oversight in socializing Black candidates for advancement in line positions marginalizes
them, decreases their employment opportunities, and impedes their access to leadership roles in
educational administration (Berry & Reardon, 2022; Templeton et al., 2021). Templeton et al.
(2021) asserted that career mobility is essential for the personal and organizational growth of
Black educators, as evidenced by the operation of both endogenous and exogenous levers.
Endogenous levers, like “tapping,” involve supervisors grooming individuals for advancement,
providing training and support networks to enhance visibility (Templeton et al., 2021).
Conversely, exogenous levers involve self-sponsorship outside the institution, such as seeking
additional credentials or management experiences independently to demonstrate readiness for
advancement (Templeton et al., 2021). Typically, Black educator use exogenous levers to
progress their career.
Brown (2005) conducted an in-depth analysis of the preparation and appointment of
Black school administrators, identifying several trends over the period from 1980 to 2005. It was
found that Blacks were consistently underrepresented in leadership preparation programs and in
appointments to administrative roles. Transitioning from this broader perspective to more
specific investigations, three studies conducted in Illinois, North Carolina, and Texas delved into
the factors influencing the likelihood of individuals becoming principals (Templeton et al.,
2021). Three studies conducted in Illinois, North Carolina, and Texas utilized state-level
administrative datasets and models to investigate the factors influencing the likelihood of Black
teachers becoming principals (Templeton et al., 2021). In Illinois, it was found that Black
teachers were more likely than White teachers to advance to assistant principal positions and
were also more likely than White assistant principals to transition to principal roles (Ringel et al.,
30
2004). In North Carolina, the analysis revealed that Black female teachers were twice as likely as
White female teachers to become assistant principals, but they showed no greater likelihood of
progressing from assistant principal to principal positions (Gates et al., 2004). Fuller, Young, and
Orr (2007) reported that in Texas, Black teachers were more likely than their White counterparts
to obtain principal certification but were less likely to be employed as principals.
Coleman and Campbell-Stephens (2010) highlighted the significant challenges faced by
underrepresented aspirants in securing promotions to the principalship. They also revealed
disparities in promotion rates between Black and White teachers, suggesting a higher likelihood
of career stagnation for Black educators before reaching leadership positions. Similarly, Kerr et
al. (2016) discovered that although Blacks were overrepresented in assistant principal and
principal roles in interethnic school districts, they were underrepresented among classroom
teachers and administrators. The study also found persistent underrepresentation of Blacks and
Latinos among classroom teachers (Kerr et al., 2016). This gap is particularly relevant since
promotion to the principalship typically stems from teaching positions.
School Administration Certification Process
In public schools, aspiring school administrators must obtain a school leadership license
before assuming roles as assistant principals or principals. However, in charter schools and
private schools, administrative licensure requirements are left up to the discretion of the
organization. The school administration certification process ensures that individuals have the
necessary skills and knowledge to effectively lead and manage educational institutions. Typical
requirements for applying to a school principal position include a master’s degree in Educational
Leadership or a related field, relevant field experience, certification, and occasionally a passing
score on a licensure exam (Hancock et al., 2019).
31
The school administrators in this study lived in Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and
Texas. In North Carolina, individuals seeking certification as school administrators must hold a
bachelor’s degree, accumulate teaching experience, complete a state-approved preparation
program, obtain a master’s degree from an accredited university, and pass a licensure exam
(North Carolina Department of Public Instruction, n.d.). In Tennessee, applicants must have 3
years of teaching experience, a master’s degree, and an administrative license (Tennessee
Department of Education, n.d.). In Texas, aspiring principals need a master's degree, a valid
teaching license, and at least 2 years of classroom experience to earn a principal certificate
(Texas Education Agency, n.d.). Finally, in Virginia, principals are required to earn a master’s
degree from an approved administration program, complete an internship, and pass a licensure
assessment (Virginia’s Legislative Information System, n.d.).
Role of Assistant Principal
An assistant principal serves as a school administrator, aiding the principal in managing
daily operations, student discipline, and educational initiatives. Responsibilities may vary based
on school needs and the principal guidance, assistant principals collaborate closely with teachers,
students, and families. However, there is currently no research available to assess whether
assistant principal placement impacts student outcomes (Goldring et al., 2021). According to The
Wallace Foundation the number of assistant principals increased from 43,960 in 1990 to 80,590
by 2015 (Goldring et al., 2021). Assistant principals are allocated to schools based on student
enrollment, with secondary schools generally having a higher number of assistant principals
compared to elementary schools. Goldring et al. (2021) noted an increase in the assistant
principal-to-student ratio in urban and suburban regions but declined in rural areas. Additionally,
schools with a higher minority student population tend to have more assistant principals. Most
32
states have the same certification requirements for assistant principals and principals, which
includes teaching experience, completion of a state approved leadership preparation program, a
degree prerequisite, and passing a licensure exam.
In Tennessee, a study found that assistant principals spend more time on student
discipline, approximately two percent more than principals who primarily focus on teacher
observations and instructional planning (Moore, 2013). The same study highlighted 15 Black
women assistant principals that dedicated their efforts to implementing school-wide diversity
initiatives, such as diversifying advanced math courses and promoting understanding of social
class differences among teachers, while ensuring equal attention to all students to prevent bias
towards solely assisting Black students (Moore, 2013). Likewise, another study indicated that job
satisfaction increased when assistant principals were not pulled in multiple directions (Conley et
al., 2007).
The assistant principal role can significantly influence school culture, foster favorable
conditions for teacher recruitment and retention, and contribute to diversifying the principal
pipeline. There is no national reporting data on race and ethnicity of assistant principals;
however, on average across six states, 24% of assistant principals were minorities, compared to
13% of minority teachers, 19% of minority principals, and 34% of minority students (Goldring et
al., 2021). Limited research exists to interpret the varying percentages of minority assistant
principals, principals, and teachers, yet some evidence suggests that these differences may be
attributed to mentoring programs and discriminatory hiring practices (Goldring et al., 2021).
In Texas, minority educators were more likely to transition to assistant principal roles after
completing principal preparation programs but face lower chances of advancing to principal
positions compared to their White counterparts (Goldring et al., 2021). Additionally, higher
33
percentages of Black and Latino male educators served as assistant principals 5 years after
certification, while conversely, there were a higher percentages of White male principals.
Another study in Texas revealed that Black assistant principals have an 18% lower likelihood of
being promoted to principal positions compared to White assistant principals (Goldring et al.,
2021). On average, Black assistant principals experience longer wait times for promotion than
White assistant principals, typically taking 5.3 years compared to 4.7 years for their White
counterparts (Goldring et al., 2021).
Assistant principalship serves as the predominant pathway to principalship, yet there is
little evidence linking experience as an assistant principal to principal performance. Across the
nation, minority principals were more likely to have prior experience as an assistant principal
compared to White principals (Goldring et al., 2021). Minority educators face more challenges to
career advancement than White educators. Addressing barriers hindering the advancement of
minority assistant principals can promote an equitable and more diverse route to principalship
(Goldring et al., 2021). This effort may involve school districts establishing systems for equal
access to mentorship and professional development, conducting equity audits of district policies
and practices, analyzing race and ethnicity-based data on career progression, and creating clear
and equitable pathways (Goldring et al., 2021).
Role of School Principal
The role of a school principal encompasses leadership for social justice, fostering
instructionally focused interactions with teachers, cultivating a positive school climate,
facilitating productive collaboration and professional learning communities, and strategically
managing personnel and resources (Riehl, 2000; Grissom, et al, 2021) The Department of
Education has documented three key changes to the principalship:
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1. The principalship has become markedly more female.
2. Principals’ level of experience has fallen on average and especially in high-need
schools.
3. Despite dramatic changes in the racial and ethnic composition of students, racial and
ethnic diversity in school leadership has moved only slightly, creating growing racial
and ethnic gaps between principals and the students they serve. (Grissom, et al, 2021,
p. xii)
From an equity lens, principals hold considerable influence on key populations such as lowincome students and minority students and teachers (Grissom, et al, 2021). This impact can
manifest directly through disciplinary measures or indirectly through the adoption of culturally
relevant curricula, teaching practices, and the recruitment of staff who reflect the racial identities
of students (Grissom et al., 2021; Mustafaa, 2023).
The number of novice principals has increased, particularly in high-needs schools. In
2016, both Black and White principals experienced a decline in average tenure, with White
principals averaging 4 years and Black principals averaging 3.5 years, compared to 6.2 years for
White principals and 5.9 years for Black principals in 1988 (Grissom et al., 2021). The teaching
experience among public school principals has declined over time. In 1988, principals typically
had around 13 years of teaching experience, whereas by 2016, this average decreased to 11.5
years (Grissom et al., 2021). This decline in teaching experience among principals may be
attributed to a higher likelihood of transitioning into other school leadership positions, such as
assistant principal roles. In 1988, 50% of principals reported having assistant principal
experience, whereas by 2016, over 70% of principals had served in assistant principal roles
(Grissom et al., 2021).
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Black Women in School Leadership
Hewlett and Wingfield (2015) found that only 11% of Black women in corporate
America reported having a sponsor, which is a powerful advocate committed to their career
advancement. The lack of sponsorship stems from the tendency of leaders, mainly White men, to
favor and support individuals who resemble themselves in terms of background and
characteristics. Despite the increasing number of Black women leaders, social constructs related
to race, gender, and class may hinder their leadership advancement (Bryd, 2009).
According to the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (2018), Black women are
projected to wait until 2116 to achieve pay equity, while White women were expected to wait
only 36 years. The wage disparity between Black women and their White counterparts not only
impacts their ability to provide financial support for their families and themselves but also
hinders their capacity to save, perpetuating the cycle of poverty (Pierre, 2019). Pierre (2019)
contends that instead of encountering a glass ceiling, Black women confront a glass wall,
symbolizing the heightened challenges they must navigate. Research indicates that Black
women’s experiences were distinct due to the intersectionality of race, gender, and social class,
necessitating separate examination from the experiences of Black men or women from different
racial backgrounds (Bryd, 2009).
According to Lomotey (2019), Black female principals typically have tenure ranging
from 4 to 9 years, with half of them holding a master’s degree. In 2015, 54% of principals were
women, including 13% who were Black female principals, nearly twice the number of Black
male principals (National Center for Education Statistics, 2023). Bailes and Guthery (2020)
found that both Black and women assistant principals must have more years of experience to be
36
considered for a principalship. Constant across both the elementary and secondary levels, they
were less likely to be promoted (Bailes & Guthery, 2020; Cheng et al., 2023).
Black female principals were disproportionately represented in elementary schools,
comprising eight percent compared to 4% in secondary schools, where White males hold
dominant positions in principalship (Dillard, 1995; Jang & Alexander, 2022). Elementary school
principals tend to receive lower average salaries and were less likely to advance to district
leadership roles compared to their counterparts in secondary education (Bailes & Guthery, 2020;
Brunner & Peyton-Claire, 2000; Jang & Alexander, 2022). Weiner et al. (2022) also noted that
Black women were less frequently mentored or selected for leadership roles compared to their
male counterparts. Black female principals were often assigned to under-resourced schools,
which serve a predominantly impoverished and racially diverse student population, including a
significant percentage of Black students (Weiner et al., 2022; Jang & Alexander, 2022).
Barriers Encountered by Black Teachers and School Administrators
The barriers experienced by Black teachers and school administrators are similar. Black
teachers and school administrators are underrepresented in comparison to the Black student
population (Grissom et al., 2021; Taie & Lewis, 2022).
Barriers to Enter Careers in Education
Opportunity and achievement gaps among Black students in PK–12 education
highlighted a disparity where fewer were prepared for college, rendering them ineligible to
pursue careers in teaching (Madhani et al., 2022). A higher percentage of Black students
attended underfunded schools with limited access to high-quality resources, thereby decreasing
their preparedness to attend college. Black students enrolled in college were less likely to
37
graduate in comparison to their White and Asian counterparts (Madhani et al., 2022).
Additionally, the dropout rate among Black students surpassed that of their White counterparts.
Availability of Alternative Options
During segregation, teaching was one of the very few job opportunities for Black people
(Madkins, 2011; Madhani et al., 2022). Today, there are many career pathways that Black
students can choose from. There are better paying options for college graduates (American
Council on Education, n.d.). Black students tend to enter more prestigious and financially
appealing professions other than teaching (Chatman, 2021; Madkins, 2011). In 1960, 60% of
Black graduates began careers in teaching (Carnevale et al., 2016). In 2015, five percent of Black
college graduates earned bachelor’s degrees in education, while eight percent of Black college
students pursued majors in education (American Council on Education, n.d.; Carnevale et al.,
2016). Black students majored in STEM, business, healthcare, and social science fields instead
of education (American Council on Education, n.d.). The appeal of alternative professions
contributed to the shortage of Black educators and influenced the career paths they pursued
(Madhani et al., 2022).
Cost of Education Profession
For non-White educators, teaching brings a financial burden. Black teachers earned less
than White teachers and had higher debts (Madhani et al., 2022). The high cost of traditional
teacher preparation programs posed a disproportionately higher burden on Black teachers, who
were already more likely to have a higher burden of debt (Madhani et al., 2022). Additionally,
the cost of teacher licensure created additional financial barriers to entering the profession
(Madhani et al., 2022). For example, the New York State’s teacher certification examination cost
38
$300 to take and Black test-takers passed it at approximately half the rate of White test-takers,
posing a significant barrier to entry into the profession (Chang, 2021).
Barriers to Teacher Retention
Fewer Black teachers joined the profession and left at higher rates compared to teachers
from other racial groups (Madhani et al., 2022). Several common barriers to teacher retention
include heavy workloads and excessive administrative tasks leading to burnout and
dissatisfaction, inadequate salaries causing financial strain, limited professional development
opportunities hindering career advancement, lack of upward mobility, and challenging classroom
environments, including student behavior issues and lack of administrative support, contributing
to turnover (Madhani et al., 2022). Non-White teachers were twice as likely to enter the teaching
profession through an alternate teacher pathway (Carver-Thomas & Darling-Hammond, 2017a).
However, the way a teacher is prepared can be a stronger determinant of retention (Ingersoll et
al., 2014).
Unfair Hiring Practices for School Administrators
Grissom et al. (2021) reported that there was some progress in increasing racial diversity
among principals, but the rate of change lagged significantly behind that of the student
population. Additionally, the foundation acknowledged a lack of understanding regarding the
reasons for the limited progress in diversifying the principalship along racial and ethnic lines
(Grissom et al., 2021). In the analysis, the researchers questioned if there were barriers and
disincentives that drove the principal race or ethnicity imbalance and whether the school leader
pipeline was leaky for people of color throughout, or if there were specific points along the
pipeline that should have been points of focus (Grissom et al., 2021).
39
Robicheau and Krull (2016) wrote that Black educators typically expressed confidence
in their capacity to progress in their careers, yet they encountered racial obstacles, diminished
trust in the system, and a decline in career aspirations. The first step into becoming a part of any
organization is the hiring process. The hiring process is often a barrier for Black applicants.
D’Amico et al. (2017) reported that Black teachers were frequently hired at lower rates than their
application rates, whereas White candidates were hired at higher rates than they applied. These
researchers noted that being Black was associated with a lower likelihood of receiving a job
offer, while being White was associated with a higher likelihood of receiving a job offer, even
when Black candidates had advanced degrees and more years of experience (D’Amico et al.,
2017). It was also reported that Black candidates were less likely to receive a job offer compared
to White candidates with identical qualifications (D’Amico et al., 2017).
Studies have suggested that hiring can be a racialized structure, influenced by racial
biases, indicating that race might have played a significant role in decision-making during hiring
(Liera, 2020; Grissom et al., 2021). Colorblind practices, rooted in interracial comfort,
familiarity, and trust, were often repackaged as race-neutral professionalism and teamwork
(Liera, 2020). These practices may include the use of coded language to comfortably discuss
race, the incorporation of equity interview questions, the acceptance of candidate ignorance
regarding race and equity issues, and the presence of token committee members (Liera, 2020, p.
1955). Research by Myung et al. (2011) indicates that Black educators have a higher likelihood
of being hired if the principal is also Black. Principals often recommend teachers whom they
perceive as suitable and possessing significant school-level leadership experience, yet they tend
to disproportionately select teachers who were male and share their ethnicity.
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Racial Identity
According to Lomotey (2019), Black female principals typically have tenure ranging
from 4 to 9 years, with half of them holding a master’s degree. In 2015, 54% of principals were
women, including 13% who were Black female principals, nearly twice the number of Black
male principals (National Center for Education Statistics, 2023). Black female principals were
disproportionately represented in elementary schools, comprising eight percent compared to four
percent in secondary schools, where White males hold dominant positions in principalship
(Dillard, 1995; Jang & Alexander, 2022). Elementary school principals tend to receive lower
average salaries and were less likely to advance to district leadership roles compared to their
counterparts in secondary education (Bailes & Guthery, 2020; Brunner & Peyton-Claire, 2000;
Jang & Alexander, 2022). Weiner et al. (2022) also note that Black women were less frequently
mentored or selected for leadership roles compared to their male counterparts’ Black female
principals were often assigned to under-resourced schools, which serve a predominantly
impoverished and racially diverse student population, including Black students (Weiner et al.,
2022; Jang & Alexander, 2022).
Race and Gender Identity
Societal assumptions burden Black educators with stereotypes, relegating Black men to
coaching and disciplinary roles while Black women are seen stronger than their counterparts.
Research highlights the distinct experiences of Black women, shaped by the intersectionality of
race, gender, and social class, requiring separate examination from Black men or women from
different racial backgrounds (Bryd, 2009; West et al., 2010; Williams & Lewis, 2021). As known
as gendered racism, where Black women face unique challenges and experiences at the
41
intersectionality of race and gender (Glasgow, 2018). For Black women, race and gender is
inseparable.
Black male educators also experience racism, microaggressions, and stereotypes,
undermining their professional experiences. Despite these challenges, navigate privileges
associated with their gender (Khalifa, 2014). In a study conducted by Khalifa (2014), two Black
principals, John and Nate did not recognize the role of racism and the oppression of Black
students. Nate avoided discussing issues of race altogether, while John discussed race in a very
decontextualized manner. Nate mentioned he only talked about race when it was necessary. Both
principals expressed concerns about being perceived as biased toward Black students by their
White colleagues (Khalifa, 2014). Compared to Black women educators, Black male educators’
experience is shaped by factors such as privilege and power (Boggs, 2018)
Age Discrimination
For Black people, age discrimination is the highest for the younger age groups, decreases
in the middle age group, and heightens again for the older age group (Andrew, 2021). In 2021,
An experiment conducted at Texas A&M University sheds light on an overlooked trend: Black
workers were initially less likely to be hired than their White counterparts with similar
experience, but this gap diminishes during middle age (Andrew, 2021). This discrimination
contributes to high Black youth unemployment rates, granting White workers a significant
advantage in their career trajectory and preserving the wealth gap between White and Black
families in the United States (Andrew, 2021). Researchers point to stereotypes regarding young
Black individuals, particularly men, as well as systemic obstacles that lead to many middle-aged
Black workers being deemed overqualified for the roles they pursue.
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Retention of Black School Administrators
On average, a Black principal served approximately 3.5 years at a school (Grissom et al.,
2021). Lee and Mao (2020) observed an increased trend among principals vacating their
positions, and raised concerns about the availability of qualified administrators, especially for
under-resourced schools. While states certified an ample number of administrators, there is a
challenge in finding suitable candidates willing to take on school leadership roles. Myung et al.
(2011) also observed that qualified individuals were increasingly opting out of pursuing careers
in school leadership.
Theoretical Frameworks
This qualitative study was grounded in theories of critical race and social identity. The
study aimed to investigate how racial identity influenced the accessibility of leadership
opportunities for Black teachers and administrators, shaping their educational journey.
Critical Race Theory (CRT)
Critical race theory (CRT) is the concept that race is a social construct and is embedded
in legal systems and policies (Ladson-Billings & Tate; 1995). Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995)
proclaimed that CRT is based on the idea that race is significant in determining inequality by
analyzing the relation between race and property to better understand racial inequality. Solórzano
(2002) wrote that CRT tracks how racism occurs in the education system and continuously
marginalizes minority groups. In the 1970s, CRT started to analyze the system of critical legal
studies to address how racial inequality and how race influences society (Ladson-Billings,
2009). Ladson-Billings (2009) argues that legal language continues to sustain hierarchies of men
over women, rich over poor, Whites over Black, and other minorities. CRT has been utilized to
analyze the impact of race and racism in education. School inequity is based on three central
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concepts: in the United States race is a significant factor in determining inequity, society in the
United States is based on property rights, and the intersection of race and property creates a
diagnostic tool that allows us to understand social and school inequity (Ladson-Billings & Tate,
1995). Dumas and Ross (2016) further add that school is a location where Whites exercise the
“absolute right to exclude” Black people (p. 60).
The consistent percentage of Black principals over the past two decades, underscores the
need to consider race as a potential factor contributing to this disparity, especially within the
framework of CRT (Young et al., 2023). Davis et al. (2016) conducted research analyzing how
race, gender, and school attributes influenced entry into the principalship, revealing that White
men were afforded greater opportunities for advancement in obtaining principal positions. It was
noted that the privilege afforded to White men is suggestive of sexism and racism. Robicheau
and Krull (2016) conducted a study to understand the underrepresentation of Black leaders in K–
12 upper leadership. Participants perceived microaggressions, racism, and the need to prove
themselves as barriers to career advancement. These findings align with the tenets of CRT,
which state that race and racism are endemic in institutional practices experienced by Black
people. For centuries Black womanhood has been dominated by White culture. Ladson-Billings
(2009) tells of the yearly graduate class she taught that analyzes the “continuing denigration of
Black women teachers” through film and narratives. In her course, she analyzed the stereotypes
of Black women that date back to slavery: the Mammy, Sapphire, and Jezebel. A mammy was a
maternal figure, a sapphire was a Black woman who was bold, fiery, and aggressive, and a
jezebel was a sexually promiscuous Black woman (Jim Crow Museum, n.d.). These stereotypes
of Black women drastically differ from those of White women. The stereotype types of Black
women have been ingrained in literature and film, which has influenced societal structures that
44
influence hiring practices, recruitment, and overall treatment of Black women (Ladson-Billings,
2009). Integration, colorblindness, and equal opportunity have created an overt landscape for
racism, which has made it difficult for minorities to label their reality (Parker, 1998). The
concepts of CRT challenge the inequities experienced and seen within the education system and
were committed to eliminating these oppressions.
Social Identity Theory (SIT)
Social identity theory (SIT) affects how an individual’s social identity shapes how they
perceive judgments, stereotypes, or treatment, suggesting that one’s self-perception and group
dynamics influence each other (Hogg et al., 1995). A social identity refers to an individual’s
awareness of belonging to or aligning with a specific group, while a social group is characterized
by a collection of individuals who share similarities or commonalities (Abrams & Hogg, 1998).
While CRT focuses on understanding how racism shapes society, it is equally vital to
acknowledge how social perceptions influence individual identities. Social identity theory
extends from research programs in sociology and psychology, helping individuals organize their
identity’s meaning, interpret social situations, and respond to identity-related feedback (Davis et
al., 2019). SIT has three related theoretical principles:
1. Individuals strive to achieve or to maintain positive social identity.
2. Positive social identity is based to a large extent on favorable comparisons that can be
made between the in-group and some relevant out-groups: the in-group must be
perceived as positively differentiated or distinct from the relevant out-groups.
3. When social identity is unsatisfactory, individuals will strive either to leave their
existing group and/or to make their existing group more positively distinct. (Tafjel &
Turner, 1986, p. 284)
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SIT encompasses the processes through which identity evolves within both intergroup
and intragroup relationships (Davis et al., 2019). SIT suggests that there is an interactive
relationship between the identity of the leader and the experience of leadership (Glasgow, 2018;
Hogg, 2000; Hogg, 2001). This theory predicates that individuals derive their identity and selfesteem from their group memberships, influencing their behavior and interactions in educational
settings. Examining social identity theory can offer insight into how the identities of Black
educators influence their experiences and individual perspectives regarding their roles and future
career aspirations.
Summary
This qualitative study aims to explore the perspectives of Black teachers and
administrators regarding the accessibility of leadership opportunities in schools and the influence
of identity on their educational journey. It compared the professional experiences of Black
school administrators, addressing the barriers they face in advancing to school leadership roles.
The literature review examines studies related to barriers encountered by Black educators,
including gender bias, unfair hiring practices, and limited access to mentorship and career
pathways, resulting in underrepresentation and lower promotion rates compared to White
counterparts. Chapter 3 outlines the chosen methodology, including sample selection, interview
questions, data collection, and analysis. Chapter 4 presents the research findings. Chapter 5
offers a summary of findings, study limitations, practice implications, and recommendations.
46
Chapter Three: Methodology
Over the last 20 years, the percentage of Black public-school principals has plateaued at
approximately 10–11% (Taie & Lewis, 2022). Likewise, the percentage of Black teachers
remained constant, ranging between 6–8% (Nation Center for Education Statistics, 2019). To
promote equity and diversity in educational leadership, it is important to understand the factors
that contribute to the underrepresentation of Black school leaders (Castro et al., 2018). In the
2020–21 school year, 15% of students were Black, 5% of teachers were Black, and 9% of
principals were Black (Taie & Lewis, 2022). With the underrepresentation of Black principals
and teachers, paired with a rise in student diversity, there is a pressing need to recruit, develop
and support Black principals (Wilkerson & Wilson, 2017).
Researchers at the Wallace Foundation found that principals had become more racially
diverse, but the rate of change had been insignificant compared to the student population
(Grissom et al., 2021). The foundation recognized a deficiency in understanding regarding the
limited progress made in diversifying the principalship along racial and ethnic lines (Grissom et
al., 2021). Bartanen and Grissom (2019) confirmed that having Black principals has a positive
impact on student achievement and staff retention. According to Harvey (1999) the presence and
achievements of Black administrators will inspire others and contribute to establish a welcoming
and supportive environment for other Black minority educators. Gaining a deeper understanding
of the lived experiences of Black administrators and teachers can offer valuable insights and help
bridge gaps within research and literature. The objective of this study was to add to the ongoing
educational research concerning the experiences of Black administrators and teachers, focusing
on the impact of identity perspectives on career progression.
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Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this narrative qualitative study was to explore the perception of Black
teachers and perspective of administrators regarding the accessibility of school leadership
opportunities, along with the role of identity in their journey as educators. This study analyzed
the professional experiences of Black educators, addressed several barriers faced by Black
school leaders in their path to becoming school administrators and highlighted how their identity
influenced future career opportunities. The study documented the experiences of five Black
administrators and five teachers, capturing narratives of their lived experience and perspectives
on their career journey (Creswell, 2014). The researcher interpreted the perspectives and
experiences of Black teachers and administrators by using surveys, two reflective journal
questions and interviews.
Research Questions
The research questions were designed to investigate the perspectives of Black teachers
regarding the Black teacher-to-principal pipeline and outline the barriers faced by Black
administrators when pursuing roles in school administration. The narrative qualitative research
study was guided by the following research questions:
1. are the perspectives of Black teachers regarding access to school leadership?
2. What do Black administrators identify as issues to become a school leader?
3. How does a Black educator’s identity influence potential career opportunities?
Selection of the Population
The focus of this study was to gain the perspective of Black K–12 teachers and
administrators concerning the accessibility of school leadership opportunities, and to explore the
role that identity played in their journey as an educator. I created an infographic to be used in
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recruiting participants (see Appendix A). The infographic included the study’s name, purpose,
target audience (teachers and administrators), and the survey link. The researcher posted the
infographic and survey link on LinkedIn and sent cold emails to current employees at charter and
public K–12 schools to recruit study participants (see Appendix B for email). Interested
participants completed the survey (see Appendix C). The survey posed the following questions to
participants: their current school position, race, type of school, grade level and how, if at all,
identity impacts their work. To qualify for participation in the study, respondents needed to selfidentify as either a Black teacher or school administrator. Survey participants who met the
study’s criteria were sent an email inviting them to submit responses to a two-question journal
reflection and provide their availability for a 45–60-minute Zoom interview (see Appendix D for
journal reflection).
The researcher utilized the survey data to employ stratified random sampling in selecting
interview participants. Stratified random sampling is “dividing the population into mutually
exclusive groups (called strata) and then selecting a random sample from each group” (Johnson
& Christensen, 2017, p. 262). In this study, the exclusive groups were Black teachers and Black
administrators. The two journal responses were:
1. In what way (if at all) does your identity influence your role as an educator?
2. Read the two statements below and explain if you agree or disagree:
• The number of Black students in K–12 schools has drastically increased since
the 1960’s, but the proportion of Black teachers does not mirror the student
population (Chatman, 2021).
• Black educators are underrepresented in school administrative positions
(Grissom & Redding, 2016).
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In this study, stratified random sampling was utilized to ensure distinct groups for
effective data collection (Johnson & Christensen, 2017). The first group comprised of Black
teachers, while the second group consisted of Black administrators. The stratified random
sampling was organized by role, resulting in smaller sample sizes. Maintaining smaller sample
sizes preserved the individuality of each response and mitigated the risk of generalizing findings
(Maxwell, 2013). With a reduced sample size, the researcher was able to observe how events and
actions influenced perspectives and circumstances, as well as explore potential interconnections
among participants’ experiences (Maxwell, 2013). Ten participants were selected based on their
self-identification as Black K–12 teacher or school administrator. The study consisted of five
teachers and five school administrators, including two assistant principals and three principals.
Five participants, consisting of three teachers and two school administrators, worked in public
school districts ranging from 26,500 to 145,000 students located in Virginia, North Carolina, and
Texas. Five participants, consisting of two teachers and three school administrators, worked in
charter school districts ranging from 2,000 to 10,000 students, located in Tennessee, Georgia,
and Texas. Participants from these states were randomly selected based on their completion of
the screening survey, the two journal prompts, and their scheduling of a virtual interview.
Design Summary
A qualitative research method was used for this study to understand the opinions and
experiences of Black teachers and administrators (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Sale et al. (2002)
defined qualitative research as the concept that multiple truths are possible, with the investigator
and the investigated being interlinked collectively. Qualitative research presumes that the focal
point of a study was assessed through fieldwork, where the researcher served as the primary data
collector responsible for analyzing the meaning from participants (Creswell et al., 2004).
50
The narrative qualitative inquiry of this study allowed participants to offer narratives of
their lived experience (Clandinin, 2006). The narrative approach is used when researchers are
interested in lived experiences and want a deeper understanding of those experiences (Creswell
et al., 2004). A narrative inquiry design was suitable for this study because it enabled the
researcher to comprehend the experiences of individuals as captured through interviews
(Creswell et al., 2004). Personal narratives differed from other data collection methods because
they provided the researcher with an opportunity to explore human experiences (Chase, 2005).
To gain insight into the experiences of Black educators, the researcher collected narratives
through a survey, a two-question journal reflection, and a 45–60-minute Zoom interview. This
approach aimed to study the perspectives and obstacles faced by Black teachers and
administrators, drawing from their lived experiences. Once participants completed the journal
responses and provided their availability for a virtual interview, they received a calendar
invitation along with an information and consent form (see Appendix F). Twenty-four hours
before the scheduled interview, participants were sent a reminder email (see Appendix G).
Instrumentation
Qualitative data was collected through a survey, two journal reflections and an openended interview. The survey served as the instrumentation tool used to screen participant
eligibility. The survey totaled six questions (see Appendix C). Survey questions one and two
allowed respondents to self-identify their race, corresponding to Research Questions 1 and
Research Questions 2 to screen for participation eligibility. Survey questions three and four were
utilized to gather information on the type of school and the level of schools where respondents
were employed. Survey question five was written in alignment with research questions one and
two to screen for participation eligibility. Survey question six asked: In what way (if any at all)
51
does your identity impact your role? The question was designed evaluate how respondents
perceived the influence of their identity on their professional lives.
The two-journal reflections served as a second instrumental tool used to collect
quantitative data in this study (see Appendix E). Two reflective journal questions allowed
participants to evaluate the influence of their identity on their current position and how historical
practices had impacted their professional experiences. The two-journal reflections gave the
researcher insight into the participants’ positionality and experiences before conducting the
Zoom interview.
The final instrument used in this study was a semi-structured interview format. The
researcher utilized a semi-structured interview format to maintain flexibility in the protocol,
allowing questions to be adapted based on how the interviewees responded (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). The interview questions were tailored to participants’ current positions, as a teacher or
school administrator (see Appendix H and Appendix I for interview protocols). Qualitative
researchers utilize open-ended, structured questions to collect information from participants
(Creswell, 2014). Using open-ended interview questions allowed the researcher to pose followup questions to clarify participant responses (Creswell, 2014).
Conceptual Framework
Maxwell (2013) defines the conceptual framework as “the system of concepts,
assumptions, expectations, beliefs, and theories that supports and informs your research” and that
it “is a key part of your design” (p. 39). The conceptual framework provides insight into the “key
factors, concepts, or variables—and the presumed relationships among them” (Maxwell, 2013, p.
39). In this study, the conceptual framework stated that the perspectives of Black teachers and
school administrators were directly shaped by their racial and gender identities, career
52
experiences, and practices influenced by historical events. The open-ended survey questions
provided participants with an opportunity to articulate how their identity influenced their current
role. Similarly, the two reflective journal questions allowed participants to evaluate the influence
of their identity on their current position and how historical practices have impacted their present
experiences. The interview questions, aligned with research questions: what Black administrators
identify as issues to become a school leader and how does a Black educator’s identity influence
potential career opportunities; allowed participants to reflect and share their professional
experiences influenced by their identity.
Data Collection
Data for this narrative qualitative study was collected from participants through surveys,
two journal reflections and one-on-one Zoom interview. Participants were recruited by
completing the study survey, which had been posted on LinkedIn or cold emailed to potential
participants. Survey respondents who self-identified as Black teachers or administrators were
invited via email to complete a Google Form. The form contained two journal reflections and an
option for participants to indicate their availability for scheduling a Zoom interview. Once the
interview was scheduled, participants received a consent form and a calendar invite. Twenty-four
hours prior to the interview, participants received a reminder email. Prior to the interview, the
research reviewed the participants’ journal responses.
The interview questions were tailored to participants’ current positions, with each
interview comprising seven questions. The researcher followed the semi-structured interview
protocol found in Appendix C. Each participant was provided with a copy of the interview
questions prior to the interview to ensure they could offer detailed responses. During the
53
interview, follow-up questions were asked to gain a deeper understanding of their lived
experiences.
During the interview, the researcher captured notes using Google Docs and recorded the
Zoom interview. The interviews were transcribed using the transcription feature on Zoom. The
researcher reviewed the transcription and edited any misspelled words or inscribable dialogue.
Video and audio recordings were provided to participants via email, allowing them to review
their own transcripts for accuracy. To maintain confidentiality, participants’ identities were kept
confidential throughout the data collection process, and pseudonyms were assigned to them to
prevent any breach of confidentiality.
Data Analysis
Creswell (2014) suggested a three-step analysis strategy for qualitative research: (a)
preparing to organize the data; (b) reducing the data in themes with coding, and (c) preparing
data in tables, figures, or data, graphs, and charts. This qualitative research study utilized various
methods, including open-ended survey, journal relations, and a virtual interview. A total of five
Black teachers and five Black school administrators participated in the study, aiming to provide a
comprehensive understanding of their experiences, positionality, and career aspirations. The
study aimed to explore participants’ experiences, perspectives, and career aspirations. Data
collected from participants was organized and coded to identify recurring themes across survey
responses, journal reflections, and virtual interviews. The resulting themes were tabulated to
facilitate analysis and interpretation. The data analysis began by reviewing the transcripts from
the interview recordings that were transcribed using Zoom’s transcription feature. The
transcriptions were then provided to participants for review to verify accuracy.
54
The researcher reviewed the interview transcripts to identify recurring themes and
subthemes. Additionally, he open-response survey questions and two journal reflections were
coded to identify prevalent themes. Upon organizing the data, the researcher outlined the
findings by themes and subthemes. To migrate potential biases, the researcher distinguished
between personal viewpoints and experiences (Creswell et al., 2004).
Validity and Reliability
In qualitative research, maintaining validity and reliability is essential to ensure that the
findings accurately reflect the perspectives and experiences of the participants. Salkind (2016)
defined validity as a “test that measures what it is supposed to” and reliability as a measurement
tool to measure something consistently (p. 168).
To uphold validity and reliability, this study integrated data triangulation, a
methodological approach that enhances the creditability of findings by cross-verifying
information from multiple sources or methods (Creswell, 2014). Data triangulation involves
collecting data on the same topic or phenomenon through different approaches to gain a more
comprehensive understanding and to strengthen the overall credibility of the study (Creswell,
2014). In this study, the researcher used a qualitative survey and journal reflections to compare
against the themes identified in the interviews. In addition, the researcher analyzed the findings
from the survey, reflections, and interviews in relation to existing studies and historical events.
To ensure the validity and reliability of this study, the researcher used methods such as
historical review, adequate time spent collecting data, and member checking. For validity, the
researcher used purposive sampling to select participants that had direct knowledge and
experiences relevant to the perspectives and Black educators (Johnson & Christensen, 2017). By
interviewing five Black teachers and five Black school administrators, the study aimed to capture
55
a moderately varied range of perspectives within the target population, thus increasing the
credibility of the findings. Additionally, member checking was utilized to validate the
interpretations of the data. Participants were given the opportunity to review the transcripts of
their interviews, thereby offering feedback and corrections to ensure the accuracy and
authenticity of their perspectives.
Reliability was ensured through data collection and analysis procedures. The researcher
utilized a semi-structured interview protocol to guide the interviews, ensuring consistency in the
questions asked and facilitating comparability across participants. The use of multiple coders to
identify themes and subthemes enhanced the reliability of the findings. The reliability checks on
the coded data assessed the consistency of the researcher’s coding decision, thereby minimizing
bias and increased the trustworthiness of the interpretations.
I identify as a Black woman. With experience as both a teacher and school administrator,
I have lived in Virginia as a student, North Carolina as a college student and teacher, and Texas
as a school administrator, which are states where eight out of 10 participants resided. I had no
prior knowledge of or interaction with the participants before conducting this study. To mitigate
bias from the researcher’s first-hand experience, it was important for the researcher to follow the
protocol. Additionally, sourcing similar studies, particularly those spotlighting the career
trajectories of Black educators, especially Black women, was imperative to the study.
Incorporating historical events, research studies, and participant perspectives when formulating
implications and recommendations for future research was essential to mitigate bias during data
analysis.
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Summary
This study used a narrative qualitative approach. Narrative qualitative data was retrieved
from participants through surveys, journal reflection and virtual one-to-one interviews. The data
collected from Black teachers and administrators in public and charter schools were analyzed to
provide insight on the three research questions: teacher knowledge of barriers to the accessibility
of school leadership opportunities, administrator experiences to barriers in becoming a school
administrator, and how identity impacts Black educators. These study findings have been
presented in Chapter 4. Chapter 5 is composed of a summary of findings, limitations and
delimitations, implications for practice, conclusions, and recommendations.
57
Chapter Four: Results
The purpose of this narrative qualitative research study was to explore the lived
experiences and potential career paths of five Black K–12 teachers and five Black school
administrators. Participants were selected based on their self-identification as a Black teacher or
administrator, as indicated on the recruitment survey. Teacher participants were in North
Carolina, Georgia, and Texas, while school administrator participants were in Virginia, North
Carolina, Tennessee, and Texas. Locality was determined by the participants’ responsiveness to
answering the two journal reflection questions and scheduling a virtual interview.
The primary objective of this study was to examine the perspectives of Black teachers
and administrators concerning the accessibility of school leadership opportunities, and how their
identity has influenced their career journey. Perspectives and experiences were gathered via a
two-question reflection journal and were further explored through a 45–60-minute one-to-one
virtual interview. This chapter explores the career journeys of Black educators and
administrators, delving into the impact of their identity on their professional experiences.
Additionally, this chapter reviews shared characteristics between the participants’ professional
experiences.
The narrative qualitative research study was guided by the following research questions:
1. What are the perspectives of Black teachers regarding access to school
leadership?
2. What do Black administrators identify as barriers to becoming a school leader?
3. How does a Black educator’s identity influence potential career opportunities?
58
Participants
Ten participants were selected based upon self-identifying as Black and holding a current
K–12 teacher or school administrator position. To recruit participants, the researcher shared the
research study infographic and survey link on LinkedIn. Additionally, cold emails were sent to
current employees at various charter and public K–12 schools throughout the country. Table 1
presented the roles and racial backgrounds of the survey respondents.
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Table 1
Respondents to the Recruitment Survey
Survey respondent number Current role Self-identified race
1 Teacher White
2 Teacher Black
3 Teacher White
4 Assistant principal White
5 Teacher Black
6 Teacher Black
7 Principal Black
8 Teacher White
9 Teacher Hispanic
10 Teacher White
11 Teacher Black
12 Teacher White
13 Principal Black
14 Principal Black
15 Assistant principal Black
16 Assistant principal Black
17 Teacher Black and White
18 Assistant principal Black
19 Assistant principal Black
20 Teacher Black
21 Teacher Black
22 Teacher Black
23 Teacher Black
24 Assistant principal Black and White
25 Assistant principal Black
26 Assistant principal Black
27 Assistant principal White
28 Teacher Black
Note. This table shows the 28 educators who completed the survey, and out of these, 20 met the
eligibility criteria for participation in the study. Among these, 10 participants scheduled a virtual
interview.
The study consisted of five teachers and five school administrators, including two
assistant principals and three principals. Five participants, consisting of three teachers and two
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school administrators, worked in public school districts ranging from 26,500 to 145,000 students
located in Virginia, North Carolina, and Texas. Five participants, consisting of two teachers and
three school administrators worked in charter school districts ranging from 2,000 to 5,000
students, located in Tennessee, Georgia, and Texas. Participants from these states were randomly
selected based on their completion of the screening survey, the two journal prompts, and their
scheduling of a virtual interview. To protect the identity of participants and to ensure
confidentiality, the researcher assigned pseudonyms to everyone, shown in Table 2.
Table 2
Interview Participants
Pseudonym Gender Age range State Current position Years in
position
Years in
education
Ben Male 25–35 Georgia Teacher 6 6
Abby Female 25–35 North
Carolina
Teacher 7 7
Earl Male 35–45 Texas Teacher 2 5
Ashley Female 45–55 Texas Teacher 12 15
Briana Female 25–35 North
Carolina
Teacher 2 5
Junie Female 25–35 Virginia Assistant principal 13 31
Bryon Male 25–35 Texas Principal 2 10
Anthony Male 25–35 Tennessee Assistant principal 3 5
Sharon Female 45–55 Texas Assistant principal 5 22
Maggie Female 25–35 Texas Assistant principal 1 7
Note. This table includes the pseudonym, gender, age range, state, current position, years in their
current position, and years served in education of the participants.
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Teacher 1: Ben
Ben is a special education teacher at a middle school in Atlanta, Georgia. He works at a
charter school. He has been a teacher for 6 years. Ben possesses a bachelor’s degree and a
master’s degree, both in education. He is currently enrolled in a doctoral program. He holds
certifications in both secondary math and special education in Georgia. Ben began his teaching
career as a high school special education teacher. He taught high school for 4 years until he
transitioned to teaching middle school, where he has been for 2 years.
Teacher 2: Abby
Abby is currently a high school career and technical education teacher, specializing in
marketing. She has been teaching for 7 years and teaches at a public school in Charlotte, North
Carolina. Abby holds a Bachelor of Science degree in marketing and a master’s degree in sports
marketing. She is a certified secondary marketing teacher in North Carolina. Prior to teaching,
Abby was a marketer for a professional sports team. Abby has taught marketing, international
marketing, fashion marketing, and financial literacy. In addition to teaching, Abby has held
positions as a track coach, assistant basketball coach, head basketball coach, department chair,
peer mentor and assistant athletic director.
Teacher 3: Earl
Earl is a middle school gym teacher, athletic director, and semi-pro basketball player. He
has been in education and teaching for 4 years. He has been teaching at a public middle school in
Dallas, Texas for 2 years. Earl also taught at a charter school for 3 years. Earl holds a bachelor’s
degree. He is certified to teach K–12 physical education in Texas. Prior to his teaching career, he
was a professional international basketball player.
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Teacher 4: Ashley
Ashley is currently a third-grade English teacher. She teaches at an elementary charter
school in Fort Worth, Texas. Ashley has been in education for 15 years and has been teaching for
12 years. Ashley holds a bachelor’s and a master’s in education. Ashley does not hold a teaching
certification. Before becoming a teacher, she served in the Air Force for over 20 years. Ashley
has worked as a first-grade teacher, a fourth grade ELA teacher and an ELA interventionist.
Teacher 5: Briana
Briana is currently a high school social studies teacher; she teaches Grades 9–12. She
teaches at a public high school in Charlotte, North Carolina. She has been in education for 5
years and teaching for 2 years. Briana holds two bachelor’s degrees and is certified to teach
secondary social studies in North Carolina. Briana is currently enrolled in a master’s program.
She has served as a professional learning community chair for World History and served as a
dance coach.
Administrator 1: Junie
Junie is currently an assistant principal at a public middle school in Newport News,
Virginia. Prior to becoming an educator, she was a social worker. She has been in her current
position for 13 years and in education for 31 years. Junie spent 18 years as a classroom teacher
before becoming an assistant principal. Junie holds a bachelor’s degree, master’s degree, and
Doctor of Education degree. She is certified to teach elementary education and holds a school
administrative license in Virginia.
Administrator 2: Bryon
Byron is a middle school principal at a charter school, located in Fort Worth, Texas. He
has been in education for 10 years and a principal for 2 years. Byron holds a bachelor’s degree, a
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master’s in business administration and a master’s degree in education. He is certified to teach
secondary English in both Wisconsin and Rhode Island. Byron began his education career as a
teacher in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He moved to Providence, Rhode Island where he was a dean
of students and assistant principal. He moved to Fort Worth, Texas where he was a principal in
residence and was promoted to principal. A principal in residence serves as an intermediate role
between an assistant principal and a principal, typically found in charter schools. This position
establishes a pathway for aspiring principals to transition into principal roles.
Administrator 3: Anthony
Anthony currently serves as a principal in residence at two charter schools in Memphis,
Tennessee. He has been in education for 5 years and in his current position for 3 years. He holds
a bachelor’s degree in political science, master’s degree education and is currently enrolled in a
doctoral program. He does not hold any certifications. He began his education career as a high
school social studies teacher in Charlotte, North Carolina. He moved to Houston, Texas, and was
quickly promoted to become an assistant of operations. The following school year, he moved to
Austin, Texas to continue his journey as an assistant principal of operations. He also worked in
Colorado as an assistant principal.
Administrator 4: Sharon
Sharon is a principal at a public high school located in Dallas, Texas. She has been in
education for 22 years and in her current position for 5 years. Sharon has a bachelor’s degree, a
master’s degree, and a doctor degree in education. She holds certifications in both elementary
and secondary English, as well as an administrative license in Texas. Sharon has served as a high
school English teacher, dean of students, and an assistant principal throughout the Dallas-Fort
Worth area.
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Administrator 5: Maggie
Maggie is currently an elementary principal at a charter school located in Dallas, Texas.
She has been in education for 7 years and in her current position for one year. Maggie holds a
Bachelor of Arts degree in Communication, Master’s degree in Education, and is currently
enrolled in a doctoral program. She is certified to teach secondary social studies in Texas and
North Carolina. Maggie began her education career as a high school social studies teacher, dean
of students and assistant principal.
Participant Summary
Five Black teachers and five Black school administrators were tasked with completing
two journal prompts before scheduling an interview. A protocol consisting of seven open-ended
questions was developed for this study. Semi-structured virtual interviews generally lasted
approximately 45 minutes each. However, two interviews extended to 60 minutes, and one
interview lasted for 90 minutes. The interviews were conducted, recorded, and transcribed via
Zoom. Recorded interviews were transcribed, and each participant was provided with a copy of
their interview for review to ensure accuracy. The analysis of the interviews was conducted in
alignment with the research questions, with each research question linked to themes and
subthemes. The research findings are organized around each research question, with each
question being paired with a literature review and an initial examination of the results. Three
research questions guided this study and the structure of this chapter:
1. What are the perspectives of Black teachers regarding access to school leadership?
2. What do Black administrators identify as barriers to becoming a school leader?
3. How does a Black educator’s identity influence potential career opportunities?
65
Results Research Question 1
Research Question 1 asked: What are the perspectives of Black teachers regarding access
to school leadership? Research Question 1 sought to measure the interest of Black teachers
becoming school administrators. Existing research indicates that there is a shortage of Black
principals, which contributes to the overall lack of diversity among teachers (Taie & Lewis,
2022. Additionally, Black principals were more inclined to hire minority teachers than their
White counterparts (Davis et al., 2017 & Eiland, 2022). Research suggested that Black principals
are more effective at promoting satisfaction and retention among minority teachers (Eiland,
2022). The National Center for Education Statistics (2023) noted that out of 90,000 K–12
principals, only 11% are Black. Studies showed that this representation gap played a crucial role
in teacher retention, which was steadily decreasing. (Eiland, 2022).
The limited visibility of Black school leaders was attributed to the narrow pipeline for
Black teachers to advance from teaching roles to principalship. Limited research has been
conducted to capture the perspectives of Black teachers regarding school leadership roles and
their attainability. Existing research indicates that teacher performance is correlated with
principal turnover, and pathways to the principalship are based on performance (Bartanen &
Grissom, 2019). The survey and journal responses did not have a question related to Research
Question 1. The interview responses provided a greater insight on Black teachers’ perspective on
school leadership accessibility, and the themes were: no desire to become a school administrator
with the sub-themes of to the lack of representation, negative relationships with school leaders
and the lack of development pathways for teachers; considered becoming a school administrator.
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Disinterest in School Leadership Among Current Black Teachers
The first theme to emerge from this study was that Black teachers were disinterested in
school leadership. In numerous industries, Black professionals encounter significant barriers to
career advancement. Black candidates frequently find themselves confined to lower-level
positions (Berry & Reardon, 2022). For example, in education, there are more Black teachers
than Black principals (Taie & Lewis, 2022). Importantly, the absence of national reporting on
racial demographics for Black assistant principals means their percentage cannot be included in
the analysis (Goldring et al., 2021). The lack of support in developing Black candidates for
advancement while they serve in line positions not only marginalizes them but also restricts their
employment prospects and impedes their path to school leadership roles. The teacher to principal
pipeline is widely recognized as the primary pathway for individuals to attain principal positions.
The teacher to principal research has examined the number of years it takes teachers to transition
from the classroom to instructional coaching or administrative roles. However, it has not
incorporated racial factors (Berry & Reardon, 2022). It is recognized that Black educators
transition into administrative roles at slower rates than their White counterparts (Eiland, 2022;
Sparks, 2017).
Lack of Representation
Black teachers and principals are severely underrepresented in K–12 education. Research
showed teachers were more likely to stay at a school if they share the same racial identity as their
principal (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019). This fosters support for cultural reinforcement,
instructional feedback, student behavior, testing concerns, and class rosters (Farinde, 2016).
Briana expressed that her decision to become an educator was due to the lack of
representation she experienced growing up. Similarly, she does not work with educators who
67
share the same racial identity as her and the students, leading to the lack of administrative
support:
I grew up in a predominantly White area. When I got to college, that was when I had my
first Black teacher or professor, and I was surrounded by a lot of Black people and I
really wanted to give back to the community. That’s why I became an educator. My
administration doesn’t look like me. A lot of my students are Black, but the staff is not. I
wanted to become a school administrator, but I have no desire anymore because it doesn’t
seem like there’s a space for our voices to be heard.
Abby also shared how the lack of representation has influenced her perspective on school
leadership attainment:
Becoming a school administrator is not a goal of mine. I am not comfortable with
applying for a school administrative position just yet. And to be honest, most of the
hiring staff usually does not share the same identity as me or the students.
Ben mentioned that representation matters not only for students but also for adults:
I became an educator for the representation aspect. My current school is predominantly
Black but that has not always been the case in the past. Just like representation is
important for students, it’s also important for adults and there are not a lot of Black
principals, so it is hard to get into those positions.
Lack of Administrative Support
The primary reason why teachers leave schools is due to the absence of administrative
support (Farinde et al., 2016). While the lack of administrative support was not found to directly
hinder the retention of Black teachers, it did affect their movement within a district, contributing
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to teacher turnover (Farinde et al., 2016). The narrative interviews revealed that Black teachers
are also uninterested in becoming a school leader due to the lack of administrative support.
Earl became an educator with the specific intention to support and develop studentathletes who aspire to play in college or professional sports. His goal as an educator was to
provide students with the same level of support and motivation that he received from his middle
school basketball coach. Earl mentioned his desire to work as a full-time athletic director but
expressed no interest in pursuing a career in school administration:
I am currently a gym teacher and athletic coordinator, but I want to pivot and just be an
athletic director. My previous experience in training, coaching, and playing has made me
better suited for an AD role rather than focusing on instruction and operations. And
honestly, with my previous experience with principals they forget about sports and don’t
pay much attention to sports programs. So, in some cases, athletic directors do not always
get the support they need to implement sports programs.
Additionally, Earl expressed his desire to expand the athletic department for students at
his current school but noted receiving little support from school administration as it does not
align with their focus on testing:
During my interview, I had expressed that one of the things I wanted to do was to create a
strong athletic program for the middle school students, and then expanded to the
elementary school students towards the end of the year. I had created plans over the
summer, every time that I had brought it up, it was shut down. I came to meetings with
fundraising ideas for students. I even created project plans to have partnerships with local
partners in the community. I didn’t have any support from the administrative team
because it had nothing to do with test scores. I feel like administrators overlook the
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importance of sports for students and sometimes it impacts the developmental and
educational growth of students.
Ashley indicated that the limited administrative support impacted her morale and
diminished her desire to pursue school leadership:
Administrators at my campus aren’t visible enough. The ones that are helpful do not stay
long, we’ve been short staffed for the past 2 school years, but the leaders don’t really care
about us, and I wouldn’t want to be a part of that team.
According to Farinde (2016), Black women teachers expressed joy upon leaving
oppressive work environments. Farinde’s study revealed that Black women faced the fear of
termination and endured constant criticism from administrators that provided minimal
constructive feedback. Briana shared a comparable experience:
I left my previous school because I didn’t have support from my administrators. [One
semester] I had an evaluation where the assistant principal observed my class for five
minutes and left. He rated me on parts of the lesson that he did not observe. The rating
was lower than the previous evaluation. When we debriefed, I asked him what
suggestions he had to improve my teaching. He didn’t give any feedback, which was
extremely unhelpful.
Negative Relationships With School Administrators
Negative relationships with school administrators are another contributing factor to
movers and teacher turnover (Carver-Thomas & Darling-Hammond, 2017b). Bartanen and
Grissom (2019) found that Black teachers report higher job satisfaction and are less likely to
leave the school if their principal shares their racial identity.
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Three out of the five participants self-identified as Black women. They collectively
shared experiences of unfruitful relationships with Black women administrators. This finding is
consistent with research that indicates Black women’s experiences are distinct due to the
intersectionality of race, gender, and social class, necessitating separate examination from the
experiences of Black men or women from different racial backgrounds (Bryd, 2009; West et al.,
2010).
Abby shared that as a Black teacher she feels like it is harder to teach when the principal
is Black:
I’ve been at my current school for over 7 years and it’s a high turnover school. We’ve
had a lot of principals. Every time we have a Black principal, I feel like it’s harder for me
to do my job, especially a Black woman. I feel like the goal post moves and the
expectations are harder in comparison to my White counterparts. I have also had two
White principals and the experience has been completely different. In my experience, it
has been easier and more beneficial to my career.
Ashley shared a similar experience of working with Black female principals:
I’ve only had Black women as principal since I got into education. I have worked in other
spaces, and it has never been this hard. It’s very weird to describe, and I don’t know what
it is but the Black women principal that I’ve come in contact with does not treat the entire
staff equally. If you fit into the clique, they like you, if they don’t, they make it really
hard for you to do your job. Black principal representation is beneficial for students, at
times, it can negatively impact staff morale.
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Briana recalled her first experiences with a Black women administrator:
I have not always the best experience with Black women administrators. The first school
that I taught at one of my assistant principals would just really be on me about my overall
appearance. I always wore business casual clothes. Every day I wore button-downs and
dress pants. She always had something to say to me about my professional dress. But
never my colleagues who were White men. They wore sweatpants and baseball hats.
School Administration Is Accessible
The teachers provided detailed explanations for their reluctance to pursue roles as school
administrators. However, they also shared their thoughts on their career aspirations. It was a
consensus that the majority would consider becoming a school administrator to enact change for
teacher and student.
Abby is currently seeking a career shift; she is open to exploring school administration:
I’ve been at my current school for 7 years teaching pretty much the same thing and it’s
time for a change. I am looking to see what’s next. I’ve looked into CTE (career and
technical education) administration, in hopes of supporting new teachers.
Briana is slated to graduate from her master’s program in May 2024, she is looking to see how
she can use her new degree:
In May I will graduate with my masters. I have been thinking about what is next. I would
be a school administrator. Currently, as a teacher, I don’t have the representation that I
need to really be the best I can be for my kids. It would be a way to show representations
for Black kids. It would be really cool to see someone look like them in a position of
power. I am not sure what I want to do next, but I know I want to have a larger impact on
teacher and student development.
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Ashley would consider the idea of becoming a school administrator but at a different campus:
I would consider being a school administrator, but I just couldn’t do it at my campus
because like I said earlier, it’s very cliquish.
Ben wants to be a school administrator and speaks about the importance of self-advocacy:
You have to voice early on, once you get to a specific school about your long term, roles,
about wanting to be an admin. If they truly try to help you mold you, give you what you
need, support you in those ways that help your teaching practices, but also help you
become more ready and get more access to different leadership opportunities, so that
eventually you can step into those roles. It’s something that isn't as easily accessible. At
some point in my future, I think I want to step into maybe being a principal or assistant
principal, or even outside of that, stepping into being on someone’s School Board.
Discussion Research Question 1
The interview data was skewed in accessing the interest of Black teachers in pursuing
roles as school administrators. Out of the five participants, two expressed aspirations to become
school administrators, two were indifferent, and one explicitly stated a lack of interest. The
themes for Research Question 1 were disinterest in school administration with the sub-themes of
the lack of representation, negative relationships with school leaders and the lack of development
pathways for teachers; considered becoming a school administrator.
Existing literature has identified educational access and licensure as barriers for Black
teachers to enter the teaching profession, remaining in teaching roles, and progress to become
school administrators (Lindsay & Hart, 2017). The interview data underscored that teacher
perceive school leadership accessibility based on their lived experiences with past and current
school administrators, which are deeply influenced by societal structures. Contrary to existing
73
research, the interview data does not suggest that teachers hold strong sentiments regarding the
accessibility of school leadership concerning education requirements and licensure. Limited
research indicated that there were additional factors aside from societal practices such as
representation and unfair treatment that contributed to the reluctance of Black teachers to pursue
school administration.
The perspectives of teachers in the study ranged from perceiving school administration as
attractive due to insufficient representation and support, to viewing administration as accessible
with current support and self-advocacy, which aligns with previous research findings (CarverThomas & Darling-Hammond, 2017b; Farinde, 2016). Previous research confirms that upon
completing leadership preparation programs, it takes Black teachers longer to enter school
administration (Sparks, 2017). Three out of five teacher participants had graduated with a
master’s degree from an educational leadership program, and one participant was scheduled to
graduate in May. However, none of the participants showed a strong inclination to pursue school
administrator roles.
Previous research found that Black teachers reported higher job satisfaction if their
principal shared their racial identity (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019). However, this study revealed
that Black women tended to experience lower job satisfaction if their principal was also a Black
woman. This finding aligned with Farinde’s (2016) research, which suggested that Black women
teachers perceive a lack of professional support when their principal is also a Black woman.
Male participants in this study did not mention job dissatisfaction in relation to gender. This
finding was consistent with research indicating that Black women’s experiences were distinct
due to the intersectionality of race, gender, and social class, necessitating separate examination
74
from the experiences of Black men or women from different racial backgrounds (Bryd, 2009;
Crenshaw, 1989; West et al., 2010).
Results Research Question 2
Research Question 2 asked the following: What do Black administrators identify as
barriers to becoming a school leader? The goal of Research Question 2 is to outline the barriers
that Black administrators experienced when transitioning into school leadership. Three themes
emerged: unfair hiring practices, with a subtheme of interview preparation, negative stereotypes
related to race, gender and age, and issues with career advancement.
Unfair Hiring Practices
Hiring is an immediate barrier for Black educators. Existing research showed that upon
completing graduate leadership preparation programs, Black teachers took longer to transition
into school leadership roles compared to their White counterparts (Goldring et al., 2021; Sparks,
2017). Aside from the teacher-to-principal pipeline, most of the research did not describe the
challenges that school leaders faced while trying to transition into school administration
(Grissom et al., 2021). Black administrators encountered similar challenges to those faced by
Black teachers, including the lack of mentorship, inadequate hiring practices, and insufficient
professional support, all of which contribute to low retention rates (Grissom, 2021; Lee & Mao,
2020, Weiner et al., 2022).
Bailes and Guthery (2020) revealed that Black principals face discrimination in
promotion from assistant principal to principal, enduring longer waits compared to their peers
(Grissom et al., 2021). This perpetuation of unfairness led to the overrepresentation of Black
teachers in high-poverty schools, which in turn directly contributed to the underrepresentation of
Black administrators in suburban and predominantly White schools. (Will, 2019). In this study,
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all five school leaders have a history of working at under-resourced and low-performing
campuses as assistant principals and principals, which aligned with the overconcentration of
Black educators in high-need schools (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019). The participants discussed
being passed over for less qualified candidates, experiencing a lack of traditional interview
processes, and receiving inequitable job offers. These experiences remained consistent with
published literature. Bailes and Guthery (2020) found that both Black and female assistant
principals had to possess more years of experience to be considered for a principalship.
Junie’s experience highlighted the impact of unfair hiring practices. Despite her
qualifications, she faced significant barriers and delays in advancing her career. With 13 years of
teaching experience, leadership experience, a master’s degree, and administrative credentials, it
took her over 5 years to secure an assistant principal position:
I taught for 18 years before I received an offer for assistant principal. I was a summer
school administrator for about 10 years while I was teaching. I also was an after-school
administrator for tutoring and Saturday School. I had applied to school districts in North
Carolina, and in Virginia, but it just wasn't meant for me to get into school leadership and
so I decided that I was not going to apply anymore. I had watched individuals who were
less qualified get promoted. I remember my first interview for an administrator position. I
was transitioning to natural hair. I was wearing wigs and I was self-conscious because my
wig did not look like one of the interviewers’ hair. Her hair was long and silky. My
appearance was a barrier within itself. That was in 2005, I did not land an administrative
position until 2010.
Bryon recounted his hiring journey, describing instances of being overlooked for positions he
was qualified for before eventually becoming a school principal:
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I held an administrative position at a charter school in Rhode Island for about 6 years. I
was the dean of students. Within 2 years. I became assistant principal, and I was there for
a while, and I was applying to these positions, but I wasn’t getting hired and they were
outsourcing with other candidates who didn’t have as much experience or many ties to
the community as I did. I eventually left.
Anthony shared how he got hired for his first administrative role:
I was hired as an assistant principal of operations, but I really was a dean of students. I
spent most of my time being the campus disciplinary. Because I was a Black man, the
only one on campus. I only stayed there for three months.
Sharon shared her hiring experience and success as a school leader at low performing schools:
Every school that I’ve worked at has been an underperforming school. Luckily, like I’ve
been fortunate to increase student performance. But it’s been very difficult and
sometimes I just feel like they put me in spaces because I’m Black.
Maggie reminisced about the feelings that arose during the hiring process when schools
emphasized the importance of education equity:
I personally think that it’s extremely inequitable to be on an interview panel and the
people interviewing you are White and they’re asking about educational equity. It is
discouraging sometimes when applying for jobs because organizations say they are
equity driven, but the people in these positions aren’t historically known to be equitable.
And we know historically White people hire other White people.
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Interview Preparation
Junie reflected on interviewing for various leadership positions, discussing the
importance of storytelling and being able to articulate one’s experiences during the interview
process:
I was unprepared for my first administrative interview. When you're interviewing
for an administrative position you must be firm in who you are as a leader. And in those
first interviews I was not able to articulate the leadership experiences. It wasn't until I had
a story to share. It is all about a story that you share with the panel and how you have
impacted students, education, and teaching and learning. And if you don't have that story,
you typically don't get the job.
Briana mentioned valuing the feedback she received during one of her first administrative
interviews. The feedback had helped her improve her interview skills for future positions:
During the interview, the Black woman stopped me, and she literally told me the
confidence during the interview is not matching my qualifications. She also said the
interview was awful because I was not being true to myself. I respected her for that piece
of feedback since then I haven’t received that feedback from anyone else. It was very
helpful to hear because during that time I was trying to navigate how to prepare for an
administrative interview. I was also trying to navigate how to show up being a younger
Black woman and it is still difficult. But I have learned the importance of being your
authentic self because you’re not going to fit in everywhere.
Negative Stereotypes Related to Race, Gender, and Age
Stereotypes of Black men and women were woven into the hierarchical structure of all
institutional practices in the United States (Ladson-Billings, 2009). Sanchez et al. (2008)
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reported that minority school leaders faced negative stereotypes in their daily lives, and Black
educators actively sought to fulfill and challenge these stereotypes (Milner, 2012; Wallace et al.,
2022). Black educators frequently encountered microaggressions regarding how they speak,
attire, and physical appearance (Wallace et al., 2022). Robicheau and Krull (2016) conducted a
study interviewing Black superintendents. They found that two out of three barriers were racial
in nature and involved microaggressions. Consistent with existing literature, all participants
emphasized encountering negative stereotypes throughout their school leadership journey and
persistently strived to dispel these stereotypes daily. The women participants discussed the
necessity of dispelling the angry Black woman stereotype by feeling obligated to uphold a
demeanor of happiness and positivity in the workplace. Ladson-Billings (2009) described how
literature and films perpetuated narratives that contributed to the ongoing denigration of Black
women teachers. These narratives, as depicted in literature and films, socialized non-Black
people to believe Black women were a monolith.
Junie explained how she felt compelled to always maintain a cheerful demeanor to avoid
being perceived as angry by others:
As a teacher I was able to hide from certain societal stereotypes. When I transitioned into
school leadership it was hard. As a school administrator you are everything to everyone
and sometimes that’s tiring but as a Black woman, I can’t let that show. I can’t let my
emotions show and I must be happy. If I'm not cheerful, I'm often questioned about why I
seem upset, even when I'm not feeling upset at all.
Sharon spoke about how she was conscious of all her actions and interactions because she did
not want to be perceived as something she was not:
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I worked very hard to dispel the stereotype of an angry black woman. I really strive to be
approachable at all times. And sometimes I feel like being Black is a barrier within itself.
I love being Black, but society makes it hard to just be sometimes.
Maggie spoke about the implicit desire to break the stereotypes of Black people:
People perceive Black women very differently. I’ve learned that I have to navigate being
approachable, being seen, being helpful and successfully working with others without
showing that I’ve had a bad day or I’m not feeling well. My age has been a barrier. I have
been extremely blessed to be propelled in my career. But at the same time, people do not
take me seriously. It takes a while for people to realize that I do know how to lead.
Similarly, to Black women, Black male participants shared experiences with negative
stereotypes, facing culturally biased expectations, and being assumed to have lower academic
content knowledge. The participants also spoke about being tasked with disciplinary roles that
consumed their time and did not allow them to fulfill their job duties.
Bryon shared that race and age have been barriers for him as a principal:
I have always been younger than my colleagues. I have lived in Texas for about 2 years
now and I’ve noticed that my age and race have more influence over career opportunities.
When I first started, I found myself acting a lot, each day was a show because I was
conscious of how I was being perceived as a younger Black man.
Anthony talked about how his race propelled him in his career:
Most of the roles I was hired into was because I was a Black man. There are not a lot of
Black males in education, especially where I have lived previously. When I lived in
Austin, I was the only Black male on campus. And living in Colorado really opened my
eyes to the privilege I have as a Black man. It has been hard to feel comfortable in certain
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spaces and schools. Most cases, I thought I was hired because of my experience but I was
just hired to discipline kids. Most of my days consisted of dealing with behavioral
students so I could not effectively do my job and grow how I wanted to.
Issues With Career Advancement
There was a lack of research tracking the career paths of current Black school
administrators. Research focused on reporting the retention percentages of school principals by
race but omitted race-based data for assistant principals (Goldring et al., 2021). However, a study
conducted by Robicheau and Krull (2016) found that Black superintendents constantly felt the
need to appear more qualified than other candidates and harbored the idea that they were not
enough to attain higher positions. Ultimately leading to participants second-guessing their
identity and experiences, the interviews highlighted the uncertainty that school administrators
had regarding career pathways. Junie shared her uncertainty about what the future held for her
professionally:
I know that the journey that I took to get to the assistant principalship was very long. I
also know that I’ve been applying to principal positions for about 6 or 7 years, and I
haven’t gotten one yet. It could be due to my location, but if I go anywhere else, it
doesn’t get better.
Bryon reflected on his time as a school principal but expressed uncertainty about his next role:
I never thought I’d be a school principal. I don’t know what I want to do after. Since I
have taken over this role, hiring and retention has been important. I have had the
privilege of hiring some really dope, educated Black teachers. It has been good for the
school community but especially the students. It is not every day that a school principal
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can say that all of their teachers have a masters or are currently working towards getting
one.
Anthony spoke on the importance of networking and building social capital:
Social networking with Black men has made my journey easier. I wouldn’t be where I am
today without the community that I’ve built over the past 4 to 5 years. My community
has been influential in my growth. I don’t know what is next, but I know they will
support me.
Sharon also emphasized the importance of networking for career opportunities:
I know I don’t want to be a principal forever. I will say one of the things that has helped
me in my career is networking. I haven’t applied for any job in the past 10 years.
Maggie also expressed uncertainty about her future career direction:
I did not expect to be a principal. I like it but I know I don’t want to be a principal long
term.
Discussion Research Question 2
Research Question 2 aimed to address the barriers that school administrators faced while
they were transitioning into school leadership. The prominent themes were unfair hiring
practices, combating stereotypes of intersectionality and not having a clearly defined pathway
once the school leaders transition into a different role. The themes align with CRT because they
amplify the systemic injustices of structural barriers, discrimination and the negative impact of
intersectionality faced by Black school administrators, particularly Black women.
It is well documented that hiring practices are inequitable for Black educators. Black
educators must wait longer to transition in school leadership roles in comparison to their peers
(Bartanen & Grissom, 2019). Nevertheless, while the percentage of Black assistant principals
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exceeds that of Black principals and teachers, reporting data for assistant principals is seldom
categorized by race and ethnicity. (Goldring et al., 2021).
All research participants were employed at high-needs schools, which corresponds with
data indicating the overrepresentation of Black teachers in high-poverty schools (Farinde et al.,
2016; Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eiland, 2022). This overrepresentation directly contributes to
the underrepresentation of Black administrators in suburban and predominantly White schools
(Will, 2019). Limited research exists on the intersectionality of race and age among Black
educators. Three out of the five participants mentioned age as a barrier in addition to race. All
participants cited their race as a barrier, accompanied by stereotypes specific to both men and
women. Black women are often socialized as being perceived as angry, while Black men are
often seen as disciplinary figures (Ladson-Billings, 2009). Women participants discussed the
practice of code-switching to counteract stereotypes associated with Black women, while Black
men did not mention this behavior. This divergence in experiences is consistent with the
literature that states Black women encounter unique challenges in comparison to Black men
(Bryd, 2009; Pierre, 2019).
All five study participants confirmed experiencing a lack of support and fairness during
their transition into school leadership roles. Consistently, all participants reported being
overlooked for positions. Male participants mentioned being hired solely to fulfill stereotypes of
being a disciplinary figure. None of the participants mentioned receiving mentorship. Existing
research indicates that Black male principals are more likely to have mentors than Black female
principals (Weiner et al., 2022). However, two out of the five participants, one male and one
female, emphasized the importance of networking. There is a lack of research tracking the career
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path of current Black school administrators. Participants were unable to articulate potential
career pathways beyond their roles as assistant principals and principals.
Results Research Question 3
Research Question 3 asked: How does a Black educator’s identity influence potential
career opportunities? The objective of this question was to analyze how Black educators’ social
identity influences their daily work, professional growth, and available career opportunities.
Before the interviews, potential participants completed a screening survey. The survey asked
participants to self-identify their race, current school position, type of school they worked at, and
their perspective on how their identity impacted their then-current role. The open-ended survey
question asked: In what way (if any at all) does your identity impact your role? Existing research
indicated that most Black educators were cognizant of their identity and how it influenced their
ability to do their job (Khalifa, 2014). A person’s identity is not limited to their race. Identity
encompasses various aspects of what an individual perceives to define them, which may include,
but are not limited to, age, race, class, and gender. The survey results revealed that 90% of
participants examined the relationship between their perceived identity and their roles.
Participants’ responses have been extracted from the survey and are presented in Table 3.
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Table 3
Open Survey Responses
Participants Survey response
Ben Being black I see myself in the students I
teach.
Abby My age- I support and lead a group of older
teachers and so they aren't always as
receptive because I am younger. I do feel
like one particular teacher may be racist. As
a White female, I think sometimes she
forgets that I am not hired help.
Earl My identity doesn’t impact my role.
Ashley It impacts it a lot.
Briana It allows me to relate to students by
understanding culture and their
background.
Junie I am a source of inspiration and a safe space
for Black and Brown students as well as
peers.
Bryon Identity brings awareness to how I lead and
the decisions I make as a school leader
because I understand the implications of
race, gender, and socioeconomic status has
on life beyond the walls of a school
building.
Anthony My team is mostly White women serving a
global majority of children of color. This
impacts every decision. From how data is
being evaluated too the expectations of
norms, to how teacher effectiveness is
addressed.
Sharon My identity impacts my role by causing
anxious feelings when having to discuss
issues of race and gender. I am often
expected to view situations in ways that
differ from parents and colleagues.
Maggie My identity impacts how I show up for
myself and my teachers but especially my
students.
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Based on the self-identifying data provided with the survey responses, participants were
invited via email to complete two journal reflection questions and indicate their availability for a
virtual interview using Google Forms. The two journal reflection questions allowed participants
to evaluate the influence of their identity on their current position and how historical practices
had impacted their professional experiences. Participants answered the following questions:
1. In what way (if at all) does your identity influence your role as an educator?
2. Review the two statements below and provide your assessment of whether you agree
or disagree with each of them. Additionally, provide experiences to support your
position.
• The number of Black students in K–12 schools has drastically increased since
the 1960’s, but the proportion of Black teachers does not mirror the student
population (Chatman, 2021).
• Black educators are underrepresented in school administrative positions
(Grissom & Redding, 2016).
The journal prompt served as another tool for collecting quantitative data. The journal prompts
provided the researcher with insights into the participants’ positionality and experiences prior to
conducting the virtual interviews. Similarly, to the survey results, the first journal question
revealed that 90% of participants were cognizant of the influence of their identity on their current
position. The second journal question was composed of two parts. Although all participants were
aware of the lack of representation of Black educators, only 30% engaged with the query
concerning the modern repercussions of the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision.
Seventy percent of participants did not address the influence that the Brown v. Board of
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Education (1954) decision has had on the current educational landscape for Black educators.
Participants’ answers have been pasted in Table 4.
Table 4
Journal Prompt Responses
Participants Response for Research
Question 1
Response for Research
Question 2
Ben I feel I have to show up a
certain way depending what
space I am in.
I agree and I have been the
only black male teacher in
some spaces and that
makes me feel a type of
way because I take on the
weight of supporting all of
the students of color.
Abby I have to be mindful of how I
show up in certain settings.
I agree, the current school I
work at is composed of
predominantly Black
students but the staff does
not reflect that.
Earl I don’t think my identity
influences my role.
Agree
Ashley My identity matters to my
students and staff and how I
show up each day.
Absolutely agree
Briana Yes I would be helpful to students
and staff if there were more
Black principals.
Junie From an administration
perspective and community
member.
I agree with both statements.
Bryon Yes This is why I became a
principal—for
representation.
Anthony Being a Black male education
sometimes influences the
type of treatment from
others and even
relationships with kids.
Yes
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Participants Response for Research
Question 1
Response for Research
Question 2
Sharon My identity influences my
role as an educator every
second of the day because I
want to show my students
that you can be
authentically yourself and
still achieve academically.
I agree with both statements.
For the first statement,
working in a school district
where the schools who are
low performing typically
are filled with Black
students while staff is
majority White. I truly
believe it harder to teach
someone you do not see as
your own. For the second
statement, Black educators
are often assigned to roles
of discipline as to use a
Black staff member to
control the Black students.
School districts often have
a difficult time seeing
Black staff as instructional
leaders based on their
implicit bias.
Maggie Agreed, my coworkers do not
align with my current
student population.
Both statements are true.
Both the survey and journal responses revealed that every participant acknowledged the
underrepresentation of Black educators and recognized how their identity shaped their career
experiences. During the interviews, one theme emerged in response to Research Question 3:
How does a Black educator’s identity influence potential career opportunities? One theme
surfaced, indicating how intersectionality influences perception of career advancement.
Intersectionality Influences Career Advancement
Seven out of 10 participants, including four teachers and three school administrators,
voiced that their identity shapes potential career opportunities. Among these, six out of seven
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identified as Black women. Every female participant in this study emphasized how their identity
influenced potential career advancement. Numerous studies highlight the distinct experiences of
Black educators concerning hiring, mentorship, retention, and organizational inclusion compared
to their peers (Khalifa, 2014; Myung et al., 2011; Weiner et al., 2022). Additionally, Robicheau
and Krull (2016) conducted a study revealing that leaders aimed to advance their careers and
overlook racial barriers in hopes of reducing environmental stressors. Interestingly, in the study,
only one male participant acknowledged that his identity influenced potential career
opportunities.
Anthony shared how being a Black man in his early career impacted his identity and his
perspective of his role as a Black educator:
Early in my career, I was specifically the individual that dealt with behaviors. It seems
like schools think that a Black person is only good for discipline like we don't bring any
value when it comes to curriculum or teaching. It plays into the whole notion that Black
people have limited intelligence. It plays to that implicit bias. I think identity is one of the
things that really brings down the overall society of America because identity is
engrained in everything and so it literally affects how we perceive ourselves.
Research showed that Black women faced harsher realities compared to their peers due to
hierarchical structures and stereotypes (Byrd, 2009). This spoke to the research that outlined the
varying experiences of Black men and Black women, attributing to gendered racism, where
Black women faced unique challenges and experiences at the intersectionality of race and gender
(Glasgow, 2018). In this study, all six Black female educators stated that their identity influenced
the available career opportunities. Additionally, aside from being Black, being a woman caused
certain obstacles at the intersection of race and gender. Intersectionality, which refers to the
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interconnected nature of social categorizations such as race, gender, and class, further
complicated the experiences faced by Black women and career progression (Crenshaw, 1989).
Abby spoke of wanting to develop as an instructional leader but had not received the
necessary support:
The lack of support and mentorship really affected me in my early career. I have taught
under three principals as a teacher, and the first one was a Black man who wasn't really
giving much direction. The second principal was a white woman, and she was very
inspirational, and she was very instructional focused and gave the support that I needed.
But with my current principal I don’t have a lot of support and so now I’m looking to see
if I can transfer to another school. I want constructive support that will help me become a
better teacher.
After changing careers, Ashley noticed the influence that identity has on career advancement:
Prior to teaching my identity was not important. Once I started teaching identity became
important. It determines where you go. At my current school the importance of identity is
less prevalent because most of the admin and teaching staff are Black.
Briana bridged her experience as a student to her current experience as a high school teacher to
teach students how to embrace their identity regardless of societal norms:
This could just be from my background growing up, but identity is important. It matters
what you look like. And people judge you based on fabricated stereotypes. My 1st year of
teaching a lot of my students called me White because I dressed differently, and I listened
to non-mainstream rap. It was a teaching opportunity to show my kids Black people can
look different and enjoy different things. I think if people understood how to be
welcoming, identity wouldn’t be so centralized in America.
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Junie expressed that her identity would have significantly influenced her career, regardless of her
location:
Like I said before, sometimes being black is a burden because of the way that
society views us. I know when it comes to just overall career advancement. I know
there’s things that I want to do, and I know that I’d be any further away or if I was a
White woman or White man it would be so much easier.
Sharon also mentioned that, in addition to career opportunities, her identity impacted all aspects
of her life:
Identity is one of the things that just keeps coming around and it’s something
that as a Black woman I can’t escape. It influences all aspects of my life, especially my
career.
Maggie acknowledged the impact of perception as it significantly shaped the course of her life:
I hate to admit it but identity is everything. It is how people perceive you and it
determines the trajectory of your life.
In this study, the intersectionality of race and gender created differing experiences for
Black men and women, impacting their perception of career opportunities. Three out of 10
participants expressed that their identity did not influence future career opportunities. Notably,
all these participants were men. Furthermore, three out of the four male participants specifically
stated that identity did not play a role in career advancement. These findings aligned with
research conducted by Khalifa (2014), which revealed that half of the Black male school
principals surveyed did not consider racial identity as a significant factor in their career
progression. This highlighted the varying perspectives and experiences of Black individuals
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based on their gender identity, underscoring the complexities of intersectionality in shaping
career trajectories.
Ben mentioned that at one school, he felt as though his identity mattered because he was
the only male teacher, but overall, his identity did not influence career opportunities.
I feel like I have had to prove myself just as a black teacher. There were different
pressures when I was at a school that was predominantly female teachers, and I was the
only black male teacher. I felt pressure to work hard. But since then, my identity has not
been an issue for an opportunity and I doubt it will be in the future.
Based on prior experiences, Earl believed that his identity would not play a role in shaping future
career opportunities.
I really don’t think my identity impacts or influences much of my career trajectory. I
haven’t had any issues when it comes to my identity.
Byron conveyed that the impact of identity varied with location, but overall, his identity had not
impeded his career progression, and he did not anticipate it would in the future:
At my current school all my supervisors have been Black and so they understood my
identity. I do not have to prove myself worthy as much in comparison when I was in
other places. My career trajectory has gotten better. My perspective might change but
right now my identity is not an influential factor.
Discussion Research Question 3
Three methods were used to collect qualitative data for Research Question 3 (How does a
Black educator’s identity influence potential career opportunities?). The survey was used to
determine participants’ awareness of their positionality in relation to their roles as educators. The
survey results affirmed that the majority, except for one participant, recognized the relevance of
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their positionality to their current role. Aligned with existing research that indicates that most
Black educators are cognizant of their identity and how it influences their ability to do their job
(Khalifa, 2014). The journal prompts assessed participants’ awareness of the current educational
landscape in terms of retention and professional growth for Black educators. The journal
responses indicated that all participants were aware of the underrepresentation of Black
educators, but only 30% of participants provided responses addressing the underlying causes,
particularly those caused by the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision. The Brown v.
Board of Education (1954) decision obstructed education for Black students by igniting the
dismissal of hundreds of Black principals and teachers (Will, 2019). Seventy years later, Black
educators have never fully recovered from the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision
(Taie & Lewis, 2022).
The interview data resulted in one theme: intersectionality influenced career
advancement. This theme aligned with social identity theory, illustrating the relationship
between identity and institutional structures of career trajectory. The theme underscored
intersectionality and gendered racism, highlighting the differing experiences and perspectives of
Black women and Black men. In the study, all six women stated that their identity impacted their
careers, while three out of four men mentioned that their identity did not influence their career
opportunities.
These findings are consistent with the research that suggests Black men can contextualize
race in comparison to Black women (Khalifa, 2014). All six women in this study unanimously
agreed that their identity influences potential career opportunities. All the women cited their race
as a barrier to career progression. The interview results align with existing literature, suggesting
that Black women undergo distinct experiences compared to their counterparts, a phenomenon
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interpretable as the glass wall due to the additional obstacles faced by Black women (Bryd,
2009; Pierre, 2019). Black women often encounter challenges such as authority undermining and
frequent experiences of discrimination and bias (Bryd, 2009). Additionally, Black women face
harsher realities compared to their peers due to hierarchical structures and stereotypes (Byrd,
2009). Furthermore, research has indicated that Black women’s experiences were distinctive due
to the intersectionality of race, gender, and social class, necessitating separate examination from
the experiences of Black men or women from different racial backgrounds, also identified as
gendered racism (Bryd, 2009; Robicheau & Krull, 2016; West et al., 2010).
Summary
Chapter 4 incorporated rich and extended direct quotes from five Black teachers and five
Black school administrators to understand the professional, social, and personal experiences of
Black educators. The participants were based in Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee,
and Texas. The research questions investigated the perspectives of Black teachers regarding
access to school leadership positions and the barriers faced by Black administrators when
pursuing roles in school administration. Based on participants’ interviews, Black teachers were
disinterested in becoming a school administrator due to the lack of representation and
administrative support, and poor relationships with administrators. Research Question 2 found
that barriers encountered by school administrators while they were transitioning into school
leadership was unfair hiring practices, stereotypes pertaining to race, gender and age and the lack
of career pathways. Research Question 3 revealed that intersectionality directly influences the
perspective of potential career opportunities. In Chapter 5, a summary of the study and a
discussion of the findings, limitations and implications for further research will be presented.
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Chapter Five: Discussion
The purpose of this study was to explore the perspectives of Black teachers regarding
their interest in school leadership and to document the obstacles encountered by Black school
leaders during their transition to school leadership roles. This chapter provides a summary of the
findings, to include how these results addressed the three research questions. The findings will be
examined for their significance in relation to two frameworks: critical race theory and social
identity theory. The key findings of this study aim to inform present and future educational
leaders on the structural practices essential for recruiting, retaining, and promoting Black
teachers and school administrators. Delimitations and limitations of this study will be shared.
After disclosing the implications for practice, the chapter concludes with recommendations for
future recommendations and a summary of Chapter 5.
Findings
The objective of this study was to comprehend the persistent stagnation in the percentage
of Black principals over decades. This was achieved by investigating the perspectives of Black
teachers regarding access to school leadership positions and the barriers faced by Black
administrators when pursuing roles in school administration. The following questions guided this
research study:
1. What are the perspectives of Black teachers regarding access to school leadership?
2. What do Black administrators identify as barriers to becoming a school leader?
3. How does a Black educator’s identity influence potential career opportunities?
Stratified random sampling was used for this study by dividing the population of Black
educators into two distinct groups: teachers and administrators. A narrative qualitative design
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was chosen for this study because it allowed the researcher to understand the lived experience of
five Black teachers and five Black administrators, as captured through narratives (Creswell et al.,
2004). Ten participants were selected based on their self-identification as Black K–12 teacher or
school administrator. The study consisted of five teachers and five school administrators,
including two assistant principals and three principals. Five participants, consisting of three
teachers and two school administrators worked in public school districts ranging from 26,500 to
145,000 students located in Virginia, North Carolina, and Texas. Five participants, consisting of
two teachers and three school administrators worked in charter school districts ranging from
2,000 to 5,000 students, located in Tennessee, Georgia, and Texas.
This study used qualitative methods for data collection. Qualitative data were gathered
through a survey, two journal reflections and an open-ended interview. These methods facilitated
the capture of rich descriptions and provided meaningful insights into the experiences and
perspectives of the study participants. The narratives uncovered challenges, uncertainties, and
hopes among the participants.
Research Question 1
Research Question 1 examined the following: What are the perspectives of Black
teachers regarding access to school leadership? Qualitative data pertaining to Research Question
1 revealed four themes. Firstly, Black teachers perceive school leadership as unattainable due to
factors such as lack of representation, insufficient administrative support, or negative
relationships with school leaders. Secondly, Black teachers believed that school leadership offers
accessibility to enact educational change for staff and students. The first finding indicated that
Black teachers perceive school leadership as inaccessible, citing factors such as lack of
representation. Three participants addressed their connection to representation and highlighted
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the absence of Black principals as a significant concern. Briana reflected on her upbringing in a
predominantly White community, which motivated her to pursue a career in education to provide
representation for students. However, as a teacher now, she finds herself in a different scenario
where the school staff does not reflect the student population; despite her students being Black,
most of the staff is not. Abby expressed her lack of interest in applying for school leadership
roles, particularly due to the observation that hiring panels seldom reflect her identity or that of
the student population. Ben shared that he became an educator to increase representation for
Black students. He emphasized the importance of representation for both adults and students. He
noted the limited representation of Black principals makes principalship attainment more
challenging for him and other Black educators. Participants became educators with the goal of
fostering societal and structural change, particularly in terms of student representation and
support. The findings suggest that societal practices contribute to the limited interest of Black
teachers in transitioning to school administrator roles. Additionally, the underrepresentation of
Black school administrators influences the decision-making of Black teachers regarding the
pursuit of school leadership roles (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eiland, 2022).
The study focused on the underrepresentation of Black educators compared to Black
students (Taie & Lewis, 2022). There is no national reporting data on the race and ethnicities of
assistant principals; statistics from six states show that, on average, 24% of assistant principals
were minorities, 13% were teachers, 19% were principals, and 34% were students (Goldring et
al., 2021). Although these reported percentages exceeded the national average, the representation
of educators does not mirror the demographics of the minority student population. The
underrepresentation of Black educators following Brown v. Board of Education (1954), remains
a crucial concern for both educators and students. The Brown v. Board of Education (1954)
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decision led to the departure of many Black educators following desegregation. Across the
nation, policies were enacted that resulted in the removal of qualified and experienced Black
educators. Seventy years later, Black educators have yet to fully regain representation in the field
of education.
The second finding in relation to Research Question 1 was the Black teachers perceive
school leadership as unattainable due to the lack of administrative support. Three out of five
teachers reported that the current insufficient administrative support has been attributed to not
wanting to transition into school leadership. As a former professional basketball player, Earl
deliberately transitioned into education to mentor aspiring college and professional athletes.
Despite his expressed desire to enhance the athletic department for students at his current school,
he has encountered no support from the school administration, as it does not align with their
focus on testing. Ashley pointed out that the absence of school administrator visibility at her
school impacts professional morale and diminishers her desire to consider school leadership
roles. Briana discussed the constant instructional criticism from her old administrator, who
offered minimal constructive feedback.
The primary reason why teachers leave schools is due to the absence of administrative
support (Farinde et al., 2016). According to Farinde et al. (2016), the lack of administrative
support did not impede Black teacher retention, however, it did affect their movement within a
district, resulting in teacher turnover. Furthermore, the study revealed Black women consistently
encounter criticism from an administration that offers inadequate feedback. Aligned with
existing research, all four Black female teacher participants in this study reported receiving
irrelevant feedback from a school administrator, underscoring the problem of inadequate
administrative support.
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The third finding in relation to Research Question 1 was that Black teachers perceive
school leadership as unattainable due negative relationships with school leaders. Three out of the
five participants self-identified as Black women. All women participants collectively shared
experiences of unfruitful relationships with Black women administrators. Abby shared her
experience, noting that having a Black female principal has been more challenging, often
involving additional work and conflict. Similarly, Ashley expressed encountering similar
challenges with Black female principals, observing a lack of equity and inclusivity, along with
tendencies toward cliquish behavior. Additionally, Briana recalled an incident where an assistant
principal reprimanded her for her business casual attire, while her White colleagues were coming
to work in sweatpants and baseball hats. The findings were consistent with the work of CarverThomas and Darling-Hammond (2017b), which found negative relationships with school
administrators is another contributing factor to movers, teacher turnover and job satisfaction. But
the study findings are inconsistent with the findings from Bartanen and Grissom (2019), which
found that Black teachers report higher job satisfaction if their principal shares the same racial
identity. The men participants of the study did not reference negative relationships with school
administrators. This observation is consistent with existing literature, which suggests that Black
women have unique experiences compared to Black men and women from other racial
backgrounds due to intersectionality of race, gender, and social class (Bryd, 2009; West et al.,
2010).
The last finding in relation to Research Question 1 is Black teachers considering entering
school leadership to enact educational change for staff and students. Four out of five teachers
believe that school leadership is obtainable for their future careers. During the interviews, Abby
mentioned that she has been teaching for 7 years and is contemplating school administration to
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assist new career and technical education teachers. Briana, set to graduate from her master’s
program in May 2024, is enthusiastic about leveraging her degree to make a stronger impact on
teacher and student development. Ashley expressed openness to the possibility of becoming a
school administrator at a different campus. Ben’s goal is to run for the school board, but he is
also interested in exploring other career opportunities.
Participants noted as a principal they would have more influence to affect structural and
academic change within their school community. This finding is consistent with Lewis’s (2020)
assertion that Black educators are driven to become principals because of their belief in the
transformative power of leadership roles in driving change.
Research Question 1 and Critical Race Theory
The findings regarding Research Question 1 resonate with CRT. Three out of five
participants deemed school leadership as inaccessible because they are Black emphasizing the
systemic inequities and power dynamics within education. These beliefs reflect CRT’s focus on
the intersectionality of race and structural barriers that impede opportunities for marginalized
groups (Ladson-Billings & Tate; 1995; Solórzano, 2002). The perspective shared by four out of
five participants regarding the absence of representation concerning potential school leadership
roles resonates with the principles of CRT, which highlight counter-narratives aimed at
challenging dominant ideologies and promoting empowerment. These counter-narratives address
situations where marginalized communities, such as Black educators, are frequently excluded
from traditional power structures (Davis et al., 2019; Dumas & Ross, 2016; Ladson-Billings,
2009).
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Research Question 1 and Social Identity Theory
The findings from Research Question 1 offer valuable insights that align with SIT. The
perception of school leadership as inaccessible among Black teachers can be understood through
the lens of SIT, which emphasizes the importance of social categorization and individual
perception (Hogg et al., 1995). Black teachers may perceive leadership as inaccessible due to the
lack of representation, which can lead to feelings of exclusion and a sense of diminished social
identity (Davis et al., 2019). Additionally, the participants that school leadership offers
accessibility to enact educational change reflects SIT’s emphasis on the significance of group
membership and collective identity in shaping attitudes and behaviors (Davis et al., 2019). The
participants viewed leadership roles as an opportunity to positively impact their social group.
Research Question 1 and the Conceptual Framework
The teacher participants’ apprehensions on the possibility of entering school leadership is
consistent with the conceptual framework of this study suggesting the perspectives of Black
teachers are directly shaped by their racial identity, career experiences, and practices influenced
by historical events. Participants perceived school leadership as unattainable, due to racial
identity surfacing into the lack of representation and historical events, the lack of administrative
support and developmental relationships relating to career experiences.
Research Question 2
Research Question 2 examined the following: What do Black administrators identify as
barriers to become a school leader? Qualitative data related to Research Question 2 yield three
key findings: First, Black administrators identified unfair hiring practices, as a barrier to
leadership accessibility, with a subtheme of interview preparation. Second, negative stereotypes
related to race, gender and age were highlighted as additional barriers. And the challenges with
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career advancement emerged as an obstacle to leadership accessibility for Black administrators.
The first finding in relation to Research Question 2 identified unfair hiring practices as being a
barrier faced by aspiring Black school administrators. All five participants recounted their
experiences of being a part of an unfair hiring process during their attempts to transition into
school leadership roles, as well as presently. Junie recounts facing significant barriers and delays
in advancing her career, despite her qualifications, education, and experience. It took her over 5
years, after 18 years of teaching, to secure an assistant principal position. Bryon shares his
frustration at being overlooked for in-house positions he was qualified for. Anthony reflects on
receiving his first administrative position solely because he was a Black male. Sharon expresses
her experience of consistently being placed in under-resourced schools, whether public or
charter, due to her racial identity. Maggie expresses discomfort during the interview process,
noting that the majority of hiring committees she has encountered have been composed of White
people.
The findings aligned with previous research indicating that Black educators experience
prolonged transitions into school leadership positions compared to their White counterparts
(Sparks, 2017; Goldring et al., 2021). The findings indicate that current school leadership
significantly influences the retention and professional development of Black teachers. This aligns
with Sparks’ (2017) research, which suggests that teachers of different races and genders
experience distinct career pathways influenced by hiring practices. Moreover, Black principals
play a crucial role for Black teachers, as they tend to hire other Black educators at higher rates
compared to their counterparts (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019). Additionally, the experiences
shared by the three principals in the study, Anthony, Sharon, and Maggie, regarding being
overlooked, yet qualified for promotion from assistant principal to principal, were consistent
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with findings from Grissom et al. (2021). A subtheme emerged was the lack of interview
preparation for Black women. Junie and Emma recall an interview process where they grappled
with confidence in their qualification and concerns about appearances, which affected their
performance. These findings highlight the importance of mentorship for leaders (LeBlanc, 2016).
But oftentimes, Black women educators lack formal or informal mentorship opportunities to
support their professional development (Weiner et al., 2022).
The second finding in relation to Research Question 2 identified negative stereotypes
related to race, gender, and age as being a barrier faced by aspiring Black school administrators.
All participants recognized their Black identity as both a central aspect of their identity and a
significant barrier in their professional experiences. Robicheau and Krull (2016) conducted a
study interviewing Black superintendent, they found that two out of three barriers were racial in
nature and microaggressions. The superintendents also hoped to advance their careers and ignore
racial barriers to suppress emotional stress. Participants in this study were conscious of their
actions in relation to known stereotypes for Black men and women. Junie, Sharon, and Maggie
feel obligated to uphold a demeanor of happiness and positivity in the workplace as an “angry
Black woman.” In accordance with Ladson-Billings (2009), literature and films continue to
perpetuate narratives that contribute to the continued denigration of Black women teachers.
Bryon and Anthony shared their experiences of being frequently utilized for disciplinary matters.
This aligns with Cash’s (2021) findings, indicating that Black male teachers are often expected,
without being directly asked, to handle minority students and address student behavior issues to
de-escalate conflicts. Bryon, Anthony, and Maggie all recognize age as a barrier, particularly
when considered alongside race. There is limited research addressing age concerns in this
context.
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The third finding in relation to Research Question 2 identified challenges with career
advancement emerged as an obstacle to leadership accessibility for Black administrators. All
participants expressed uncertainty about their next career steps. Bryon and Maggie noted that
they had never envisioned themselves becoming principals. Junie revealed that despite applying
for principal positions for about 7 years, she has yet to receive an offer, echoing her experience
when pursuing a role as a school administrator. The participants’ experiences were consistent
with the study conducted by Robicheau and Krull (2016), participants felt a need to prove their
quality and readiness for advancement. Participants discussed the unfairness of constantly feeling
the need to appear more qualified than other candidates. They felt that simply being themselves
was insufficient to attain higher-level positions, believing they had to become someone else
entirely to advance (Robicheau & Krull, 2016).
Anthony and Sharon emphasized the significance of networking in facilitating career
development and accessing opportunities. Two out of five participants viewed networking as
akin to mentorship in its potential to advance their careers. Consistent with the literature, there is
a notable scarcity of mentorship support for Black educators, particularly women (Weiner et al.,
2022). Research finds that Black school principals often speak highly of their mentors, citing
mentoring as instrumental in their career advancement by providing valuable skills and opening
doors to future opportunities (LeBlanc, 2016). Additionally, Lewis (2020) discovered that
participants had a passion for mentoring, even after retirement. While the literature suggests that
education and certification can be obstacles for minority educators, participants in this study did
not perceive accessibility to education as a barrier (Will, 2019). All five participants exhibited
uncertainty regarding their career goals. This feeling of uncertainty and fatigue paralleled the
findings of Robicheau and Krull (2016), who discovered that Black superintendents also
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experienced diminished aspirations toward their career goals, feeling fatigued and resigned. This
theme suggested that leaders who initially aimed for significant career advancement in education
eventually adjusted their expectations or revised their goals based on personal experiences. They
redefined their objectives to pursue lower-level positions they felt would better match their skills
and provide increased opportunities to effect change (Robicheau and Krull; 2016).
Research Question 2 and Critical Race Theory
The findings from Research Question 2 resonate with CRT. These findings highlight
CRT’s emphasis on systemic racism, sexism and ageism embedded within hiring practices,
where biases and discriminatory practices impede the accessibility of school leadership roles for
Black educators (Ladson-Billings & Tate; 1995). The subtheme of interview preparation further
illuminates how systemic barriers perpetuate unequal opportunities, aligning with CRT’s focus
on the intersectionality of race, gender, and age (Dumas & Ross, 2016). The challenges with
career advancement highlight CRT’s critique of institutional structures that perpetuate racial and
age disparities.
Research Question 2 and Social Identity Theory
The findings from Research Question 2 resonate with SIT. By identifying unfair hiring
practices as a barrier to leadership accessibility reflects how systemic biases and discriminatory
practices perpetuate unequal opportunities for Black administrators, undermining their social
identity and sense of belonging in leadership roles (Davis et al., 2019). An individual’s identity,
whether race or gender, impacts the leadership experience (Glasgow, 2018). Societal perceptions
and stereotypes shape individuals’ perceptions of themselves and their capabilities within the
organizational context, leading to feelings of exclusion and marginalization (Hogg et al., 1995).
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Research Question 2 and the Conceptual Framework
The experiences of school administrators as they entered school leadership roles and
navigated career uncertainties resonated with the conceptual framework of this study, which
suggested that the perspectives of Black school administrators were directly shaped by their
racial identity, career experiences, and practices influenced by historical events. The barriers
encountered in entering school leadership, such as unfair hiring practices and stereotypes based
on race, gender, and age, are closely linked to racial identity, career experiences, and historical
legacies. Similarly, challenges with career advancement also stem from factors related to racial
identity, career experiences, and historical influences.
Research Question 3
Research Question 3 examined the following: How does a Black educator’s identity
influence potential career opportunities? The objective of this question was to analyze how Black
educators’ social identity influences their daily work, professional growth, and career
opportunities. All 10 participants in this study were employed in schools that predominantly
served Black and/or Black and Latino student populations. They indicated that the schools they
worked in had been affected by residential segregation, suggesting that factors such as school
setting and the demographic makeup of the student-to-staff population may have influenced their
perspectives. The theme that occurred was intersectionality influences career advancement.
The finding in relation to Research Question 3 identified being intersectional as a barrier
to career progression. The survey results revealed that nine out of 10 participants examined the
relationship between their perceived identity and their roles. The participant who stated that their
identity did not influence their current position identified as male. Consistent with Lewis’
research, in education, awareness of one’s identity is significant to their role (Lewis, 2020).
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Similarly, to the survey results, the first journal question revealed that nine out of 10 participants
were cognizant of the influence of their identity on their current position. Additionally, the same
male participant reiterated that there was no relation between identity and his current position.
During the interviews, teachers discussed how their identity influences students, while the school
administrators address how their identity impacts the adults and communities they serve. The
second journal question was composed of two parts. While all participants were cognizant of the
underrepresentation of Black educators, only three out of 10 participants responded to the
modern impact of the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision. Seventy percent of
participants did not address the influence that the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision
has had on the current educational landscape for Black educators. During the interviews, seven
out of the 10 participants emphasized identity as a hindering factor for career growth and access.
Among them, six out of seven participants, all women, stated that race and gender directly
influence access. One male participant mentioned that his identity influences career
advancement. Anthony, Junie, Sharon, and Maggie, four school administrators, mentioned that
being Black has directly influenced their career trajectory. These findings align with research by
LeBlanc (2016), which revealed that Black leaders often feel compelled to validate their
qualifications and abilities beyond those of their peers. Consequently, they may assume multiple
roles to showcase their suitability for the position, especially when perceived as diversity hires.
Similarly, a study by Robicheau and Krull (2016) indicated that Black superintendents frequently
experienced pressure to appear more qualified than their counterparts, leading to doubts about
their identity and experiences. These interviews underscored the uncertainty among school
administrators regarding their career trajectories influenced by the intersectionality of race and
gender.
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Three out of 10 participants viewed race as a decentralized concern, and interestingly, all
three were men. This observation is consistent with Khalifa’s (2014) findings, which indicated
that Black men often have the privilege to detach themselves from their racial identity. Similarly,
a study conducted by Robicheau and Krull (2016) found that some Black superintendents opt to
ignore racism and microaggressions to avoid additional emotional burden. Three out of four men
expressed that none of their identities posed obstacles to their career advancement. This speaks
to the research that outlines the varying experiences of Black men and Black women, attributing
to gendered racism, where Black women face unique challenges and experiences at the
intersectionality of race and gender (Glasgow, 2018). In addition, three school administrators
under the age of 35 identified age as an additional identity influencing career progression, in
addition to race and gender.
Research Question 3 and Critical Race Theory
The findings from Research Question 3 resonate with CRT. The finds reflect the complex
interconnection between systemic racism and individual experiences within the participants’
narratives. The theme of being Black influencing career opportunities aligns with CRT’s
foundational tenet that intersectionality is a central organizing principle in society, shaping
individuals’ access to resources, opportunities, and power structures (Collins, 2019). Participants
who identified race as a significant factor in their career trajectories likely experienced systemic
barriers and discrimination rooted in racial biases and stereotypes. Conversely, the theme of
being Black not influencing potential opportunity suggests a form of racial disassociation or
privilege, particularly among the male participants.
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Research Question 3 and Social Identity Theory
The findings from Research Question 3 resonate with social identity theory. The idea that
intersectionality influences career opportunities, reflects how individuals’ identification with
their racial and gender identities shape their perceptions of themselves. According to SIT,
individuals derive their sense of identity and self-esteem from their group memberships, such as
race (Hogg et al., 1995). The seven out of 10 participants Black perceived their race as
influential in their career opportunities. Six out of those seven participants identified as women.
The differing experiences of the male and female participants showed that women had
heightened awareness of the intersectionality of their racial and gender identities and its impact
on their professional experiences. The experiences of male participants showed that they had the
privilege of racial disassociation or privilege, wherein individuals might downplay the
significance of their race to align with dominant norms or avoid stigma because gender is not a
factor for Black men (Khalifa, 2014).
Research Question 3 and the Conceptual Framework
The perspectives of Black teachers and school administrators on how identity influences
future career opportunities resonated with the conceptual framework of this study, which
suggested that the perspectives of Black school administrators were directly shaped by their
racial and gender identities, career experiences, and practices influenced by historical events.
Women participants’ perspectives were directly shaped by their racial and gender identities.
Whereas male participants only considered their racial identity have the privilege of overlooking
stigmas in relation to their identity.
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Limitations
The narrative research study focused on the professional and social experience of five
Black teachers and five administrators. The study only considered the lived experiences and
perspectives from Black teachers and school administrators. This population was chosen to
understand the Black teacher to principal pipeline, the barriers Black administrators faced while
transitioning into a new role and the impact of identity on career opportunities for Black
educators. Much of the research concerning Black teachers has focused on highlighting the
shortage of Black educators in proportion to Black students. Additionally, there has been
extensive investigation into the recruitment and retention of Black teachers, as well as the factors
contributing to turnover. The aim of this research was not to generalize the experiences and
perceptions of identity, but rather to analyze the experiences of Black educators who share
commonalities within educational structures that perpetuate racism, sexism, and ageism.
All 10 participants in this study were employed in schools predominantly serving Black
and/or Black and Latino student populations. This study was conducted at various locations,
including public schools in Newport News, Virginia; Dallas, Texas; Charlotte, North Carolina;
and charter schools in Atlanta, Georgia; Memphis, Tennessee; Dallas, Texas; and Fort Worth,
Texas. There was no method employed when selecting geographical locations or schools. These
participants were chosen based on their expressed willingness to complete two journal responses
and participate in a virtual interview. The study did not consider other states in the country. The
number of study participants for this study was limited to 10, five teachers and five school
administrators: thereby limiting the number of narratives of other Black teachers and
administrators. This study relied on self-reported data through survey, journal reflections and
interviews resulting in potential limitations in respondent validity.
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Another objective of this study was to examine how identity influences the roles and
perspectives of Black educators. Race was the predominant identity promptly acknowledged by
all participants. Female participants discussed race and gender interchangeably. Male
participants under 35 mentioned both race and gender. Female participants under 35 considered
race, age, and gender when discussing identity. The age ranges of participants influenced their
responses. Literature suggests that education and certification can be obstacles for minority
educators. However, in this study, all participants except for one have either received or will
soon graduate with at least a master’s degree. Therefore, education was not a barrier for the
participants in this study.
The study included only one teacher or school administrator from each school district,
except for Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools, where two participants worked. The study did not
include other minorities within the same cities or schools. The data collected for this study was
limited to two journal responses and a seven-question interview.
As highlighted by Robinson (2013) and LeBlanc (2016), acknowledging, and addressing
research biases is a crucial aspect of the methodology and should not be overlooked in
qualitative research. The research was a Black woman school administrator, However, I used
historical review, adequate time spent collecting data, peer review, and member checking. The
researcher’s conclusions were influenced by historical review and personal experience. Other
researchers may have interpreted the findings differently and drawn different conclusions due to
varying backgrounds and experiences.
Implications for Practice
This study examined the relationship between Black teachers’ perspectives of school
leadership attainment and the barriers that school leaders faced during their professional journey.
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Study findings established themes that informed educational practitioners and provided valuable
insight for researchers, school principals, school districts and organizations seeking to increase
and retain Black educators.
Researchers have observed that viewpoints of Black teachers and school leaders are
underrepresented, underdeveloped, and undervalued (LeBlanc, 2016). For decades, researchers
have focused on diversity as a means of addressing the underrepresentation of Black educators
through recruitment and retention efforts (Brown, 2005). The data indicated that Black teachers
face lower probabilities of being hired, were disproportionately assigned to under-resourced
schools, and experienced slower rates of promotion to school administration when compared to
their peers. Despite this, Black teachers exhibited a higher retention rate in high-needs schools
compared to their counterparts (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eiland, 2022; Farinde et al., 2016).
Studies on retention, interviews, and race/ethnicity-based data collectively indicated that the
issue lay not in the shortage of qualified teachers and school administrators, but rather in
institutional practices that discriminate against minorities (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Will,
2019). These practices encompass, but are not limited to, discriminatory hiring processes, unfair
placement, insufficient support, limited professional development, inadequate resources, and
perpetuation of stereotypes.
The first implication of this study suggests a reorientation of educational leadership focus
from diversity to inclusion. Inclusion, defined as the act of integrating something or someone
into a structure (Merriam-Webster Dictionary, n.d.). Systems such as recruitment, hiring policies,
committees, staffing matrices, dress codes, and career pathways should be redesigned to
prioritize inclusivity rather than simply diversifying the representation of Black educators. The
need for diversity, equity, and inclusion in education is due to the Brown v. Board of Education
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(1954) decision. After the Brown v. Board of Education (1954), Black teachers and principals
faced termination or demotion. Merely increasing the representation of Black educators does not
suffice; policies and practices must be genuinely inclusive for Black educators. This redirection
can also be extended to higher education to increase representation. Despite being the most
educated, Black women are disproportionately underrepresented in educational leadership roles
and teaching positions both in K–12 and higher education settings.
The second implication entails reviewing and eliminating policies and practices that
hinder states, school districts, superintendents, and school principals from being inclusive to all
prospective candidates and employees, in terms of hiring, retention, and career development.
Extensive documentation reveals the inequitable hiring practices faced by Black educators. There
is a pressing need to revise hiring criteria to prioritize experience, education, and quality of work,
rather than solely considering demographics. Research participants disclosed instances of being
labeled as diversity hires or being informed post-interview that they did not align with the team’s
culture, despite the hiring team seldom sharing similar identities with Black teachers and
administrators.
The third implication involves mandating school districts, charter schools, and private
schools to consistently report educational, racial, and ethnic demographics for assistant
principals, akin to the reporting done for teachers and principals. The lack of comprehensive data
inhibits a full understanding of the career progression of all educators. Without this information,
tracking the assistant principal to principal pipeline becomes challenging, impeding efforts for
retention and professional development purposes. Additionally, accurate representation of race
and ethnicity within educational leadership is compromised.
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The fourth implication is to create teacher-to-principal pathway programs, assistant
principal-to-principal development programs, and develop principals to further their career
journey beyond the principalship within a school district or charter school network. These
programs should be inclusive in the selection process. Public school districts or charter school
networks rarely have ongoing developmental structures for educators. Many pathway programs
are contracted out to external parties. For instance, the National Aspiring Principals Fellowship,
a third-party program, was established to tackle the shortage of Black principals in Atlanta
Public Schools (New Leaders, n.d.). However, internal professional development opportunities
remain limited. Some charter schools have introduced principal-in-residence roles, positioned
between assistant principal and principal, offering individuals greater exposure to the daily
operations of a principal. Two participants in this study held principal-in-residence positions, and
from their viewpoint, the program lacked sustainability. This was primarily because individuals
remained in these positions for extended periods due to the absence of vacant principal positions
within the organization, or alternatively, because the organization opted to discontinue the
program altogether.
The fifth implication involves aligning the demographics of all school staff with those of
the student body, akin to the staffing approach adopted in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg
Schools (1971), it was ensured that the staff population mirrored that student population.
However, present-day segregation, particularly prominent in urban areas, has led to a notable
disparity between the demographic of staff and the student population. Research indicates that
Black educators are disproportionately placed in under-resourced schools (Farinde et al., 2016;
Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eiland, 2022). Additionally, retention rates among Black teachers
surpass those of White teachers in culturally diverse schools with high needs, potentially
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indicating a deeper commitment to teaching Black students (Bartanen & Grissom, 2019; Eiland,
2022). If the student population reflects racial segregation stemming from residential
segregation, then the demographics of the staff should mirror that of the student body.
Furthermore, district employees such as instructional coaches, recruitment managers for staff and
students, program managers, superintendents, and others should also reflect the student
population. Aligning the staff demographics for all educational stakeholders, not limited to
teachers, assistant principals, and principals, would benefit the community, especially the
students.
The final implication calls for educators to challenge societal structures that perpetuate
inequality. The percentage of Black educators will not rise significantly without broader societal
reforms. Just as cultural relevance and multiculturalism are promoted for students, similar
considerations should be extended to Black educators (Chatman, 2021). Black educators should
not face differential treatment based on their hairstyles, be compelled to code-switch, or feel the
pressure to navigate sensitive situations when interacting with school community stakeholders
due to their race, gender, class, or age (Chatman, 2021).
Future Research
The literature review of this study outlines the historical context of educational access for
Black individuals in the United States. Additionally, it presents current statistics on the
representation of Black principals and teachers compared to Black students. The literature
underscores the necessity for future research into three significant themes: the perspectives of
Black teachers and administrators concerning education career pathways, the intersection of race,
gender, and age, and the assistant principal-to-principal pipeline. There is a lack of research that
explores residential segregation and Black educators, the current remnants of Black educators
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and the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, age of Black school administrators, and
the intersectionality of Black educators.
The first recommendation involves examining the staffing model and staff demographics
at public schools impacted by residential segregation, a remnant of the Brown v. Board of
Education (1954) decision. Participants in the study discussed their experiences working at
predominantly Black and Latino schools, where the staff makeup often did not mirror the student
population. Further exploration could delve into how the interaction between Black educators
and Black students influences academic learning, disciplinary actions, employment policies, staff
retention, and staff development, thereby addressing the lingering effects of the Brown v. Board
of Education (1954) decision on educational equity and representation. This redirection can also
be extended to higher education. As forementioned, Black women are the most educated
demographic in the United States, yet they are significantly underrepresented in faculty positions
at degree granting institutions.
The second recommendation for future research suggests modeling staff demographics
based on student demographics. In instances where schools are affected by residential
segregation, both school and school district staffing models should resemble the representation
observed prior to landmark cases like Brown v. Board of Education (1954) and Swann v.
Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools (1971). It’s not only important for school staff to mirror the
demographic composition of students, but also for central and district-level populations to reflect
student demographics. Participants in this study frequently mentioned the lack of representation
at both the school leadership and district levels. Investigating the shift in identity leadership
could provide valuable insights into hiring and retention practices. This study can also be
extended to higher education institutions. For instance, at Historically Black Colleges and
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Universities (HBCUs), the faculty composition often does not reflect the diversity of the student
population.
The third recommendation for future research is to undertake a study within the
Charlotte-Mecklenburg School district, examining the academic and cultural consequences of
resegregation following the end of busing in 2001. The study would delve into the prevalence of
Title I schools in the city, discipline rates by race, student demographics in these schools, and the
corresponding staff demographics. Research participants from Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools
highlighted the effects of residential segregation on their classroom instruction and
administrative support. Both participants had a history of working at Title I schools with a
predominantly Black student population, but the staffing demographics were the opposite. The
staff and student imbalances have resulted in a history of underperforming students, high
discipline rates, low college matriculation especially amongst Black students, and high
absenteeism. Analyzing the impacts of resegregation in Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools could
offer valuable insights for other districts across the country that have discontinued racial busing
and continued to experience the ramifications of the Brown v Board of Education (1954)
decision. Additionally, it could provide guidance for public schools battling residential
segregation and charter schools operating within underserved communities.
The fourth recommendation for future research is to explore the perceptions of identity
and the experiences of Black women in educational leadership. In this study, two women
identified their Blackness as a barrier in both their personal and career experiences. The
intersectionality of gender and race leads to varied experiences for Black women, influenced by
stereotypes and societal expectations. These factors contribute to the underrepresentation of
Black women in education leadership roles. Further research in this area could shed light on the
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specific barriers faced by Black women educational leaders, enhancing understanding and paving
the way for more inclusive practices.
The fifth recommendation for future research involves examining the academic, cultural,
and developmental influence of school administrators based on age. In this study, three out of
five school administrators emphasized the importance of being young leaders and how it affected
their relationships with others, as well as perceptions from stakeholders and colleagues.
Conversely, three out of five study participants discussed how negative relationships with other
school administrators significantly shaped their perspectives about school leaders. Given the
continuous evolution of the workforce, further exploration of age-related dynamics would offer
researchers and education practitioners valuable insights into career development strategies,
necessary structural adjustments, and enhancements to recruitment and retention practices.
The sixth recommendation for future research involved examining the relationship
between race and sexual orientation among Black males. Although it was not explicitly
expressed in the findings for Research Question 3, the male participant who agreed that his
identity was impacted by career identity stated that his sexual orientation has hindered his career
growth. Future studies around the acceptability of Black educators who identify as LGBTQIA+,
especially Black men, will further support understanding the barriers and obstacles that Black
educators’ experience. Examining the relationship between Black men and their expressed sexual
orientation is important because historically and culturally, the acceptability of LGBTQIA+
males go against the stereotypes and societal expectations of Black men. This research may also
contribute to the understanding of barriers that Black school administrators face while entering
school leadership positions.
118
The final recommendation for future research urges an exploration of the relationship
dynamics between Black female teachers and their superiors, and vice versa. One study
participant shared that, as a Black woman, having another Black woman as a supervisor has
posed challenges. This statement contrasts with existing research suggesting higher retention
rates among teachers whose principals share their identity. Further investigation is warranted to
understand career advancement and retention patterns among Black female educators,
considering the potential impact of internalized microaggressions and gendered racism that
Black female leaders experience and may project onto their employees.
Conclusion
Over the past decade, there has been a significant decline in the number of individuals
entering and staying in the field of education, with a nearly one-third decrease in education
graduates between 2008–09 and 2018–19, contributing to the underrepresentation of
marginalized groups such as Black teachers, who currently only comprise seven percent of
educators. These findings indicate that the number of Black principals has not recovered after
Brown v. Board of Education (1954) and have remained stagnant for roughly 70 years.
The purpose of this study was to gain the perspective of Black K–12 teachers and
administrators concerning the accessibility of school leadership opportunities, and the role that
identity has played in their journey as an educator. The narrative qualitative research study
explored the lived experiences and potential career paths of five Black K–12 teachers and five
Black school administrators. This study examined the professional experiences and perspective
of Black educators through survey questions, two journal reflections and an individual virtual
interview. The study found that the perspectives of Black teachers and school administrators are
directly shaped by their racial identity, career experiences, and practices influenced by historical
119
events. The study revealed that while school leadership is perceived as attainable among Black
teachers, race significantly influences the timelines and processes involved. School
administrators identified unfair hiring practices, racial, gender, and age stereotypes, and
challenges in career advancement as barriers to leadership attainment. Additionally,
intersectionality has shaped the perspectives of career opportunities for Black educators within
systemic structures. These findings suggest the need for future studies on the Black teacher-toprincipal pipeline and strategies for recruiting and retaining Black administrators.
120
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139
Appendix A: Recruitment Infographic
140
Appendix B: Participant Recruitment Email
Subject: Invitation to Participate in a Research Study for K–12 Educators
Dear [participant’s name]
Hello! I'm Yasmene Kimble, a current doctoral student at the University of Southern
California. With your background education, I’d greatly appreciate your involvement in my
dissertation study. Your expertise is invaluable for the success of current and future educators.
My study aims to uncover K–12 educators’ views on career advancement and identity's
impact on their career journey. If you're a current K–12 educator open to a 45–60 minute virtual
interview, please take the 3-minute survey at this link:
https://usc.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_0DqN76mBzYfnxfE
Survey and interview data will shape K–12 educator recruitment, retention, and support
recommendations. All shared information will remain confidential and anonymous, upholding
ethical privacy standards.
If you can't participate, please share this email and survey link with anyone you think
might be interested.
Thank you for considering this invitation, and I look forward to the possibility of working
with you!
Warm regards,
Yasmene B. Kimble
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
141
Appendix C: Survey Protocol
Thank you for taking the time to complete this survey! The purpose of the study is to
assess insight from teachers and administrators on the perspective of leadership accessibility and
to examine the barriers that educators face when seeking and serving in the capacity as a school
administrator. Your response will be used to identify potential barriers teachers and
administrators may face due to their identity, in hopes of recruiting and retaining more
educators.
This survey asks questions about your identity, education, and years of experiences in
education. Your responses will be anonymous. You may stop participating at any time. This
survey should take you approximately 10 minutes to complete. Thank you again for your
contributions to further the research.
Are you willing to complete a journal response and participate in a Zoom 45–60-minute
follow-up interview? If so, please complete the survey.
1. What is your current school-based role?
• paraprofessional
• teacher
• learning specialist
• instructional coach
• dean
• assistant principal
• principal
• Other (please describe).
2. What level of school do you work at?
142
• elementary school
• middle school
• high school
• Other (please describe below).
3. What type of school do you work at?
• public school
• charter school
• private school
• Other (please describe below).
4. What state do you live in?
5. Choose the race(s) that you self-identified as
• Alaska Native/Native American
• Asian
• Black or African American
• Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander
• White or Caucasian
• other
• Prefer not to say.
6. In what way (if any at all) does your identity impact your role?
7. Please enter your first and last name
8. Please enter your email address
143
Appendix D: Email Invitation to Participate in a Virtual Interview
Subject: Follow-up: Request to Schedule a Virtual Interview for Research Study
Dear [participant’s name],
I hope this email finds you well! I appreciate your engagement for my dissertation
questionnaire. Based on your survey responses, you meet the eligibility criteria for participation
in the study. Below, you will find the study's specifics.
Title
The Perspectives of Black Teachers and Administrators on Identity and Career
Opportunities
Purpose of Study
This study aims to investigate the impact of educators’ personal identities on their career
trajectories, recruitment experiences, and long-term retention within K–12 educational
institutions.
Participation Includes
Virtual interview (45–60 minutes).
Schedule
Click here to select a date and time for the 45–60 minute Zoom interview. If none of the
listed options are suitable, kindly suggest an alternative date and time. All shared information
will remain confidential and anonymous, upholding ethical privacy standards.
If you have any questions or concerns before scheduling the interview, please do not
hesitate to reach out to me via email or by phone.
144
Thanks again!
Yasmene B. Kimble
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
145
Appendix E: Journal Reflections
Thank you again for your time and participation in this study!
1. Please complete the two reflection questions
2. Please schedule a time to a 45–60 mins virtual interview (EST) via Zoom
3. Once an interview time has been selected, a calendar invite will be sent to confirm
Journal Reflections
1. In what way (if at all) does your identity influence your role as an educator?
2. Read the two statements below and explain if you agree or disagree:
• The number of Black students in K–12 schools has drastically increased since
the 1960's, but the proportion of Black teachers does not mirror the student
population (Chatman, 2021).
• Black educators are underrepresented in school administrative positions
(Grissom & Redding, 2016).
Virtual Interview Scheduling
Please choose your interview from the dates and times (EST) below. Alternate dates and
times are available by request if the dates below do not work for you.
Thank you again for your time and participation in this study!
Best regards,
Yasmene B. Kimble
146
Appendix F: Information and Consent Form
Title of study: The Perspectives of Black Teachers and Administrators on Identity and
Career Opportunities
Investigator contact information: Please direct all questions and concerns regarding the
study to the following individuals: Yasmene Kimble, Principal Investigator
Purpose of the study: Please read the following information carefully. Please ask the
researcher if there is anything that is not clear or if you need more information. This study seeks
to shed light on how Black educators’ individual identities influence their career paths,
recruitment, and retention within K–12 schools. And will examine perspectives of Black teachers
and administrators on the accessibility of school leadership attainment by examining the
experiences and perspectives of educators.
Participation involvement: 45–60-minute virtual interview:
Alternatives to participation: You may choose not to participate in the study. Be assured
that either way, no information will be shared with your employer regardless of your
participation status.
Confidentiality: All identifiable information shared within this study will be confidential
and not shared with any outside entity. Anonymity will be maintained during the analyses of data
using pseudonyms during coding. You will be provided with the recordings, notes, and interview
transcripts for review and editing purposes. Transcripts will be prepared on a password protected
device that is solely accessible by the Investigator and will be immediately destroyed once the
transcripts are completed. The data may only be accessed by members of the research team and
the University of Southern California’s Human Subject Protection Program (HSPP).
147
IRB contact information: University Park Institutional Review Board (UPIRB). 3720
South Flower Street # 301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or upirb@usc.edu
148
Appendix G: Email for Interview Reminder
Subject: Reminder of dissertation study interview tomorrow.
I hope this message finds you well! I wanted to send you a quick reminder that our
scheduled virtual dissertation interview is set to take place tomorrow on September 8, 2023, at
1:00 p.m. via Zoom.
Here are the details for our interview: September 8, 2023, 1:00 p.m.
Thank you once again for agreeing to participate in my study! Your contribution is
greatly appreciated, and I'm excited to hear your perspectives.
If, for any reason, you need to reschedule or if there are any changes, please let me know
as soon as possible. Otherwise, I'll see you tomorrow at the scheduled time.
Best regards,
Yasmene B. Kimble
149
Appendix H: Interview Protocol for Teachers
Name of researcher:
Date of interview:
Name of interviewee:
City and state:
Authorizer’s phone number:
Authorizer’s email address:
Interview start time:
Interview end time:
My name is ------ and I am a researcher at the University of Southern California’s Rossier
School of Education. You were selected as an interviewee because you self-identified as a Black
teacher or Black administrator. I am conducting a study on Black teacher and administrators’
perspective of leadership accessibility and examining the barriers that Black educators face when
seeking and serving as a school administrator. It is integral to understand and examine the
barriers that Black educators face when pursuing school administrative roles to further support
more Black teachers into the principal pipeline and to retain current Black school administrators.
During our conversation, I hope to learn more about your experiences as a teacher or
administrator. I am particularly interested in learning about your historical perspective, career
journey, barriers you may have encountered, and career aspirations.
The information that you provide will hopefully serve to support more Black educators to
aspire to become school administrators. Please know that I am not here to promote a particular
150
way of thinking. I want you to feel comfortable to share good experiences as well as challenges
about these topics. There are no right or wrong answers.
We are going to spend about the next 45–60 minutes talking about your experience as an
educator. I want to assure you that your comments will be strictly confidential. I will not identify
you, or your organization, by name. During our interview, I will be taking notes. Since we are
meeting via Zoom, I will record our interview to capture any information I may have missed. Do
I have your consent to record our conversation?
Again, your identity will be protected. I will share a copy of the recorded interview via
email within 72 hours. If you are interested, I can provide a copy of the final paper. Our
conversation will take approximately 45–60 minutes. To honor our time together, I may need to
interrupt our conversation to move onto the next question.
I will ask some questions regarding your work as an educator. You may ask me questions
at any point. Before we begin, do you have any questions or concerns?
Interview Questions for Teachers
First, I would like to hear about your journey as an educator.
Role of an Administrator
1. What do you perceive as the skills and experience necessary to become a school
administrator?
• What qualifies someone to be an administrator?
• What is the role of a school administrator?
Listen for:
• years of experience
• educations
151
• roles and responsibilities
Perception of School Administrators
2. As a teacher, describe your relationship with school administrators.
• In what capacity, do you work with administrators at your site?
• What support do you receive from administration?
Listen for:
• instructional support (class observations, weekly coaching, student data
analysis)
• operational support (scheduling, supplies, duties)
• culture support (student behavior, incentives, student culture)
Identity
3. What considerations would you make before applying to a particular district or job?
• What factors do you consider before applying to a job?
• How do historical events influence your decision to apply to a particular
district or job?
Listen for:
• location
• career opportunities
• student/staff demographics
4. What are some problems you believe serve as a barrier for educators entering in
school leadership? How does identity impact school leadership accessibility?
Listen for:
• education
152
• certification
• hiring process
Career Advancement
5. What teacher leadership roles have you held and what school leadership roles do you
wish to hold? How have you contributed to your school community aside from
teaching?
Listen for:
• department lead
• coaching (instructional, athletic, peer)
• student advisor
6. How has your experience shaped your career trajectory?
• What is your career goal?
• In 2 years, where do you see yourself professionally?
Listen for:
• in my current role
• school administration
• no longer in education
7. How (if at all) has your identity influenced the way you perceive school
administrator roles?
Listen for:
• Identity is not a factor.
• Locality is not ideal (little to no vacancies).
153
Appendix I: Interview Questions for School Administrators
First, I would like to hear about your journey as an educator.
Interview Questions for Administrators
Role of an Administrator
1. What do you perceive as the skills and experience necessary to become a school
administrator?
• What qualifies someone to be an administrator?
• What is the role of a school administrator?
Listen for:
• years of experience
• educations
roles and responsibilities
Perception of School Administrators
2. As a teacher, how did you perceive the school administrative role? What made you
want to become an administrator?
Listen for:
• students
• career growth
• representation
3. Describe your relationship with teachers.
• In what capacity, do you work with teachers at your site?
• How do you support teachers?
Listen for:
154
• instructional support (class observations, weekly coaching, student data
analysis)
• operational support (scheduling, supplies, duties)
• culture support (student behavior, incentives, student culture)
Identity
4. What considerations would you make before applying to a particular district or job?
• What factors do you consider before applying to a job?
• How do historical events influence your decision to apply to a particular
district or job?
Listen for:
• location
• career opportunities
• student/staff demographics
5. What are some barriers (if any) that you faced when entering school leadership? How
does identity impact school leadership accessibility?
Listen for:
• education
• certification
• hiring Process
6. What considerations would you make before applying to a particular district or job?
• What factors do you consider before applying to a job?
• How do historical events influence your decision to apply to a particular
district or job?
155
Listen for:
• location
• career opportunities
• student/Staff demographics
5. What are some barriers (if any) that you faced when entering school leadership? How
does identity impact school leadership accessibility?
Listen for:
• education
• certification
• hiring process
Career Advancement
6. As a Black administrator, do you believe you have a duty to support aspiring Black
school leaders? What mentorships (if any) have you been a part of/do you provide?
7. How has your experience as a Black administrator shaped your career trajectory?
156
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
This narrative qualitative research study delved into the perspectives of Black teachers regarding the accessibility of school leadership and the barriers encountered by school leaders during their transition into school leadership roles. Its objective was to highlight the underrepresentation of Black educators, particularly Black administrators. Since the Brown v. Board of Education, the percentage of Black educators has significantly declined. The ruling failed to provide clear guidelines for integrating Black and white schools and staff, resulting in a widespread exodus, demotion, and dismissal of Black educators. Seventy years later, Black educators remain significantly underrepresented. Previous research has inadequately considered the perspectives of Black educators concerning their identity and career paths, along with the barriers face by Black school leaders in attaining administrative roles. Utilizing a narrative design allowed the researcher to collect data through an open-ended survey question, two journal responses, and virtual interviews with five Black teachers and five school administrators across public and charter schools in Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Texas. Critical Race Theory and Social Identity Theory provided the framework for this study. Key findings from the study included Black teachers had a disinterest in becoming school administrators due to the lack of representation, lack of school administrator support, and negative relationships with school administrators. However, some expressed aspirations to become administrators driven by the opportunity to enhance professional support for teachers and foster cultural and academic support for students. Additionally, the study identified barriers faced by school administrators, such as discriminatory hiring practices, negative stereotypes related to race, age and gender, and challenges in career advancement linked to their identities. The last finding highlighted the effect of intersectionality on perspective regarding career progression. Implications of the findings are discussed in relation to critical race theory and social identity theory and for the concepts of racial segregation, intersectionality, and gendered racism.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Kimble, Yasmene B.
(author)
Core Title
The perspectives of Black teachers and administrators on identity and career opportunities
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Educational Leadership (On Line)
Degree Conferral Date
2024-05
Publication Date
04/10/2024
Defense Date
03/19/2024
Publisher
Los Angeles, California
(original),
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
Black administrator,Black teacher to principal pipeline,black teachers,education after the Brown v. Board of Education,gendered racism in education,OAI-PMH Harvest
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Language
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Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
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Franklin, Gregory (
committee chair
), Green, Alan (
committee member
), Kishimoto, Christina (
committee member
)
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kimbleyasmene@gmail.com,ykimble@usc.edu
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Tags
Black administrator
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black teachers
education after the Brown v. Board of Education
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