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The “lost boys” of higher education: African American males from basic skills through university transfer

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The “lost boys” of higher education: African American males from basic skills through university transfer

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THE “LOST BOYS” OF HIGHER EDUCATION
AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES FROM BASIC SKILLS
THROUGH UNIVERSITY TRANSFER

by
Marilyn Denise Harvey

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2010

Copyright 2010 Marilyn Denise Harvey

ii

Epigraph

Them that’s got, shall get;
them that‘s not, shall lose.
So the bible says,
and it still is news,
Mama may have… Papa may have…
But God bless the child that’s got his own!
That’s got his own.

-- Billie Holiday, 1941, Okeh Records

iii

Dedication

I dedicate this work to my best support, now and always, my mother,
the wind beneath my wings:
Anne Burnett-Carter
who made a way out of no way and taught me the value of compassion and caring.
Equally important you taught me about the power of an education, instilling in me no
matter how high the mountain or how low the valley, keep moving, keep reaching,
keep believing there is so much more out there to experience, explore and be.
My mom… My rock…
I love you!

iv
Acknowledgments

God
The Lord is my shepherd; I shall not want (Psalm 23).
I have been blessed for as long as I can recall with not going without. And even in
those darkest moments where I wondered if there was a light at the end of the tunnel,
God’s love shielded me, and I was never without hope, love, support or guidance. I know
that God destined each and every step that led me to USC’s Doctoral program. It was
only God who could know that when I was a young adult who spoke of wishing “I could
go to USC” I would eventually find my way there. It was only God who could know that
while I only wanted a bachelor’s degree to make my mom, family and community proud,
that there was so much more in store for me. It was only God who could know that I
would want a doctorate when I could not even imagine attaining a master’s degree. And it
was only God who could order my steps when I had no clue which direction I would be
taking. Thank you for allowing me safe travels from San Diego to USC over the last four
years.
Mom
Thank you mom. Thank you for loving me and believing in me. Thank you for
loving your children so much you sacrificed moving across the country to a strange place
far away from anyone you knew or loved in order to seek out a safe and nurturing place
to raise your children. Thank you for the love of reading and school. I fondly remember
you walking, pushing and pulling your children along and dropping us off at our various

v
destinations as you headed off to school to earn your nursing degree. I cannot remember a
time when I did not know I wanted to go to college. I cannot remember a time when I did
not know college was my key. I cannot remember a time when I did not understand the
value of an education and for that I thank you tremendously. Thank you for your patience
and kindness, even at the craziest moments in my life, and I am sure you will remember
plenty.
South East San Diego Community
I would be remiss if I did not mention the community that played an integral role
in my decision to pursue a Doctorate degree. Thank you for shaping and molding the
community member I have become. I have much love for the people who work so hard
and perhaps struggle daily to provide for and sustain this community.

Participants/Black Men
Thank you to the Black men who generously shared their stories in order that
those who follow may climb the same ladder to success. You gave a gift that will help
professionals in the business of education improve our services, and that will be your
legacy to future young Black men who bring their dreams to City College. Your
openness, your honesty, and your willingness to talk even about the hard stuff truly
touched my heart. And to all African American men who make the choice—when there
seem to be no options—to keep moving, and reaching and believing in themselves and
something greater; whose life stories are often told before they even begin living and in
spite of it all, they find a way to tell their own life story.

vi

Chair
Thank you to Dr. Bensimón—the chair I chose because she had a reputation for
requiring hard work and real research. Your high standards and words of encouragement
spurred me on.
Committee
Thank you to the two Black men on my committee, Dr. Darnell Cole and Dr.
Frank Harris—models for those who will follow. I deeply appreciate your careful,
conscious readings and excellent feedback that only made this document stronger.
Thanks especially, too, to Dr. Harris for inviting me to speak at the A2Mend Conference
and for reminding me that I was a good writer and inspiring me. You made me want to
live up to that!
Thank you to Dr. Larry Brown, from City College, for enthusiastically agreeing—
even in retirement—to be on my committee; thank you for your expertise about City and
for heart-felt words of support and riding with me to USC on a day that mattered more
than any. You calmed my nerves.
San Diego City College
Thanks to Dr. Terrence Burgess for your support and for going to bat for me when
I needed you to. Thank you to my City College family who offered continued support and
words of encouragement.
Thanks to the hardworking Transfer/Career Center staff: Cindy Ovido, Joseph
D’Ambro, and Zdenka Geisberg (“Z”). I know that often it may have seemed like my

vii
mind was hundreds of miles away, and many times it was, but your support and efforts
were and continue to be phenomenal. And to Adriana Rivas-Sandoval—for having my
back! You know what I’m talking about.
USC
Thank you to my writing cohort, especially Rochelle Woods who helped me
breathe through the hard times and reminded me of what I already knew: I had no choice
but to finish.
The Village
I am rich, not in gold or silver, but in friendships and family—the greatest wealth
of all.
Thank you to Elder N’namdi Afi Sikumbuzo for intensely intellectual
conversation unfettered by the usual frameworks, which always helped stimulate my
thinking; and for creating my rite of passage, my naming ceremony where I became
Banasa Dalila Shami on 15 May 2008 in the presence of the Fanno Council of Elders and
my family and friends.
To my personal librarian, editor, cheerleader and friend, Mary Wickline. There
are not enough words for me to express the deep gratitude I have for God placing you
into my life at the right time. From day one when asked, you said yes and agreed to do it
just because.
To Gaby Sandoval, Kendra Rivera. and Dani Payne for your emotional support
when things were tough and for paving the way.

viii
To my sistah from high school onward, the great transcriber, Michelle
DeJohnette, for careful dedication in transcribing what must have seemed like endless
hours of interviews—I couldn’t have done it without you! Um, ya know…
To the Lincoln crew, Kathi Thomas-Gibson, LaRhonda Loeb, and Trelli Davis, I
began school because of the foundation my mother laid and the role model she is, I
stayed in school because of the foundation you all laid and the role models you all are.
To Gerald Ramsey for being my unfailing mentor and friend, thank you for being
available at all hours with wise counsel and words of encouragement. And most of all for
keepin’ it real.
To Bonnie Peters who has got to be one of the best colleagues one can have.
Thank you for your friendship and guidance and displaying true teamwork that allowed
me to maintain an effective workplace while feeling like I was a chicken running around
with my head cut off.
Thank you to my practice committee(s), who played the roles of the real
committee for me, that I might be a better presenter of my work—Dr. Philip Raphael, Dr.
Cynthia Lawrence, Dr. Rochelle Woods, & Wendy Stewart; and on my proposal defense
practice committee: “BensiMom” (Mom), Gerald, & Elder N’namdi.
To Trey Brady for taking care of business in Illinois, and giving me the peace of
mind that brings. To Tameka McGlawn, for your companionship as we worked toward
becoming a part of the Trojan family and for the many study sessions. To Stephanie
Grigsby for bringing art into my life and giving me a beautiful place to work. To Annette

ix
Gary, another of my many sistahs who have been placed in my life to love and nurture
like big sisters do. Oh, and turnaround is fair play!
To all my family: Ronisha, Romishia, Stephanie, Terrance, Sonora, Pat, Mom,
Alvester, Lois, & Kenneth—who did a million little things to make it easier on me and
who fill my heart with joy. And to all my nieces, nephews, and cousins who stood by me
and gave up their time with me to allow me to write. To Makaila and Brianna: I am
soooooo happy you love school, because I truly believe that education is freedom and
Freedom Rocks!
Thank you to my Chicago family—especially Greta Anderson.
Thank you Kahalifa for helping me peel away the layers—putting them to rest
where they belong. Peace; be still.
Thank you to all those who have come before, broke down walls, and allowed me
to be in this place. And especially to my personal heroes now among the ancestors, who
passed from this planet too soon to see this result of their work with me. To Walter
Kudumu for sharing his passion for education and including me in so many education-
related community events. To John Sullivan for being an advocate for students first, last,
and always regardless of institutional policies, and for helping me believe in myself. To
Sharon Grant-Henry for being such an excellent model in living purposely, involving me
in her dreams for a better educational system, for telling me that I ask good questions,
and for loaning me her personal librarian. I will find a way to keep the dream alive.

x
To President Obama for renewing my faith in this country’s constitution and for
being an excellent Black male role model married to a beautiful, intelligent Black
woman.

And Thanks ultimately, to all—who made it possible.

xi

Table of Contents

Epigraph ii
Dedication iii
Acknowledgments iv
List of Tables xiv
List of Figures xv
Abbreviations xvi
Abstract xvii
Chapter One 1
The Open Door: Community College 1
Statement of the Problem 6
Purpose of the Study 8
Significance of the Study 9
Overview of Methodology 10
Research Questions 11
Objectives 12
Chapter Two 14
Conceptual Framework 14
Elementary and Secondary Education 14
Validation Theory 18
Institutional Agents 20
Literature Review 23
Transfer as a Core Function of Community College 24
African American Males in Community College 26
Basic Skills and Transfer 28
Implications for Success 31
Family Support 32
Peer Groups 32
Faculty Relationships 33
Social and Extra-curricular Engagement 34

xii
Validation 35
Campus Climate 36
African American Males at City College 36
Chapter Three 40
Research Design and Methodology 40
Qualitative Inquiry: Case Study 41
Setting and Context 45
Participant Selection 47
Data Collection 49
Data Analysis 52
Ethical Concerns 53
Role of the Researcher 55
Timeline of the Study 56
Chapter Four 57
Results 57
Introduction to Eleven Student Participants 58
Participants’ profile chart 64
Implications for Success 65
Their Stories 66
Peer Groups 66
Social and Extra-curricular Engagement 68
Validation 69
Family Support 71
Campus Climate 73
Faculty Relations 75
Making Meaning of the Basics 78
Basics Skills and the Classroom 82
Self-determination 88
Bootstrap Theory 89
Collectivism 92
Making Meaning of Success 93
Metaphorically Speaking 93
A Light at the End of the Tunnel 93
It Was Like a Competition 95
Education is a Bug! 96
Handholding 98

xiii
Chapter Five 102
Making the Case 102
Samuel Tidwell 103
Carter Lowes 119
Malik Washington 133
Chapter Six 153
Conclusion 153
Summary of the Study 154
Discussion and Findings 155
In what ways do African American male students experience the
academic trajectory from basic skills courses through transfer? 156
What role does the institution play, and what message does it convey,
in encouraging African American men to transfer? 164
How do African American male students in basic skills courses learn
about transfer options and on-campus support for transfer? 166
What are African American male students’ opinions of institutional
factors that would make a difference in their successful transfer to
four-year colleges and universities? 167
What contributes to African American men’s ability to persist through
basic skills to university transfer? 168
Implications for Practice 171
Recommendations 174
Institutional Research 175
Student Services 176
Instructional Services 178
My Perspective as the Transfer/Career Center Director 180
Limitations of the Study 181
Closing 182
References 183
Appendices
Appendix A - Basic Skills Sequences 196
Table A-1. Basic Skills Math sequence 196
Table A-2. Basic Skills English sequence. 197
Appendix B - Harvey Interview Protocol 198

xiv

List of Tables
Table 1. Participants’ Profile Chart 64
Table A-1. Basic skills math sequence 196
Table A-2. Basic skills English sequence 197

xv

List of Figures

Figure 1. Mean Earnings (in dollars) of African American Men by Highest
Degree Earned (2006 data). SOURCE: Statistical Abstract of the
United States, 2009. Table 224. 27
Figure 2. African American males enrolled at City College (N=953) in
Spring 2007, who expressed an intent to transfer. Source: Office of
Institutional Research & Planing; San Diego Community College District. 37
Figure 3. Student Population at City College by Race/Ethnicity (Fall 2006)
N=15,800. Source: SDCCD Student Profile, Fall 2006 End of Term 46

xvi

Abbreviations

CPEC – California Postsecondary Education Commission
DSPS – Disability Support Programs and Services
NCES - National Center for Education Statistics
OIRP - Office of Institutional Research and Planning
(at San Diego Community College District)
SDCC – San Diego City College
SDCCD – San Diego Community College District
(includes City College, Mesa College, and Miramar College)

xvii
Abstract
Ten African American men, who began their college career in Basic Skills courses
at an urban community college in California and successfully transferred to a four-year
college or university, share their life stories through that process in this case study. Their
experiences differed from the literature in peer group interaction and definition, in their
social and extra-curricular engagement, and in their faculty relationships. Interaction with
peers on campus was limited to course-related work. Extra-curricular engagement was
either unintentional or minimal. One made the Dean’s list but did not know what it
meant. Relationships with faculty were uneven—acknowledgment or recognition from
faculty mattered immensely when it happened, but most interaction with faculty was
limited to coursework. Participants used metaphors and poetry to make meaning of their
experiences and largely attributed their success to self-determination. They embraced the
bootstrap philosophy even though their college preparation, for the most part, left them
with no boots. Family support and being a role model in their communities were
motivators. School felt like a competition, but they also cautioned that “education was
like a bug”—where, without guidance, one might choose courses that did not serve one’s
goals.

1

Chapter One
The Open Door: Community College
As I approach the classroom, the door opens, and a tall, brown-skinned, thick-
framed man with shoulder-length hair pulled back into a ponytail is exiting. As I enter I
ask, “Oh, is this an OK time?” He states that the class is just beginning. It is 8:15 a.m. As
he walks away, I ask the professor if it is OK for me to come in. His head bobs up and
down as he says, “of course.”
I am greeted by a chorus of “Hello Ms. Marilyn,” “Hello Ms. Harvey.” I look at
this landscape of brown and Black faces and return their greeting with an enthusiastic
hello.
This particular class is made up of community college students who have either
been recruited or who have sought out extra support to prepare them for university
transfer. As one of the coordinators for the program, I have met them on other occasions.
Many of these students are female. There are no African American males to be seen. As I
survey the few remaining empty seats, I take my place in the back of the classroom in
order to be an observer and not a participant.
The sun rests upon the classroom, entering through long rectangular windows
where vinyl coverings have been pulled back. The industrial classroom’s dingy, not-so-
white walls envelope the space. Desks are lined up in military fashion facing a large,
green chalkboard and a teacher’s antiquated, metal desk. Two clocks rest on the wall: one

2

of them oversized and silenced, the other miniature and quietly ticking. On the west side
of the room, event flyers and notices are generously posted on the wall.
The professor continues, where the exiting man left off, by reiterating the
importance of the departmental exam. He reminds the students, “You could have an A
going into the departmental exam, but if you do not pass the exam, you will fail the
class.” His comment is received by mostly blank stares, and the room is permeated with
silence. No one responds. Is this hopelessness I’m perceiving? The professor simply
continues by asking, “OK…any questions?”
A student raises her hand and asks for help with one of the questions from the
homework assignment. As the professor writes the assignment on the board, a popping
noise interrupts the quiet. The popping sound continues to periodically and more rapidly
invade the space. Ignoring the popping sound, the professor begins to dissect the problem
he wrote on the board. He solicits feedback from the class, and a couple of students
chime in providing answers for each step. This occurs for a while as the same student
continues to ask the professor to walk through a number of problems. The popping noise
also continues—eagerly escaping the student’s mouth as she seeks the answers to the
homework. The other students watch quietly, entertaining her questions and allowing her
to dominate the homework review.
The door opens as the clock reads 8:40 and in enters a slow-striding, hooded
sweatshirt and oversized denim jeans. Sweatshirt-and-jeans takes a seat at the front of the
class. Once seated, the sweatshirt releases a disheveled, cornrowed head that immediately
props itself on a hand that is also released from the oversized sweatshirt. A young,

3

African American male fixes his eyes on the green chalkboard, takes out a pen and
notebook, and appears to write what is on the board.
As I observe the classroom once again, I make note of a sea of blank expressions,
folded arms, and frowns fixed on the green chalkboard. A pair of ears are filled with
earphones; a set of fingernails are being severed by teeth; a few pencils scroll across
notebooks; a cell phone rings a happy ring; and unauthorized, small group discussions
take place throughout the classroom. The African American male student continues to
rest his head in his palm as his heavy eyes struggle to stay focused on the board. A thick,
curly-haired African American female quietly states that she is confused and proceeds to
look in the back of the book. While doing so, she enthusiastically exclaims, “They have
definitions in the back of the book!” and follows with a promise to “check out” the book
when she gets home tonight (the semester has been in session for over a month). The
hooded sweatshirt is re-capturing the African American male student as he slumps into
his chair. He also appears to be losing the battle against sleep. For a moment, there is a
rush of willpower as he pulls himself up in the seat, but the hooded sweatshirt wins the
battle as he eventually slumps back down.
The class has come to an end, and the professor scribbles review questions on the
board to assist with an upcoming test. A few students hungrily take in the information
and write in their notebooks. Most of the class is blanketed in chit-chat and laughter, and
there seems to be, in the air, a sense of relief. Many of the students gather their things and
rush to the door, while a few hang around and wait to see the professor. The hooded

4

sweatshirt and oversized jeans gather up a backpack and just as they entered, they leave
the classroom.
I have chosen to open with this observation in order to provide an illustration of
some of the students who make up the community college population and one of the
many experiences and encounters they may have during their college career. Each
transfer student is a unique student who comes from varied walks of life. He is a high
school graduate; she is a grandmother embarking upon a new journey; he is a single
parent struggling to provide for his family and desiring to create a better future; she is a
re-entry student who attempted to take advantage of access and failed but returned to give
it another try. They are Black, brown, and yellow. They are citizens, immigrants
(documented and undocumented), and international students. They come from as far
away as Africa or as close as around the block, and sometimes they are “just” a pair of
oversized jeans and a sweatshirt. A pair of oversized jeans and a sweatshirt filled with
hopes, dreams, and aspirations as well as fear, trepidation, and angst. But indeed they
come with a story to be told—through the open door of the community college.
While it is essential that all their stories be heard, it is the story of the African
American male that I chose to focus on. The African American male has been likened to
an endangered species (Gibbs, 1984, 1988; Parham & McDavis, 1987). It has been often
suggested that there is a crisis facing this population in life and in education. Whether it
is termed an African American male crisis (Laubscher, 2005; Noguera, 1996; Parham &
McDavis, 1987) or a societal dysfunction (Freire, 2007), African American males, as a
whole, are not faring well academically:

5

• The enrollment rate (4.3%) of African American males in higher
education institutions nationally is the same as it was 25 years ago
• Enrollment of African American women outnumbered African
American males at a higher rate (27.2%) than any other racial or ethnic
group
• Degree attainment for Black males increased by an average of only
0.2% from 1977 to 2003
• 10 times more white males earn degrees than African American males
at every degree level
• 67.6% of African American men who start college do not graduate
within six years
(Harper, 2006a).
The challenges facing African American men are far from elusive. African
American males are more than twice as likely to have prison records as Bachelor’s
degrees
1
(Mauer, 1999; U. S. Census Bureau, 2006, Tables 215, 336; Stern, 1998). A
significant number of African American men and women are admitted to college,
however, there is a disproportion between the two groups in the areas of matriculation
and completion rates (Watkins, Green, Goodson, Guidry & Stanley, 2007). As previously
stated, African American males have been described as an endangered species (Gibbs,
1984, 1988)—an endangered group who must be given appropriate attention and be

1
As of 1995, 13.6% of African American males had Bachelor’s degrees, while
one in three (33%) were intimately impacted by the criminal justice system.

6

reconnected to higher education because if these men are lost to poverty, drugs, prison,
despair or depression—families, communities, and society-at-large will suffer the loss of
potentially important contributions from African American men.
Statement of the Problem
At San Diego City College
2
, which I will refer to as City College, many students
begin their educational career in basic skills courses. Only 23%, 72%, and 49% of all
City College students enter college ready for transfer-level math, reading, and writing
respectively (SDCC, 2004). This would indicate that 77% of students need basic skills
math; 28% are in need of basic skills reading; and 51% are in need of basic skills writing
prior to entering college-level courses. Depending on their assessed level of math and
English ability, students may be required to take from 3 to 21 units beyond their general
education or major requirements, and in some cases even more, if English is not their first
language.
Transfer is core to the mission of community colleges (Dougherty & Townsend,
2006) and plays a key role in students’ lives. However, for students with an educational
objective of transfer, there are a number of barriers to overcome.
To transfer to most four-year public universities, students must complete a
minimum of 60 transferable units. These transfer-level units include general education
courses, major courses, and electives. The potential course load required, from successful
completion of basic skills courses to entry into transfer-level courses adds a challenge

2
San Diego City College will be referred to as “City” or “City College”
interchangeably throughout this study.

7

that may seem insurmountable to many African American male students. This could
result in students becoming frustrated and feeling that their goal of transfer is not
attainable. They may lose willpower and choose not to continue (Deil-Amen &
Rosenbaum, 2002).
As reported by the San Diego Community College District (SDCCD) Office of
Institutional Research and Planning (OIRP), many African American male students at
City College enroll in basic skills courses. City College does not publish disaggregated
data by gender within ethnicity or race—making it difficult to know the degree of success
for African American males in basic skills courses, or whether African American male
students who complete basic skills courses are successful in subsequent college-level
courses. What we do know is that among the population of students at City College who
are not required to take basic skills courses, only 9% are African American (SDCCD,
2007b). We do not know what proportion of that 9% are male. Additionally, a recent
SDCCD research department study (2007b) followed a 2001-2006 cohort of 920 math
basic skills students, and of the 920 students, only 10.5% (97) eventually enrolled in
transfer-level math. There was no indication as to how many of the 97 were African
American males.
African American students’ performance in the disciplines of math and English
are disconcerting. According to the 2006 SDCCD Student Equity Report, 13.9% (820) of
the 5,882 students enrolled in any math class at City are African American. This is
representative of the African American population at City, but only 53.3% (437) of them
complete a math course. The average math GPA for African American students is 1.47.

8

The numbers for English are nearly as disappointing: 14.1% (684) of the 4,841 students
enrolled in any English class at City are African American—64.6% (442) of them
complete a course. The average GPA in English is 2.19.
While disaggregated data that would allow us to directly examine the African
American male success rate in basic skills courses is not currently available, we can infer
from the fragmented data we do have that they are not succeeding.
Purpose of the Study
With greater access and more open door policies provided by the Higher
Education Act of 1965, enrollment for African Americans is at an all-time high nationally
(Swail, 2004). However, once we pull away the top layers of access, we must explore the
issues of persistence. Transfer rates for African American males in California have
lagged tremendously in comparison to whites and Asians (CPEC, 2007a). When we
examine the enrollment of fall-term transfer students to public institutions: of the
46,408 transfers in California in the 2004-2005 academic year, 1.6% (771) were African
American males; and of the 546 transfers to four year colleges and universities from City
College in that same year, only 2% (13) were African American males (CPEC 2007b).
Upon high school graduation in California, a significant number of African
American males desire to access higher education (CPEC, 2006).
At community colleges [in California], African Americans from high schools in
high and middle-income areas had college-going rates of 31.3% and 31.5%
respectively. When rates were broken down by gender, males from high schools
in high- and middle-income areas showed the highest college-going rates. High
school graduates from schools in low-income areas had the lowest college-going
rates at 25.9% (CPEC, 2006, p. 3).

9

However at City College, African Americans are also among the highest enrolled in basic
skills education and among the lowest in transfer rates (SDCCD, 2005). Basic skills
education at community colleges has earned the designation of “gateway to transfer” by
some (Boswell, 2004; Moore & Shulock, 2007), yet basic skills classes could be viewed
by African American students as a barrier rather than a gateway when testing out of those
courses increases time to degree or transfer (Deil-Amen & Rosenbaum, 2002; Dougherty
& Kienzel, 2006).
The purpose of the study is to learn about experiences that may improve the
university transfer rate from San Diego City College of African American male students
who begin their college career in basic skills courses and successfully transfer to four-
year universities. I examined this issue using a narrative methodology: interviewing
African American males who have successfully transferred to four-year institutions.
Significance of the Study
There are many reasons why society should labor intensively to ensure that
African American males follow their pursuit of higher education to completion and earn a
Bachelor’s degree. Higher education effectively bridges economic and social gaps. When
these gaps are bridged, the impact is likened to intellectual property that retains its value
and crosses generations. Those who gain an education will have a brighter future, more
opportunities, and personal wealth, which lends itself to social networks that increase,
and thus improve, employment and lifestyle (Coleman, 1998; Crowell, 2004). As a result,
the landscape of American society is greatly enriched. The more educated are healthier

10

and wealthier and are likely to be productive citizenry (Kingston, Hubbard, Lapp,
Schroeder, & Wilson, 2003).
The significance of the study lies in its potential ability to provide first-hand
knowledge of African American male students’ experiences from basic skills through
transfer. In the process, the study paints a portrait of the relationship of African American
male students to the campus population of faculty, staff, administration, and other
students. The institution’s goal of having successful transfer rates lies in understanding
the deeper story of existing relationships for those who do succeed. By examining the
experiences, attitudes, expectations, goals, and academic conduct of successful African
American males, the study intends to provide insights, strategies, and affirmations for
improving transfer rates at City College. Understanding African American male transfer
students’ experiences through basic skills may facilitate responses or programming that
leads to greater retention, persistence, and successful transfer. Specifically, the study
attempts to address the issue of what City College can do to improve transfer rates of
African American males who must begin in basic skills courses.
Overview of Methodology
I used a narrative methodology to collect the stories of successful African
American male transfer students from City College who enrolled in at least one basic
skills math or English course. I conducted interviews of 11 purposefully selected
individuals in order to gather the stories of their journey from basic skills classes through
the transfer process. The data collected permitted a close observation of the experiences
of these individuals in order to gain an understanding of, and seek clarity from, the

11

detailed stories of what helped these particular African American male students through
successful transfer.
It is the depth of description inherent in this methodology that provided insights to
success for African American males who seek to transfer from City College.
Research Questions
Because there has been such a dearth of research on African American male
transfer students, this study is designed not to test a particular hypothesis or develop a
theory but instead to explore African American male community college student
perspectives on five key issues:
• In what ways do African American male students experience the academic
trajectory from basic skills courses through transfer?
• What role does the institution play, and what message does it convey, in
encouraging African American men to transfer?
• How do African American male students in basic skills courses learn
about transfer options and on-campus support for transfer?
• What are African American male students’ opinions of institutional factors
that would make a difference in their successful transfer to four-year
colleges and universities?
• What contributes to African American men’s ability to persist through
basic skills to university transfer?

12

Objectives
There is a dilemma of great magnitude here that warrants investigation. While
much work has been done to document the decline in transfer rates (Wassmer, Moore, &
Shulock, 2003) as well as the demographics and factors of success among the general
community college populations—factors such as higher socioeconomic status, parents
with college degrees, age, and attending school full-time and continuously (Shulock &
Moore, 2007)—these factors are not always controllable. Much of the research and
discussion centered around African American males is about the failures that seemingly
haunt this population (Allen, Bonous-Hammarth, & Teranishi, 2002; Allen & Jewell,
1995). Very little research (Griffin, 2006; Harper, 2006a; 2006b) has been done
specifically on successful African American male students. I posited that success breeds
success, and that the very failures that garner so much attention and focus could be
diminished by seeking out and observing the successes of African American males.
Stories of successful African American male transfer students provide a picture of the
barriers and pitfalls that could be lessened by enhancing those factors that contribute to—
or eliminating those factors that hinder—four-year transfer. City College administrators,
faculty, and staff may benefit from being aware of and hearing the individual stories of
African American male students whose lives they impact by way of their policies, daily
interactions, and decision-making.
Voices that echo of failure and disappointment are often loud and clear, making
the front page, headlines, and lead stories. The voices of those who fight the battle and
win the struggle are often unheard, particularly the voices of undefeated African

13

American men. It is from the voices of these undefeated men that we may learn how to
create opportunities so that more African American males become successful at City
College.

14

Chapter Two
In this chapter I outline the conceptual framework for my study and review the
relevant literature. My approach is primarily informed by Rendón’s validation theory
(1994) and by Stanton-Salazar’s (1997) institutional agent theory. In order to understand
the relationship of basic skills education and African American males as they relate to
student success in community colleges, it is important to understand the prevalent
theories underlying student retention and success for students of color. The literature
review that follows examines specifically transfer and basic skills research as it relates to
African American male students.
Conceptual Framework
The educational experiences of African American males prior to attending
community college are important for two central reasons. First, their K-12 education
leads them to the community college instead of a four-year institution. Second, and
equally important, it is responsible for shaping and molding the educational experience
and expectations of African American males at the community college. Their K-12
experience provides a context for the challenges they face in higher education; in
particular, at the community college many arrive in need of basic skills courses.
Elementary and Secondary Education
While K-12 educational research tends to be directed toward gender or race and
ethnicity it is rare to find research that takes into account the intersection of race and
gender. This project benefits directly from the K-12 research that examines the factors

15

that impact African American males entering college. I use a framework that considers
the K-12 experience of African American males and the academic, as well as social,
impact of that experience on those who find themselves in the community college system.
I examine this work because it provides an approach for research intended to be
beneficial to reaching out to this population as well as other first generation, students of
color, or students from low socioeconomic backgrounds.
Black males are more likely than any other group to be suspended or expelled
(Skiba, Michael, Nardo, & Peterson, 2002), they are most likely to be diagnosed with a
learning disability and as a result be enrolled in special education. They are also more
likely to be labeled retarded (Kunjufu, 2005). The attendance rosters of Advanced
Placement and Honors courses tend to be absent of African American males. Contrary to
what may be considered the male norm, African American males lag behind their male
counterparts in science and math-related disciplines (Noguera, 2003).
Much of the data on Black boys in early schooling tends to observe achievement
through the lens of test scores and assessments (Davis, 2003). African American children
begin their educational journey already lagging behind their white counterparts (Davis,
2003; Ferguson, 2003). This seems to be the case even when controlling for their parents’
levels of education (Ferguson, 2003). African American males often become disengaged
early in their schooling (Carter 2003; Davis, 2003). There is a vast difference in the
treatment of African American boys and other male or female students (Davis, 2003;
Kunjufu, 2005). Black boys tend to fail academically, and they “win” the race amongst
their peers in school infractions and negative behaviors (Davis, 2003).

16

There are three areas of theory that are often considered when addressing the low
academic performance of African American boys (Davis, 2003). They include student
attitude, the organizational structure of schools, and what is termed masculine identity.
Davis (2006) defines masculinity as “not an individual or biological trait; rather it makes
itself known through social interaction. In essence, masculinity comprises the social and
culturally constructed meanings and definitions attributed to being male” (p. 292).
African American males are often labeled as “at risk” as early as elementary
school (Ferguson, 2003; Hale, 1986, 2001; Ladson-Billings, 1994; Kunjufu, 2005) They
are “destroyed” by the fourth grade (Kunjufu, 2005) by being sent to the office more
often and put in special education programs in disproportionate numbers. In middle
school, both school experiences and personal practices of African American males have
been considered as factors that derail them. Remediation, retention, and suspension are
labels that often plague African American males in middle school (Delpit, 2006;
Ferguson, 2003). African American maleness or masculinity is observed as something
that needs to be tamed, and in many cases, may be viewed as delinquent behavior
(Ferguson, 2003). For this very behavior, they may be suspended or expelled more
frequently (Ferguson, 2003; Majors & Billson, 1992). In high school, they are cool and
bad; sexy and sexually threatening; have a high dropout rate; enter the juvenile justice
system; and are taught implicitly that a “Cool Pose” is necessary to survival (Majors &
Billson, 1992).
3

3
Cool pose is designed to render the Black male visible and to empower him; it eases
the worry and pain of blocked opportunities. Being cool is an ego booster for Black
males comparable to the kind white males more easily find through attending good

17

This is the baggage with which they arrive at community college. Black male
students get derailed early; the few who survive the K-12 system are lucky to enroll in
college at all. When they do, many African American males come into the college
classroom having experienced either directly or indirectly a multitude of behaviors and
actions in the K-12 arena that have suggested to them that they are either incapable of
learning or are limited in what they can learn. They are often offered little guidance, hope
or aspiration in their academic quest. The nature of who they are, both culturally and
gender-wise, is often used to diminish rather than enhance their learning abilities
(Kunjufu, 2002). Very few have been considered for Gifted or Honors programs, but
many of them have been considered for special education programs. African American
males often come to the classroom without having had the opportunity to establish
relationships with school individuals who could provide them guidance for college, and
because often the student is a first-generation college student, they lack the social capital
or resources to fully understand and engage the college-going process.
There are a number of avenues for studying transfer at the community college. As
I observed the experiences of African American males, I drew from two theoretical
strands: validation theory and institutional agent theory. Validation theory (Rendón,
1994) notes the significance of individuals within and outside an institution who endorse
students’ knowledge and experiences. Institutional Agents are people who transfer

schools, landing prestigious jobs, and bringing home decent wages. Cool pose is
constructed from attitudes and actions that become firmly entrenched in the Black male
psyche as he adopts a façade to ward off anxiety of second-class status. It provides a
mask that suggests confidence, high self-esteem, control, and inner strength. It also
hides self-doubt, insecurity, and inner turmoil. (Majors & Billson, 1992, p. 5)

18

knowledge, resources or information to those students who need it in order to
successfully negotiate the school experience, which will likely improve students’
standing in society as a result of the relationship.
Validation Theory
Laura Rendón’s (1994) validation theory suggests that in and out of class the
process of enabling, confirming, and supporting students fosters academic and personal
development. According to validation theory, external agents—such as staff, faculty,
friends and family who validate a student being in college—increase the student’s
confidence in not only his or her ability in academia but also lessen any self-doubt about
belonging in college. Non-traditional students—first generation, low socioeconomic, and
students of color—are unlikely to become involved academically or socially on their
own, and it is incumbent upon the institution to “open the door” by creating social and
academic communities that welcome this population of students to college life. Rendón
also indicates that these communities must be for and about the student population they
intend to serve. Fundamentally, these communities must take into account the students’
lived experiences, accounting for how the history of their lives may shape their decisions,
their engagement, or perhaps lack of engagement in the classroom, as well as their
perspectives. Instead of asking students to assimilate, Rendón challenges the academic
arena to push itself to transform and grow in new directions to accommodate the cultures,
ideas, and perspectives of a diverse student population. Rendón asserts that validation
should take place both in and out of the classroom. In-class examples of validation focus
specifically on work that may be accomplished by faculty members. Faculty who:

19

demonstrate genuine concern for students; are considered both personable and
approachable by students; create learning environments that assure students they are
capable of learning; are willing to make themselves available on an individual basis to
students who may need extra assistance; and provide meaningful and unsolicited
feedback to students are a significant source of validation (Rendón, 1994). According to
Rendón these faculty-initiated behaviors in the classroom foster academic behaviors and
attitudes that lead to the academic development of the student.
Rendón (1994) also found that “out of classroom” validation was equally valuable
for students. Students who do not find validation in the classroom may turn to friends,
family members, classmates, and college staff—finding the affirmation they need either
in their academic or social adjustment.
Whether out of the classroom or in the classroom, it appears that nontraditional
students often do not perceive “involvement” as them taking the initiative; they perceive
it when someone else takes the initiative and actively assists them (Rendón, 1994).
Rendón identified five important findings as characteristics of non-traditional students in
college:
• Nontraditional students communicated some doubt about their ability to succeed.
• Nontraditional students benefited from the active intervention of individuals of
significance in successfully negotiating their first year in college.
• In the first year, nontraditional students commonly get involved in institutional
life primarily with the assistance of an external agent.

20

• The most at-risk nontraditional student can be transformed into a successful
learner through validation from either in-class or out-of-class external agents.
• Nontraditional students may find it difficult to get involved; validation may be
essential for involvement to occur for the student.
(Rendón, 1994, p. 37)
Finally, Rendón outlines four areas in which community colleges and other institutions
can create environments that are nurturing and supportive of students. They may orient
faculty and staff to the needs and strengths of culturally diverse students; train faculty to
validate students; foster a validating classroom and a therapeutic learning community
both in and out of class (Rendón, 1994, pp. 46-50).
Rendón asserts that even the most vulnerable students can become successful
members of both the academic and social components of college if they are validated and
given reason to believe they belong in college. Rendón offers an important framework for
providing validation to students who without it may not have the confidence in their
ability to remain in school.
Institutional Agents
Ricardo Stanton-Salazar (1997) offers “a network-analytic framework for
understanding the socialization and schooling experiences of working-class, racial
minority youth” (p. 1). His analysis points out the significance in social networks within
the institution that working-class students of color must negotiate in a multicultural
context. He sheds light on the power structures that limit access to both “social capital”
and institutional support within schools. As a result, the working-class student of color is

21

subject to identity conflict. Stanton-Salazar provides insight into how to work with and
help students overcome these embedded and entrenched obstacles in order to negotiate
the relationships that they have to have within institutions.
Typically, research has looked at relations between “significant others” and youth
of color and their level of achievement. What has not been given as much attention is the
student’s relationships with teachers, counselors, and others who are the student’s “social
capital” in the institutional setting. Stanton-Salazar describes what he has identified as
institutional agents: those individuals who are committed to and able to provide
knowledge of, information regarding, and access to institutional resources to students
from low socioeconomic backgrounds and/or students of color. Those resources may
come in the form of student support services or activities such as tutoring or mentoring as
well as career decision-making and college admission. Institutional agents are not limited
to—but are often in the form of—teachers, social service workers, community leaders,
college-going youth in the community, as well as some peers, who may act as
institutional agents as a result of their own social and economic resources. Also middle-
class family members can be institutional agents, albeit the aforementioned are the likely
individuals to be considered as agents. These relations are significant, in that, individuals
within certain segments of the population or society may gain access to resources and
advantages, as well as assistance needed to negotiate, improve, and sustain both their
economic and political standing in society (Stanton-Salazar, 1997).
Stanton-Salazar (1997) concentrates on “how social antagonisms and divisions
existing in the wider society operate to problematize (if not undermine) minority

22

children’s access to opportunities and resources that are, by and large, taken-for-granted
products of middle-class family, community, and social networks” (p. 3). Stanton-Salazar
provides the framework within which to consider social capital and institutional support
when educating students of color from low socioeconomic backgrounds.
Many theories of student success typically focus on the characteristics of students
instead of on faculty and staff and how the knowledge they have may help or hinder
success. Institutional agents are positioned to both validate and guide the student
throughout the student’s college experience. African American males and all students
would benefit greatly from teaching faculty and administrators who act institutional
agents and individuals who validated their experiences. These individuals are referred to
as transfer agents (Dowd et al., 2006). The transfer agent is typically a self-appointed
broker between the two-year and four-year college (Pak et al., 2006). The transfer agent
is a member of an institution and is not the Transfer Director or counselor, yet may be
instructional faculty or an administrator. Instructional faculty are positioned to impart
transfer knowledge to each student in their classroom. Students who understand the
importance of going to or continuing in college and transferring are often faced with
limitations that result simply from a lack of knowledge and experience. The institutional
agents whose responsibility it is to share options and opportunities often fail to do so
because the institutional structure in place requires students to come to them. Faculty, as
transfer agents, have ready access to students, an established relationship, and the power
of their own voices and credibility to validate and encourage students to transfer. Faculty,
as institutional agents, may decrease barriers to social capital by not dismissing or by

23

simply recognizing their own social responsibility. Administrators also play a pivotal role
in guiding students as they navigate the boundaries that exist as a result of attempting to
move from one arena—the community college—to another, a four year institution.
Literature Review
Two-year colleges account for nearly 75% of all postsecondary enrollments in
California and are widely recognized as a gateway to higher education for large numbers
of low-income students and students of color (Shulock & Moore, 2005). That gateway is
transfer. Enrollment in California’s community colleges has varied over the years but
generally increased (27.61%) from 1980 to 2000, with a low of 1,175,649 students in
1984 to a high of 1,558,450 in 2000. However, there has been a much smaller increase
(9.97%) in the number of transfers to public four-year universities, and transfer rates as a
share of enrollment reached a high of 3.4% in 1995, then declined to 2.5% in 2000
(Wassmer et al., 2003).
Students attend community college for various reasons: some for vocational
training, some for personal enrichment (Alfonso, 2006; Astin, 1993; Dougherty, 2001;
Tinto, 1993), but the original mission of community colleges, and still a primary motive
for many students, is transfer to four-year colleges (CPEC, 2005b, 2006; Dougherty &
Kienzel, 2006; Lucas, 2006).
As part of the “Accountability Framework” for California, a recent California
Postsecondary Education Commission report (CPEC, 2007a) on student success
examined transfer attainment rates for a cohort of students who graduated from high
school in 2000 and found that African Americans, particularly males, had fewer

24

successful transfers. African Americans transfer from California community colleges to
public universities at only half the rate of their representation in the study’s cohort
(CPEC, 2007a). The Institute for Higher Education Leadership and Policy at California
State University, Sacramento issued Rules of the Game, which charts a similar result for a
2005 cohort: African American students have the lowest transfer rates (Shulock &
Moore, 2007).
What happens in California is echoed nationally. Because so many African
Americans begin in community colleges, if they are not transferring, they are not earning
Bachelor’s degrees. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), in
2000, only 17% of African Americans in the United States, age 25 and older, had attained
at least a Bachelor’s degree, compared with 28% of whites and 44% of Asians (NCES,
2003; U.S. Census Bureau, 2006, Table 212).
Transfer as a Core Function of Community College
From their inception, two-year schools were essentially feeder schools preparing
students for transfer to four-year institutions (Lucas, 2006). In the 1920s, transfer was
inherent because “junior colleges” primarily offered courses that represented the first two
years of the Bachelor’s degree education (Cohen & Brawer, 2006; Thelin, 2004). By the
1930s, community colleges were being funded by local property taxes as an extension of
the K-12 system and were therefore out of the control of the state university system
(Brint & Karabel, 1989; Thelin, 2004). As a result of this change in funding, community
colleges began to see themselves as terminal institutions that provided opportunities for
students who lacked resources or preparation for college and—as believed by many—

25

limited abilities and aspirations. This shift in mission typically meant a focus on skilled
trades and a concentration on vocational and continuing education, which resulted in a
decline in transfer rates. Community colleges became an inhospitable environment for
transfer (Brint & Karabel, 1989).
Since the 1960s, the transfer mission has faded (Dougherty & Kienzl, 2006). The
probability of transferring within four years of entering community college dropped from
29% for the class of 1972 to 20% for the class of 1980 (Grubb, 1991). There was a slight
rebound in the 1980s and 1990s, “Transfer ranged from 21.7 to 23.7% from 1984-1989
and 25.18% in 1995” (Townsend, 2006, p. 34), but then, at least in California, further
decline. In California, for students who initially enrolled in 1999-2000, the transfer rate
was 18% (Shulock & Moore, 2007).
However in the last 10 years, the nation’s focus on accountability in higher
education has shifted from access to transfer for a number of reasons, including:
• Overcrowding at public four-year universities
• Concerns regarding “social stratification”
(which brings renewed interest in the benefits of transfer)
• In California, affirmative action in admissions has been outlawed, and
legislators and administrators see the community college as a way of
funneling diverse students into the universities
(Dougherty & Kienzl, 2006).
This is important to note because the history of transfer has greatly impacted
students of color, in particular, African American males.

26

African American Males in Community College
Although there is an abundance of literature about the experiences of African
American college students, the literature is bereft of empirical studies that delineate
gender within race (Bensimón, 2005; Cokley, 2001) and is nearly non-existent with
regard to community colleges and African American males. This is surprising because of
the significant number of African American males who make their way to the community
college system. A majority of African American students begin their college career at
two-year colleges. In particular, of the 11,298 African American male California high
school graduates in 2003, 42% attended college, and of these, 75% began their first year
at a community college (CPEC, 2005a; CPEC, 2007c). African American students are
able to access community college with minimal barriers, yet they too frequently seem
unable to complete their goal of attaining a Bachelor’s degree (Brint & Karabel, 1989;
Kaba, 2005; Long & Kurlaender, 2009).
Despite the significant presence of African American males at the community
college, there is no corresponding transfer rate and bachelor’s degree attainment for
African American male students compared to white students and African American
female students (Pope, 2006; Long & Kurlaender, 2009). To put it simply, the percentage
of African American male student transfers does not correlate with their rate of
attendance in community colleges.
By the end of Spring term 2005, there were 2,086 African American students at
City College, which represents 14% of the entire student body of 14,793 (SDCCD,

27

2005b). According to CPEC (2007) data, of the 546 transfers from City College to
California public colleges in 2004-05, only 13 (2%) were African American males.
Transfer success matters in very concrete terms. Higher education provides access
to both social and economic upward mobility. This is particularly true for African
American males: the U.S. Census breaks down mean earnings by highest degree earned
and delineates the data by race and gender. For African American men there is a steady
upward trajectory with increased educational attainment (Figure 1).
Mean Earnings of African American Men by Highest Degree Earned

Figure 1. Mean Earnings (in dollars) of African American Men by Highest Degree
Earned (2006 data). SOURCE: Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2009. Table 224.
*No data available for professional or doctorate degrees.

Critics of the community college suggest that African American males in
community colleges are impacted by a number of factors that derail their retention,
persistence, and graduation or transfer. One of those factors is the number of African
American males who are enrolled in basic skills courses. The perception is that African

28

American male students are unofficially tracked into basic skills classes as a result of
poor high school preparation (Blau, 1999; Dougherty & Kienzl, 2006).
Basic Skills and Transfer
In spite of this recent debate over the increasing impact of basic skills courses on
higher education, basic skills education has existed for over 300 years. During the 17
th

century, tutors were provided to assist students who were under-prepared with their
Greek and Latin at Harvard College. The 19
th
century was the era of land grant colleges
and disciplines demanded by the industrial revolution. In order to educate the unprepared
in these new disciplines, it was necessary to provide preparatory programs for students
weak in reading, writing, and arithmetic (Phipps, 1998). Universities and colleges
experienced a great flood of veterans from WWII as a result of the G.I. Bill—again
creating a need for remedial education. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Higher
Education Act of 1965 provided open admissions policies and government funding
opened doors and allowed thousands to pour into colleges and universities (Phipps,
1998). There is a common misconception that basic skills began with open admissions
policies, but even at the beginning of the 1900s, more than half of Ivy League students
were enrolled in basic skills classes long before open admissions policies were put into
place (Lucas, 2006; Phipps, 1998; Soliday, 2002).
Basic skills coursework at colleges originated to assist under-prepared students in
preparing themselves for college. Basic skills “functioned as [a] medical model, in which
a diagnosis led to a treatment and a cure” (Higbee, 2005, p. 293). Basic skills education
places emphasis on the college student developing skills and attitudes for success at the

29

college level, with a particular focus on under-prepared students (Higbee, 2005). Basic
skills classes are defined as reading, math, and writing courses available to college
students lacking college-level skills as required by the institution (Parsad & Lewis, 2003).
Basic skills courses are intended to provide, or strengthen, a student's foundation in the
areas of math, reading, and writing in order that he or she may enroll in college-level
courses. The courses typically are not transferable to four-year institutions.
The relationship between college and basic skills education has become
embattled. Some critics (Bennett, 1994) suggest that basic skills education is a “dumbing
down” of higher education and that it is indicative of allowing students into higher
education who should not be there. Other researchers (Deil-Amen & Rosenbaum, 2002)
see basic skills as imposing an unintended consequence of keeping students in college
much longer than a student entering a two-year institution might anticipate. Still others
(Merisotis & Phipps, 2000) believe that basic skills provide the opportunity for students
to successfully compete and transfer to the four-year institution.
Deil-Amen & Rosenbaum (2002) argue that students’ progress becomes stalled by
taking too many remedial courses, which eventually overwhelms and frustrates them—
leading them to abandon their goals and drop out. From these perspective, basic skills
becomes what Attewell, Lavin, Domina, and Levey (2006) refer to as a “hoax
perpetrated” (p. 887) on a population of students who are considered academically weak
and unlikely to persist to transfer or graduation. The hoax is a promise of a baccalaureate
degree through transfer, when instead the student is required to take courses that are non-
transferable and in many cases those courses add up to a significant number of non-

30

transferable units. As a result, students find themselves in what they may consider a path
to nowhere, never understanding the goal of basic skills, and therefore giving up before
reaching their goals.
However, under-prepared students who do not take basic skills courses are more
likely to drop out of college (Bettinger & Long, 2005). Adelman (1988; 1998; 2006)
found that only one in five students from a community college eventually attend a four-
year university and that the type of remediation (reading, math, or writing) has an effect
on whether students successfully transfer. Sixty-six percent of students who needed basic
skills reading also needed three or more additional basic skills classes (Adelman, 1998).
The highest success rates belong to those who need only one basic skills course. The real
challenge appears to be the acceleration of completion of basic skills courses so that
students feel they are making progress instead of feeling stuck.
Basic skills classes have been and continue to be a core function of higher
education. According to NCES data, 78% of higher education institutions offer at least
one basic skills course (Phipps, 1998). The National Center for Education Statistics states
that all publicly funded community colleges offer basic skills courses. Remediation is a
longstanding, integral component of the community college mission.
In California, basic skills courses have become the gateway to first-level college
math and English and may or may not be providing an opportunity for eventual access to
the four-year institution among African American male students.

31

Implications for Success
The challenges, characteristics, and circumstances of African American men are
acutely noteworthy and deserve special attention; however, many researchers focus on
African Americans as a whole, ignoring those issues that are directly male-related and
very different from those faced by African American women. Observed as a whole, great
strides have been made by African American students (Kaba, 2005). However, when
African American women are excelling substantially in areas such as grade point
average, this can mask the poor performance of African American men (Cuyjet, 2006).
There are several areas that must be given attention when addressing the needs of
African American men in college. There are three in particular that tend to promote a
climate of success for African American men: family support, peer groups, and faculty
relationships (Bonner & Bailey, 2006; Harper, 2006b). Social and extra-curricular
engagement also play a significant role in student success (Astin, 1984, 1993; Cabrera,
Nora, Terenzini, Pascarella & Hagedorn, 1999; Harper, 2006b; Kuh, et al., 2005;
Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005), as do student validation (Rendón, 1994) and campus
climate (Bonner & Bailey, 2006; Cabrera et al, 1999; Davis 1994, 1999; Hurtado &
Carter, 1997). A considerable amount of research has been done to support these
frameworks at the four-year level, however, little research regarding these issues exists at
the two-year level. What follows is a synthesis of the areas that have been significant for
African American male success at the four-year level, which may translate to the two-
year level.

32

Family Support
Family, both extended and nuclear, is crucial to the academic success of African
American males (Bonner & Bailey, 2006; Hrabrowski, 2005). Familial ties benefit
students in varied manners. This support may reflect itself in the student’s ability to
believe that he can and will succeed in college (Bonner & Bailey, 2006). It may also
manifest itself in high expectations from family, or it may reflect itself via all-around
support, whether that be financial, social, or emotional (Harbrowski, Maton & Greif,
1998). There is research that suggests it is necessary to welcome, engage, and integrate
African American families into the college experience—orientations are recognized as
the vital gateway to this process and should be inclusive of all family members in the
admission and retention process (Harbrowski, Maton & Greif, 1998).
Peer Groups
Peer groups provide a tremendous amount of support for those individuals
attempting to negotiate the myriad of challenges that present themselves in the college
arena. Peer groups may potentially be the solitary influential source of effect on a
student’s development, both academic and personal. The level and depth of interaction
among peers has across-the-board consequences in virtually every aspect of student
learning and development (Astin, 1993; Harper & Quaye, 2007). Many African American
males may find themselves challenged by social and academic integration in
environments that may be inhospitable or unlike any previous experience (Bonner &
Bailey, 2006). African American male students have reported that positive peer
interaction played a significant role in their successful adjustment to college life and

33

provided support for college achievements and leadership. Students have also stated that
support from peers was vital to the success of their academic career (Harper, 2006b). Peer
group associations provide a connection, for students, to one another; and students are
able to gain a sense of belonging by participating in social groups, student associations,
study groups, and athletics (Bonner & Bailey, 2006; Harper & Quaye, 2007).
Faculty Relationships
Faculty represents a fundamental connection between students and the academic
life of the campus at both the community college and four-year institutions (Chang, 2005;
Fries-Britt, 1997). The faculty-student relationship is a dynamic give-and-take and can be
a mutually beneficial relationship (Allen, 1988). The interaction between students and
faculty can have tremendous bearing on student outcomes. The nature of student-faculty
relationships can affect student’s “intellectual self-concept” and level of satisfaction with
their educational experience (Cole, 2007). Relationships that involve both course-related
contact and mentoring have a more positive effect on the student, while a relationship
wherein the faculty member offers only critique—without supportive encouragement
about the student’s potential—can have the opposite effect (Cole, 2007, 2008). Faculty
members are positioned to provide students with not only access to learning and
knowledge but also to support in their learning process that can provide students with
confidence in their ability to succeed. Meaningful relationships with faculty serve to
enhance students’ experiences in college and may also extend to nurture the students’
talents and promote the students’ academic goals (Bonner, 2001). Interactions outside the

34

classroom have also been found to support retention of students (Pascarella & Terenzini,
2005).
Social and Extra-curricular Engagement
The amount of physical and psychological energy devoted to the academic
experience is how Astin (1993) defines student involvement. A highly involved student
would be one who spends a considerable amount of time on campus, dedicates an
extensive amount of energy to studying, is actively engaged in on-campus organizations,
and has frequent contact with faculty and other students outside of the classroom (Astin,
1993). Within higher education, student involvement has been thoroughly researched
over the last several decades. Students who are fully engaged in their college career—by
participating in both in-class and outside-of-class activities—have a strong sense of
connection and community and tend to have successful college experiences (Pascarella &
Terenzini, 2005). Other research indicates that cognitive and intellectual aptitudes have a
positive effect on involvement (Cabrera et al., 1999; Kuh, 1995). Because most
California community colleges are commuter schools, they frequently have limited
involvement between students and faculty—many of whom are participating at a less-
than-fulltime level; the students are often part-time enrollees and much of the faculty is
adjunct (Astin, 1984). Hagedorn, Maxwell and Hampton (2001) suggest that the number
of credit hours (units) is a useful measurement of academic and social involvement in the
classroom and represents a form of campus involvement at the community college level.
Harper (Harper, 2006b; Harper & Quaye, 2007) contends that campus involvement for
African American males—and especially a leadership role—promotes the ability to work

35

with individuals from varied backgrounds (allowing students to gain cross-cultural
competencies); helps them learn how to effectively manage and prioritize their most
precious resource—time; strengthens their communication skills with large and small
audiences; and improves skills in navigating the political arena to the possible advantage
of the student.
Validation
The mechanics of involvement may differ for African Americans. Rendón (1994)
suggests that validation of the African American student may encourage social and extra-
curricular engagement. Validation is the process of “enabling, confirming and
supporting” (p. 44) students both in and out of the classroom by cultivating development
in both academics and interpersonal skills. Validation instills in students a sense of value
and self-worth that enables them to believe they can be successful in learning—and a
sense that their whole being, including their culture and life experience, is a valuable
asset to their college experience. Validation is most successful in the early experiences of
college and can be offered by an on-campus validating agent, such as a professor, dean,
or admissions staff or an off-campus validating agent, such as a mother, father, sibling,
pastor, or classmate (Rendón, 1994). Many African American students come to the
community college with large obstacles in place: like the need for basic skills, or vital
non-academic responsibilities such as work and family. Previous experience may have
derailed their academic journey or left them feeling incapable of learning and succeeding.
Like involvement, validation enhances student development and may play an integral role
in the African American male’s college experience and success.

36

Campus Climate
What a student encounters once they have stepped upon the grounds of college
can either encourage or discourage them to stay for the long haul. Students need a sense
of being welcomed and valued in order to feel as if they belong in college (Baumeister &
Leary, 1995; Chaves, 2006; Hausmann, Schofield, & Woods, 2007). A sense of
belongingness is perpetuated by the campus climate (Locks, Hurtado, Bowman, &
Oseguera, 2008). The campus climate is manifested in the attitudes and perceptions of
groups on campus (Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pedersen & Allen, 1999) and is facilitated
in a number of ways: through faculty diversity and engagement, cultural activities, and
diversity in curriculum (Pope, 2006). For African American students, this is critical
because Black students who feel a sense of support by the campus are more likely to have
a positive attitude toward their college, thereby strengthening the opportunity for
academic success (Davis, 1994). It is important to note that students of color have a value
system that may differ from traditional students—as well as a need for inclusiveness
(Hurtado & Carter, 1997). These values may inform campus administrators of student’s
needs and assist with evaluating the climate of the campus.
African American Males at City College
According to a District Student Profile (2007), City College’s population consists
of 14,781 students and nearly half (47%) of all students have enrolled with the intent to
transfer. Twelve and a half percent (2,435) of the student body is African American: 61%
(1,782) are female and 39% (953) male. Of the 953 African American males who
enrolled at City in Spring 2007, nearly half, 46.6% (444) expressed intent to transfer on

37

their admissions application, which represents a slight increase from Fall 2006 (SDCCD
OIRP, email communication 9-9-07).

Figure 2. African American males enrolled at City College (N=953) in Spring 2007, who
expressed an intent to transfer. Source: Office of Institutional Research & Planing; San
Diego Community College District.

City College has a considerably lower overall transfer rate than its two sister
colleges in the district: 28.9% at City
4
compared with 46.3% at Mesa and 40.7% at
Miramar (SDCCD, 2005a, p. 12). While City College’s overall transfer rate is above
California’s statewide rate of 22%, in terms of our District the outlook has been dismal
for African American male students. During the 2004-2005 academic year, 13 African
American males transferred from City College to a California State University (CSU),
and according to CPEC data mining, no African American males transferred from City
College to any University of California (UC) campus. Of the 953 African American male
students enrolled in City during Fall semester 2006, 45% (430) of them indicated an

4
I will use “City” interchangeably with “San Diego City College” and “SDCC”
African American Males enrolled at City College (N=953)
who have expressed an intent to transfer

38

intent to transfer
5
, but only 1.9% (18) African American males transferred to a CSU; and
again none transferred to a UC (CPEC Data Mining, 2007b; SDCCD personal
communication).
Most (69%) of the students who attend City College and transfer do so to a public
institution (SDCCD, 2005a). The CSU and UC systems are theoretically partnered to
streamline the transfer process (Moore, 1997), which would ideally contribute to greater
access. The Transfer Studies degree is one of the chief measurements used to identify
transfer students at City College. Upon review of the 152 students who petitioned to
graduate with a transfer studies degree
6
in 2006, only 5% (8) were African American
males.
There is a significant amount of literature on the transfer process, much of it
lumping the experiences of all students into one category. This is problematic in that even
students who have similar demographics can have different experiences, so it is
appropriate to conclude that students of different gender and ethnicities would likely have
varied experiences as well. Continuing to view transfer students through the lens of a
singular perspective may adversely impact how we serve the transfer population by
creating stereotypes and myths of the transfer student (Wawrzynski & Sedlacek, 2003).
While the San Diego Community College District (SDCCD) disaggregates
transfer data by race and ethnicity district-wide, it does not disaggregate transfer data by

5
African American male “enrollment” and “intent to transfer” data obtained via
email request to Liane DeMaio
6
A Transfer Studies degree is a general education transfer plan; when completed,
the student earns an Associate’s degree and has completed transfer requirements for the
CSU and UC systems.

39

gender within racial and ethnic groups for the individual colleges. Because SDCCD does
not routinely disaggregate data by gender within ethnic and racial categories for each
college, the under-representation of African American males within transfer is easy to
overlook.
My research sought to examine and understand experiences that either support or
hurt the retention and transfer rates of African American males from City College who
began their academic journey in basic skills courses. I addressed issues of motivation:
What brings them to our campus? What meaning do African American male students
make of their experience through transfer? What does each student believe African
American male students need in order to persist and meet the goal of transfer?
I was also particularly interested in the perspective of students regarding their
basic skills courses and how those courses affected them. The structure of my research
reflected collaboration with, and participation of, the African American men served by
this study.

40

Chapter Three
Research Design and Methodology
This chapter will discuss and describe the qualitative methods used to collect and
analyze my data and report findings.
Much research has been done on transfer from the community college to the
university (Dougherty, 2001, Dougherty & Kienzel, 2006; Wassmer et al., 2003;
Wassmer, Moore, & Shulock, 2004; Shulock & Moore, 2005, 2007). While many
answers are derived from that research, there is a dearth of documented voices that speak
to what makes a successful transfer experience for African Americans, and in particular
for African American men. Many African Americans must begin the process of transfer
via remediation, and many of those remediation students are male (Roach, 2000). As a
result, many questions remain unanswered: In what ways do African American male
students experience the academic trajectory from basic skills courses through transfer?
What role does the institution play, and what message does it convey, in encouraging
African American men to transfer? How do African American male students in basic
skills courses learn about transfer options and on-campus support for transfer? What are
African American male students’ opinions of institutional factors that would make a
difference in their successful transfer to four-year colleges and universities? What
contributes to African American men’s ability to persist through basic skills to university
transfer?

41

To hear a student’s voice or story requires the appropriate listening device. That
device should facilitate tone, reflection, angst, gratitude, pregnant pauses, and even
incessant chatter. Qualitative, semi-structured interviewing is a listening device that
weaves together the many threads of data—strengthening the fabric of the fuller story
(Creswell, 2005). The examination of successful university transfer among African
American men from City College is particularly suited to qualitative methods because it
offers depth that includes the myriad of details that make up the student’s full experience.
The study reported here is not concerned with a warehouse of failures compiled and
counted, but instead with a boutique of voices—each unique in the depth of its
contribution to understanding success. Because the goal of the study was to seek an in-
depth understanding of the complexities surrounding the real-life experiences of African
American males who successfully transfer to the university, a qualitative approach was
used. I specifically examined the transfer process, experiences, and preparation of 11
African American males who transferred from City College.
In this chapter, I convey the relevance of applying the life stories method for the
study. I will provide a detailed description of the processes used in participant selection,
data collection, and analysis. I will close with an explanation of the strategies I employed
for narrative analysis.
Qualitative Inquiry: Case Study
There are five approaches to qualitative inquiry observed by Creswell (1998):
biography, phenomenology, grounded theory, ethnography, and case study. As previously
noted, the study reported here focuses on 11 individuals’ transfer experiences, including,

42

but not limited to, their preparation, perceived support or lack of support, and their
understanding of the transfer process at City College. This focus required an in-depth
examination. For the purposes of this research, I employed a case study method using
semi-structured interviews to gather narratives—examining the life stories of 11 cases of
successful transfer by African American men from City College.
The life stories approach takes the reader on a journey—a journey that allows one
to more fully understand the participants’ situation or life experience (Creswell, 1998).
Each participant’s experience provided a lens for understanding the larger story of
African American male transfer success at City College. In order to accomplish this goal,
the selection of the participants was crucial. Life stories rely on depth rather than breadth,
which guides the number of participants selected. My concern was not with
generalizability but with providing an in-depth examination of these 11 individuals at this
particular institution. Each participant was given careful consideration as a separate
individual. Upon the completion of analysis for each individual, a cross-case analysis was
conducted (Creswell, 1998; Merriam, 1998; Patton 2002).
A life story should be comprehensive in nature and shed light on a phenomenon in
such a manner that it reads like a story (Patton, 2002). Life stories are ideal for collecting
an individual’s experience and organizing it into a narrative. A narrative approach is used
when participants are willing to share their experiences and tell their story. “Narrative
studies are also influenced by phenomenology’s emphasis on understanding lived
experience and perceptions of experience” (Patton, 2002, p. 115). The narrative method
provides practical and insightful understanding of a phenomenon. The narrative reveals

43

the individual’s story, the person’s story, providing an understanding and illumination of
his life and culture as the context of his complete experience in a particular setting or
situation.
The major characteristics of narrative research are: experiences of an individual;
chronology of experiences; life stories; restorying, i.e., coding for theme and
incorporating context or place; and collaboration (Creswell, 2005). I analyzed the
participants’ experiences by soliciting information about events and restorying them
thematically. In analyzing the information, I took into consideration both past and present
experiences in order to gain an understanding of the participant’s perspective. In order to
get a sense of a chronology of events, I queried each participant about his lived story: the
significant or fateful events in his life and in transfer—involving indecision, perplexity,
contradiction, or irony, captured as a sequence of natural occurrences in the student’s
college experience (Marshall & Rossman, 2006). This was accomplished through one-on-
one interviews. Data was collected through audiotape. As in the true nature of storytelling
found in novels, these life stories have a beginning, middle, and end. The desired
outcome was to capture the true essence of the participants’ experiences including crises,
or even life-altering events, through their final resolution to university transfer.
The process involved three stages: the interview and transcribing; then a re-
transcribing to identify key elements of the story; and finally the restorying, which
involved organizing the story into a sequence of events. There are two ways to organize
restorying. One way of restorying is to organize the story elements into what is termed a
problem-solution narrative structure, which includes setting, characters, actions,

44

problems, and resolution. Another way of restorying is to use the elements of the three-
dimensional space narrative structure. These elements include interaction, continuity, and
situation.
I used three-dimensional space-narrative structure as the method of analysis
because the purpose of the study was to gather the in-depth complexities surrounding the
experiences of the participants. The components of interaction are: personal, which
includes feelings, hopes, and moral disposition; and social, which focuses on the outward
environment, including people, their intentions, purposes, assumptions, and points of
view. Continuity is the common thread through past, present, and future: past involves
how their stories and experiences were remembered from earlier times; present looks at
current experiences and stories relating to actions and events; and the future looks
forward to implied, possible experiences and plot lines. Situation “look[s] at context,
time, and place situated in a physical landscape or in a setting bounded by characters’
intention, purposes, and different points of view” (Creswell, 2005, p. 483).
Collaborating with participants was the final element of restorying. This was done
in a number of ways: from formulating and communicating the central phenomenon,
through deciding which information was most useful, to the final restorying of their
individual experiences. This collaborative effort centered around negotiating
relationships between the participants and myself with the goal of reducing the possible
gaps between the narrative being told and the recording of the narrative. Collaboration
also offered an opportunity to further explain the inquiry process and purpose to the
participants.

45

Because of simple human nature, I anticipated the possibility that participants
might have provided slightly altered data or told a “Pollyanna story” (Creswell, 2005, p.
484) to please me as the researcher. I authenticated participants’ stories through
collection of multiple field texts (more than one interview), triangulation of the data
(school records), and member-checking (participants checking the accuracy of my
restorying).
Finally, the participant’s voice had the potential to become lost. I avoided this by
using in-depth quotes and a verbatim report of each participant’s words as needed, as
well as by a careful construction of the time and place of the story. There are places in the
restorying where only the student’s voice can accurately portray the depth of his
experience and bring authenticity to the final narrative.
Narrative analysis provided the rich description necessary to unfold what helped
or hindered successful transfer for these African American men from City College. I wish
to be clear that this research is representative of this particular setting and time; it is not
intended to be generalizable to all African American men in all community colleges.
Setting and Context
The setting for the study reported here is City College, a community college
established in 1914. The college is located in the downtown area of San Diego. The
fading brick-red buildings of City College are surrounded by sprinkles of gentrification.
To the west, with a view of the bay, is the recently redeveloped, upscale “Gaslamp
District,” which has million-dollar high-rise condos and an invigorated tourist and service
industry. To the north are middle- and upper-middle class areas of San Diego. To the east

46

is an older community currently experiencing gentrification. To the immediate south is a
hybrid mixture of working-poor and working-class neighborhoods mixed among a few
middle-class enclaves. Living amidst this diversification are the homeless and/or
mentally ill, some of whom also make up the City College population.
City is one of three community colleges in the San Diego Community College
District (SDCCD). SDCCD is the second largest community college district in California.
City College serves approximately 15,000 students, who reflect the diverse population of
the surrounding community. City’s student body is roughly 32% white, 30% Latino, and
13% African American. The remaining 25% of City’s population consists of Asians,
Filipinos, American Indians, and Pacific Islanders (Figure 3).
Student Enrollment at City College by Race/Ethnicity (Fall 2006)

Figure 3. Student Population at City College by Race/Ethnicity (Fall 2006) N=15,800.
Source: SDCCD Student Profile, Fall 2006 End of Term

47

While the African American population in San Diego county is only 5.5% (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2006), according to the San Diego Community College District’s Student
Profile (SDCCD, 2006), the African American student population at City College (1,972)
is more than double that at 12.5%. The African American population at City is 61%
female and 39% male (*SDCCD Research Dept data via personal email communication).
Participant Selection
Because the intent of my research was to understand and describe in-depth the
experiences of successful African American male transfer students, I sought a purposeful
sample of African American male students who have transferred within the last ten years
(1997-2007) from City College to a four-year institution and who began their college
career in basic skills education. Transfer, and not degree completion, was the chosen
standard because transfer equals success at the community college. The ten-year span
was required for ample opportunity for sampling yet still provided me with the most
recent transfers.
Purposeful sampling strategically focused on finding participants who could
provide rich, descriptive cases (Marshall & Rossman, 2006; Merriam, 1998; Patton,
2002). This sample helped provide a clear understanding of the phenomenon of
successful African American male transfer students (Creswell 2005). Each participant’s
role was to facilitate a rich examination of the phenomenon by providing data that is
descriptive and comprehensive (Polkinghorne, 1988, 2005). The size of the sample was
not the priority; it was the quality of the sample and that participants selected precisely

48

represented the purpose of studying the trajectory of successful African American male
students from basic skills through transfer (Patton 2002; Merriam, 1998).
There are a variety of purposeful sampling strategies. Maximum Variation
Sampling ideally attempts to identify individuals with different experiences while at the
same time identifying exceptional, common patterns among them. I was interested in how
similar responses, attitudes, behaviors, or events lead to positive outcomes. In addition to
Maximum Variation Sampling strategy, I also used the Snowball or Chain Sampling
strategy to locate participants or “critical cases” (Patton, 2002) who could provide rich
and descriptive information. I did this by contacting various individuals who have access
or knowledge of African American males who have successfully transferred from City
College. These individuals included faculty, counselors, and participants themselves, as
well as university representatives.
I contacted the San Diego Community College District’s Office of Institutional
Research and Planning (OIRP) and requested data to identify African American male
students who began in basic skills and completed a transfer studies degree. My request
included having the OIRP send a letter to each prospective participant explaining the
purpose and process of the study and soliciting the student’s participation.
A total of 552 letters were directly mailed by the research department to former
City College African American male alumni who had transferred. Letters were also
indirectly mailed from university representatives who acknowledged having former
African American male City College transfer students currently attending their
institutions. And finally, participants were solicited by word of mouth from colleagues

49

and peers who were in contact with alumni who had transferred from City to four year
institutions.
Of the respondents, thirteen African American men were selected for interviews
based on the following criteria: completion of at least one basic skills course at City
College and transfer from City College to a four-year institution during the time frame of
1997-2007. At the initial meeting with each participant, I reviewed with them the
established Informed Consent. The purpose of the study as well as confidentiality issues
were discussed. Participants chose their own pseudonym, and I explained that the purpose
of the pseudonym was to maintain their privacy by protecting their confidentiality. I also
explained to participants that they were in complete control of the interview and could
discontinue at anytime without repercussion. I then obtained permission to interview.
Thirteen men agreed to participate in the study and initially met the criteria; one
was determined to be ineligible, during the preliminary interview, by the basic skills
criteria; and one did not respond to calls to schedule an interview. A total of 11 ultimately
participated in the study.
Data Collection
The data collection for this study was conducted with the distinct intent of
understanding African American male students’ experiences at City College and the
meanings they make of those experiences. Because I was interested in collecting data that
is informed by the participants’ experiences and perspectives, I conducted interviews.
Interviews provide the opportunity to gain insightful knowledge of the worldview of the
participant (Patton, 2002). The interview process requires that data be gathered and

50

compared across respondents, as well as individualized data gathered in order to provide
depth and richness to the findings (Patton, 2002). Each participant was interviewed at
least one time for approximately two hours. The interview entailed preliminary questions
that included demographics and background information (e.g., high school attended, first
generation status, major, career goals). Follow-up interviews were conducted where
needed.
There are three types of interviews: highly-structured or standardized; semi-
structured; and unstructured or informal. In a highly-structured interview the questions
are predetermined and arranged and presented in the same order to every participant.
Unstructured or informal interviews consist of open-ended questions, which allow for
great flexibility and exploration, and flow like a conversation, but the same topics may
not be covered for different interviewees. The semi-structured interview is, to a degree, a
combination of both the unstructured and standardized interview (Merriam, 1998; Patton,
2002).
I used a semi-structured interview protocol. The semi-structured interview
protocol consists of a guide to topics to be covered. Semi-structured interviews are open-
ended with less structured questions, allowing the participants to characterize their
experiences in ways that are distinctive (Merriam, 1998). This process allowed me to
explore and follow the lead of the interviewee and embrace opportunities for
conversations, while drawing on the interview guide to maintain consistency of topics
among interviewees. In interviews with each participant, I responded with subsequent,
relevant questions for the interviewee.

51

The intent of each interview was to elicit the individual’s latent perspective.
Interviews serve the purpose of helping us discover data we cannot observe—particularly
feelings, thoughts, and historical events (Patton, 2002). As a result, an understanding of
the individual’s lived experience, and the meaning he makes of it, comes to life
(Seidman, 2006).
After informing the respondents of the details of the study and obtaining consent
to continue, I completed a brief demographic survey with each participant to determine
appropriateness to the study and then arranged a time for their first interview. In a few
cases the interviewed followed immediately after the demographic survey due to
participant’s availability. Many of the interviews were conducted face to face, however
due to distance, some of the interviews were conducted via phone. In some cases where
there was a follow-up interview, the second interview took place via phone as well.
For those individuals who were interviewed face to face, upon arrival to the
agreed interview site, each participant read and signed the informed consent form and a
records release statement. Prior to interviews that took place over the phone, consents
were emailed and returned via fax or mail. One respondent, who had initially agreed to
the interview, did not return the consent or subsequent phone calls.
Every participant was interviewed at least once for approximately two hours. A
follow-up interview was conducted with four of the twelve participants to clarify
responses and my understanding. Each interview was audio taped with the exception of
one where the audiotape did not perform appropriately; however, the interview continued

52

with note-taking. An attempt to reschedule the interview proved to be elusive. All
audiotapes were transcribed professionally.
To ensure trustworthiness, I analyzed audio recordings along with the transcripts.
I was able to conduct follow-up interviews, with four of the participants to clarify
questions that arose in fact-checking the transcripts. The follow-up interviews provided
clarification of answers and of my interpretation or understanding of their experiences.
Data Analysis
Coding was a crucial component of the study. There was no hypothesis. The
intent of the study was to allow for the emergence of themes. While the intention of the
study did not include creating a theory, I determined that coding using a Grounded
Theory method would provide the most succinct coding process. This involved a process
of dissecting the data so that it could be examined not as a whole but in sections. There
are three components of open coding: breaking data apart; delineating concepts; and
contextualizing the concepts in terms of properties and dimensions (Corbin & Strauss,
2008). Rereading and revising allows analytic themes to emerge.
I analyzed and coded by reading and rereading the transcripts. I developed a
coding system according to Glasser and Strauss (2008). My coding yielded categories
and concepts that began to tell the story of each participant’s community college
experience. As a result, a within-case analysis was completed on the final ten participants
and an across-case analysis followed. The case-by-case analysis resulted in essential
themes and insights. Ultimately, I chose three representative storied experiences to
analyze across cases.

53

Even with the intent to make certain of trustworthiness, there were limitations to
be noted. Due to time constraints and unavailability of participants, I was unable to
complete member-checking as intended. Participants were unable to completely check
the accuracy of my restorying. In an attempt to compensate for this, I cross analyzed the
transcripts and my re-told stories. I solicited feedback from peers who crossed-referenced
quotes with the re-storying to ensure accuracy of quotes but also to question any
interpretations I made in the re-storying.
The results of this analysis and synthesis of the interview data will be presented in
the next two chapters. Very little information currently exists on successful strategies for
university transfer of African American men. Too many African American male students
are our “lost boys” in the California higher education system. It is my hope that the
results of these interviews will help guide us to the answers for improving transfer
outcomes overall.
Ethical Concerns
Respect for participants and responsibility to them are essential to an ethical
process. “A core idea of action/participatory research is that the inquirer will not further
marginalize or disempower the study participants” (Creswell, 2003, p. 63).
Historically, research on African American men has marginalized, disempowered,
maimed, and even caused their deaths (Jones, 1993). As a direct result of that, African
Americans have shied away from or resisted participating in research, sometimes to their
own detriment. Like many indigenous people, African Americans have too frequently
been the object of study instead of engaged subjects participating in the resolution of

54

institutionalized issues (Tuhiwai Smith, 2001). Traditionally, western research has been
disrespectful of indigenous peoples and people of color. Among these populations,
respect and participation is about humanity, humility, and relationships (Tuhiwai Smith,
2001).
Forty years of the Tuskegee experiment on African American men—events that
continued into my own lifetime—have made me exceedingly aware of the existing and
entirely rational stigmas associated with research. Institutional Review Board (IRB)
guidelines coupled with a deeply-felt consciousness informed my process. I respectfully
sought informed consent and voluntary participation from individual students. My
objectives were clearly articulated both verbally and in written form. I requested
permission of both the University of Southern California’s and San Diego City College’s
Institutional Review Boards prior to proceeding with the study. I filed the appropriate
IRB forms and informed the IRB of all activities and methods of data collection.
Transcripts, written interpretations, and reports were made available to participants and to
the IRB upon request. The participants’ rights, wishes, and interests were given full
consideration with regards to reporting data, and a pseudonym was used by each to
maintain confidentiality.
Historically, researchers have reported stories they did not have permission to tell
(Creswell, 2005; Tuhiwai Smith, 2001). I avoided this pitfall by faithfully maintaining
the Institutional Review Board (IRB) process: openly informing participants of the
purpose and use of the story at the beginning of the study and obtaining their permission
to use their stories.

55

Role of the Researcher
As a former transfer student at City College and now as the Transfer/Career
Center Director, I am conscious of my own biases. My position opened up a variety of
complexities, but it also provided an opportunity for a rich and unique account of the
transfer process at City College.
My past personal experience through the process of transfer, as well as my current
experience as Transfer Center Director, created the desire to pursue this research. As a
former transfer student, I made my own way with little support from the community
college. I struggled through remedial math—the gatekeeper of transfer—and while I was
able to pass the class, I failed the exit exam three times. I would not even walk through
the doors of the room that was called the Career/Transfer Center. With limited
knowledge, I searched for schools (on my own) throughout the country.
It is imperative that I recognize how my previous experiences have shaped who I
am and therefore the lens through which I view this process. My previous experience has
also informed and shaped my role as the Transfer/Career Center Director.
I believe it is important to acknowledge my role as the researcher and my
previous experiences because I am conscious that I may bring biases to the study. I do not
speak for all African Americans, however, it is also true that as an African American
eldest daughter raised by a single mother, my life experiences, skin color, and my own
transfer student experiences provided me with at least a superficial connection to my
interviewees. My own limited disclosures of struggle and success, I believe, facilitated

56

trust and openness in the participants’ responses during interviews and added depth and
richness to the study.
Timeline of the Study
My study commenced upon its approval by my dissertation committee members
and the USC and City College Institutional Review Boards. Collection of the data took
place from April through October 2008; analysis and reporting of the results was
completed July 2009.

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Chapter Four
Results
This chapter presents the findings of the study conducted to understand the
process of success of African American males who began their academic career in basic
skills courses at the community college and subsequently completed the transfer process
to a four-year institution. This was done by seeking out the life stories of African
American males who would share their motivations, their educational goals, their
understandings of why they have persisted, and their beliefs about what African
American male students need in order to persist and meet the goal of transfer.
This chapter is a reflection of the questions I have asked about African American
men in the community college. As previously stated, the study is designed not to test a
particular hypothesis or develop a theory but instead to explore African American male
student perspectives on five key issues:
• In what ways do African American male students experience the academic
trajectory from basic skills courses through transfer?
• What role does the institution play, and what message does it convey, in
encouraging African American men to transfer?
• How do African American male students in basic skills courses learn
about transfer options and on-campus support for transfer?

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• What are African American male students’ opinions of institutional factors
that would make a difference in their successful transfer to four-year
colleges and universities?
• What contributes to African American men’s ability to persist through
basic skills to university transfer?
Upon completing a within-case analysis of each of the participants, the storied
experience of these 11 men, were cross-analyzed for similarities and differences. As a
result of the cross-analysis, essential themes and insights emerged.
In the chapter that follows, I begin by first introducing the 11 participants in the
study, briefly providing background information on each of them; then I follow with in-
depth narratives that illustrate the significant findings—discussing and weighing the
themes that emerged.
Introduction to Eleven Student Participants
Senior Milit, a 39 year old, was born and raised in Detroit, Michigan. He is the
oldest among five siblings, with one sister and three brothers. Senior joined the Navy
immediately upon completion of high school and will soon retire. He is the only male in
his family to attend college. His sister has a Bachelor’s degree and his mother completed
high school. Senior is unaware of the level of school completed by his father. Senior
began his academic career by enrolling in basic skills math: Elementary Algebra and
Geometry (math 95), Intermediate Algebra (math 96), and basic skills English: Basic
Composition (English 51) and College Reading and Study Skills II (English 56). Senior
transferred in 2006 and is currently attending National University. After considering San

59

Diego State University, Senior realized he needed a transfer option that provided more
flexibility and would allow him to complete his degree by a self-imposed deadline. After
confirming that earning a degree at National University was an “acceptable” option, he
made the choice to transfer there.
Busiman McDonald is a 42 year old, born in South Hill, Virginia and raised in
New Jersey. Busiman was one of two children; his brother passed away 14 years ago. He
is the only member of his family, both nuclear and extended, to attend college. A Navy
veteran, Busiman began his college career in basic skills math: Pre-Algebra (math 35),
Elementary Algebra and Geometry (math 95), Intermediate Algebra (math 96), and basic
skills English: Basic Composition (English 51) and College Reading and Study Skills II
(English 56). After beginning at City, he was diagnosed with a learning disability.
Busiman is currently attending Massachusetts’s Springfield College satellite campus in
San Diego, California. Busiman chose his transfer institution after learning about it from
a counselor at San Diego City College.
Samuel Tidwell is a 33 year old, born in San Francisco, California. He attended
and graduated from high school in Egan, Minnesota. He is one of four children, two of
whom have earned advanced degrees. Samuel’s mother earned an Associate’s degree,
and his father completed high school. Samuel began his academic career in basic skills
English: Basic Composition (English 51) and College Reading and Study Skills II
(English 56). Samuel is currently attending the University of Phoenix. Samuel chose his
transfer school after meeting with university representatives who shared that the school

60

could meet his need for flexibility and the ability to complete school earlier than a more
traditional college would allow.
Carter Lowes is a 40 year old, born in Cleveland, Ohio and raised in Flint,
Michigan. He is the eldest of two children, raised by their mother. His sister did not
complete high school. His mother completed an Associate’s degree. After leaving the
Navy, Carter began his college career in basic skills math: Intermediate Algebra (math
96). Carter transferred to University of San Diego (USD) in 1998 where he earned a
Bachelor’s degree in business. Carter chose his transfer school after learning about it
from an accounting professor who suggested that USD needed students like him. He is
currently residing in Michigan with his wife and newborn baby, where he is employed as
a financial advisor.
Tiger Smith is a 35 year old, born and raised in Pascagoula, Mississippi, a small
rural town. He is the oldest brother among four siblings; with one brother and two sisters.
While his brother did complete high school, his sisters did not. Upon leaving the Navy,
Tiger began his academic career in basic skills math: Pre-Algebra (math 35), Elementary
Algebra and Geometry (math 95), Intermediate Algebra (math 96), and basic skills
English: College Reading and Study Skills I (English 42), English Review (English 43),
Basic Composition (English 51) and College Reading and Study Skills II (English 56).
Tiger earned an Associate’s degree in Social Work and is currently attending San Diego
State University.
Maturin Barns is a 34 year old, born in Saginaw, Michigan who graduated from
high school in Valley, Alabama. A former foster care youth, he is the younger of two

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siblings. His father is deceased, and he was raised by his great aunt from the time he was
eight years of age. Both he and his sister have attended college, and his sister has a
Bachelor’s degree. His mother did not attend college, and Maturin does not know the
educational background of his father. Maturin applied and was accepted to a four year
university right after high school, he was concerned about paying for college, so he
decided to join the Navy. Upon beginning his academic career, Maturin enrolled in basic
skills Intermediate Algebra (math 96). Maturin transferred in 2003 to San Diego State
University where he earned a Bachelor’s and is currently earning a Master’s degree in
Social Work.
Malik is a 24 year old, born in Phoenix, Arizona and home-schooled in San
Diego, California. Malik is the eldest in his family and has four siblings: all sisters and all
raised by their aunt and uncle. Three are currently attending community college, and the
other has earned an Associate’s degree. His mother completed high school, and his father
attended the University of Arizona for one year. After graduating from high school,
Malik was employed as a county firefighter for two years. He began his academic career
in basic skills math: Pre-Algebra (math 35), Elementary Algebra and Geometry (math
95), Intermediate Algebra (math 96), and basic skills English: College Reading and Study
Skills I (English 42), English Review (English 43), Basic Composition (English 51) and
College Reading and Study Skills II (English 56). Malik is currently attending Long
Beach State University. Malik, a college basketball player, chose his transfer university
because it was the only university that would allow him to not have his Associate’s

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degree posted at the time of acceptance; NCAA rules require that transfer students have
an Associate’s degree in order to transfer.
Lou Royal is a 58 year old, born and raised in Ocilla, Georgia, a small rural town
with a population of 3500. Lou has four siblings: three sisters who have all earned a
Bachelor’s degree and one brother who has earned an advanced degree. Lou, a career
military man, first attended trade school to be a disc jockey and later joined the Navy,
from which he is retired. He began his academic career at City in basic skills English:
College Reading and Study Skills II (English 56). Lou transferred to Southern Illinois
University (SIU), completing his Bachelor’s degree partially online. Lou chose SIU
because of its flexibility and online opportunities.
Adam Jones is a 27 year old born in New Orleans, Louisiana and raised both in
Los Angeles, California and Arizona; before settling in San Diego, California, where he
graduated from high school. He is the oldest of three, with one sister and one brother. He
was raised by a single mother who has a Bachelor’s degree. His father completed high
school. He began his academic career by enrolling in basic skills math: Elementary
Algebra and Geometry (math 95) and basic skills English: College Reading and Study
Skills II (English 56). Adam transferred to Oakwood College in 2001. Adam’s choice of
transfer institution was driven by his desire to attend an historically Black institution. He
was academically disqualified a year later and is now a truck driver, married, and the
father of two.
Michael Thomas is a 36 year old born and raised in Stockton, California. He is the
eldest among three brothers and was raised by his mother and stepfather. His mother

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attended community college. His biological father’s background is unknown. One brother
completed high school, while the other attended community college and transferred to a
four-year institution. His brother did not complete his Bachelor’s degree. Michael began
his academic career in college-level English at a community college in Northern
California, where he attended for a year. He returned to the community college in San
Diego and began his academic career again in basic skills math: Elementary Algebra and
Geometry (math 95) and Intermediate Algebra (math 96). He transferred in 2006 to San
Diego State University, where he is majoring in Business. Michael chose his transfer
university because it had his major, and he felt is was reputable and affordable.
Marathon Bruner is a 34 year old born in Kansas City, Missouri. He is the only
participant raised by two parents who both earned Bachelor’s degrees, as well as
advanced degrees. During the interview it was determined that Marathon transferred from
City, but did not take his basic skills classes at City; he took his basic skills classes at the
University of Phoenix, and he is currently attending University of Phoenix.
The chart (Table 1) on the following page provides a summary of the participants.

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Table 1. Participants’ profile chart
Over half (55%) of the participants were previously in the military. All but two
(82%) are first-generation college students, and all but two are of non-traditional college
age; 64% of their transfer institutions were private/independent. Average age at transfer
was 32.
NAME
1
st
Gen
college
Mil-
itary
Basic
Skills
MATH
Basic
Skills
ENGL
Age @
Transfer
Transfer
University

Status
Senior
Milit
Y Y 95, 96 51, 56 37
National
University
Currently
Attending
Busiman
McDonald
Y Y
35, 95,
96
51, 56 41
Springfield
College
Currently
Attending
Samuel
Tidwell
Y N 51, 56 32
University of
Phoenix
Currently
Attending
Carter
Lowes
Y Y 96 29
University of
San Diego
Graduated
Tiger
Smith
Y Y
35, 95,
96
42, 43,
51, 56
34
San Diego
State
Currently
Attending
Maturin
Barnes
Y Y 96 29
San Diego
State
Graduated/
Currently
Attending
Graduate
School
Malik
Washington
Y N 35,95,96
42,43,
51,56
23
Long Beach
State
Graduated
2009
Lou
Royal
Y Y 56 49
Southern
Illinois
University
Graduated
Adam
Jones
N N 95 56 19
Oakwood
College
Dropped Out
Michael
Thomas
Y N 95, 96 32
San Diego
State
Currently
Attending
Marathon
Bruner
N N
Not @
City
Not @
City
32
University of
Phoenix
Currently
Attending

65

Implications for Success
There clearly are many shared experiences among the African American four-year
college students studied in previous literature and the 11 African American male
community college students in this study. The participants described several forms of
support as facilitating their transfer decisions and eventual transition to four-year
colleges: Family Support, Peer Group, Faculty Relations, Campus Climate, Validation,
Social and Extra-curricular Engagement. There were also some significant themes that
surfaced within this research study. As I analyzed and cross-analyzed the data, the
participants—or protagonists, as I have referred to them—brought to light themes,
patterns, ideas and experiences that were not readily visible or that had not surfaced in the
literature review related to African American males at the community college.
Participants expressed ideas of “the Bootstrap theory,” individualism, collectivism, and
“hand-holding.” In an effort to make meaning of their ability to succeed in transfer, some
of the participants used metaphors—such as, light at the end of the tunnel and education
bug—to describe their motivation and perseverance, which resonated with the stories told
by other participants.
The participants brought to light the value of university partners in the transfer
process. They stated the value of having a plan and of having the support to navigate the
non-structured process that open access at the community college often comes with. The
participants also spoke of the value of having their “hand held” through the process and
having support mechanisms that walk them straight through the process. As the
participants shared their life stories, their fears, doubts and hopes came to life as well.

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The following section provides an overview of those areas that participants say played a
role in their ability to successfully navigate basic skills and subsequently transfer to a
four-year institution.
Ideas, themes and expressions emerged that participants used to make meaning of
their success in the community college setting. As the participants told their stories, I
began to see their real struggles and accomplishments, their fears and their hopes, their
perceptions and beliefs—all of which contributed to their ability to be successful.
Their Stories
Peer Groups
“Describe those friendships. How would you describe them?”
“What do you mean?”
“Did you hang out?”
“No. No, it was all…”
“ …did you go to the movies together?...”
“ …it was all school.”
“…what did you do together?”
“It was mostly in the classroom, and then like I said, Tanya, you know, emailed;
we emailed each other but lost contact after we didn’t have any courses together. And
pretty much, I only really made two or three friends that I can remember their names.
When I say friends, I mean like during the class… people are very supportive, you know,
with each other in the course.”

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“You and Tanya’s friendship, as you described it, was centered around your
courses it seems…?”
“Yes. But it, it, hers kind of developed into other things. She worked at a credit
union, and I worked at Sempra, so we were kind of doing, we, we talked about what we
were doing at those businesses; so it kind of went further at the business, like our lives.
And then I drove her home once or twice, so we talked about our outside lives also. But
that was probably the most in-depth that I got with anyone here. Everybody else was
mostly all school, or it was just course-driven, the friendship.”
I asked, “And those all-school, course-driven friendships, did they go away after
the course? So they were friendships for the class time, and then once the class was over,
they kind of…
“ …yeah…”
This illustrates a common experience for many of the participants. Their peer
relationships were limited mostly to classroom interaction, spending time perhaps in
study groups, or hanging out in the cafeteria between classes or studying. While limited,
the participants seemed to place a high value on the brief exchanges or encounters they
may have had with peers.
Maturin indicates a limited need for peer groups, somewhat apologetically, “Um,
I’m not really much of a joiner after the military. I didn’t really interact with any of them;
I’m very self-motivated, so I didn’t really need anyone else, sounds bad but… [trails off]”

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Tiger recaps this idea of limited interaction amongst the participants and their
peers. When asked how he spent his time with his peers on campus, he responds, “Mostly
in the cafeteria studying.”
Social and Extra-curricular Engagement
Social and extra-curricular activity was equally limited for the participants. While
many participated in no activities at all, a few had some minimal involvement in campus
life.
Maturin reflected upon his campus involvement and shared, “I joined Spanish
club for one semester, so I did some stuff with them.” And when asked if he saw value in
it, he continued, “I enjoyed it. I like learning…Yeah, um, did I do anything else? I may
have participated in a study group maybe once or twice, but for most stuff, I just did it on
my own.”
Tiger’s involvement was reflected in his on-campus job, “I worked with the
Sociology Department, with actually Professor Moreno, I worked with him. I was his
teacher’s assistant.” Tiger had also joined the sociology club for a semester and
participated in study groups.
As for Senior, his engagement was similar to many of the other participants’, “I
studied with a few of them. That was normal. We would set a time and go to Starbucks or
someplace, find something to eat and go study, but as far as us going out, hanging out, or
doing any of the activities on campus, we didn’t. But we did study a lot, and encourage
others, and help each other out.”

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Malik, the basketball player, attempted initially to be involved in campus life, but
soon found the demands of basketball pulled him away. He did share that he continued to
be supportive of clubs when he had an opportunity.
Validation
The literature indicates that validation is of great significance for students to feel
successful and motivated. The participants confirmed that validation mattered and had a
positive impact on them. They mentioned occurrences of validation throughout the study,
and shared those moments that influenced each of them greatly.
Michael shared his moment of validation as he reflected upon an interaction with
a counselor,
um, like I said, the counselor that I visited, she was really good, and she was, she
was kind of, I don’t want to say a mentor because I only met her a couple of
times, but she actually did, you know say “you’re gonna do it,” you know. And
she put in [my file], that I was gonna do it. And they seem motivated, some of
them, you know, cuz I saw oh maybe three or four counselors while I was here.
And I would say two of them that I can recall, were, you know, like insistent; like
this is what you’re gonna do, and this is why, cuz you can do it, you know?

Michael indicated that his sense of validation also came from teaching faculty,
who he believed supported him. When asked why he believed he was supported, Michael
responded, “Well, he actually said it. You know… encouraged me in a way by making
me feel good about my intellect, you know, like, you know…like that I could do it.”

For Tiger validation came from a professor who convinced him to stay in school,

Yeah, actually my first semester, because she…I think I had her in two English
classes, I believe in the beginning. And she was the one that really encouraged
me, and I told her that I was gonna drop her class, you know, to start working, and
she like strongly encouraged me not to do so—even said it’s a mistake you’re

70

gonna regret, you know? But they was, she was very um, she appeared to me to
be very encouraging and was very patient and seemed like she cared.

He continues,
It seemed like she cared, to me, about her job and about the students, and she, I
think it was Ms. Lombardi, I think um, when I asked a question, she didn’t have
any problems explaining it, reiterating the point of view or didn’t have a problem,
um, speaking to me after—the students after class and it, it just, it just, to me, it
appeared, it seemed like there was some passion there, too.

Maturin is also able to recall a moment when he is validated by his professor,

I remember Hosagawa, I think, a history professor that I had. I didn’t really
interact with her in the class, but I always did really well in her class, and she
nominated me for something, um, I forget what it was, but she always would
come to me after class and like encourage me to kind of like do stuff. Because,
she’s like, you’re such a good student, and I think I had like the highest grade in
her class. She nominated me—I forget, she nominated me for something, like
either some honor society or something. And I noticed I was reading the thing,
and it said from Professor Hosagawa, she was the one that nominated me for
whatever that was. ‘Cause I think I made the Dean’s list the first two or three
semesters I was here, so, yeah.

When asked how did the nomination make you feel? Maturin responds,
It was nice to feel, like, acknowledged for my work, what I did, um, yeah. And
then like I said, the one business communication lady, um, I really liked her class,
and she—the assignments she gave, I thought were really like helpful, and then on
my papers and my writings, she always like wrote really nice things. I know most
of the teachers that I wrote for in classes, a lot of other professors always wrote
like “really nice” or “you write really well” um, um just… I don’t know… just
like they would always comment on my work, and like, they would…I want to
say asking, “what were my plans?” to see what I was planning for the future,
because I guess they felt that I could achieve more…

According to Maturin, it felt as though the professor cared, and it was
encouraging to know that his efforts were noticed, and that she made an effort to let him
know he was doing a good job. He believed she saw potential in him, and this encouraged
him to work harder “to make sure that I was sort of, kind of [using] my gift.” Maturin

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continued to reflect, and shared what seemed to be an obvious highlight of his experience
at the college. As he does so, he compares college and high school when explaining the
significance of the professor’s validation,
Um I guess, like I guess, in like upper, after high school, I don’t feel like
professors or teachers take the time because they’re just, oh, they have this class,
teach a class, and they go on to the next class, or whatever, or so, these two
people in particular— also my statistics teacher, I forget his name, but he was
really good, too. They took the time. Like I remember Hosagawa, she like stopped
me a couple times, and she would ask me about my assignments, and she would
talk to me about “so this is really good when you did this” or “your writing was
really good”—so, they took the time, I guess, to like, sorta, kinda stop and see…
think, like, check in, and see if I needed anything else, or—and it wasn’t because I
had done something bad or anything—like that it was because they liked what I
was doing.

Family Support
Family support for the participants was critical, and each valued the support they
received from family members. No matter how great or how small the gesture, it seemed
to be of significance.
Adam conveyed this as he reflected, “Um, you know, my mother was the only
person who would call. Maybe I talked to [her], maybe once a month or something…you
know, and asking ‘how are things going?’ and things like that.” When asked to elaborate
on their dialogue, Adam continued, “She would ask how I was doing. I told her I was
struggling in the class, she would, um, try to [encourage] me to do better.”
Pressing him, he continued, “Maybe mentioning, you know, that you don’t want
to waste any time, waste any money, uh, well, do better, um, you gotta be focused, you
gotta develop study habits. Um, things like that.”
Other family members also encouraged him,

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My mother’s father made the comment once that he had never been—he didn’t
never go on to, um, on to college, and nowadays it’s different than it was in his
time, and you know… it’s necessary that the young people go to college, and um,
I think my stepfather, my mother’s present husband, uh he, um, would encourage
[me] because he didn’t go to college, and he was saying he always wanted to, and
he could still do it, and that it’s good, that I should do it, um, you know. It’s
tough, but he believes that I can do it, believes in me. He was telling me he
thought I was smart and things like that.

Maturin also expressed strong support from family,

Um, like I said, my sister was like one of my really big family supports, was
always very encouraging for me to like, go to school, finish school, get my
degree, so—and it’s always been important in my family. Like “oh, what are you
doing? Are you going to school? Are you doing this or that?” So that’s always
been really important.

Senior communicated how his family was happy simply because he was doing
something positive, and supported him no matter what his endeavors,

Once I was in the military, they were content with my career path, so they said
they didn’t think I needed college at the time because I as doing something
positive. So they didn’t really push, but as I got into college, they always told me
they were proud of me and encouraged me to go to college, and my mother was
always proud of me and told me keep pushing, and it could be done; and my sister
was a big support, too.

Tiger seemed grateful for his mother’s support and was motivated as a result,
Um, she just motivates me. I usually don’t tell her when I do things wrong—when
I feel I’m stressed, but she can hear it in my voice, and so she just tells me to keep
going. Just pushing me, and sometimes, she likes brags a little bit sometimes, and
that makes me feel good, you know, bragging to the other family members ‘cause
you know, they, they—I was, in some of ‘em eyes, I was—since I went into the
Navy, I was supposed to…I was supposed to do well, you know what I mean? In
comparison, and then I didn’t at the beginning, I didn’t live up to the expectation.
Well, I felt I didn’t. And it was a, a heart-breaking moment for her and for me, but
she always pushed me to um a certain extent, you know? Keep going, keep
pushing, or ‘I’ll be praying for you, Baby.’

For Michael, his support had come from his mother after transfer,
Once I did get my transfer, I have gotten some encouragement from my mom,
from my brother, my youngest brother—he was like gung ho about the whole
thing, you know… But my mom didn’t kick in until after I graduated here. And I

73

think it’s just because she didn’t believe me, I don’t know… we had gone through
that before, you know. But she’s encouraged me at state-level, so far.

Michael’s brother, however, was supportive throughout his academic process.
Campus Climate
“City is a city within a city. It’s so many different cultures there, and there’s a lot
of different facets that make it what it is.” This image of the college resonated among the
participants. They continuously spoke of the welcoming feeling, as well as the range of
diversity on the campus. Michael shared,
It’s very diverse; that’s what it is; it’s a very diverse community here. And so I
felt more comfortable. And I made friends. I really, really do like the staff
here…and it was the staff that didn’t make me feel like I didn’t belong here. You
know what I mean? I also took a couple courses at [a sister college], and it’s
completely different.

According to Senior there was always someone who was willing to assist, “I
could go to different places or call different places at different hours and different times
of the day and get the help I needed.”
Adam felt the college was not only welcoming, but active as well,
Um, I think it’s definitely a progressive campus. Um, I remember there was a
socialist club, so they freely handed out literature and had events, and the student
body, I think, I can’t remember the name of it…student clubs. And there was the
Black Student Union, I think there are some more, some more other odd groups.

Adam reflected further on his first day on campus,
“Right. I can remember, um, I can remember a likeness, you know with the other,
with the other students…”
“Likeness, you said?”
“Yeah”

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“What does that mean?”
Like I meant as far as the energy…uh huh, it was really light, um you know? It’s
reflective of the San Diego culture in general, it’s a lot of, a lot of different
backgrounds, a lot of races, people are really open and talk to you; everyone was
working toward something, you know, and it was just a wonderful experience
because there were things that, um, it was a place for the thinkers…There was a
place for being curious as far as knowledge and learning, and uh and it’s just, it’s
just, uh what city college gave off, um I think, walking through the campus and
seeing the way it’s set up…the different courtyards, and the lawn, gave students a
lot of room to uh, a lot of room to mingle and, um, even in the caf, you know,
people would study in the cafeteria and do their work, and you would see friends
that you had met in the caf or in other classes, you guys would talk, you know,
about interesting things.

Encouraged to elaborate more specifically on the campus climate, Adam
continues,

It was a great start because I think, I think it was a true introduction to college.
Um, when I say that it was, um, it was light in the way that California can be, can
be very airy and uh light energy, but it was also very serious—the coursework,
um, you had to study, but it wasn’t a lot of —you know it was no problems of
course using the library, or being in the caf, or needing to talk to a teacher, the
resources were there. Um, I remember I had a, a African-American psychology
class um…the Teacher had dreadlocks hanging down his back... he would share
some ideas, you know, um and you’re surprised, maybe, that things that you
really don’t hear [in] your regular psychology class, you know, and then I would
go to my Greek studies or Western Civilization [classes] and hear about the
Greeks and Romans and all of that.

Adam continues without any encouragement,

It was just a really nice balance, and I think, I think people had the freedom to
express themselves. I mean it was nothing to go out to the lawn area and people
were playing the music, you know, and just really feeling free to, to learn and to,
um, to mingle and just be yourself at City College.

For Maturin there seemed to be some ambivalence when reflecting upon the
campus environment. To Maturin, a very confident and driven participant, there were still
uncertainties or anxiety he experienced when first arriving on campus,

75

Um I remember probably being a little bit overwhelmed because I hadn’t been to
school, or I went to like the junior college that I went to—the very first junior
college was very small, very, very small. And so you get here and you park, when
you look out, you’re like “whoa this is a lot of people” …and so I think I was
probably initially a little bit overwhelmed, but I guess the make-up of the people
made it feel more at ease, and I was like okay, I’m a student, and I went to my
class and I sat down and those people where chatting it up and this and that, and I
probably felt a little bit overwhelmed in the sense of like “Wow, I’m really at
school and this is for real,” but I was overwhelmed in just the sense of me being
here, but not as in any of my ability to do anything; it was just like a sense of like
wow this is here. And I want to say I got pretty comfortable pretty quickly.

He also made note of the diversity in and out of the classroom, making clear the
significance and value of the diversity for him,
Um, just the people; so many different types of people. Um, I remember having a
geography teacher, she was like Middle Eastern. I can’t remember where she was
from; she had this really unique accent teaching geography, and then I remember
my biology teacher, um, he spoke [more than one language]. I … remember
the…just the diversity of the people and the faculty and how everyone just seems
to get along and so it was a more unified sense of everything.…Um, I would
describe City as it’s a comfortable place to be for me, and by that I mean that you
see people who look like you. Um, like when I came here I got like the support
that I needed from people. If I needed something, you go [to] that department and
the people will help you. Um, I had good experience with the professors so I’ve
always had a good sense of City.

Faculty Relations
The participants often spoke highly of faculty and expressed value in having
relationships with them. For most of the participants, however, the relationships were
often limited to the classroom. This might suggest that their relations with faculty had
minor significance. However, it appears that while limited in the nature of the interaction,
the faculty had played a significant role in the participants’ ability to persist. When asked
about his interaction with faculty, Tiger exclaimed,
Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah… it was, it was—that was the initial reaction,
the negative, but then the positive thing was, um, that they were supportive…Um,

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it was, I think the faculty, um, were very supportive, you know? I felt they were
very supportive and pushed me on track, and saying, saying go to college, go to
college. I mean, keep going, keep going. Um, so I don’t know, I think, I think for
me, the faculty—I had a pretty good experience; because, I guess because, of my
participation level in class.

With the exception of one faculty member, Tiger’s relationships with faculty were
limited to the classroom. He shared how he attempted to connect with his professors
while in the classroom, in an effort to ensure that the instructor would take him seriously,
“…I always sat in the front row because I loved it. I was always asking questions or
sometimes a little clowning, acting crazy, so…”
Many of the participants did not meet with faculty during office visits, however,
for those who did, however, it appeared the visits occurred when they were struggling in
the course. This proved to be the case for Tiger, as he shared about going to see
instructors during their office hours,
Yeah I have, particularly when I was struggling, I would go. Like the first few
semesters here, um I remember the first time, when I had to write my first 10-
page essay. I actually had two of them. I had a point of “automatic delete.” Just
overload; and I just, just starting balling, you know? ‘Cause I had gotten to the
point where I felt I couldn’t do the work, and um, and they just told me, I had the
teachers, they would assign me, you know, they would kind of like walk me
through it, and one of my other classes, the teacher, she would give me extra
work, you know, because I cannot, I’m not—it was a first test I ever failed here.
And I was like, I almost went ballistic, but she was you know, she said, “do you
want extra help? We can work with you.” So she would email me extra help, you
know, to get the work done, and whatever, and I’d turn it in, and thank God they
dropped the lowest grade, but I actually got an A in that class!

Busiman was quite aware of his academic struggles and made it a point to share
with his professors early on, in order to give notice to them. This did not always have the
outcome he had expected,

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Well, there were some professors that’s all about you doing well there, and if you
can’t keep up, this is not the class for you. So I said okay. So I know this person
was really hard, but I made it a point of talking to them and saying that, um, I
heard what you said earlier, but, um, this is all new, and um, I’m willing to do the
work, and if I have to do extra work so I will get a good grade that would be
great, ‘cause I don’t want to repeat this class. And I think by me communicating
with them early on [rather] than later, they were able to you know…

However, while Busiman believed there were some professors who may not have
been receptive, he suggested there were some who were. He had particularly high regard
for one faculty member who had been, according to Busiman, very supportive of him.
Busiman conveys what appears to be for him an ideal way of being for professors,
There was some faculty that was all about you really learning, and I think that’s
probably the ones I really keep in contact with the most—and [who] I refer
friends to— like Brian Stockard, you know? Now he’s in part of the
DSPS…[Disability Support Programs and Services]. He’s very passionate about
what he was doing as a professor, about you really learning. And even if he didn’t
have the time, he would make a few minutes out of somewhere, whether he had to
sacrifice a lunch or something…and if he sees something in you, he will push you
and make sure that you’re gonna, you know, meet your goal. Because his whole
idea is for you to be successful, not just at City College, but beyond these
doors…”

Busiman shared that he took advantage of office hours, visiting professors
periodically, as did Adam, who similarly would visit faculty periodically for assistance or
course work discussion,
Yeah, yeah I did. I did, um, I know my speech, public speaking, a few times I had
to go to my, uh, professor’s office I think to discuss some, discuss some ideas
maybe for a speech and just get some out-of-classroom help, you know about
different things.

Adam also acknowledged that he did not always take advantage of resources,
either because he was not aware or simply because he chose not use them. “But um, I can
definitely say my use of resources and even my knowledge, you know, [about] things like

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that, was like non-existent. I wasn’t very well [informed] with resources and networking
at all.”
Senior was quite satisfied with the availability of faculty and spoke quite highly
of them,
Well the City [professors] were always willing to give as much time as I needed
to comprehend or to learn to get through their classes, whether they needed to
come early, or they needed to stay late, or during their office hours. Most of them
gave you phone numbers or email addresses so you could always get in touch
with them.

Senior continued,
They were very personable; you could talk to them about anything, and they also
were able to help you out if you had personal problems out in town. They gave
you all the advice you need to get through college, and they also gave you advice
in your personal life.

However, as highly as he regarded the faculty and their availability, he did take
advantage of it. According to Senior, he never went to office hours, he limited his
interaction to the classroom when seeking out assistance or guidance, “just to go over
assignments and then it led to chit-chatting.”
Michael also did not visit faculty during office hours, however, he had an
explanation unlike the others,
I never did that [attend office hours]. Not until I got to State. Well, because, you
know, … I always enjoyed anonymity. You know, like if I’m in a course, I didn’t
want to…make the professor know me, you know, ur whatever, because
sometimes, that can have a counter effect; depending on what my goals are.

Making Meaning of the Basics
For many of the participants, when they learned they would be required to enroll
in basic skills courses, it came as a surprise. Participants initially responded to their basic

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skills challenge with an array of feelings including disappointment, fear, frustration, and
discouragement. These feelings and responses were not surprising, and according to the
literature, to be expected (Brint & Karabel, 1989). Surprisingly though, every participant
brought to the forefront other feelings and thoughts that shed light upon their basic skills
experience. After the initial surprise and disappointment, participants seemed to not only
come to terms with taking their basic skills courses, they actually believed it was crucial
for their success in college. Many of the participants suggested that the basic skills
courses provided fundamental skills they needed in order to be successful in their
transfer-level courses.
Tiger reflected upon the moment when he first became aware of having to take
basic skills courses,
How does feeling behind make me feel? Scared I guess, I… I wasn’t on the
college-course level…so I had to take like college prep courses, you know what I
mean?…and a lot of them…it was embarrassing…it’s not something, you know,
you hear other people talk, oh I took English 54. I didn’t want to talk about that,
you know what I mean?
However he continues by sharing that he began to appreciate the class, “It just felt
like it was preparing me for, you know, the upper level education…although it was
scary…I enjoyed it.”
This idea is echoed throughout the study. Lou recalled his high school experience
and attributed the need for basic skills to that experience.
“I thought that, uh, um my high school had really failed me...and you taking this
because you have to have this class, but you are not interested in that class.”
Nevertheless, he reached a turning point as he came to a realization that this may
be a positive opportunity for him.

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“It was, take every opportunity to turn into a learning experience …and then I
start improving.” For Lou, the improvement came with taking the basic skill course he
needed so that he would be prepared for transferable courses and transfer.
Senior’s feelings echoed Lou’s when he realized he needed a basic skills course,
“Yea…I should have learned more in high school.” He also felt a sense of
discouragement because he saw this as an obstacle. Senior felt delayed in his goals,
“Because that meant I couldn’t start on my degree as soon as I want or take classes that I
felt counted toward my degree.” Senior later reached a different conclusion. After being
initially disappointed, Senior shared that he was able to move on,
I had people telling me ‘hey it’s gonna make things easier’ for me once I start
working on my degree so I won’t struggle so much once I get in those classes, and
it also was just gonna improve my reading and writing for just general basic and
let me understand it…I was a little discouraged…that feeling didn’t last long
because I knew if I didn’t take those classes then I was not going to be successful,
it was just one of those things I needed to do.

Michael appears to be in agreement with other participants when he shares his
feelings, “I felt it set me back. I really did, umm…why…should [I] have to take that
course…it’s two courses here [at City], whereas it’s one course there, [at Delta
Community College].” And while Michael had initially expressed that the basic skills
courses delayed his progress, he later said that they were beneficial, “[they] gave me
some new foundations that I needed”—a foundation that Michael also said gave him
encouragement by increasing his self-efficacy. “It kind of gave me the self-esteem that I
needed in order to pursue further.”
Malik not only echoes the experience of the other participants, he touches on one
of the more debatable issues surrounding basic skills and that is the extra course load that

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does not count toward college graduation. While reflecting on the need for basic skills,
Malik points out the reaction of his peers, “they [said] it was like taking classes for
nothing.” He continues in an almost defensive tone, “well not for nothing, I was getting
units for them, but it couldn’t transfer, so I was like, the class I was taking…I kind of
don’t have a choice.” Malik conveyed a feeling of being trapped and having to do
something that was not his choice and of no immediate value. However, Malik eventually
concluded that he needed to take the classes and not consider any other option, because
for him, any other option risked failure, and not transferring, “I could’ve just transferred
to another school and enrolled, but why take a class if you’re not ready for it, and fail?
So, I didn’t want to fail, so maybe I needed to take the courses.”
Interestingly enough, there were participants who considered basic skills vital
from the outset. Samuel went as far as to choose to take basic skills as a refresher course
even though he had assessed into the transfer-level English course.
The assessment that I took told me that I would qualify for uh, uh a 101 level
class, but knowing that I was going back to school, I wanted to take a class below
that to prepare myself, um so that it was kind of like a judgment call on my part.
Well I thought that it would, um, not only improve my skills, my current skills in
English or math, um, but that well actually not math because the math class that I
took was, you know, it was right on base it was one-on-one. It was in my degree,
you know, program that I wanted to take, but the English one, I felt that my
grammar skills could be brushed up on, and I knew that if I took the preparatory
course that I would be able to improve those skills.

When asked about his thoughts when it was determined that he would need basic
skills, Busiman indicated there was never any question or consternation concerning the
basic skills courses, quite the opposite,
I thought it was really great, I mean because I know [I] wasn’t the only one…I
knew other people were going through it, but nobody’s saying it. But it was great

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because I felt like I wasn’t by myself in this…and I think if I had that in the
beginning, I’d probably been done with City…instead of it taking three years.
Nearly all the participants articulated the benefits of basic skills. Each participant
viewed basic skills as building a foundation that would make him ready for transfer.
Those participants, who initially felt that it was not necessarily a course they needed,
indicated that ultimately they understood the need for the courses and acknowledged the
value for their long-term goals.
Basics Skills and the Classroom
Each participant’s classroom experience varied. Some struggled more than others,
some struggled initially and were able to overcome their challenges, others leaped and
then soared to new heights. The interviews provided an opportunity to glean participants’
experiences, and what follows is a glimpse into the 10 participants’ college experiences
in basic skills courses.
The first year of college for any student comes with some amount of anxiety.
Beginning your college life in basic skills courses offers its challenges. What happens in
the classroom and how students are impacted is crucial. For the participants, their
classroom experiences were sometimes disheartening, enlightening, unwelcoming, or
exciting, and in a few cases, unremarkable.
Busiman, who discovered he had a disability while in college, was provided tools
to manage his disability in the classroom and when engaging with faculty. For him, as
well as other participants, it was sometimes a challenge to let professors know what he
needed. It could be a risk to reach out to a professor. According to Busiman, attempting

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to reach out was not always as effective as he desired, but it was a risk he had been
prepared to take.
When you try to talk to them, they think that you telling them what to do and it’s
like you’re not telling them what to do. I say wait a minute, yeah, you been
teaching for a while, but you know, you have three different age groups in your
class and yes, out of the three, yes, two might get it and one group might not and
um they said we’re on the same page, and I said no we’re not on the same page,
we’re all different. I mean everybody is different; I mean I’m different from her
she’s different from me. I mean by staying silent, they’re not gonna know it.

Busiman felt that sometimes the professors were not always conscious of the
needs of the students and found it frustrating in the classroom at times.
Yeah and before I could write it down, you’re erasing it. I said, you don’t even
give me time; you saying it at this level, and I’m trying to write it down ‘cause
I’m seeing it, but I’m still missing what you’re saying cause you’re speaking too
fast; you’re talking too fast

Busiman did drop one class when he felt the instructor was not willing to work
with him or, according to him, the class either. Busiman felt the instructor was unwilling
to work with his learning style, and he was not happy with her teaching style.
Malik also experienced encounters in the classroom that were sometimes
frustrating. As an athlete, he felt that he would often be judged by his professors. He felt
that his professors would not always take him seriously, and in some cases, would lump
him with all athletes. Malik was one of the few participants who failed a basic skills
class. According to Malik, this was due, in part, to time missed in the classroom. This
was particularly frustrating for Malik, because he missed the classes as a result of
traveling for “away” basketball games. Malik had a difficult time understanding the
grade, because he had attempted to provide the instructor with the appropriate paperwork

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excusing him from class during the away games, and it was refused. According to Malik,
he also completed and turned in his homework. The instructor, in particular, stated to
Malik that sports would always be there, which only added to Malik’s frustration in the
classroom, because Malik saw basketball as a way of paying for college.
For Senior, it was quite simple, the basic skills classroom experience assured him
he was not alone. To be surrounded by those who were going through the same thing,
was encouraging. “[It] let me know that, hey, I’m not the only person behind, that there
was other people that needed help.”
Tiger seemed to enjoy his experience in the classroom, “Um … I enjoyed it, you
know, it was, although it was scary, it was something where, in other cases, um, other
students probably didn’t get the same attention as I did, I guess.”
When asked to elaborate, Tiger initially struggled to search for an answer, “I
initially showed interest and they probably didn’t, and so the teachers probably didn’t
spend as much time with them, so, push them as, as hard; ‘cause for me, I initially, I
motivated myself.” Tiger quietly reflects and then is able to continue,
The appearance, my appearance gave, I guess, by me sitting in the front, and me
asking questions, and me um, staying after class when I needed to, um, made it—
and checking in, ‘cause one thing I tell myself to do within the first two weeks of
class is: I check in with each teacher and let them know that my, um, tell them
that I do have a learning disability, and I say if you see me getting way off track,
that you kind of reel me in, you know what I mean? If I’m kind of unsure about
something, I’m usually emailing or whatever, or asking questions; that’s, that’s, I
guess that’s why.

This moment of sharing does not come easy for Tiger, and he shared that he feels
I am pushing him to dig deep. It is apparent at that moment, Tiger is touched by this. He

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had shared that he had gone through some difficult times, and for him, just being in the
classroom was an accomplishment.
Michael, however, found himself a little annoyed, because the class was easy, and
he felt that he was repeating what he had already learned at some point. “That, uh, was so
easy. I mean they went back to stuff that, you know, I was learning way back when.” He
also noted that even though he felt the class was of particular ease that was not always the
case for his classmates. He shared that there were “some students in there that didn’t get
that.” He also indicated that he was somewhat embarrassed by the fact that he appeared to
be older than his instructor.
I’m embarrassed when that happens because like, you know, embarrassed with
the instructors because they may have graduated [from high school] the same year
as me, so I kind of, kind of understand them in a way, but…what was I doing all
this time?

As previously stated, the majority of the participants believed that basic skills
courses were beneficial to achieving their goal. Many of the participants thought that
their basic skills professors considered transfer as an option for all students. When asked
why he thought the professors believed transfer was an option for all the students, Tiger
answered, “In that class, they were talking about transfer, and it would always push me to
the next level…they were always saying ‘we’re preparing you for college-level courses.’”
Upon further reflection, Tiger reconsiders his statement about what he believed was
support, and adds “looking back, when you compare the lower…classes I was taking…all
the students weren’t as serious about it in comparison to people who’s taking Statistics or
English 205.” Tiger inferred that, based on his experience in the classroom, there is an
assumption that students in basic skills are not serious.

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It’s harder to take us more seriously…it’s like anything else, if you’re at the
bottom, people aren’t gonna look at you serious…I mean they see us, oh it’s good
you’re taking this course, they pat you on the back, you know, um, that’s about it.
I mean as far as transferring to a major university…I didn’t get that vibe.
Tiger came to the conclusion that he transferred because he showed an interest in
the classroom and his professors responded. Also, once he had learned about transfer
opportunities from a counselor, he had a goal in place.
While Senior believed that transfer may have been mentioned in the classroom, it
was not actively discussed. “I don’t think they conveyed it [transfer as an option]
much…because they were so focused on helping us learn some of the basics.” However,
Senior believed that the assumption was made by the faculty that because the students
were in the course, they were planning to transfer. “I think they assumed that…if we
were there, we were going on to…bigger and better things more [upper]…level
classes…and they showed that by the effort they put into teaching us.” Conversely,
Senior did suggest it might have been helpful to younger students to hear about transfer
as a “primary goal, and this is one of the classes you need to get there.” He believed that
reinforcing future educational opportunities might have eased discouragement. “Keep
reiterating to them the path they got to go, to actually get to the next level.”
Lou’s experience seemed quite similar to Senior’s, in that transfer was never
discussed, but because the course was a prerequisite to transfer, he presumed that the
faculty teaching the basic skills courses expected them to transfer. They spoke of the
transferable level courses in order to motivate the students to do well,
You know the whole thing was we, uh, we always trying to get to English
101…got to pass or you can’t take the test to get into 101…I don’t really recall

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transfer. I think it was more connected to getting to the next level, which was
English 101.

And he, like Senior, believed that because the students were in class, it was
assumed they were working on a four-year degree
or trying to go further on…Because we all talked about what we wanted to do
while we were there…that was the first level…you got to get that done to go
further, uh, specifically did they focus on transfer daily? I would say no. But they
did [focus] on preparing for the English examination daily, to go to the next level.

Maturin did not believe that the basic skills professors conveyed or considered
transfer as an option,
I remember in one of the classes that a lot of the people weren’t getting the stuff
that…he was teaching, and so I don’t think he would have thought very much
about them being able to transfer anywhere…even in my math class no one really,
I don’t think, really talked about any transfer, except for the calculus class…but I
think in those initial classes, not so much.

Maturin suggested that, based on his observation, the professor was having
difficulty with the students “grasping basic concepts” in a class that Maturin did not think
was very difficult. “It would be hard to imagine them doing more because they don’t
have the basics yet.” As a result, Maturin doubted that the professor considered transfer
as an option for most of the students in the course.
As Michael reflected upon his basic skills experience, he initially recalled that he
thought his Math 96 professor discussed transfer as an option regularly. However, after
pondering, he realized that it was his transfer-level math teacher who he was referencing.
As he continued to reflect, he was resolute in his belief that the basic skills professors did
not consider transfer as an option.
I think the 95 and 96 are just basic math, where they’re not thinking these people
are going to transfer, you know…because we started off like with stuff that was

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8
th
grade learning…I mean in a lot of people’s eyes, you know, time is of essence,
and so it’s like gonna take a long—and a lot of those people in there, they didn’t
understand it...a lot of people sweat algebra, and so those were the people that
sweated algebra.

Self-determination
The participants likened their success to self-determination to improve their
circumstances and get out of a difficult situation by their own efforts without help from
other people. Individualism—references or expressions that reflected ideas of “doing it
alone” or implying that they had done it on their own with no outside motivational factors
from others—was clearly represented. While many of the participants expressed that they
had been supported, guided, encouraged or assisted in some manner in their transfer
process, some of the same participants also made reference to succeeding on their own
without needing support or assistance from anyone. On the one hand, participants
described having received support from family, friends, counselors, and others, but on the
other hand, they attributed their success to their own self-determination, self-motivation,
and drive.
According to Maturin, he did not seek encouragement from others, nor did he feel
he needed it. “I was my only encouragement, my education was always important to me,
so I didn’t really need any encouragement…I’ve always been a self starter, very self-
driven.”
Senior reiterated, “Once again, I’m the only one that could prevent myself from
actually getting the degree… [it was] a combination of both my drive…and also my
maturity…and ultimately it came down to [my] dedication…my own willingness.”

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Tiger, a participant who acknowledged many times the vast support he had
received, nonetheless asserts his self-determination to succeed. When reflecting on a time
where he did not feel supported, “He [a friend] didn’t share the same camaraderie with
me…they didn’t think I could do it, you know, so, and of course my goal was, I’m gonna
prove all you motherfuckas wrong, you know what I mean?” When asked by his friends,
“do you really think you could hang with [it]? Hell yeah, I mean, I am doing it so far.”
Lou spoke a great deal about the support he received from his family and even his
boss who permitted him to complete his homework during his work hours. Nevertheless,
Lou also was unyielding about his belief that his reason for succeeding was self-
determination and motivation, “I knew that I had achieved everything I could without a
degree, and if I was to go any further…I had to have a degree…you just got to look up
and say, okay, I can do this and can’t nobody stop me.”
Michael seems to sum up for many of the participants when he reflects upon the
decision to come back to school and stick to it, “I tripped and fell, I mean no one got me,
picked me back up, I had to do that myself, but I came back to school…I guess I was
really motivated to do it.”
“I” was a common theme, and the participants were adamant about it being their
willingness, self-determination, and self-motivation that was critical to their ability to
overcome the various obstacles. Many of the participants believed that were it not for
their inner drive, they would not have been able to stay on the transfer pathway.
Bootstrap Theory
Um, I think your life situation really impacts it. Um, I guess I think I’m very self-
driven, um, for a bunch of different reasons… I think family, life, family

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situations, the people that you see growing up, the example that is there for you—
if it’s not an example that says ‘hey school is important; education is important,’
it makes it harder for you to sorta, kinda see that. I think it takes a strong person to
overcome what they see every day…you know you can pull yourself up, you can
do this, you can achieve this, and that’s a good thing.

Maturin suggests that there must be a willingness—along with strength and drive
to change one’s lot in life. Maturin lived in the foster care system before moving to live
with his great aunt who raised him, and he acknowledged that in his aunt’s home,
education was strongly encouraged and college expected.
This idea of pulling oneself up is most commonly associated with the writings of
Horatio Alger, an author who wrote stories about poor and destitute boys rising from
their condition or lot in life (Scharnhorst & Bales, 1985). This idea became known as the
“bootstrap theory” and has been likened to social and upward mobility. The bootstrap
theory is the reference or expression of achieving the “American Dream” by “pulling
one’s self up by one’s bootstraps” in order to rise above your conditions. The idea of
pulling oneself up by one’s bootstraps became a common expression generally promoted
as the way African Americans could achieve the American dream and move away from
the conditions of slavery and the Jim Crow era (Washington, 1895). The bootstrap theory
was about moving up and away from those conditions that resulted in unemployment,
poor living conditions, poverty, and ghettos.
Michael reiterates this notion as he communicates his reason for getting back onto
the path of transfer,
Well…too the other thing is, and I think this might be one of the reasons, is
because, this is another issue but, when I go out and look for a job, it’s really hard
for me to find a job, and I always, I tend to blame it on things like if I don’t get a

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job I try to find reasons why, because I have the ability, and it’s all right there on
paper…and I have good references. And the only thing I don’t have is school.

Michael reasoned that if he were to reach his goals, if he was to be considered for
certain job opportunities, he must pull himself up and reach for the American Dream,
overcoming all obstacles in order to do so—even those that he could not control.
Tiger initially wrestled with a great deal of doubt about his ability to be a college
student, but he eventually embraced the bootstrap theory as well, “I’m joining this
bandwagon… cause it wasn’t the same track that everyone else went… there is more out
there for me.” Tiger was of the belief that he had to pull away and reject what he knew,
his comfort zone, in order to succeed in college.
Busiman also believed that it is about reaching for a dream, and suggested the
way to achieve the dream was to,
not let no one stop you from achieving what you have worked so hard for…If you
want something better for you…a Bachelor’s may be worth the sacrifice…you
need to do what is going to make you successful…we are the minority, we are not
really pushing it, we are not doing it…there is no motivation to be successful…a
diploma is not enough, you have to have a college degree to be successful.
Lou reverberates what the others expressed when he speaks of the importance of
exposure,
[Get] exposure to anything that you really want to do in this country, and you
break this gridlock, that’s what’s holding you back and keeping you down…in
this country, education is everything. If you don’t have education then you can’t
go nowhere.
Lou believed that not obtaining an education would keep one from achieving the
“American Dream,” and the American Dream is what one should aspire to,
You have to have an education. Without it then you are the laborer. You are the
$10.00 an hour job…you got to get an education, and you can’t let someone stand

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in your way. You can achieve anything that you want in this country. And you
just got to work at it.
Collectivism
Some participants were driven by the desire to be a role model for their families,
for those who would come after, i.e., their children, siblings, nieces, and nephews. The
participants’ desire to affect change in their communities, or within their own family
structure, appeared to be immense.
Lou spoke of his desire to be a role model to his sons. He indicated that he wanted
his children to see college as a necessity, and they were a source of motivation for him.
I knew that was something I wanted to do for both my boys…I wanted to set a
standard for them…I wanted...to be able to say that I completed college…And I
want you to go before you are 40…I don’t want you going through what I was
going through…so now all three of us have completed college, and that’s great…I
think the only way I could do that was for me to achieve my degree.

Senior echoes Lou about the importance of modeling for family, as well as the
importance of race and community, “It’s just not about getting a degree, it’s not only
going to benefit you. It’s going to benefit your family and ultimately, it can benefit your
race…family, race, and actually the community.”
Others, despite their emphasis on self determination, acknowledged the
importance of community support, or how their success was a result of other people’s
assistance. Tiger reflected on the role his mother played, “She motivates me…sometimes
she brags a little bit… [and] that makes me feel good.” Because Tiger believed he had
disappointed his mother by leaving the military, it gave him great satisfaction to achieve
transfer success, and he notes that while on the path to transfer, it was his mother who
provided motivation.

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According to Michael, his younger brother was really excited about Michael
being in college, and was also motivated to attend college as well, “I’m going to City
College too! And I’m gonna do the same thing.” This had an impact on Michael, “He
kind of got me motivated.”
Making Meaning of Success
Metaphorically Speaking
Metaphors were used quite often by the participants to describe their experiences
in education. The following are some of the more salient themes that seemed to resonate
throughout the study.
A Light at the End of the Tunnel
Light at the end of the tunnel generally refers to the first glimmer of hope.
Metaphorically speaking, the light is a signal of the end of uncertainty or doubt. In this
instance, hope for transfer, or a Bachelor’s degree, equates with the light. The
participants each expressed the belief that if they persevered, their hard work would pay
off.
Tiger states:
My plans at City were to, after my first semester, I actually performed pretty well,
but then I just [went] towards the two-year degree…some of my other friends and
some faculty members here kind of pushing me towards …academics, go farther,
go farther and…I started seeing there was a light at the end of the tunnel.

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Upon transferring, Lou shared that he felt as though he had “really achieved
something…and you are working on that final goal…I mean you can see the light at the
end of the tunnel.”
Carter also used the same metaphor when he had determined that he would
transfer instead of only earning an Associate’s degree. According to Carter, his goal was
to finish what he had begun in the military and earn an Associate’s degree. However,
Carter realized that he had the ability to go further, and like the others in the study, “the
light at the end of the tunnel” motivated him to continue beyond an Associate’s degree,
toward transfer.
Michael spoke of that hope in the context of grades, “Each time I did well, each
time I took a course and finished it…it gave me more motivation to try the next one. And
when I finish with a good grade, you know…” For Michael, hope was of particular
importance because it took him ten years before he transferred, and seeing progress was
his light.
Most of the participants held onto their light, and each milestone accomplished
allowed them to get closer to their light. It is worth noting that it appeared that the
participants’ reference to the light was their way of finding hope and resolving to
continue and persevere in order to overcome a number of obstacles or critical junctures
they encountered. The light seemed to provide motivation to make progress and to
remind them of their purpose for being in school.

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It Was Like a Competition
Is school a game that’s played and some “players” come knowing all the rules of
the game while others have never even heard of the game, or may have only heard of the
game but are not aware of the rules or how to play? In their attempt to make sense of the
challenges of the community college, participants likened it to a competition. Participants
talked about the effort to seek out information, compete for scholarships, figure “things”
out, know how to get the professors’ attention, understand and navigate the college
system, figure out the transfer process, ensure deadlines were not missed—all while
balancing work, classes, and life. Learning the rules of the game as you played could be
stressful and make the experience even more demanding.
Tiger reflected on how college was “painful,” the fear of the unknown was scary
and perhaps the fear of not getting it right and losing “the game” was even more so.
You know it was the scariest thing I had ever done...But I had friends, I had some
friends that walked me through it. We went and did the financial aid
application…we enrolled at the Admissions office, but it was—I was still like
what do I do next? You know? It was, it was, I remember…overwhelming, you
know, it was a totally new environment for me…It’s so much to do that I don’t
hear about, and it’s so much to easily forget…it’s just a lot of different things that
I have to do to stay on top of it.

Trying to figure out where to go for assistance or how to use resources for
Michael was a struggle,
Well you guys have this huge room with all kinds of things in here…I came in
here maybe once or twice, because I didn’t really know what I could use…there
was one time where I was just coming in to do a process…I was thinking of
UCSD, but then…I noticed that…you have to take courses in an um…in
sequence…for them to transfer and not just, you know, any of the courses that are
bulk.

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When asked how he figured this out, Michael continues, “I figured that out on my own,
reading something.” Michael is only partially correct about UCSD. He resumes sharing
another experience about not fully understanding college,
I became a part of an association just by happenstance…because I got a B average
or something...I don’t know what it was, it was like a, based on GPA, I was part
of some group and they sent me some things…but I never responded.

Michael had made the Dean’s list and was unaware of what that meant.
Busiman shares the experience of been told what to do without understanding
why, “you knew you needed to take [these] classe[s], English and math and health…but I
really didn’t know what classes I needed to take overall as far as general ed is
considered.”
I asked, “You felt that they didn’t give you initially, the right information. Is that
what you are saying?”
“Well, they didn’t give me any information. They just told me what to take.”
Busiman continues to reflect upon what seems to be a disconnect of the student from the
college,
I mean you gotta figure, all they care about is…getting numbers every time you
sign your name in the class they’re getting paid…if you don’t ask…who’s a good
professor to take, you’re not gonna know, because they’re not gonna tell
you…when you sign up…They don’t have the time to tell you. You have to go
find out for yourself.

Education is a Bug!
“Education is a bug” according to Samuel, and depending on the “treatment” at
the community college, the symptoms from being “bitten” will vary, some being a
positive reward and others a penalty of great severity. Getting bit by the education bug

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was an expression used in reference to the variety of options and opportunities for
students at City College and the enthusiasm and confusion that comes with an abundance
of choices and opportunities without structure. The choices include course options,
transfer preparation options, major options, university transfer options, attending part-
time or full-time as an option, assessment as optional, attending new student orientation
as an option, education plan options, morning or evening class options, degree options—
the options appear endless. While having a number of options sounds great, the
participants expressed concern about having many choices without guidance and how
being bitten by the “education bug” could have adverse effects if the “correct treatment”
is not provided. Participants expressed, in particular, how younger students may be
affected by the “bug.”
Samuel thought it was overwhelming to have as many choices as were available,
and he expressed that more structure was necessary and that students should be limited to
the courses they need rather than to those they want. Samuel viewed the college as a
“non-structured environment” that students had to negotiate without understanding how it
works.
Lou felt that without a counselor’s guidance, no one could fully understand and
succeed in the transfer process. “[Meeting] regularly with counselors [to] go over where
we are and what classes we need to take in order to achieve transfer” is necessary. The
“education bug” is like a buffet with too many options, leaving the student overwhelmed.
According to the participants, it is necessary to understand the resources and options

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available, and guidance and/or structure is a necessary vehicle to negotiate the system of
higher education.
Handholding
The participants underscored the need for guidance and support as essential to
transfer success. Even as they attributed their success to self-determination, they were
adamant about having support networks, contacts, and assistance at the community
college. Some of the participants talked about the importance of “handholding” or
providing students with the tools they needed to navigate the community college system.
The participants stressed the notion that many students, like many of them, come from
backgrounds whereby they are the first in their family to go to college, or that they are
encountering an entirely new system of education. Having a “go-to person,” according to
Carter, would have helped with understanding the transfer options for non-traditional
transfer schools, and Carter was not aware of who that “go-to” was at City.
Tiger indicated that having a program such as TRIO/ASPIRE, which is a transfer
program for first generation, low income students, was vital for his staying on track. The
program encouraged him, “cause when I was having doubt [they said] ‘oh no you need to
stay on track’…they just continually pushed me to do it.” According to Tiger, the
TRIO/ASPIRE program also developed an “academic plan” for him. The academic plan
charted out transfer courses, “Yeah [the] transfer [plan]…plotted out when I was suppose
to graduate…exactly what courses I needed to take in what semester, what year, and the
semester and everything.”

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Maturin, who felt strongly about not needing any support for transfer, revealed
that he made use of counseling resources, which kept him on track,
I remember coming in to see the counselors a few times…I would come in and
they would like audit what you were taking and what you need to take…they
would say you need to take this class, this class, and this class, and you will be
ready for this. And then the projected date of when I should be done if I took
these classes in this sequence for this time…kept me on track and made sure I was
taking things I needed to take.

Interestingly, Maturin expressed a desire for even more support for transfer. He
states that he did not feel completely prepared to transfer,
It was a little shocking, I think, for me. One thing I don’t think they did—and
maybe it was because I didn’t actually come to the transfer center—was…prepare
me for the culture shock of going from here [City]…the culture shock of going
from here where it is like diverse…and to go there where it’s so not diverse.

Maturin indicated that he thought it would be helpful to prepare African Americans, and
all students, about the differences that one would potentially encounter upon transfer,
such as race, “It’s just, like, I didn’t see another Black person…you’re looking around,
and it’s like okay, where is someone else, and so you feel, at least I felt, isolated.” This
experience proves to be very impactful for Maturin,
Um, I was just like, you know, a little just in shock…I didn’t do very well my first
semester…I am in all these classes, and the smallest class is maybe 250-260
people, and they tell you, you know, you’re going to have bigger classes, but you
don’t expect like a couple of hundred people.
Maturin adds, “Not sure what they could have done to cushion the blow.” But he offers a
suggestion that he believes students of color in particular would benefit from: he thought
it would be helpful for them to be aware and to be informed by the community college
what they can expect upon transfer. He also thinks that students should be encouraged to

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visit their prospective transfer school, and that there should be workshops that speak
directly to what students can expect upon transfer.
This idea of “handholding” carries over into the classroom. Busiman felt very
strongly about what he believed should be the type of engagement that happens in the
basic skills courses,
I think they should have been more than willing to work with me…you can really
tell when you go to a class, who really cares about your mind and who doesn’t,
and I think some of those teachers really didn’t care. They had their certain way,
and they got tenure, and this is how they’re gonna teach…That’s good for them,
but it’s not doing good for me.
Busiman also suggested that the faculty would not offer extra help…but would
send you to the math lab.
It’s the way you teach, you’re suppose to teach so people can comprehend,
understand, and retain, and if you’re not going to meet those three criteria, I’m
gonna be one of the people you’re not going to be able to reach.

He did, however, point out that he had professors who were patient and
supportive in the classroom, who encouraged him to learn, but also encouraged him to
hang in there, and directed him to resources and support systems that contributed to his
ability to pass his courses and eventually transfer.
Michael reflected on a particular experience he had, and suggested for him it was
above and beyond normal interaction,
I mean I think they were all good, [but] the counselor that, uh, said ‘Okay we’re
gonna do it’. I mean it was like those were her actual words, she’s like ‘sit here,
we’re gonna get this done,’ I mean it was like, it was more like um, like
personable. It was more like personal than like, ‘I’m the counselor and you’re the
student…and this is my job; I’m doing my job.’ It was more like, ‘let’s sit here
and do this [together].’

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Michael was surprised that the counselor would approach him in such a manner—
connecting with the student and providing conscious guidance, which allowed him to be
fully engaged in the process.
The participants expressed the need to have support and guidance from faculty
and the campus at large. Throughout the study, many of them indicated that having
someone point students in the right direction, or even walking them through the system,
would play a critical role in African American male students transferring. Many of them
also suggested that support could come in the form of a mentor, and this mentor could be
the individual who provides the “handholding” that the participants believe is necessary
for success.
The findings that emerged from this study reveal that there is much to learn about
the experiences of African American males within the context of their academic careers.
It was evident that the participants each had a story to tell. The study revealed the
struggles and hopes of these African American males and may shed light on how
community colleges can either provide, or strengthen, systems to support African
American male students. The study also sheds light on how African American males may
perceive their experiences—providing an opportunity for the community college to
address how best to serve a population that has had little success as a whole in the
community college system.
To augment the findings of the study, the following chapter will present detailed
life stories of three of the eleven participants. These life stories illustrate ways in which
the participants uniquely responded to their experiences at San Diego City College.

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Chapter Five
Making the Case
The life stories of the three participants featured in this chapter set the stage that
allowed me to encounter and illustrate the full range the participants’ experiences. Their
stories include hopes, aspirations, frustrations, desires, and successes of African
American male transfer students who have enrolled in at least one basic skills math or
English course at City College. Life stories (Cole & Knowles, 2001), as a methodology,
provides the framework to examine extensively the unique paths of successful African
American male transfer students who began their college careers in basic skills courses.
Of the twelve African American male interviewees, I have purposefully selected
three protagonists who have offered the stories of their journey from basic skills courses
through the transfer process. Their stories have been selected for the purpose of gaining
understanding, seeking clarity, and documenting their varied paths through the transfer
process. The detailed stories of these three participants may provide not only suspense-
filled drama but will illuminate lived experiences of the African American male at the
community college through successful transfer. I intentionally and deliberately sought out
the stories of these individuals so that they might share their educational goals, their
motivation, and their understanding of why they persisted in order that we might learn
from them and improve practice.

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Samuel Tidwell
Samuel sat and waited for me outside the Transfer/Career Center as I walked up
the pathway leading to the building. I smiled as I approached, and he returned the gesture.
“Samuel?”
“Yes, are you Marilyn?”
“Yes, yes I am Marilyn.”
Samuel, a handsome young man with the fresh face of a 25 year old, offered a
smile with great ease as he extended his hand to me, which I took gently, and firmly
shook. “Thank you for agreeing to do this, I realize that your time is very precious, and I
would like you to know I appreciate this a great deal.”
As I shuffled through my bag to grab my keys, he reiterated that he was happy to
help. I unlocked the door and invited him in, directing him toward the tables and chairs.
He gazed around the room, taking in the cardinal red wall accented with sky blue and a
pale yellow on either side. To the north and south of us, there were computers for student
use and various flyers posting both job announcements and university transfer
information.
“What do you do again?” he asked as he sat down.
“I am the Transfer/Career Center Director, and I am also completing my doctorate
in education”
“That’s right, I remember now.”
Samuel found a seat and prepared for the interview by turning off his cell phone.
We continued to chat as I turned on lights, prepared myself, and watched him as he

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further absorbed the Center. His eyes appeared a bit weary and distant. I moved toward
the table and sat across from him observing the miniature golden hoops that rested in
either ear and a kempt goatee that rested upon his café au lait face.
Upon sitting down, I stressed my gratitude once again, and offered him bottled
water. I told him I would try to take as little time as possible because I recalled him
saying that his time is precious.
“The reason why I was not sure if I would be able to do the interview is because,
remember, I told you I was going through a crisis and was not sure what was going to
happen next? Well my mother had just passed, and there was so much going on, and we
were all in a crisis.”
“I am so sorry.” I shifted in my seat attempting to conceal any level of discomfort
I might have been experiencing. “Was it expected?”
Samuel proceeded to share that the death of his mother was untimely, even though
she had been ill with Lupus for some time. He spoke through pain and tears held back
and seemingly in disbelief, but resolved to continue, he shares the recent occurrences
surrounding the death of his mother.
“We do not have to do this now,” I say cautiously, “I am okay to reschedule if
you like.”
“No, I want to do it. I want to help, besides I am not sure when I would be able to
reschedule.”
Then he asked, “This won’t impact me or my grades or anything like that would
it?”

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I sense uneasiness and his vulnerability and feel a need to keep him from harm;
however, I proceed. I shared with him the confidentiality process and assured him that
there will be a pseudonym used to protect him. I also added that because he had already
left City, there could be no harm that would come his way. I told him he is completely in
control of the process, and if at any point he wanted to stop, not be recorded, or decided
that he no longer wanted to participate, that was his right.
He nods, “we can go ahead.” He explained that he just wanted to make sure that
no one could “come after” him for sharing his experience. He also informed me that his
experience was not that great, and that is why he is concerned.
“I want to hear your entire story. Your experience, good or bad, is what we need
to know…”
Samuel found himself at City College after a sequence of events that could be, at
best, described as rocky. Samuel Tidwell, I learned, is a 32 year old, born in San
Francisco, California. He attended and graduated from high school in Egan, Minnesota.
He grew up in several cities, moving with his mother and siblings from San Francisco to
Oakland, California; to Phoenix, Arizona; to Mexico; and back to California. He also
lived for a time with his father in Minnesota before finding his way back to California yet
again.
He is one of four children, two of whom have earned advanced degrees. Samuel’s
mother earned an Associate’s degree, and his father completed high school. Samuel
began his academic career, at City, in basic skills English and is currently attending the
University of Phoenix.

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Samuel had always planned to attend college. He took college prep courses, spoke
with his high school counselors about college opportunities, and participated in the
college preparation program, Upward Bound, which he described as a program intended
for students from low-income families who wanted to attend college. He indicated that
thousands of students participated in summer classes at a university; as well as camped
and attended museums, which was the program’s way of “trying to give us culture...the
Upward Bound program was about opening our, broadening our horizons.”
Unfortunately, Samuel’s college plans were derailed by an encounter with the
judicial system. Finding himself tied up in legal issues, Samuel gave up on college. His
tenuous relationship with his father, coupled with the legal issues, led Samuel to go to
work and to leave his father’s home.
I was living with my father…and we didn’t have a really good, um relationship,
my father and I, and so I had to move out at 18, find my own place, and it was
kind of hard because I didn’t have any other family besides my father where I was
living, which is in Minnesota at the time. So, um those college dreams just kind of
went out the window with that.

He eventually left Minnesota, headed back to Oxnard, California, where his
mother encouraged him to “get a technical skill.” He planned to attend Oxnard
Community College, but decided to move to San Diego after his mother relocated once
again. Samuel chose San Diego because that is where his brother lived, and he could live
with him. Samuel found this beneficial because his brother had already earned a degree
and could provide him with basic college guidance. His brother shared with him
information regarding a couple of community colleges and suggested he “take some basic
classes” in order to determine whether college was something he wanted to do. Samuel

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worked two minimum wage jobs to pay off his bills and began taking a couple of college
courses.
But even that changed for Samuel when he received a phone call from
Minnesota. That phone call, once again, redirected his life.
My old high school contacted me, and they told me that I would need to complete,
um, some English courses to be able to, for them to say that I did graduate or for
my diploma to have any kind of meaning. Which was kind of unbelievable…I had
gotten my high school diploma, which was something I was proud of.

Samuel learned he did not have a valid high school diploma because of what he
termed “a technicality,” and would have to return to high school if he wanted one. He
shopped for a program that would allow him to gain a diploma and not a GED because a
diploma, specifically, was of value to him.
It’s the pride that I felt when I graduated, you know, from high
school…was kind of taken from me, so it was a challenge for me to get
that and that’s what I wanted to have….One of my closest family
members was my auntie, my Dad’s sister. And to this day, I can still
remember what her household looks like, and her household is full, was
full, of pictures of her children with high school diplomas wearing the cap
and gown. And I always wanted to be one of those persons. You know, on
her wall or her mantle or something, wearing a cap and gown.

Samuel’s college career began with him taking a couple of college classes and
adult-based education simultaneously, “I mean it was like back and forth
everywhere…both jobs, and that’s how I started out my college experience.”
Samuel found himself at City College after completing his adult-based diploma at
a local community college. His plan was to get a certificate and get fully into the
workforce.
I needed to continue my education, but I also needed to jump into the workforce,
and I didn’t want to spend all my time studying…I’ll take a, you know, career

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certification in something to do with computers, and that would help me out, you
know, but I started getting in [to] the class, and I was like okay, I’d like to take
this other class, too. It was like a bug!

Samuel had been bitten by what he referred to as an “education bug” and soon
began to learn of options beyond the vocational certificate. He had heard about a Transfer
Guarantee program prior to coming to City. In an effort to learn more, Samuel made a
visit to the counseling center. His visit did not go as smoothly as he had hoped, and
according to him, there seemed to be some communication issues. Samuel found himself
at a walk up window, a counselor gazing at him from across a counter barrier, confronted
by a computer screen that spat out standardized credits and courses he needed to take.
The counselor proudly handed him his future on a nicely typed printout and sent him on
his way.
“That’s fine if you have a set plan, but for somebody who is experiencing that
challenge of going to school it’s, it’s not quite enough.” Samuel sought more information
and instead of having a fifteen minute walk in session he made an hour appointment with
a counselor. “They gave me the same answer… I think it was pretty much similar
to…what I did [at] the walk-up appointment.” However, Samuel indicated that the
appointment offered something different,
In the sit-down appointment, I was able to go over what those classes would
contain…went over the catalog description…they told me how they would
prepare me for the following classes, following sequence of classes that I was
going to take.

Samuel felt as if he walked away with what he needed to prepare for transfer. “It
was an actual one on one, rather than someone looking at a computer screen telling me
this is what you need, go do that…more engaging.”

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While Samuel was equipped with the knowledge to transfer, there was something
missing. He recalled his days in the Upward Bound program where he was offered a lot
of encouragement to stay in school, but college, for him, did not offer that same level of
encouragement. He was faced with the challenge of having to figure things out with little
support, and feeling as if college was all about facing challenges.
[I]t was more like a job, it was like competition…I mean everybody’s competing
to get scholarships, um, it was a lot of competition…If you want information you
have to go out there and get it…like in any of these community colleges that I
went to, [it] was, okay, unless I went to high school with you, I really don’t know
you, and you know, I don’t know if I want to help you.

Samuel felt on his own while at City. His campus relationships were limited to the
classroom and class assignments. Like many community colleges, City had a host of
students from varied backgrounds and experiences. Samuel remarked upon this as he
reflected on his first days at City.
While I was going to City College, I met a lot of people, I mean people from
different cultures, and I mean we had …it wasn’t friendship, per se, like in high
school, where your friends, you guys go hang out, you know, it [City] was more
like okay, well how you doing, have you finished your homework from this class?
We’d go over stuff for the class, sometimes we’d meet after class and go over
stuff, too. But it didn’t evolve…So while at City College, I met a variety of
different people and I did a lot of, um, I guess you could say school networking,
um, so that was my friendships here with people at school.

While Samuel described his peer relations on-campus as “networking” and
“limited,” they may have provided him just the level of contact he needed in order to feel
supported. It is likely that these individuals, at one time or another, had background
experiences similar to those of Samuel. In any case, it is most probable that the
individuals with whom Samuel interacted were not even cognizant of the level of
acknowledgement and support they were providing.

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Samuel also had limited contact with teaching faculty. He spoke with them
occasionally following class, but never felt the need to otherwise contact them. Support
for Samuel was not overt, and working two jobs limited his ability to access what was
present and available. Finding himself rushing from school to work made it difficult to
establish relationships with faculty. However, Samuel discovered that even small gestures
on a faculty member’s part could provide a level of support.
A philosophy teacher here… after class he was always trying to get us to, you
know, email him, and even though it wasn’t anything involved, it was just email
me…for us to get the syllabus of the class, we had to send him a picture of
ourselves. And I was like, okay, that’s strange, why do you want a picture of me
I’m sitting right here in class, right? It’s just, I don’t know, he wanted to have
some kind of…that was his way and it seemed strange at first, but you know, I
understand why he wanted us to send our email, with email information with, you
know, contact and pictures so he could follow up on us if we were, you know, to
get weak in the class or if we weren't doing so well in the class.

This behavior was unexpected and perhaps nontraditional, but for Samuel it was
effective. It allowed him to be reached in a manner that supported his academic and
personal lifestyle. It also provided a sense of connection to the faculty member for
Samuel.
His relationships off campus were similar. Samuel limited his experiences mostly
to school, work, and family. “I didn’t surround myself with a lot of people. I surrounded
myself more so with ideas. Which is school, work…paying the bills.” For Samuel his
ideas were the daily routines of life. Samuel’s work as a telemarketer was a big part of his
daily experience, but his work friends were not a big part of his academic experience. His
work friends did not have the same ideas about college and he did not find a great deal of
support from them.

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For Samuel’s co-workers it seemed that college was about finding ways to
advance in their area of work, beyond that college was of little use. Samuel seemed to
make an effort, whether consciously or not, to keep his academic life separate from his
work and private life. He never discussed personal challenges with his classmates. He
focused on school while at school and on work while at work—his two worlds co-
existed, he never discussed transfer goals or academic endeavors.
When asked to describe his first day at school, Samuel struggled to find the
words. I recalled Samuel had shared he wrote poetry, so when asked, “If you were
writing a piece, poetry, right, how would you describe how you felt that first day?”
Samuel summed up his feelings poetically:
I had butterflies
Not in my stomach, but in my mind
Preventing me from developing the words that I needed to use
The words that I did use seemed to sway away from the meaning.
Thoughts that I had
And feeling between the students
Was competitive
But still there was a friendship vibe.

“Why do you think these things [these feelings] were happening?”
“Because I didn’t know what to expect, you know, you go to a class, you have an
idea of what the class is gonna be, but that’s all you have—is an idea, and ideas can go,
you know…”
“So at some point, were you able to connect to those things?”
“Eventually, I was able to piece my words correctly, you know, I was able to talk
to people sitting next to me without any problem…or having trouble expressing
what I felt in the words that I wanted to use…it became easier as the semester
went along.”

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Beginning his academic career at City College in a basic skills English course was
not unusual. Many students at City often begin at the basics skills level. What may be
considered unusual is that Samuel assessed into college level English, but after having
been out of school for a while, he determined for himself that it might be helpful to re-
build his fundamentals and start in a basic skills course. “Knowing that I was going back
to school, I wanted, I wanted to take a class below that [college level course] to prepare
myself, um, so that it was kind of like a judgment call on my part.” He thought this action
would improve his current skills, he could benefit from “brushing up” by taking a
preparatory course. Samuel’s confidence level and positive attitude allowed him to adjust
to being in the basic skills class with minimum discomfort. However, he did not fare so
well in the class. Samuel received a D in his class to his shock and dismay. Samuel
believed he had been doing well in the class and that the grade did not reflect the work he
was putting into the class. He had anticipated a B in the class. Samuel reflected on the
experience,
I guess me and the professor didn’t see eye to eye on some of the, um, content in
some of the essays that I was writing…he said a lot of papers that I wrote on
didn’t have enough, um, information in them to complete the thought…grammar
was fine…you know there were transitions in between the sentences…I followed
the basic structure for…writing the thesis…but the content didn’t…it
wasn’t…direct, I’m kind of passive…it didn’t complete a thought.

When asked when he became of aware of this, Samuel continued, “Well I kinda
knew.” Silence permeates the Transfer/Career Center, as Samuel considers his thoughts.
Looking back, I got my papers back and there were, you know, they were graded
with, okay with, this is what you need to improve here, here and here…I would
use the tutoring center to improve those points, but it wasn’t specific as to why I
needed to improve that…So when I made those changes, then other problems

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appeared because I wasn’t comprehending the whole…problem at hand. I was
comprehending the faults I was making, and so I made improvements on the
faults, but I didn’t complete the problem.

Samuel was very bothered by working so hard to address the errors in his work,
and then discovering, after receiving his grades, that something was missing—something
in his exchange with the professor had not been communicated. Samuel chose to never
speak to his instructor about this disconnect.
Samuel’s experience in his basic skills courses varied. He recalled that his English
51 professor was a good lecturer and provided good information. But he also shared that
the professor failed to follow-up as well as he should have. Interesting to note, Samuel
practically rescinded this statement by suggesting that it is the student’s responsibility to
be in touch with the professor. “If your professor isn’t, you know, giving, encouraging
you enough, then you need to know what your problem is in class.” Samuel took on a
great deal of responsibility for his learning. Prior to completing his second level English
56, Samuel was asked to leave City College. This will be discussed in depth, later in the
chapter.
While Samuel came to City with the intent of transferring to a four-year
university, according to him, his preparation for transfer, in the classroom, was limited. In
particular, Samuel shared that while professors in his basic skills courses would ask about
the students’ goals and plans, this was typically limited to the beginning of the semester
during introductions on the first day of class. When asked if basic skills faculty
encouraged transfer in the classroom, he did not get the sense that basic skills instructors
encouraged or discouraged transfer, either way.

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As a young boy, he had always considered college and never doubted that he was
capable of being a successful college student. Once at City College, he initially had no
doubt about his belonging. He was very comfortable as a student and with his academics,
“I… understood the lectures…the homework…using a computer…never had problems,
you know, completing assignments or anything like that.” Samuel did, however, have
experiences that would have him question whether or not he belonged in college. He
encountered challenges with the administration and with him being on campus. As a
result of these challenges, Samuel would find himself doubting, “I thought well, you
know,
[maybe] I don’t really belong in school, I just need to focus on something else.”
His college prep began in both junior high and high school where he maintains he
was a good student. “I always thought I was a smart kid.” Samuel’s high school friends
also attended college. While Samuel’s parents did not attend a four-year college, his
siblings did. Samuel did point out that college was something his family expressed he
could either choose to go to or not. It was not necessarily a priority. His family, according
to Samuel, took the perspective that “if you think you need to be in some kind of school
so you can better your life, then do that. If you feel that you can make it by working a job
then you do that.” He makes it clear though that once the decision was made, his
immediate family strongly supported his choice to attend school and believed in him. Not
only did Samuel’s family offer verbal support, he also shared that his brother would help
him with class work. Samuel could depend on his brother to help him resolve a problem.
His older sister, who is a teacher, would encourage him to review homework and tests,

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and would support Samuel with any other challenges he may have had in school. And he
fondly describes his “mom” as his greatest support for him to go to school. “She was
always telling me…get something that you can fall back on.”
The strength of Samuel’s support was eventually challenged. It was the middle of
the semester, Samuel’s mother was in the hospital and had been for weeks, extremely ill
from Lupus. She laid in bed, barely aware of her son’s and her other children’s
presence—but they were there. Samuel was there by her bedside daily, though it required
him to travel between the hospital and school. His family watched as he worked very
hard to do well in school and be by his mother’s side. He was growing weary and ready
to walk away from school, but his family refused to let him do so.
My brothers and my sisters, they were like, you know, ‘keep trying, just keep
doing that and you’ll see your way through this.’ And that’s what I did. I saw my
way through it and I ended up getting Bs in my classes, you know, so I mean that
kind of support—stopping me from quitting at the toughest time, which was the
toughest time of my academic, you know, career and that kind of support, I can’t
top that. There’s nothing that can top that, you know

As his academic career progressed, Samuel was very excited about being in
school and excelling. He believed he was right where he belonged, and he felt good about
it. One emotionally chilling day, it all came crashing down. Samuel found himself faced
with suspension from the campus and experiencing, for him, a chilled climate on campus.
After two semesters at City College, Samuel’s eagerness to be a student was
greatly challenged, and these challenges would change the course of his academic career.
Samuel’s past made a visit when he received a phone call from the Dean of Student

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Affairs. He found himself in the Dean’s office listening to the Dean explain that someone
of his background was not welcome on campus.
I didn’t think that, that would be possible. I mean how can you tell a student who
has not had any trouble on campus, that’s been going to this school for more than
six months—no problems at all with any of his professors, co-students, nothing—
that he can’t attend the school?

Samuel was shocked and dismayed. In disbelief, he attempted to challenge the
Dean: by stressing that the event occurred when he was a teenager, by presenting his
current status both academically and behaviorally, and by seeking support from faculty.
He sought out support, but found none. He felt abandoned and unwelcome at the
institution that claims to welcome all.
Samuel chose not to go into details. He did share, however, that it was something
that he believed should not have had any bearing on his current status at City.
Professionally, I cannot imagine anything that happened ten years ago that could warrant
asking a student to leave school. But at this very moment, I am left with only my
thoughts about why this could or would happen. I find myself envisioning what horrid
event could follow an individual from youth to adulthood.
During our second interview, Samuel decided to share the incident that occurred
nearly ten years ago and led to his dismissal from campus. It was his 18
th
birthday and
Samuel was celebrating with friends at a party in honor of him. It was a large celebration
with a lot of young adults present and according to Samuel, everyone was having a great
time. Samuel was enjoying his night and was looking forward to becoming a senior in
high school.

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According to Samuel the celebrating took a turn when “some guys came from the
city to hang out with some girls…my friends thought okay these guys shouldn’t be here,
and, …you know, this is our school, this our area, who are these guys?” Samuel
continues by describing himself as the mediator who got in the middle of something from
which he should have just walked away. Before the night was over, according to Samuel,
the venue where the party had taken place was completely destroyed and a car had been
torched. The police arrived and Samuel, being the only “adult” (at age 18) was held
accountable. In his anger, Samuel describes that he made matters worse by vandalizing
the already torched vehicle, “I got pissed off, and I kicked a tail light out. But that was
unfortunately when the police were there.” Samuel, was arrested, jailed and eventually
put on probation.
It is at that moment that I reflect upon the thousands, if not millions, of Black
males who have encounters with the police or judicial system and eventually find their
way to the Community College. I consider the statement so often used at the Community
College—that we are the second chance institution.
Samuel was at a low point and felt a complete lack of support from City College.
He protested to no avail. There seemed to be no one to whom he could turn who was
willing to help him stay at City. Samuel underscored that he was not offered any
guidance or suggestions about what, if any, were the alternatives. Samuel’s resilience was
nearly defiant,
There is always something you can do, so my response was…I’m not going to
make any waves, I’ll just continue taking classes online, and I’ll find another
school, you know, because there’s nothing that’s gonna stop me from getting my

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degree…I’ve turned my life around…So there I was…I just told myself there’s
nothing that’s gonna stop me, you know.

Samuel received credit for the work he had completed before being asked to
leave, and completed the remainder of his general education online.
In spite of this challenge, Samuel contends that the community college, City
College, has a great deal to offer students, “I think it’s a good gate point…to get you
ready to go to school.” Recalling his derailed City College experience, Samuel’s feelings
are summed up, “I would tell them [students] that it’s possible, but it’s not something
easy to do.” Direction and guidance are central and are conveyed when Samuel points out
that it is important to stay on track. He warned against swaying from one’s goal or degree
program. “I would advise them [students] to not get caught up because going to school is
a bug. I mean it’s like a bug. You take a class here, you get your new catalog you’re like,
you know, I like this…” He suggested, “that’s how you get caught up, and if you don’t
have the ability to avoid taking classes that you would desire or like to take, and just stick
with what your curriculum requires, then you won’t do well at a community college—
you need something more restricted.” Samuel continues by describing community college
as a non-structured environment that may be difficult for some students to manage. When
asked to elaborate on what he means by “non-structured” he continues by explaining,
“you take classes that you want rather than the classes that you should be taking.” He
suggested that this may be good for the individual “who just wants to learn something,
but it’s not good for the person that’s trying to actually get their degree [or transfer]…

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you end up taking classes that seem interesting to you more so than classes that you need
to take.”
Samuel encountered many obstacles during his educational journey, but through it
all he maintained a desire and motivation to successfully complete this chapter of his life,
his education. He reflects upon his high school experience as an athlete where his coach
taught him “the 3D’s: Determination, Desire and Dedication.” Throughout school, he
used this motto. Samuel’s quest for education was couched in the notion that if he worked
hard enough and dedicated himself, he could accomplish the goal of getting an education.
He stressed this once again when he reflected upon being asked to leave City, “If I’m
gonna take off campus courses, I am gonna excel; I’m gonna do the best that I can…that
way I will overcome the whole fact that I couldn’t go to class here.” As Samuel reflects,
his enthusiasm and desire to complete his education becomes apparent, and his voice
echoes in my mind, “It’s like a bug, you know you take a class here…you’re like, you
know, I like this!”
Carter Lowes
Carter answers the phone on the second ring in Flint, Michigan. Because I am in
San Diego, we have agreed to a phone interview to be conducted today, a Saturday
morning, at 11:00 a.m. Pacific Time. After an exchange of hellos and how are you, I
thank Carter for agreeing to the interview. I acknowledge the challenging time this must
be for him, offering my condolences. Like Samuel, Carter has also lost his mother and
our interviews had been rescheduled on a number of occasions. I offer Carter the
opportunity to not participate if this is just too difficult of a time for him. He assures me

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that he wants to participate, and that I should take advantage while I have him. Laughter
erupts, defusing any discomfort between us. We have had the opportunity to talk on a
number of occasions regarding my research; Carter agreed early on to participate in the
research, but it had taken a couple of months before we were actually able to conduct the
interview. Carter, a financial advisor, had been extremely busy: relocating to be closer to
his mother, getting things in order for her, getting married, and now expecting a child.
Carter and I reviewed the signed consent forms I had both emailed and faxed to him prior
to the interview. I asked if he had any questions; he indicated that he had none. We
completed the demographics. I reminded him that our interview will last approximately
two hours and will be audio-taped. I also reassured him that he could discontinue the
interview at anytime or discontinue audio-taping the interview.
Because it has been nearly 10 years since Carter transferred from City College, it
is with some reservation, on his part, that we are finally having a conversation about his
experience. Carter reminds me, on a number of occasions, about the length of time since
he left City and expresses concerns about his memory.
Because of an established rapport, Carter and I are able to begin the interview
with great ease; we met several years ago at San Diego City College, and while we were
not in constant contact, we have maintained minimal contact throughout the years.
Although Carter had been aware of the research study, he also fit the profile of students
contacted by the San Diego Community College District research department, and
therefore received a letter in the mail inviting him to participate in the study.

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Carter a self-described “driven” person, and I first began our conversation by
talking about Carter’s hometown—Flint, Michigan. Carter was born in Cleveland, Ohio
but spent his primary years in Flint in a neighborhood he describes as predominantly
Black. According to Carter, the neighborhood was supported by one community grocery
store, and most families were supported by the one main employer in Flint: General
Motors. “Everybody had pretty decent jobs, and the city was really booming.”
Carter grew up with one sibling, his sister, and was raised by a single mother. His
mother had earned an Associate’s degree; his sister completed high school. When asked
about his college goals, Carter explained that he had always had an interest in college but
realized that his mother would not be able to pay for college. Not only was Carter
unaware of the community college as an option, he was also not aware of the existence of
community colleges. Carter also shared that he had not taken college preparation courses
in high school and was not aware of college preparation programs such as Upward
Bound. He recalled his high school counselor approaching him in his senior year,
my one counselor in high school had her favorites and those were the students that
were excelling in her eyes, and those were the ones that she directed towards
different college opportunities, and it wasn’t until I was actually about to graduate
when she asked me what was I thinking about doing with my life.

After graduating from high school—and instead of going off to college
immediately—Carter worked at the community’s grocery store. He later joined the Navy
deciding that he could work his way through college. It was in the Navy that he first had
an opportunity to take some college courses and began to pursue his college goals.

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In 1993, Carter left the military and decided to take some courses at the local
community college. He simultaneously started a small business. When Carter initially
began his academic career, it was not his only priority. He had set up a demanding
schedule of running a business and attempting to go to school. This turned out to be too
demanding, and Carter left school after completing only one semester and spent the next
three years focused on his business, attempting to expand it.
On one particular day, not very different from many others, Carter found himself
sitting in his barber’s chair discussing college. According to Carter, his barber, who was
attending a community college, began sharing his college experience. The barber
suggested to Carter that he should consider going back to school. Carter was inspired and
in agreement and made the decision to go back to school. Shortly thereafter, he
re-launched his college career, once again, at City College.
Originally, Carter had planned only to complete a two-year degree, but that
changed for him.
At first my goal was to continue on with my, um, education stemming from when
I was in the military, um, and get my two-year degree, and after hanging in there
for a minute, that changed…I thought I could continue on, and I didn’t see a
reason why I couldn’t continue on to the four-year college… once you get in
there, and you start seeing the light at the end of the tunnel, then you just, you
continue on. At least for me, that’s what I did.

Carter shares that he first became familiar with the transfer process when he came
across an agreement that listed the steps for transfer with San Diego State and other
universities, “I noticed that they had an agreement…where you could transfer…you
know without any, I guess, without having to go take any of the, um, required tests that
you had to take when you are coming out of high school.” Carter gave some

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consideration to transferring, but his decision became resolute as he neared graduation
from City College. He decided to look further, and in depth, into the transfer process.
As he recounted his transfer process, he began to speak of a professor who played
a pivotal role in his transfer plans.
I was in an accounting class…and one of the teachers there took a liking to me I
guess, and he stood in the middle of the class, [and] stated, [Carter] ‘you’re one of
my smartest students, and I think that you should go and look at going to the
University of San Diego. They need Black students over there; they don’t have
any or have less than one percent of Black, African-American students over there.
I think you will be a shoo-in if you go and apply, and you can use me for a
recommendation.’….He was the one who planted the seed in me going…and he
was the one that told me that I should talk to the counselors over there [USD].

Carter pointed out that this professor taught at Mesa College, City College’s sister
school, and according to him, he received no tangible transfer support at City. While
Carter indicated that he met with a counselor on at least two occasions, he did share that
his transfer support was limited and felt that he did “most of the work, actually, I
probably did all the work. Whatever counselor I was talking to said well, great, here’s,
um, the sheet…of classes that we share and, um, that was pretty much it.” What he could
not recall is if he just did not take advantage of services in place at City, if he was
unaware of services at City, or if guidance and services were limited. Carter, however,
points out that he did spend a great deal of time meeting with advisors at the University
of San Diego. It is from the university advisors that he learned about the transfer
requirements. “I asked them…what was the requirements to transfer over there, and they
were eager to get me over to USD.” This attention and guidance proved to be of great
benefit to Carter and provided him with motivation, “After speaking to them, I was
actually eager to go.” Carter was able to find a great deal of support at his prospective

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transfer college. The university conducted a transcript evaluation, which gave him an
understanding of what was necessary for him to complete in order to transfer. Carter
continues,
Anyway, the counselors went through that process and determined what could be
transfer[ed]…and the Registrar determined what could be transferred, and also
what classes I needed to take at the community college in order to be able to
transfer to the university…that gave me the opportunity to come back to the
community college and take those classes, rather than taking them blindly, or
taking classes just without knowing, you know, and then trying to transfer.

The transfer support he experienced at City College was to the contrary. “I didn’t
even know what they had available, no more than just going and talk to the counselor
about transferring.” Carter notes an interesting practice at City,
They didn’t have a lot of information on transfer [to USD] because they didn’t
have a whole lot of students transferring to USD. Matter of fact, they hardly had
any ever transfer to USD so, um, I think there is more help in going to San Diego
State because that’s the place that more people transfer [to] out of the community
college…even the papers [articulation agreements] the counselors [at City] gave
me was pretty old in comparison to the paper that USD gave me. USD actually
gave me the updated version of the classes that would actually transfer, and the
community college didn’t even have it.

According to Carter, there was not a liaison at City who worked with USD. He
also suggested that the Transfer Center that existed at the time, “was primarily for [those
interested in] San Diego State.” In fact he expresses an uncertainty about the existence of
a center at all, “I don’t know if it was a center or maybe just one counselor in the
counseling office or something like that.” Carter reflected that he did not have an
individual at City College who provided on-going transfer guidance. He stated he would
have appreciated having someone at City who could have indicated where to start to get

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to the University of San Diego. “I didn’t have a go-to person that could aid me to get
appointments and different things over at USD.”
Carter’s campus involvement was not only limited in the counseling center, it was
limited across the campus. He was committing 50-60 hours a week to his business. He
would attend class, go to work, then make time for homework. When asked if he had
attended any Transfer Fairs, he indicated that he had not and may not have been aware of
the fairs, “I just took classes and went; came to school took my class and went on about
my way. I didn’t get involved or anything like that.” Carter had made a few friends on
campus, some he continues to be friends with currently, but his involvement on-campus
was non-existent.
Many of Carter’s friends were off-campus and were “ex-military buddies.” Carter
shared that while it was not a big deal to be at the community college because “quite a
few of us were in community college,” he found a great deal of support from his off-
campus friends who had expressed pride in his transferring from the community college
to what was considered a prestigious school. “Because one of us was going…It made
them happy… to see one of they buddies actually go to a four year university and the
type of university that I went to …versus the standard…San Diego State.” He noted that
they did not spend a great deal of time talking about it, but on occasion, his friends would
remind him that they were pulling for him.
Having guidance and support may have been helpful when Carter was faced with
the dilemma of trying to figure out how he was going to pay for school. He indicated he
thought everything was going well “until the point where they told me how much it

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would cost me to go to a university.” USD is a private, elite school, and tuition came as a
surprise to Carter. This was Carter’s first time believing that perhaps he could not go to
this university. He had only applied to one university and had missed the deadlines for
the others.
Carter chose not to give up, he submitted his financial paperwork and began “the
research process” as he would describe it, “I looked…up on their website, and I actually
seen what I would qualify for.” As a result of his research, he found that he would qualify
for a full scholarship; USD, however, had a different perspective. Carter had been
informed that based on his paperwork, he was not eligible for tuition assistance. He was
taken aback because he believed his research was sufficient and his information was to
the contrary. Carter began a mission to determine the discrepancy. He spoke with the
Financial Aid Director who was adamant about him not being eligible. The Director
informed him that the information was based on the data provided by admissions. “With
a little perseverance, I decided I’d go over to the admissions office and talk to the
admissions director.” Carter discovered that the admissions office had entered incorrect
data. The information was corrected and presented to the financial aid office. Later Carter
received a phone call from the financial aid office notifying him that he had received a
full-ride scholarship. Carter reflects, “Can you imagine how many kids just probably
don’t attend the university just because of human error?”
Carter contemplated the potential struggles surrounding transfer and his ability to
circumvent such challenges. When Carter realized that he was in a bind and did not know
how he would pay for college, he shared with or “complained” to his mother that he may

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have made a mistake; he had not taken into consideration the cost of his university
choice. He replayed the discussion that he had with his mother,
“Did they accept you yet?”
“No, not yet.”
“Well, cross one bridge at a time…you’re worrying about the next step.”
I pondered his words and recognized a response that seemed of the traditional
response within the African American families. Carter’s mother, like many African
American mothers, was reminding him of his strength and resilience—and a belief in the
power of persisting at all odds.
When asked what other kinds of things his family members or his mother said
about staying in college, Carter responded, “I didn’t have to have any encouragement of
that [kind] because I wasn’t leaving college. Um, so you know, she didn’t really say
anything about stay in college…she already knew that I was going to be there.”
Carter also contends that he did not seek out support because he did not need it. “I
guess I didn’t really need to lean on nobody…I just did what I felt I should be doing.” He
was adamant about not needing support from anyone. However, Carter did share, at great
length, the support he received in the transfer process from the University, and he also
declared that he would have appreciated more support from City College.
Carter had fervent ideas with regard to families and the valuable role they may
play in a prospective college student’s life. The value of a college education, he believes,
is remote for many families and not vigorously supported.
They don’t see it as a reality. They see it as an extra expense…they don’t need
any more extra expenses in [their] life…especially if they are in community

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college…that don’t get them out of the house. Even…counselors in the high
schools or any school coming up from K through 12
th
, don’t cement it in the
child’s mind that there’s an opportunity for them to go to school—unless the
[child’s] parent at home has gone, has [an] education…[they] just go through the
system and no one gives them any real direction.

As previously mentioned, while at City College, Carter’s life was heavily taxed
with 50-60 hours of work running his business. In spite of his heavy workload and
responsibilities, Carter was determined to complete college. He pointed out that within
his generation, only three of his extended family members had attended and completed
college. This phenomenon was not only limited to his generation, Carter contends that in
the following generation two family members attended college, and of the two, one is still
attending. “Out of maybe 150 to 200 people, only three of us [completed college]… and
out of the three to graduate from a major institution like the University of San Diego that
was just…me.” Carter’s motivation was to be a role model to those who came after him.
He wanted to accomplish,
something that the rest of my family could see…especially[those] growing up and
[they would] be able to look at somebody that has come from the road on which
they are currently traveling, and see that they can go to the university and
successfully get through it…and see they can go to an elite school…because my
life wasn’t, and isn’t, any different…we all grew up in the same place…when
they look at me they…see [themselves]…folks in my family think that an
education is so remote…that, in itself, was a driving factor…[also] it was
something my mother would have wanted me to do.

Carter’s on-campus life looks much like many of the interviewees’, “I just went to
the college to get what I needed and I left…I don’t even think I know where the library is
at City.” Carter’s experience on campus was limited, however, this did not diminish his
belief that City had much to offer. He stated that he felt City is “a great place to go get an
education…it is an inexpensive place to go get an education.”

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While Carter was able to avoid much of the college life at City College, he spent a
significant amount of time in the classroom. Transfer was not a major topic in his
classroom and he shared that in his experience, with the exception of the faculty member
at City College’s sister school, who encouraged him to consider USD, there was little
encouragement from faculty to transfer. He also indicated neither were they discouraged.
He recalled receiving encouragement from another professor, but interestingly, it was
described as a pat on the back for running a business and being in school at the same
time.
Carter began his journey toward transfer in basic skills Math 96 (Intermediate
Algebra). He vaguely recalled being assessed into the course after taking placement
exams. When asked what his immediate thoughts were after being assessed into a basic
skills course, Carter ponders, and then responds,
I should have learned more in high school…but the other thought …I guess I
should sit here and learn this…I’ll be taking advanced classes later…[I] didn’t
want to just jump into a math class knowing that, you know, I would have failed
it.

Interestingly, Carter’s basic skills experience was limited to the one math class,
typically not the norm for the interviewees. The Math 96 course is the last math course
needed to begin transferable-level courses in math. He initially was not clear on how
many math courses he had taken prior to being eligible for transferable level math, but we
were able to determine, at a later date by reviewing transcripts, that the Math 96 course
was the only basic skills course for him.
Carter was unable to recall much about the course, stating that he was unaware of
whether he had either negative or positive experiences in his basic skills course. And as

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expected, due to the ten-year time lapse, he was unable to recall any relationship or
experiences with his basic skills instructor as well. When asked if he thought the
instructor considered transfer as an option for students in basic skills, he indicated that he
could not recall the instructor discussing transfer as an option in the classroom. When
asked about his classroom experience in general with the instructor, Carter was unable to
recall much of that experience either. For Carter, there was nothing that stood out in the
course that was the key to his having access to a four-year education. There was no
remarkable engagement.
While Carter struggled to remember his basic skills experience, he was able to
offer significant recall regarding his other professors. Carter’s relations with other faculty
seemed to have a more lasting effect on him. Carter recalled the four or five faculty
members who stood out. He seemed to suggest that as a result of the engagement of the
professors, they were much more effective. “They knew their subject; they were actively
involved in their class; they had a passion for teaching, you know.” Carter marveled over
the English professor who took a liking to Carter’s coursework. “I really liked her a
whole lot…she just really enjoyed reading my material…she wanted to publish some of
my papers.”
He was also equally grateful and pleased with his African American studies
professor,
Like I said, they had a passion, I learned a lot. I learned more than I ever could
think about knowing…about my heritage and uh Africa…an uh anthropology was
pretty good. The professors that had lasting impact were the ones who were able
to get the class involved more. They were in the middle of class teaching, rather
than right at the black, at the chalk board…I think they got the class involved a lot
more.

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Even with the positive teaching experiences, Carter could not recall feeling
encouraged by any of his professors to transfer to a four year university—in spite of the
fact that transfer was his priority and goal. However, Carter also had not spent much time
expressing to his professors his goal to transfer. With the exception of the professor who,
without prompt, encouraged Carter to consider transferring to an elite private institution,
and another who completed a letter of recommendation for him, it appears that Carter
sensed that this was a journey to embark upon on his own. He never enlisted support
from faculty to provide guidance or feedback regarding his journey or experiences at the
community college; and never communicating with his teachers beyond the academics.
Carter expressed some dismay when reflecting upon professors who stood out in
direct contrast to those who appeared to value both the student and the teaching
profession. I continue to listen intently as Carter conveys his feelings and perspective,
I think the other instructors just come to class…it was just a job to them…it may
have started out to them as something that they had a passion for, but over time I
think that they just were worn out, were just, you could see it, they were just beat,
and they talked like they were beat; you know…it was drab, monotone; it was
hard to learn in that environment. Wasn’t nothing exciting about it; it was just ok.

Without a doubt, Carter is a determined individual who believed in himself and
his capabilities. He never doubted he belonged in college because it was something he
always wanted to accomplish; for him, it was about “personal gain.” He also maintained
that there was no one he could point to as having contributed to his sense of belonging.
Looking back, Carter expressed that his experience at City College was extremely
limited; as shared before, he would go to class and return either to home or work. He
indicated that it was a great place to get an education, but he did not even “know where

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the library was.” During our conversation, Carter expressed some mild frustration as he
reminded me that it had been 10 years since he was at City, and there were things he did
not remember. He did, however, remember an experience in which he suggested that a
faculty member should have “been put out to pasture.” And like many of the
interviewees, he remarked upon the “really bad” parking situation. When asked to
describe his most rewarding experience, Carter answered, “The day I received my
certificate.”
“Your certificate in what?”
“Business at the community college. My Associate’s degree.”
As Carter continued to reflect, he described a campus peppered with African
American Males, but with the exception of his African Studies class, he had little contact
in the classroom with other African American males. His contact, he points out, was
limited because they [African American males] were not in his classes. He did not see
them in the transferable level courses. Because he was aware of their presence on
campus, Carter ponders why,
I think they only went to the college as a means of showing…their family…I
attend college...I just want to, you know, get my mother off my back because
she’s telling me that if I can’t go to school or get a job, then I need to get out of
the house.

I smile as I reflect upon my own mother telling her children that we either had to
“go to school or go to work,” otherwise we could not stay in her home after we reached
the age of 18. I am inclined to believe, that because I have heard this statement a number
of times from a number of individuals, Carter may have this right. When asked what
makes him different, he reminds me, “Everybody don’t have the same drive… [If] you

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don’t have any direction in your life, then you could just be going through life…you
know, aimlessly. Like the majority of us do.”
Carter believes that if a difference is to be made at City College, the question
needs to be asked of students, “Do you plan to transfer…tell them what it is and…tell
them where to get the information…take them to get the information.” Carter continues,
tell them to stick it out…’cause one day you will see the light at the end of the
tunnel and when you begin to see the light, then it pull[s] you through, you
know…you shouldn’t expect everything in life just to be easy…some things are
worth working for and this is one of them…most African American guys always
say that the man has got [his] foot on our neck for some reason and always try to
take things from us…I would tell them, look the one thing they can’t take away is
your education, so why not…get that…they can’t take away from you [what’s] in
your mind.

I listen as Carter continues to share his ideas for creating and/or strengthening
academic success at the community college for African American males. I am surprised
to hear the following words from this “self-driven” man, “The one thing the community
college could do is hold a few hands and walk them straight through the process.”
Malik Washington
“Are you ready?”
Speaking with a slow, languid quality, Malik gives an impression that he has been
missing a significant amount of sleep. “Um kind of, but I’ve gotta talk to my coach real
quick before I get some questions that might be against the NCAA for me to discuss; so,
that’s why I’m trying to figure out which ones I can answer and which ones to answer.”
Malik, currently a student at Long Beach State University, transferred after just
two years at City College in 2007. Sociology major and a National Collegiate Athletic
Association (NCAA) basketball player, Malik sounds cool and reserved as he responds

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cautiously about anything that may impact his scholarship or his ability to play
basketball.
Malik and I are in the midst of wrapping up the preliminary paperwork regarding
the study. We have spent the last several minutes talking over the phone about the nature
of the study, confidentiality, and reviewing paperwork to fax over for his signature.
“Well, let me tell you what the questions will include.” I share with Malik the
types of questions that I will be asking, and remind him that he has the option to stop the
interview at anytime, telling him that if he is not sure about a question, he is free to
discuss it with his coach before we complete the interview. “Basically, understand, you
control this ship…you’re the one driving…and you can tell me to get off your boat
anytime.”
“Okay”
“If you are not comfortable…once again answering any of these questions, just
let me know. So I’ll go ahead and start.”
Malik agrees to the interview and also informs me that he will have to stop before
the interview is complete and finish later in the day. As a result, Malik and I scheduled
two interviews, one on the phone and the other in the City College gym during his break
from the university.
Malik, a twenty-three year old, was born and raised in Phoenix, Arizona by his
aunt and uncle. He lived in Arizona until completing the eighth grade, later moving to
San Diego with his four sisters and aunt and uncle.

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Malik is the middle child among four sisters, who are either currently attending or
have graduated from community college. His father attended one year of college at the
University of Arizona, where he played basketball and his mother did not complete high
school. His oldest sister has an Associate’s degree and is currently working. Each of his
sisters has at least one child.
Upon moving to San Diego, Malik began attending the local high school. Malik’s
initial journey into high school did not prove to be successful. He started out well enough
and was on the basketball team, where even as a freshman, his playing was
acknowledged. Malik had a difficult time in high school and he subsequently had conflict
on enough occasions to warrant being “kicked out” from high school. When asked why
he was “kicked out,” he would only share, “I just didn’t want to be in class.” As a result,
Malik had to complete his education in a home-school program, which took longer than
the regular high school program.
Upon earning his diploma, Malik began working as a California Department of
Forestry and Fire Protection (CDF) Wildland’s firefighter for two years. But for Malik
the itch to play basketball again was difficult to ignore.
I played my freshman year before I got kicked out, and then, a lot of people said I
was good. But I was young, so I didn’t really know. And then after that, I stopped
playing for a couple years; well, I didn’t play for a school, I just played for
myself. I just played at the rec center.

He realized that in order to play basketball, he needed to go back to school. He
was also aware of the potential possibilities that came along with playing college ball.
For Malik, basketball was the ticket to a four year education.

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Malik continued—speaking about his sisters for whom he wanted to be there; he
wanted to be in the position to support them. Malik also had no qualms about lacking the
desire to be a laborer, he described the work as tough and demanding.
I wanted to transfer while I was a firefighter because you can’t move up unless
you had a certain training that you gotta go to school for…I just thought about the
future. I didn’t want to be working until I was 50 years old…the season for the
firefighting is like, its 11 months.

Malik has multiple reasons to pursue college: basketball, supporting his sisters,
and he couldn’t see himself lugging a chain-saw as a firefighter until he was 50 years old.
Malik contends that his job paid well and provided substantial training, but he did not
want his life to be limited. “I didn’t want to do that forever…I didn’t want to be working
[at that] my whole life.”
Malik was somewhat aware of the transfer process and how it worked with
athletics because he had spent time on campus with the basketball team and coach. Malik
first became familiar with the City College campus, a year prior to enrolling, because his
“half brother” attended and played basketball. According to Malik he was on campus a
“couple of times,” and his brother encouraged him to come to City. He shared that City
was a good school with a good coach. So Malik followed his brother to City College.
It was not until the second interview that Malik shared he had a brother. Malik,
for the most part, dismissed his brother indicating that his “half-brother” was in jail. It
may be important to note that Malik’s brother did not successfully transfer or graduate
from City.
He knew he would need to attend a community college if he was going to have an
opportunity to play college basketball at the university. So Malik enrolled. He went to

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City College, obtained all the paperwork and completed it. He had already tried out for
basketball and made the team.
Malik anticipated that college would be hard and sought out resources. To prepare
for transfer, Malik saw a counselor at the very beginning. According to Malik, he
received a wealth of information that assisted him with transfer.
They broke, they broke it down and showed me how many classes I needed to
take, and the limit that I had, and how many classes I had to take each semester to
transfer at the time I desired to [do] so.

Malik began his academic career in basic skills courses. When asked how he
knew he needed basic skills courses, he indicated that he had to take the assessments,
“Well I think you have to do that before you, uh, before you enroll”—an interesting note
because assessments, while a component of the matriculation process for community
colleges, are not required for enrollment at City, but because Malik was convinced that it
was the first step to transfer, he took the assessments.
Malik assessed into basic skills math 32 and English 42 and 43. Not only did
Malik have to start in both basic skills math and English, but his academic journey began
at the lowest level math and English.
After learning he needed the prerequisite courses, Malik attempted his first basic
skills math course in an evening class while working full-time. He wanted to get an early
start in his coursework but found himself struggling. He was tired, and the course was
difficult for him. According to Malik, the other students in the class were older—just like
him, and “getting off work and going to school at night.”

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Malik felt that the instructor was fine, but he recalls the course being more
difficult than he had anticipated. He also acknowledged that he was aware of the
importance of the class but dropped it anyway. He did, however, pick up the class in the
fall; opting not to begin taking his basic skills English courses the first semester.
“It was hard, and I was saying, like whoa!”
Malik understood that he was facing a major up-hill challenge, yet it was clear to
him that he would be one of the few who would complete the challenge.
I got use to knowing, and I seen how easy it was, so I can transfer. And I was
trying to help my teammates, but then they didn’t want to go to class, so they
didn’t transfer. The only person who transferred was me.

Haltingly and with reservations, Malik shares that he felt good about his success,
but he made his reservations clear as he continues,
It made me feel good, but not good at the same time. I hung out with these people,
we lived together and all that, so it was like they seen what I was doing, but I
guess they didn’t want to do it…Now I’m in the situation I’m in, and they’re in
the situation they’re in.

While Malik understood the importance of taking the basic skills courses in order
to complete his goals, he had some reluctance. He was concerned about taking courses
that he knew were not transferable. “It was like I was taking classes for nothing.”
Because of his concern, Malik even considered the notion of transferring to another
school, but decided that was not a viable option. “Why [try to] take a class you’re not
ready for?...I didn’t want to fail, so maybe I needed to take the courses.” So Malik
resigned himself to taking the basic skills courses in order to reach his goals. He later
suggested that the courses were helpful, and as he put it, “They did the job; they helped
me get to where I am right now.”

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Malik’s assurance of the value of the courses is expressed even more so as he
credits his transfer to having taken the basic skills courses. “If I didn’t take them, I
probably wouldn’t be able to express what I want to express in all my papers right now.”
Malik, however, does complain about the level of homework, indicating that there
was more homework in his basic skill courses than the “regular classes.” Emphatically
expressing, “Way too much homework!” He also noted that he did have to repeat the
English course because of a D. This course was with an instructor who felt he had missed
too much class as a result of basketball. Malik contends that he was annoyed and
frustrated with the class and with the instructor.
It is important to note that Malik’s determination, however, manifested itself
through his enrolling in courses for fall, intercession, summer session, and an online
class. Malik was determined to set a course for himself, a fast-track course, “Well, I just
wanted to hurry up and get out of there…I don’t know, it [the basic skills course] didn’t
really bother me,” he states unconvincingly, “I just knew what I had to do, but I needed
[the] grade so you had to deal with it, so.”
His determination was rooted in his desire to play NCAA basketball, and his
desire to play basketball was integral to his understanding the transfer process:
Well, playing basketball, you kind of know that’s what you gotta do. You play
two years at a junior college, then you transfer to a big university and play your
last two years there. So that’s the goal for a lot of athletes…I knew a lot of people
transferred from out of there, well athletes that go to different schools who I
know, so. I know a lot of athletes who transferred.

Malik was continuously enrolled, using his goal to play basketball as one of his
main motivators. Being an athlete, though, presented a number of challenges for Malik.

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NCAA rules limit total playing time to five years, so Malik had very little room for error
and needed to complete his basic skills courses on a very tight timeline.
“If I were a regular student, I could of waited it out…if I were a regular student, I
would have waited it out.”
Malik faced some of his toughest hurdles in the form of his basic skills
instructors. He indicated that it was as if some of his instructors did not like him, or at
least did not like athletes. He suggested that often times he felt as if the instructors
thought the students were goofing off in class. Malik felt that the athletes were singled
out. According to Malik, the team would be held accountable for the behavior of one
student. He mocked the portrayal of athletes in the movies as always receiving special
privileges.
Some people, like regular people, they think that just because you’re on the
basketball team, you get special privileges in class when you don’t; so…maybe
that’s in the movies, but in real life, you don’t really get a pass…We’d miss class
a lot playing basketball, so had to get notes from the teacher even though they
would get mad.

Malik gives an example of one particular interaction with an English teacher:
Uh one of my English teachers he—who gave me a D, he really, uh, didn’t care
that I played basketball; and like when we had to go to tournaments, we would
have to leave class…I would have to miss like a whole week of class…it’s
suppose to be excused because you give forms to teachers that are signed saying,
since you’re an athlete, you’re excused for that class …whatever you missed you
got to make it up. So I gave him the paper, and he just gave it right back. He
didn’t even sign it. He said he doesn’t care that I played sports… ‘you gotta be
here for the lectures, and if you are not here for the lectures, you’re not gonna
pass the class,’ so he really didn’t, uh, care.

Malik expressed that while some instructors encouraged transfer in his basic skills
courses, he also was of the mindset that many of them did not care.

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“Maybe they thought I, I was just gonna quit or something.” He follows with, “I
don’t know” in a softly muted voice, his tone suggesting a bit of hurt and discontentment.
His tone then lightens as he continues:
But the ones that did [care], they just, they helped me out. They knew what I had
to do…they wanted to help, help us get to the next level so we could get to the
transferable level, and other teachers was just trying to get through they day,
that’s what it seemed like.

When I asked Malik why it felt like the teachers were just trying to get through
their day, once again somewhat muted, he answers,
Cause they were mad [during] the whole class, every time….They take roll…you
come in late, he uh, he goes outside and talks to you and then, okay you come
back in; he would make short answers with people, just smart comments that
shouldn’t be made I guess, you know. He doesn’t want to talk to you; he doesn’t
really care what you’ve got to say.

Malik’s specific examples of professors discussing or encouraging transfer were
limited to professors only elaborating on pre-requisites to transfer-level courses. He also
suggested that an instructor wanting students to understand the process of learning was
indicative of discussing transfer. But when asked if he believed that basic skills
instructors considered transfer as an option for students such as him, he haltingly
expressed, “I, believe so…”
When asked why he believed so, his answer was more reflective of the students
than the instructor. “At the beginning of class…some teachers would make you say your
goals…and everybody wants to transfer…they need to pass this class to get to the transfer
level.”
When pressed for more examples of transfer being discussed or encouraged in his
basic skills classroom, he is unable to provide any. Malik follows, however, with a

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statement that was both reflective and striking. “I know there shouldn’t be no excuses,
but some teachers kind of understand that people have regular lives.”
I could not help but wonder, is this one of the missing elements for success?
African American males are regular people with regular lives. He continues as I reflect
upon his words, “And some of the teachers…didn’t really care about anything.”
Perhaps these experiences, while negative, were motivating forces as well, as
suggested by Malik’s following statement, “Well, I just wanted to hurry up and get out of
there.” Malik makes it clear that he knew what he needed to do and was willing to do it in
order to transfer. He also went as far as to indicate that he was not looking for anything
above and beyond:
I don’t want you to care, but it’s a form we gotta give you, to tell you that we’re
going on the road—for you to sign it. And he didn’t want to sign it, and he just
said he didn’t care…each class I missed was because we were on the road, so he
gave me a D because he said I wasn’t there enough to receive the information…I
thought I deserved better, but he said no.

It was evident that Malik was angry and disappointed as he shared his feelings
about the D grade. I had the sense that Malik wished he could just make the instructor
understand:
I was kind of mad…cause he said ‘sports would always be there’, it’s not gonna
be there…it’s still an outlet for me to, you know, to get a paid education like I got
now, like I’m doing right now…if I wasn’t playing basketball maybe my
education wouldn’t be paid for.

Malik recalls completing all his assignments, however, he acknowledged that he
did need help with his writing. I painstakingly listen as he continues still frustrated by the

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experience, “I needed help, but still I did everything. I did extra work and everything, but
he just…” trailing off in his thought, he ended in a subdued tone with, “I don’t know.”
Malik indicated that he thought his grades would “average out to a C.” This
bothered him greatly because he was on a schedule, and the D required him to repeat the
class. Malik ended up retaking the class online in order to maintain his transfer schedule.
He never suggested that he should have gotten a better grade if he didn’t deserve it, quite
the contrary, Malik made it clear that he just wanted to be supported in his effort.
And Malik was able to find that support from some instructors. Malik pointed out
that the good relationships were “mainly with ladies,” and there were two who he was
quite fond of and remained close to since transferring. What made these relationships
somewhat remarkable is Malik’s reasoning for why they remained on-going
relationships.
“I only kept relationships with like two teachers, because they kept relationships
with me. I guess they took the time out to talk to me, so I took the time out to talk to
them.” These particular instructors were his Sign Language and his Health instructors. He
described his Sign Language class as being different from the others:
Like a family, but it was more, it was different…everybody…interacted more so,
because we had to…I like that, so I influenced the other basketball players to take
that class and they liked it too…it’s a nice class since it was different.

Malik’s Health instructor was pivotal in his success. She gave the athletes
information they needed, fed them on occasion, came to their games, and supported their
fundraisers. From Malik’s perspective, the Health instructor appeared to be invested in
their well-being. This was quite apparent as he reflected on her actions, “we had her class

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right before practice so we wasn’t able to eat, and she knew it…she would let us out 10
minutes early so we could get a bite to eat before we go to practice.” It was also apparent
that he had a great deal of respect for his Health instructor. “But then she didn’t give us
no slack because we were on the basketball team. We still, like, had to do all the work.” It
mattered to him and, according to Malik, to the entire basketball team what she thought.
“Pre-season is all on the road…we didn’t want to look like…we didn’t really care,
so we kept her informed…That is the teacher that I still, to this day, go and visit.”
Malik shared that there was a counselor who had been instrumental in helping
him transfer in two years. According to Malik, she not only informed him of the courses
he needed to take, but would update him, and when he failed his English class, it was the
counselor who emphasized the importance of him repeating the course immediately.
Malik also made it a point to take advantage of office hours, in particular for his
English courses. He felt he needed to, because he was determined to succeed. “I just
didn’t understand it like I was supposed to, so I had to, or else I wouldn’t have passed.”
Prior to coming to City, Malik did not always see himself in college, and initially
had a great deal of doubt about whether or not he belonged. And before attending City
College, Malik had never applied to a college—four-year or otherwise. He had not
considered the four-year college as an option because he was not confident.
“I didn’t think I was good enough.” Malik was leery about what the community
college experience would be like.
“I thought it would be harder than what it is…I didn’t think I could do it because
high school was hard for me…when I got older, then I was able to go [to college]; I just
thought, I was 21 so, maybe it just took me longer than other people, but I did it.”

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Malik did very poorly during his first semester. “I struggled in college at the
beginning; a lot of Ds and Fs.”
Malik believed that this was a result of not having been academically prepared for
college. There was no opportunity for college preparation courses or programs such as
Upward Bound. “Cuz I was home schooled…a lot of stuff I had to do on my own.”
In spite of the setbacks, Malik was determined. When he arrived at City he was
clearly motivated. Concern about the difficulty of college seemed to act as a catalyst for
his determination and his ability to weather the difficulties he would encounter.
“I was more focused on trying to pass because I thought it would be harder… I
was just trying not to fail, so I would be eligible to play basketball, really… After awhile
I got the hang of it.”
When asked about his immediate goals, his absolute resolution to complete his
goal “to transfer—transfer in two years!” is difficult to miss, as he states so matter-of-
factly. My immediate thought upon listening to his statement was that I had asked a silly
question when I asked what his goals were. It was as if he were saying to me, isn’t it
obvious that transfer would be my goal? I reflected upon this moment as I listened to the
interview later and thought about the level of expectations that may or may not be present
at City College. City is a two-year institution that explicitly states in their mission that
transfer is of highest priority. I guess transfer as a goal should be obvious, shouldn’t it?
City College should expect students to transfer in two years just as the NCAA expects
athletes to transfer within two years.

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Malik reached his goal of transfer; however, there seemed to be a bit of
awkwardness as he expressed enthusiasm regarding his success. In particular, as he spoke
of his peers who had struggled along the way, he seemed somewhat ambivalent about
taking credit for being a role model, or even explicitly acknowledging his success. He
made it a point that he did not want to be seen as bragging because, “I don’t talk like
that.”
Malik’s campus life appeared to be centered on basketball and the basketball
team. As a result of being on the team, Malik would participate in fundraisers and attend
events where he would represent the college. Basketball and classes, for Malik, were like
a job. He indicated that he was on campus Monday through Friday, from 7:00 a.m. to
4:00 p.m. “Like 40 hours per week,” he laughs as he recalls the number of hours on
campus. Instead of going home after classes, he went to the library with the rest of the
team where they would either do homework, “chill, talk, I don’t know. Just waste time;
not waste time, but wait.” Wait to play basketball.
Malik did not have time for a job either off or on campus, but he was somewhat
involved in campus activities. Initially, he was part of an effort to start an African
American club—subsequently pulling away after basketball season began. He had been
interested in joining the Sign Language club, but his time would not permit that either.
Malik limited himself to supporting the efforts of others. If his fellow students needed a
petition signed, he would do so. Malik was determined not to let anything keep him from
his goal of transferring, “I was focused more on my education and keeping a relationship
with my teachers.” He would participate in the events or seminars hosted by the Health

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instructor because, in his words, “It was more like to help each other out…We went to a
couple of her seminars…just to support her, and then she came to a couple of our games.”
Malik’s campus involvement was centered on his sport, and it was this
involvement that was vital to Malik staying on his path toward transfer. According to
Malik, basketball helped him maintain his grades.
I wouldn’t have got to play if I would have failed the classes…its…kind of like a
win-win…if you don’t do everything right, you don’t get to play basketball, and
you hurt yourself in the classroom…so it helps you accomplish two things you
want to do.

Even with Malik’s determination, the odds were stacked against him. Growing up,
Malik had very little in his life to encourage him to attend college. Malik’s parents were
both drug abusers and were not a central part of his or his four sisters’ upbringing. His
mother was a high school dropout; his father was a college dropout; and as stated earlier,
he was raised by his aunt and uncle. Additionally, Malik’s high school background was
not conducive to preparing him to be a successful college student.
Malik had a great deal of apprehension when he first began college. He felt
unsure during his first two semesters. When asked why, he revealed that he was
concerned with his grammar, “Well, my writing skills were not up to par compared to
other students coming straight out of high school.” He also had some reservations
regarding his age. He had anticipated that he might be a little older than other students
and confirmed that he occasionally would be chided by his teammates about his age.
Malik made it clear that while it was of some concern, he did not worry about it too
much.

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He did admit that he did not inform his family immediately and his family had not
been aware that he wanted to go to college. According to Malik, they were even surprised
that he was able to get into college. However, once his family became aware, they were
fully supportive. Malik seemed delighted that in spite of his angst, his family was happy.
Prior to attending City, Malik and his sisters supported each other by living together,
working, and providing mutual support to the household. Malik indicated that his siblings
supported him in everything he did. When Malik made the decision to attend college,
according to him, his sisters were happy. They continued to be supportive of their brother
by helping him out. As a result, he was able to quit his job so that he could attend school
full time.
“They know what I’m doing and what I am trying to do to help us out, so they…I
get support.”
Quitting his job was difficult. At the time that Malik decided to quit working and
attend school full-time, he had been living on his own. Malik moved back in with his
sisters. Malik reflected upon this; he had moved out, had a job, and now he was going to
school. “It just seemed like I just got younger…I don’t know, I went back.” But in spite
of this, according to Malik, going backwards was worth it.
The support from Malik’s sisters was extensive and would manifest itself in a
variety of ways. Interestingly, Malik’s siblings behaved almost parent-like in their effort
to support him. If his sisters thought he was not prioritizing, or saw him getting involved
in something he should not be involved in, they would remind him of his goal. “I am a
college athlete, that I can’t be getting into any trouble because I am on scholarship…I

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can’t afford to mess up.” As Malik speaks, the weight of the load he is bearing becomes
quite apparent. His decision to go to school was a family affair and his choices were not
just about him, “I’m kinda the only one, so…I’m the only one college athlete right now…
I gotta lotta weight on my shoulders kinda, so.” While Malik had a strong resolve to stay
in school, he expressed that he would encounter individuals who would suggest to him
that there was a better way to get money. “You got people who say that fast money is
better that slow money.” According to Malik, these statements would typically not come
from friends or family members, but “associates” as he described them.
Malik also had an extended family, his basketball team, which he both played and
eventually lived with. He referred to his teammates as his “off campus-family.” The team
did everything together, according to Malik. The team made up both his family and
friendship groups.
I didn’t have too many friends outside of that; if they wasn’t doing what I was
doing…well we all had the same goal, so that’s what we all did…that’s what we
all strived for…that’s all we talked about,” yawning, “was transferring, playing
for this school, playing for that school.”

Malik came to City College in what appeared to be a much focused manner.
When asked about other students, he suggested that many of the students were older like
him, and they seemed to be focused on their education. He saw the campus as “a mixed
crowd,” and even though he referenced the college as “13
th
grade,” he felt that there were
many individuals “who are already committed, and who already started their life, so not
just going to school because their parents are making them.” Malik was of the opinion
that the students who were younger appeared less focused, “they were just there” not
focused on anything, their education, classes, or basketball.” Malik had shared previously

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that he spent the bulk of his time with those students who were on the basketball team
and many of his references to students are centered on the basketball players. He also
expressed some ambivalence, acknowledging that the younger students were at least
present on campus, “but you could see the difference.”
Malik’s ability to navigate the system seemed to come without many barriers. He
found assistance in admissions and financial aid, as well as guidance from his counselor
throughout his time at City. He pointed out that the basketball team had been assigned a
financial aid technician, who he contends was “really nice to us,” and he expressed that
the team was thankful for her.
When asked about his overall experience, Malik states, “it was fun.” He was able
to help other students who were not doing as well, and he saw himself as a positive
example. While recalling his experience, Malik once again expressed concern about what
he considered “bragging” about his success.
“Why do you see that as bragging?” I asked.
He humbly and quietly responded, “Because I don’t like to say that I was one of
the better players on the team…I’m not that kind of person…I don’t want to say, I was
the man—when I was…but I don’t talk like that…I mean other people could have
[transferred], they just, I don’t know, they got caught into other things; got side tracked.”
When asked to describe his most rewarding experience at City, he says,
Getting my Associate’s degree…since I never thought I would have one when I
was younger. Before I started school, I wasn’t even thinking about school. And a
lot of people that I know don’t have that…so here I am, working on my second
degree…that’s kind of—I don’t know. [He trails off again and then concludes]
I’m happy for that.

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Malik does not hesitate to talk about what it took for him to transfer. The process,
according to Malik, was a long one and there were some major barriers in the form of
NCAA rules. Fortunately for Malik, there was a counselor who had been instrumental in
him completing the process. “Um she, well, the whole two years I was here [at City], we
had to keep checking in with her to see our progress.” Malik shared that the counselor
gave him “step-by-step” guidance. When Malik found himself in a complicated
“dilemma,” it was the counselor who provided him with the information and assistance
he needed.
Malik was at risk of not being accepted by Long Beach State because of the
timing of his degree posting. Malik revealed that because of strict NCAA rules, in order
to receive his athletic scholarship, his degree would need to post within four weeks after
beginning at Long Beach State. This was problematic because the timeline did not
coincide with City College’s timeline for posting degrees. The counselor worked with
Malik to submit a petition for his degree to post earlier, and according to Malik “she went
through hoops for [me].” There were meetings and discussions with the President of the
college and others, regarding Malik, which the counselor participated in. As a result,
Malik was able to get his degree posted earlier and transfer as an athlete on scholarship to
Long Beach State University. And while some may contend she was just doing her job,
for Malik—it was much more. “She actually took her time to focus on me a couple of
days out of her job.” His gratefulness was impossible to miss as he shared how thankful
he was. Interestingly enough, Malik felt this all came down to trust on the part of both

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City College and Long Beach staff. He was grateful to Long Beach State for “taking a
chance” on him.
It is important to note that according to Malik, his first choice was Tennessee
State, and he had several other options to consider for transfer: Albany State University
in New York; Chattanooga State in Tennessee; and Sacramento State had all offered
scholarships, but Long Beach State University was the only institution that was willing to
allow his degree to post after school started.
The journey was long and arduous, but Malik was able to transfer. “Having a
plan…” is what Malik believed strongly contributed to him completing his journey,
“…writing down all the classes that I needed.” Malik stressed that having a plan for each
semester and using that plan, even when he did not pass a class, was fundamental to
staying on track. “A lot of people never even had one, and then when I showed
them…they asked where I got it from… I made an educational plan like the first
semester.” Malik also emphasized the importance of sacrifice and delayed gratification.
“Whatever you’re doing now, they can do the same thing later…just concentrate on going
to school.” Malik stresses the significance of an education plan once again, “for a regular
person, I just say [get] the educational plan, which I hope everyone is doing.”

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Chapter Six
Conclusion
The hooded sweatshirt and oversized jeans gathered up the backpack and just as
they entered, they left the classroom; and they left college. And as with so many stories,
the hooded sweatshirt and oversized jeans does not return to college. Such are the stories
of many African American males who come to the community college with the hopes of
reaching for a better life or an opportunity for something greater than their previous
experience. There are other stories, however, the stories of those who come with the same
hopes, the same aspirations, the same fears and the same trepidation. Theirs are the story
of African American males who, typically, are first-generation college students, but who
are also unique among themselves: they are scholars waiting to be noticed, they are
fathers, brothers and sons. Their stories are of the hooded sweatshirt and oversized jeans,
current or former military servicemen, former drug addicts, athletes, and young men who
leave the classroom—only they do return another day, another semester, another year
until they reach, what is for them, the pinnacle of success, university transfer.
My final chapter will present a summary of the study. The chapter will continue
with discussion and findings of the study, and will follow with implications for practice
and recommendations for stakeholders. The chapter will close with my perspective as the
Director of the Transfer/Career Center at City College.

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Summary of the Study
I set out to find the voices of African American male success at the community
college; for the purpose of this study, I defined transfer as the gauge of success. This is
appropriate given the history of community colleges in general, and California
community colleges specifically, which include transfer as a core mission (Lucas, 2006;
Dougherty & Townsend, 2006; CPEC, 2005b). Much of the literature that exists on
African American males has focused on their challenges, and limited research could be
found that addresses success for African American males in the community college
system. I sought to fill this gap by contributing to the discussion surrounding African
American male success. I also believed it particularly pertinent to hear the voices of
success, in order that scholarly communities might gain insight into the experiences of
successful African Americans males who began at the community college in basic skills
and persisted through university transfer. My intent was to document the fulfillment of
transfer goals among African American males who, in starting out in the lowest level
basic skills courses, have the lowest chances of becoming transfer-ready. While it is true
that a very small percentage of basic skills students—men and women of all races—
persist and successfully transfer to a four-year college, it is important to learn from the
experience of African American men who succeeded against the odds, and to use that
learning to level the trajectory from basic skills to transfer readiness so that more students
can make their way to the end of the tunnel.

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Discussion and Findings
Research has focused a great deal on post-secondary education—emphasizing
persistence, attrition rates and retention, and highlighting college preparation. A
significant amount of research has focused on the community college—much of it on
transfer, basic skills, or articulation (Brint & Karabel, 1989; Carter 2001), however, very
little focusing on African American males. While there has been some focus on the
African American male college experience, much of it has been limited to the four-year
institution (Harper, 2006a, 2006b, 2007; Harper & Quaye, 2007). However, in nearly
75% of all post-secondary enrollments in California, the recognized gateway to higher
education for large numbers of low-income students and students of color is the
community college (Shulock & Moore, 2005). The majority of African American male
students begin their college career at the two-year college. Despite the significant
presence of African American males at the community college, there is very little
research about them from the community colleges’ institutional research departments
themselves. Additionally, very few scholars have taken an in-depth view of the
challenges facing one of the most challenged populations in higher education. The data
that does exist tends to focus on African Americans as a whole, not separating gender
within ethnicity. As a result, very little is known about the experiences of African
American males at the community college level.
Previous literature related to African American males at four-year institutions
indicated three areas in particular that should be given attention. These areas promote
student success: family support, peer groups, and faculty relationships. The literature

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secondarily pointed to social and extra-curricular activities, validation, and campus
climate as well. This study set out to seek successes of African American males who
would be able to provide the researcher with an opportunity to hear their stories while
being guided by the aforementioned factors considered as implications for success. There
were five overarching research questions that guided the study.
In what ways do African American male students experience the academic trajectory
from basic skills courses through transfer?
The participants represented the full range of basic skills needs at City College:
from one class (three units) to eight classes (22 units) (see Appendix A). The literature
noted that basic skills may thwart the motivation of those students who find themselves
having to take basic skills courses. They may often become overwhelmed or discouraged
and are likely to drop out before completing the basic skills courses (Attewell et al.,
2006).
The current study yielded new insights regarding basic skills and African
American male students. Experiences in basic skills varied for each participant in the
study, however, there were some common elements. The participants first learned they
would need to take basic skills courses—to their surprise and initial dismay. Each of the
men felt basic skills courses had a stigma, and each was concerned their basic skills
course(s) would lengthen their time to complete community college. However, I found
that upon realizing that the required courses would potentially provide a foundation and
would give them access to transferable-level courses, the participants were accepting of
the courses.

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The men in the study suggested that their success was due in part to understanding
and accepting that there were levels within their academic experience they would have to
achieve in order to transfer. Once they were able to connect the courses to what they
considered a viable outcome, the men were not only open to, but in some cases, embraced
their basic skills courses. While some of the participants found the courses to be fairly
easy or even a waste of time, others struggled and either failed or dropped the course,
requiring them to repeat the course. I also found that half the participants completed their
basic skills and transferable level courses within two to three years, while the other half
with—lapses in their college attendance—required a longer period for their completion.
The community college journey for some of the participants spanned a period of five to
ten years.
Even so, after becoming more focused, they also completed their basic skills
courses. The participants articulated that the instructors were supportive and cared about
their learning. The participants rarely made use of resources such as faculty office hours,
although a few did access tutorial services. For most of the participants, their college
experience was limited to the classroom.
I learned it is critical that students understand the purpose and benefits of their
courses. Because basic skills courses can act as a gateway and gatekeeper, it is imperative
that students are provided information regarding basic skills at the beginning of the
matriculation process and throughout application, assessment, orientation, counseling,
and even in the classroom. Students who begin in the basic skills courses are often not
aware of why they have to take the courses and how the courses potentially benefit them.

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If students are provided this information early and the purpose is clearly articulated, it is
less probable that they will experience high levels of frustration, and they may be more
motivated to persist.
Campus Climate
For many of the participants, their view of campus climate was positive. Most of
them expressed a sense of comfort in the diversity and in being welcomed on campus.
They indicated, in some cases, surprise and pleasure at being on a campus with such rich
diversity in both student population and staff and faculty. Most indicated positive,
welcoming attitudes and interactions with staff and faculty. Overall, they felt supported
by the campus in their transfer endeavors. The importance of campus climate and the
impact it potentially may have on a student when the campus feels hostile and uninviting
was also highlighted—in particular, as it relates to culture, gender, and race. There were
instances whereby participants experienced events that indicated they were not welcome.
These occurrences took place in the classroom and with administrative staff, and had a
significant impact on the individuals. While most were able to persevere in spite of these
unwelcoming occurrences, within the study, one case emerged that had a potentially
devastating outcome: a student leaving college. For these participants, the overall campus
climate provided a key part of what they needed—to feel as if they belonged in college.
The study, as the literature indicated, demonstrated that campus climate is critical and is
essential for students staying in school and persisting through transfer.

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Validation
The importance of validation—the process of enabling, affirming, and supporting
the student (Rendón, 1994)—was evident throughout the study as well. Each participant
expressed, at minimum, one occurrence of validation while at City College. They also
expressed a great depth of appreciation for the validation received. The participants
seemed most appreciative of direct validation they received from faculty in particular,
however, it was apparent that the participants received validation in a number of ways
and from a number of entities. Validation was provided by, but not limited to, counselors,
parents, peers, and siblings, as well as by grades earned in the classroom. For those who
initially struggled with doubt about belonging in college, this validation provided a sense
of relief and gave the participants reason to believe they belonged in college and that they
could be successful. The participants stressed how being validated in the classroom gave
them a sense of belonging and gave them the motivation to continue.
In some instances, there was evidence of harm from a lack of validation, which
fostered concern or anxiety for the participant. This lack of validation presented itself in
the classroom for two participants in particular: Malik, the athlete, felt his involvement in
athletics was disregarded and negatively judged by his instructor, and, Busiman, who felt
his individual needs, in this case his disability, was dismissed by some instructors.
Another occurrence was related to the participant who was asked to leave by an
administrator, which was the one time Samuel spoke of not feeling he belonged in
college.

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Many of these participants received minimal validation in their K-12 educational
experiences, and in some ways, they have taken a chance or perhaps, for some, a risk in
giving higher education a try. As the literature indicated and the study suggests,
validation for African American males is a significant factor for staying in college.
Faculty Relations
According to the literature, faculty members are the vital and primary connection
between students and campus life (Chang, 2005; Fries-Britt, 1997). Student-faculty
relations for all students and in particular for African American male students may
enhance their college experience and build their academic confidence (Bonner, 2001;
Cole, 2008). Many of the participants in the study, as previously noted, limited their
contact or engagement to the classroom only—rarely taking advantage of office hours or
developing relationships outside the classroom. However, the participants expressed the
importance and value of faculty relationships throughout the study. They conveyed that it
was nice for faculty to have office hours or to make themselves available to students.
Participants spoke of such gestures as being emailed by faculty or getting a sense that
faculty cared about their learning, and they felt special when acknowledged for their
accomplishments. What the study does seem to suggest is that they came to the classroom
expecting very little from the instructor, and when even the smallest of gestures occurred,
the participants were not only surprised but grateful. For some, when outreach from the
faculty did occur, they were nearly dumbfounded that it was not the result of something
being wrong or that they were “in trouble.” This is important to note because the
participants were a range of ages and had varied life experiences, yet they all had little or

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no positive expectations of their professors. This may be due, in part, to the fact that all
but one were first-generation college students, or that many of them had poor K-12
experiences. It seemed that previous school experiences had ingrained in them an
expectation of negative encounters from teachers.
It is critical that faculty be made aware of the importance of student-faculty
relations and have a conscious understanding of the power of their words in the
classroom. Reaching out to students, and in particular to African American male students,
with words of encouragement has the potential to enhance the students’ college
experiences both in and out of the classroom. One participant stressed the value and
significance of these relationships when he indicated he wished the professors at City
would have required more group work and activities as his transfer university did,
because it made him feel more involved on campus. Faculty have the power to change
what may be the perceived norm on community college campuses, by requiring some
level of student involvement or participation in campus activities as it relates to their
course subject matter. And because the benefit seems to be significant, faculty at City
College might consider requiring one office hour visit for each student during the
semester, perhaps demystifying the nature of faculty relations for students.
Through my observations, some students come into the classroom with music
attached to their ears, or with their minds elsewhere, perhaps to deflect what may come
their way, or to present a level of control or even disinterest as a form of self protection.
African American males come to the post-secondary classroom with lived experiences
from secondary school, which give them ideas about what will occur, and they often do

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not know what to expect. Whether it was in the classroom, in office hours, or some other
form of advocacy from the faculty, the importance of the relationship was noted. The
study suggested that it is incumbent upon the faculty member to reach out to African
American males.
Peer Groups
According to the literature, peer groups may be one of the most significant
components for a college student’s academic and personal development. Yet my findings
were in contradiction to the literature in terms of what constitutes peer relations for
African American men at the community college. Many of the participants, with the
exception of the athlete, limited their definition of peer relations to study groups and
classroom interactions only.
When asked about their peer relations, common themes emerged. Only one
participant spoke of on-campus friendships that continued beyond university transfer;
others indicated that they only had relationships that centered on classes. On occasion,
participants would meet with classmates off campus, however those were limited to study
groups, usually at coffee shops. While it may appear that peer relationships of the
participants were limited, or perhaps even superficial, the contact seems to have been
sufficient for the participants. In fact, these relationships appeared to carry a level of
depth for the participants, which translated to acknowledgment and support from
classmates, verbal support for transfer efforts, and participation in study groups. This
type of interaction was common throughout the study, indicating the need to re-examine
the nature of peer groups on community college campuses. While participants limited

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their interaction with their peers on campus, they seemed to express that peers were
significant and had value. Stakeholders, faculty in particular, may be able to create or
facilitate stronger peer interaction, thereby strengthening the connection between students
and the campus. Requiring students to work together on projects outside the classroom
would be one way of addressing this area. Even while limiting their definition to peer
relations, the participants seemed to understand that peer relations went beyond the
classroom and study groups.
Social & Extra-curricular Engagement
Spending a considerable amount of time on campus and participating in campus
activities, studying, and being in contact with both faculty and classmates outside the
classroom are characteristics of highly involved students (Astin, 1993). However, with
perhaps the exception of studying, this did not seem to bear out in my findings. Campus
engagement for the participants was extremely limited. Of the participants, only two were
highly involved in campus life; one being very engaged in athletics and the other being
actively engaged in on-campus organizations. Two participants joined academics-related
campus clubs for one semester only.
Lack of student involvement has been attributed to the commuter dynamics of the
community college. However, there are many commuter universities that prioritize school
engagement, where the commuter students are actively involved in campus life. While
some researchers have accepted that the number of credit hours (units) in the classroom is
a useful measure of academic and social involvement and represents a form of campus
involvement at the community college level (Hagedorn et al., 2001), I would contend that

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classroom involvement alone is insufficient. Credit hours alone cannot address student
engagement.
As they did with peer relations, many of the participants defined “extra-curricular
activity” as participating in study groups and meeting with classmates for the purposes of
homework. If students are convinced that their engagement on campus provides a direct
benefit to their education and academic success, there could potentially be a dramatic
increase in campus engagement. Campus engagement leads to campus networking, and
campus networking leads to building possible relationships that may evolve to
friendships, references for future employment or graduate school, and mentors. Campus
involvement may convince the student to take ownership in the school, leading to the
development of alumni associations or strengthening those that do exist. Students benefit
from spending more time on campus because the college experience is meant for students
to connect, explore, and engage. Community colleges should be encouraging this
behavior so that students may have college experiences that are rewarding.
What role does the institution play, and what message does it convey, in encouraging
African American men to transfer?
The message the institution conveyed was sometimes one of confusion, poor
structure, and poor information dissemination. Many of the participants felt they were
responsible for figuring out how to navigate the college system and transfer process.
There was no structure in place to encourage African American males in particular to
transfer, however, the participants made use of the counseling resources that provided the

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needed guidance for transfer. While there is structure in place at the college to support
transfer in general, the students felt they were left to find it on their own.
The participants suggested that school was, in some ways, like a competition.
There were rules and regulations that, instead of being provided to them in a succinct
manner, they felt they were expected to figure out on their own. One participant stated it
felt like a competition—a competition that is difficult to win because one is expected to
play the game while learning the rules. The participants clearly indicated that there was
much to be aware of, and that traversing the path of transfer could be difficult without
understanding what is required.
The participants felt that the college provided many curricular options but did not
provide the guidance needed to make informed decisions about which courses to take
from the onset. The downside of having such an array of courses from which to choose
was that some participants ended up with more credits than they needed and as a result
may have taken longer to complete their academic program. With no guidance on how to
attend college, students take classes and participate in their educational process
haphazardly. The stop-in and stop-out process also becomes a message conveyed to
students as a viable option—instead of students being encouraged to stay continuously
enrolled in the community college for the first two years of their four-year college
experience.
The structure of community college could be strengthened by extending services
of orientation, assessment, and placement for all students. This would alleviate the
arbitrary decisions made by students when navigating their academic career.

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How do African American male students in basic skills courses learn about transfer
options and on-campus support for transfer?
There was no one definitive way in which the participants learned of transfer. For
some participants who came to the campus to earn an Associate’s degree, they either
heard about transfer guarantee programs from peers, or a faculty member (instructor or
counselor) suggested transfer to them because of their grades or goals. Some participants
learned from a sibling about transfer options, some learned from friends; none apparently
went to an orientation.
I also learned that for the participants there was no structure by which they
learned of transfer in their basic skills courses. Transfer may have been mentioned by
way of student introductions, and typically transfer discussion was limited to the
beginning of the semester. No formal process followed throughout the semester. The
participants also learned about on-campus transfer support in a haphazard manner. Some
participants indicated they stumbled upon the Transfer/Career Center. Others had never
been to the center, nor attended a transfer fair. Requiring all students to participate in
orientation and providing workshops that discuss transfer could be beneficial. Directly
contacting all students who indicated transfer-intent on their application and providing
transfer updates and other transfer-related information should be the normal process. Also
providing faculty with transfer information via faculty development workshops and
transfer marketing tools, early in the semester, may encourage faculty to share transfer
support services and resources with students.

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What are African American male students’ opinions of institutional factors that would
make a difference in their successful transfer to four-year colleges and universities?
The participants came from backgrounds where they were the first in their family
to go to college, and they were encountering an entirely new system of education. High
school had a great deal of control over their academics. As a result, coming into a system
that has so many options, students find themselves attempting the path of a foreign
community college system, which is difficult to traverse without direction. I learned that
the participants felt the system allowed for students to “take classes blindly.” An
institution such as the community college should require new students to take
assessments and attend new student orientation. A certain level of “handholding”—
simply meaning support and guidance for new students—was one way in which the
participants believed the institution could make a difference in the transfer effort.
The participants had strong opinions about what the institution could do to benefit
future students interested in transfer. Some conveyed either that they would have
benefited greatly from having a mentor or that future students would benefit from a
mentor. The participants felt that transfer should be discussed in the basic skills courses,
not just in passing or because a student mentioned they wanted to transfer in their
introduction of themselves, but as a matter of protocol, and throughout the semester.
Some participants also conveyed that easier access to information as well as workshops
on what to expect after transfer would be helpful. It was evident that more could be
communicated in the classroom regarding the opportunities for transfer, including
guarantee programs and various existing university transfer options.

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The study suggests that the college may benefit from creating supportive venues
such as one-stop student service centers that house all student services. The campus could
be more intentional—making a concerted effort to develop strategies and plans that bring
awareness of support services to students, thereby creating a student-centered
atmosphere. A biannual review of all services could assess and improve services to
students. Student feedback could be solicited consistently and regularly to ensure that
campus information is being received and understood. Community colleges would
benefit from creating an environment much like that of four-year colleges, which not only
set expectations, but provide a level of handholding to ensure completion. Noting the
expectations of four-year colleges, the college may benefit from providing a more
student-centered matriculation process as well as targeted services to meet the needs of
first year students.
What contributes to African American men’s ability to persist through basic skills to
university transfer?
The participants’ ability to persist was a result of a number of factors. Motivation,
self-determination, validation, family support, and believing that they were the only
reason they might not succeed—all contributed to the participants successful university
transfer. It’s important to note that the majority of these factors were internal or self-
generated.
I learned that the participants created milestones for themselves by establishing
internal positive feedback. They were able to realize each step of the process allowed
them to be one step closer to their goal. Creating processes where students are able to see

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their completed milestones would be beneficial to all students. If students were required
to see a counselor twice a semester, at the beginning and the end to check in and update
their education plan, this would provide a venue by which students could see their
progress and be verbally rewarded for the milestones they have accomplished.
The participants clearly bought-in to the myth that self-determination alone
should see them through their college career.
Now, there is another myth that still gets around: It is a kind of over reliance on
the bootstrap philosophy. There are those who still feel that if the Negro is to rise
out of poverty, if the Negro is to rise out of the slum conditions, if he is to rise out
of discrimination and segregation, he must do it all by himself and so they say the
Negro must lift himself by his own bootstraps...It’s all right to tell a man to lift
himself by his own bootstraps, but it is a cruel jest to say to a bootless man that he
ought to lift himself by his own bootstraps.
-- Martin Luther King, Jr. March 31, 1968 Remaining Awake through a Great
Revolution (Carson & Holloran, 1998, p. 210-211)

The participants represented and conveyed a great magnitude of self-
determination. Their expressions of self-determination were indicative of the notion that
if one would just try to improve upon one’s position, and get out of a difficult situation by
one’s own efforts—without help from other people, one can be successful.
Individualism—references or expressions that reflected ideas of “doing it alone,” or
implying that they did it on their own with no outside motivational factors from others—
were clearly represented. While many of the participants expressed that they had been
supported, guided, encouraged or assisted in some manner in their transfer process, some
of the same participants also made reference to succeeding on their own without needing
support or assistance from anyone. In one voice, they were sharing about support from

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family, friends, counselors, and others, while at the same time stressing their self-
determination, their self-motivation, and their drive alone as their success mechanism.
These men accepted the idea of “The American Dream,” where education
represented an opportunity to make their dreams a reality. The participants were
convinced that if they were to reach their goals, it was completely their burden alone to
remove all barriers and obstacles preventing them from completing their goal of transfer.
This attitude may be a reflection of both the projection and protection of their
masculinity.
Although these men were successful in the community college, most African
American young men, like the participants, arrive at the community college with little or
no college preparation—no boots—yet are told to pull themselves up by their bootstraps.
These participants may have been convinced that they had been given their foundation—
their boots—in their basic skills courses. Each eventually recognized that the basic skills
courses were a pathway to university transfer, and therefore persisted.
Even though the participants could articulate or express support received, when
directly asked about support, they seemed unable to recognize or acknowledge that
support as key to their success. They clearly felt they had done it entirely on their own. It
appears though, that their self-determination, coupled with the support they received,
made the actual difference in their success. It strikes me that their masculinity may have
required that they minimize or sublimate their need for support. Further research may be
required to gain a fuller understanding of this phenomenon, however, community
colleges’ awareness and understanding of this could impact programming for African

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American males. Community colleges could offer services and programs that take these
characteristics into consideration. These programs would be intrusive, with the intent of
providing structured support that is respectful of students’ identity and does not treat
them as victims. Outreach should be directed toward this population of students, and both
professional and student outreach staff should include African American male
representation. This outreach should also be intrusive, creating avenues for African
American males to easily connect to campus services and programs. Also, not all students
will have this level of self-determination, so this type of engagement with students would
be effective either way.
Implications for Practice
According to the California Master Plan of Higher Education (Coons et al.,
1960), the transfer function is an essential component of the commitment to access. Upon
eligibility, California Community College transfer students are to be given priority in the
transfer process to both the University of California and California State Universities.
These institutional segments are bound by the Master Plan to provide a lower division to
upper division ratio of 40:60 within their institutions. The California Community College
has as its primary mission providing the first two years of undergraduate (lower division)
coursework. In addition, the community colleges are authorized to provide remedial
instruction (UCOP, 2007). Also, California Community Colleges have established
Transfer Centers, whose original purpose was to strengthen the transfer function and to
increase the number of students prepared for transfer to baccalaureate-level institutions.
This was to be done through the coordination of transfer efforts designed to enhance the

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transfer of low-income, disabled, or first-generation college students (California
Community Colleges System Office & California Community College Transfer Center
Directors Association, 2006).
If the above mandates are to hold true, and if community colleges are to be held to
these commitments, then based on the study, there is much to be done by college
stakeholders. While I was able to find some successful African American male transfer
students at City College, it would be premature to claim success with this population of
students in general.
Matriculation is defined as a process that “enhances student access to the
California Community Colleges and promotes and sustains the efforts of credit students
to be successful in their educational endeavors” (CCCCO, 2009). This is to be
accomplished by ensuring that all students persist and achieve their educational goals
through the processes of admissions, assessment, orientation, counseling, and follow-up.
Unfortunately, the matriculation process is optional at City College. In order to
attend community college, students are only required to complete the application.
Orientation, assessments, and counseling are available, and may be essential for
educational success, yet they are not required. Students may attend the college for years
before seeing a counselor, assessing, or attending an orientation—all of which are
required at the four-year institutions. Even more recently, the discussion on community
college campuses is that funding for matriculation will be eliminated as a result of budget
cuts.

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The neediest population is welcomed with open arms into an arena of possible
confusion and a perceived lack of support. These populations of students are likely to
need basic skills, are likely to be the first in their family to attend college, and may be
bewildered by the process.
According to the California Basic Skills Initiative, only 29% of basic skills
students have success—completion or transfer within five years. Additionally, the
initiative calls for four key effective practices that must be implemented in order to begin
the process of ensuring success for basic skills students.
First—with or without formalized matriculation—assessment, orientation, and
placement are critical. Proactive or intrusive counseling support for basic skills students
with a goal of transfer is imperative. Improved awareness of and information about
financial aid is needed to help students recognize that money is not a barrier for them.
Program evaluation, monitoring for success every semester (who succeeds, who doesn’t,
and why), must also be implemented.
The on-going evaluation of college-wide basic skills and transfer is needed and
should be accomplished in such a manner that includes direct collaboration with the
campus’s institutional research department. While numbers are important, qualitative
research is equally important. To fully comprehend the circumstances surrounding the
African American male population, college stakeholders must be willing to hear them, to
understand and to empathize with their experiences in and out of the classroom. We must
be willing to listen in order to understand what motivates them, what discourages them,

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and what is needed to fully engage them. Once we have listened and heard their needs,
we must identify ways in which to support and guide them at the community college.
Recommendations
In a time when community colleges are bleeding financial resources and are
struggling to serve their students, community college leaders need to decide whether
college completion is equally as important as college access. We know African American
males are more likely to “end up” at the community college; we also know that they are
likely to be under-prepared, and we know that many are not transferring. As an institution
that has promised access to an education, and therefore a better life and social standing,
we must consciously make policy as to how we will serve these students effectively.
Based upon the study, the following are my recommendations for strengthening
the transfer process for students, and in particular for African American males who begin
in basic skills courses. The recommendations cover what I believe to be three essential
areas of the community college that will allow for creating a culture of success: Student
Services, Instructional Programs, and Research and Evaluation.
Because preparation for transfer is essential, the college should consider first
taking a hard look at the current systems in place to determine whether they support or
hinder transfer for African American males and all students. It is suggested that the
evaluation be fully comprehensive to include institutional research, student services and
instructional services as they relate to campus services and policies.

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Institutional Research
Stakeholders may consider benchmarking evaluations that will allow insight into
challenges that are pervasive. This can be done by collecting data on students, such as
intent to transfer, socioeconomic status, current transfer rates of students by gender
within race or ethnicity, and transfer rates of students who begin their academic career in
basic skills courses. The college could develop a “Basic Skills to Transfer” research
agenda targeting African American males. However, any benefits to African American
males will also likely benefit the larger population at the college. Questions that could be
asked include:
• When delineated by gender within race, is the college’s transfer students
representative of the overall college demographics?
• Are African American male students who list transfer as their goal, enrolling in
transfer "gateway" or “gate-keeping” courses such as college-level English and
math? If not, what can be done to improve their participation? For those who do
enroll, what can be done to improve their completion rates?
• Of the African American male students who identify transfer as their goal, what
percentage are successful in attaining that goal?
• Given the current state of non-mandatory matriculation, what is the timeline for
African American males who indicate transfer on their application to complete the
process of assessment, orientation, and counseling?
Stakeholders may want to consider community college campus visits to programs
that have a reputation for success and learn from their practices.

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While the California Basic Skills Initiative calls for assessments, orientation, and
course placement to be mandatory, the college may consider designing a process that
demonstrates awareness of the needs of the population of students it serves and addresses
previous challenges students may have encountered prior to coming to college.
Participating in evaluative processes, such as the “Equity Scorecard” (Bensimón,
2004), creates buy-in from faculty and staff, and allows for campus stakeholders or
practitioners to become researchers. Upon the evaluation of data, campus stakeholders
may set goals that address any challenges noted. The evaluation and goal setting would
be inclusive of the campus community.
As a result of the goal setting, the campus could identify ways to develop a
culture of engagement with each new student, in particular those who begin in basic skills
courses. Based on the outcomes of this research, the campus may develop policies and
programs such as a First-Year Experience (FYE) program that specifically targets
African American males. FYE programs provide intrusive counseling as well as guidance
and support. The research and evaluation component also would benefit from
stakeholders understanding the experience of the prospective student attempting to
become a student.
Student Services
For many first generation students, college is the equivalent of traveling to a
foreign country. According to the study, the messages conveyed to students should be
direct, clear and consistent from the outset and repeated often. Student Services provides
a gateway via college outreach to the matriculation process. Outreach services for many

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students, is typically the first line of connection from the college to the student. Outreach
may be one source of strengthening the communication between prospective students and
the college, in particular high school students.
Messages that are conveyed at this point are crucial to how students begin their
academic career with the college. We currently actively engage in student outreach after
priority financial aid applications are due (March 2). Instead, active outreach could begin
in early in the spring semester, perhaps January, to reach the students who may not have
applied to a four-year institution, who may have a grade point average (GPA) of 2.8 or
less, or who may not have completed a college preparation program in high school. This
time frame is essential because this population often has a significant financial aid need,
and operating under such a time frame increases the probability of the students’ being
fully funded as well as having time to make needed application corrections.
College admissions would benefit from asking, “How do we do what we do?” A
direct mailing from the college president, inviting application to students who fit the
above criteria, could be sent to feeder high schools in order to begin a line of
communication that stresses the value of the student and promotes the college as a
student-centered campus. The letter would encourage students to apply to the college by
the first week of April. Enclosed in the letter may also be a reminder of the financial aid
application deadline and information about how to access the application. Students could
be informed of the steps they are strongly encouraged to follow to ensure the possibility
of college success. The steps would include assessments, course placement from a
counselor, provision of priority timelines, and an invitation to a new-student welcome

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orientation (and give the date). Information regarding transfer options and other pertinent
resources would also be included. Once students begin the process of becoming students,
the point of contact at each level becomes significant. The language we use to
communicate, whether verbal or non-verbal is critical in beginning to validate students.
The study also suggests that students, as well as the college, would benefit from a well
organized and regularly updated website with current links to all services that provide
resources and information for students. Also providing students with a campus email
address may facilitate communication with enrolled and registered students.
Students and the college would benefit from a campus-wide welcome orientation,
hosted by the campus president, student services, and student affairs as well as
instructional programs. Orientation would target all first-year students to familiarize them
with the campus, resources, student services and programs, and the mission and goals of
the college. The orientation would include workshops on financial aid, campus life and
student involvement, career and transfer services, and other critical college information.
Financial aid assistance could also be provided.
Instructional Services
Faculty development is another essential component of the recommendations. In
alignment with the California Community Colleges Basic Skills Initiative:
• Workshops and conferences could be developed that target both contract and
adjunct faculty and address both basic skills and career and transfer programs.
• Programming that encourages faculty to learn pedagogy that supports basic skills
learning could be developed.

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• Encourage faculty, via stipends, to design and teach in learning communities,
which have been determined to be beneficial to students who begin in basic skills
courses.
• Provide faculty training and Flex Day workshops on topics that incorporate
student engagement and student-centered learning for students in basic skills
courses.
• Provide faculty training in alignment with Rendón’s outline for creating a
supportive and validating classroom.
Because many of the faculty members are adjunct faculty, deliberate and
intentional orientation, guidance and development must be focused on the adjunct faculty
as well. Means by which the adjunct faculty can be incorporated into the transfer mission
would greatly benefit the college, thereby benefiting the students the college intends to
serve.
These recommendations are made in an attempt to address the needs of a student
population who may not always, or rarely, ask for assistance. The recommendations are
also intended to create a foundation that does not diminish the characteristics of African
American males or any students who find ways to persist and succeed in spite of odds
stacked against them. Most important is to begin the process of dialogue and evaluation
that may lead to creating or strengthening venues and avenues geared toward transfer
success for all students.

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My Perspective as the Transfer/Career Center Director
I embarked upon this study because I realized that the transfer efforts of the
college may have stopped at a certain point and that we may have fallen short of reaching
the minimum guidelines for transfer. After becoming involved in the college’s Umoja
program, a learning community that focuses on African Americans, it became evident to
me that the number of African Americans who began in basic skills was high, however
the number of these students who were successful in basic skills and transitioned to
college level courses and became transfer eligible was considerably low. In particular,
African American males who began in basic skills were not completing basic skills
courses at all. As the Transfer Center Director, I came across a few African American
males who attended the transfer celebration. I was intrigued by the low numbers in
attendance and also contemplated how the few who participated had managed to be
successful.
As a result of this study, I have been informed about many challenges and issues
confronted by African American males. I have also learned the ways by which they
traveled the road to success. My new-found education has provided me with ideas for
enhancing transfer opportunities for African American males and all students.
I realize that I must find ways to work more collaboratively with the basic skills
instructors. Using convocation as a forum to provide annual transfer updates and statistics
is one way that I may potentially reach faculty, staff and administration. I can also
provide Flex workshops throughout the semester for faculty and design a transfer in-
reach program that specifically targets students in basic skills courses. This in-reach

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would include, but not be limited to, classroom visits and inviting faculty to bring their
classes to transfer workshops.
Each semester I will request a list of African American males who have indicated
transfer intent on their college application, with the hopes of establishing a policy that
would provide me with their contact information and, when possible, assessment scores.
These data would allow follow-up with students and begin a caseload that would provide
for early engagement and intervention to include counseling, transfer workshops,
financial aid, and scholarship information. This would also provide an opportunity for on-
going and consistent follow-up via surveys, activities, and other contacts.
I would also like to develop more collaborative efforts with four-year institutions
that are able to provide data as it relates to African American males at their respective
campuses. This sharing of data would provide an opportunity to evaluate services and
programs at the community college and also an opportunity to work directly with these
institutions to better serve and address the needs of African American males.
Limitations of the Study
These ten individuals are unique and may not be representative of African
American males across community college campuses. It is also possible that a larger pool
of interviewees would have generated more varied findings. The findings might also
differ across multiple institutions or in a rural rather than urban community college
setting. Self-report also always carries the potential for error in that human memory can
be fallible. More research with case studies at community colleges in different contexts is
needed to expand upon these findings.

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Closing
The community college system is identified as the gateway to greater
opportunity—“The American Dream”—providing access to education, better social
footing, and more. What is clear is community colleges have provided access, yet for
those who take advantage of open access, it remains incumbent upon them to sink or
swim. For many African American males if they sink at the community college, they are
unlikely to have access to greater opportunities associated with “The American Dream,”
which include the ability to earn decent wages, buy a home, support and raise a family,
and provide a steady foundation for those who follow in their communities. Advocates
for student success at the community college must champion the cause for students,
reminding, cajoling and insisting to staff, faculty and administration to continually
recognize many of the students will be walking a path that no one they know personally
has walked before. They will not know what they do not know. They will navigate the
system as a traveler in foreign land and it is incumbent upon us to ensure that resources
are made available at every juncture to ensure that these students do not become the lost
students of Higher Education.
Access without hope for success may be the unkindest trick; in particular on a
population whose struggles have been extant for hundreds of years, and who, time and
time again, have reached for broken promises hoping that this time—it will be different.

183

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Appendix A – Basic Skills Sequences

Table A-1. Basic Skills math sequence.

197

Table A-2. Basic Skills English sequence.

198

Appendix B - Harvey Interview Protocol

Thank you for agreeing to participate in this study. As you know, the reason I wanted to
interview you is because I am interested in learning about your transfer experience. Our
conversation will last approximately two hours. If we start to run short on time, I may
need to interrupt you in order to get your responses to all the questions I’d like to ask. I
would like to audiotape our conversation so that I may replay it later to better
understand your transfer experience. Our conversation may be transcribed by a
professional transcriber. I will use the information you share with me to write about how
former San Diego City College African American male students experience transfer. It is
possible that I may use quotes from our conversation, however, your name will not be
included. You will have an opportunity at the end of the conversation to select a
pseudonym that will be used to provide anonymity. You will have the option of stopping
the conversation at any time. You also have the option of continuing the conversation
without it being recorded.

Researcher’s Method: Individual face-to-face interviews will be conducted using semi-
structured and open-ended questions.

Interview Protocol:
The first set of interviews are designed to obtain information about the participants
background:

I’d like to start by asking you questions about your educational history…

EDUCATIONAL HISTORY

High School

1. Tell me about where you grew up

2. Tell me about your experiences right after high school.

3. How did you decide to go to college?
a. (follow-up) What steps did you take?
b. Did you apply to four-year colleges?

4. In high school, what were your perceptions of the community college?

199

5. Do you think high school prepared you for college?

a. How? Why or Why not?

6. Did you take college prep math and/or English courses?

7. Were you part of a college-bound program such as Upward Bound or AVID?

Transfer

8. What were your goals when you first came to City College?

9. How did you first learn about transfer?

10. When did you first consider transfer as an option?

I’d like to learn more about the type of support you did or did not received…

SUPPORT

11. When you talked to people about your plans to transfer, what did they say

12. Did your family talk to you about attending college?

13. Tell me about the type of encouragement you received to stay in college.

14. Who provided encouragement?

15. What kinds of things does your family say about staying in college?

200

16. Tell me about a time when someone in your family let you know they supported
or did not support your staying in college.

17. Did you work while attending City College?

i. If so: How many hours per week?
ii. On or off campus?

Now I’d like to discuss your peer relations as they pertain to your academic life…

PEER GROUPS

18. Describe your friendship groups both on- and off-campus.

19. What kinds of things did your friends say about your being in college?

16. Describe the type of peer activities you participated in—study groups, athletics,
student associations, or others…

17. Were your peers supportive of your transfer goals?
a. How did you they were supportive? What did they say or do?

Now I’d like you to share your experiences or interactions with faculty…

FACULTY

18. Describe your relationships with the faculty.

201

19. Did you meet with faculty after class—office hours, etc?

20. Did you feel encouraged by your instructor to pursue your transfer goals?

I’d like to learn about your coursework history…

BASIC SKILLS BACKGROUND

21. What math and English courses did you take in your first semester?

22. How many basic skills courses did you enroll in?
i. English ________
ii. Math __________

23. Which basic skills courses were you enrolled in at San Diego City College?

English:

Math:

24. How was it determined that you needed basic skills courses?

25. Describe your feelings/thoughts when you first realized that you needed to be in
basic skills courses.

26. Describe any positive experiences within your basic skills courses.

27. Describe any negative experiences within your basic skills courses.

202

28. Did you repeat any of your basic skill courses?

29. Share with me your impressions of your basic skills instructors.

30. Was the goal of transfer discussed or shared in your basic skill courses? Please
provide examples.

31. Did you believe your basic skills instructor(s) considered transfer as an option for
basic skills students?

32. How many semesters did it take you to get to transfer-level math and/or English?

I’d like to get more of an idea about how you felt about college…

VALIDATION

33. Did you ever doubt you belong in college?

34. If yes, describe experiences that may have contributed to your doubts.

If no, what do you think contributed to your sense of belonging?

35. Was there someone who helped you confirm your belonging at college? (Faculty,
staff, friend, family member…?)

I’d like to learn more about how you experienced the campus…

CAMPUS CLIMATE

36. How would describe SDCC to a friend or to someone interested in transferring from
SDCC?

203

37. Can you remember your first class at SDCC or the first time you met with someone
on campus? What did you think about SDCC that first day?
a. What were your first impressions about the campus, the faculty and staff,
other students and services offered?

38. Can you tell me a story that best describes your overall experience at SDCC? Why
is this the best story for your experiences?

39. What would you describe as your worst on-campus college experience?

40. What would you describe as your most rewarding on-campus college experience?

Let’s talk about the kind of support you received on campus for transfer…

CAMPUS SUPPORT FOR TRANSFER

41. Describe the support you received preparing for transfer.

42. If you did not feel supported in your transfer effort, share why not and give
examples.

43. Before deciding to transfer, were you aware of the Transfer/Career Center?

44. Did you ever use the services of the Transfer/Career Center?

I’d like to learn about your campus involvement while here at City College…

SOCIAL AND EXTRA-CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES

45. Describe your on-campus involvement.

46. How much time would you say you spent on-campus outside of the classroom?

204

47. Were you involved in on-campus programs, Associated Students, clubs, student
employment?

48. Did you attend or participate in on-campus activities? If yes, provide examples.
a. How do you think your participation in these activities affected your
transfer goals?

WRAP UP

49. Describe what you believe to be the core contributing factors in your ability to stay
in school and transfer.

50. When so few African American males transfer, why do you believe you were able
to do so?

51. Is there a piece of advice that you would offer others who might find themselves in
a similar situation as you?

52. Is there anything else you would like to share with me about your transfer
experiences? Something you may have thought of during our interview that you
think is important for others to know about your experiences.

53. Pseudonym

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Ten African American men, who began their college career in Basic Skills courses at an urban community college in California and successfully transferred to a four-year college or university, share their life stories through that process in this case study. Their experiences differed from the literature in peer group interaction and definition, in their social and extra-curricular engagement, and in their faculty relationships. Interaction with peers on campus was limited to course-related work. Extra-curricular engagement was either unintentional or minimal. One made the Dean’s list but did not know what it meant. Relationships with faculty were uneven—acknowledgment or recognition from faculty mattered immensely when it happened, but most interaction with faculty was limited to coursework. Participants used metaphors and poetry to make meaning of their experiences and largely attributed their success to self-determination. They embraced the bootstrap philosophy even though their college preparation, for the most part, left them with no boots. Family support and being a role model in their communities were motivators. School felt like a competition, but they also cautioned that “education was like a bug”—where, without guidance, one might choose courses that did not serve one’s goals.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Harvey, Marilyn Denise (author)

Core Title The “lost boys” of higher education: African American males from basic skills through university transfer

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 02/21/2010

Defense Date 08/31/2009

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American male,basic skills,black male students,campus climate,community college,developmental education,engagement,faculty relations,OAI-PMH Harvest,peer relations,persistence,remediation,Success,transfer,transfer student,university transfer,validation

Place Name California (states)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Bensimón, Estela Mara (committee chair), Brown, Larry (committee member), Cole, Darnell (committee member), Harris, Frank (committee member)

Creator Email mareharvey1@yahoo.com,mdharvey@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-m2857

Unique identifier UC1181185

Identifier etd-Harvey-3246 (filename),usctheses-m40 (legacy collection record id),usctheses-c127-295098 (legacy record id),usctheses-m2857 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-Harvey-3246.pdf

Dmrecord 295098

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Harvey, Marilyn Denise

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Repository Name Libraries, University of Southern California

Repository Location Los Angeles, California

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu