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Staying rooted: a mixed-methods analysis examining bilingualism, familism, and the parenting styles experienced by Latino college graduates

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Staying rooted: a mixed-methods analysis examining bilingualism, familism, and the parenting styles experienced by Latino college graduates

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Content Running head: LATINO COLLEGE GRADUATES STAYING ROOTED 1

STAYING ROOTED: A MIXED METHODS ANALYSIS EXAMINING BILINGUALISM,
FAMILISM, AND THE PARENTING STYLES EXPERIENCED
BY LATINO COLLEGE GRADUATES

By

Carmen Soto

______________________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2019

LATINO COLLEGE GRADUATES STAYING ROOTED

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Dedication
To my parents, Maria and Rogelio: The decision you made to leave what was familiar in Mexico
for the prospect of a more robust life in the U.S. inspires me every day to pursue my dreams,
embrace the unknown and do so with a strong work ethic. You both sacrificed to provide the best
possible life for our family, drove us to school, gave us our first job experiences, provided love,
faith, guidance and discipline, and most of all, taught us that the only barriers we faced were the
ones placed on ourselves. It is a privilege to be your daughter.
Para mis padres María y Rogelio. La decisión de dejar un entorno familiar en México para
buscar un futuro prometedor y más robusto en EE.UU me sirvio de inspiración todos los días
para perseguir mis sueños, y acoger lo desconocido con una fuerte ética de trabajo. Ustedes dos
se sacrificaron para proveer la mejor vida para la familia, nos transportaban a la escuela, nos
dieron nuestras primeras lecciones de trabajo, nos dieron amor, fe, guianza y disciplina, pero
sobre todo nos enseñaron que las únicas barreras son las que nosotros mismos construimos. Es
un privilegio ser su hija.
To my sisters, Vero, Gabby and Vanessa: Thank you for always looking out for me, for the tough
love, teasing, care, laughter, and shoulders to cry on. You are my greatest role models of
educational and professional pursuits. Thank you for paving the way! It is a privilege to be your
sister.

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Acknowledgements

Thank you to the participants in this study. Their insight is invaluable to addressing the
achievement gap. Moreover, I am overwhelmed with gratitude that they took the time to
complete a survey and/or sit down for an interview to help me achieve the goals of this study.

A special thanks to Dr. Ruth Chung, Dr.Yajaira Curiel, Dr. Kristan Venegas and Dr. Veridiana
Chavarin for serving on my dissertation committee. Their guidance, confidence, flexibility and
commitment was invaluable to my persistence and completion of this work. Thank you to the
Educational Psychology faculty and my cohort mates who contributed to my most meaningful
moments in the EDL program.

Thank you to my family, Maria and Rogelio Soto; Vanessa, Paul and Ava; Gabby, Danny and
Mia; and Vero, Marissa and Matteo. You have demonstrated your support by instilling
confidence; checking in; sharing interest; understanding when I have had a book, article or
computer around during family functions; among so many other acts of support. This degree
does not only represent the last three years, it represents the culmination of over twenty years of
formal schooling that have led to my current position. Whether it was wishing me luck for a job
interview, packing me food to go, filling me with laughter, picking me up from the airport,
sending me a thinking of you text or joining me for a break away from the stress of working full-
time and going to school full-time, you have all played a role in forming who I am and my
capacity to finish this dissertation.

Thank you to my friends, colleagues and mentors. Thank you for understanding when I could not
be physically present for events or activities and even when I was physically present, but
mentally focused on schoolwork. I appreciate the patience, laughs, venting breaks and meaning-
making you have provided. Dr. Roberto Cancio and Dra. Marina Juarez: you supported me in the
home stretch, thank you!

Through my professional experiences at USC, the Jack Kent Cooke Foundation, KIPP Through
College and finally, East Los Angeles College as a counselor, I have learned from others to be
the scholar-practitioner I am today. More importantly, it is the students that I have had the
privilege of getting to know, guiding and influencing as a counselor/advisor that have influenced
the scope, quality and depth of my growth as an educational agent. They inspire me every day.
For that, I am forever grateful.

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Table of Contents
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
List of Tables 5
List of Figures 6
Abstract 7
Chapter 1: Introduction 8
Latino Educational Attainment 8
Latino Immigrant Experience in the U.S 10
Statement of the Problem 12
Theoretical Framework 14
Purpose of the Study 17
Importance of the Study 18
Limitations and Delimitations 20
Definition of Terms and Concepts 21
Chapter 2: Literature Review 25
Overview of Terminology Related to Latinos in the U.S 25
Generational Status 29
Gender 32
Bilingualism 35
Familism 38
Parenting Style 42
Summary of the Literature Review 46
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions 48
Chapter 3: Methodology 50
Researcher Positionality 50
Participants 51
Instruments 55
Procedure 57
Summary 61
Chapter 4: Results 63
Quantitative Results 63
Qualitative Results 68
Chapter 5: Discussion 94
Introduction 94
Discussion of Main Findings 95
Implications for Practice 106
Limitations of the Study 113
Recommendations for Future Studies 115
Conclusion 117
References 119
Appendices 138
Appendix A: Recruitment Letter for Survey 138
Appendix B: Survey Instrument 139
Appendix C: Informed Consent Form for Interview 149
Appendix D: Interview Protocol 150
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List of Tables
Table 1. Survey Participants 53
Table 2. Interview Participants Part I 54
Table 3. Two-way ANOVA for Spanish Comprehension (Bilingualism) 64
Table 4. Means and Standard Deviations of the Spanish Comprehension Scale 64
Table 5. Two-way ANOVA for Attitudinal Familism Scale 67
Table 6. Means and Standard Deviations of the Attitudinal Familism Scale 67
Table 7. Interview Participants Part II 69

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List of Figures
Figure 1. Elements of Selective Acculturation Used in this Study 18
Figure 2. Parenting Styles 45
Figure 3. Explanatory Sequential Mixed-Methods Research Design 61
Figure 4. Estimated Marginal Means of Spanish Comprehension (Bilingualism) 65
Figure 5. Estimated Marginal Means of the Attitudinal Familism Scale 68

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Abstract
The rapid and continued growth of the Latino population in the United States is one of the most
important demographic trends facing the education system today. The Latino population is
expected to grow to 129 million by 2060 (Bernstein, 2015). Despite their population growth,
Latino students are underrepresented in higher education, which has strong implications for
social mobility. Considering Segmented Assimilation Theory, scholars have pointed to the role
of selective acculturation in stronger educational outcomes for immigrant generations (Portes
and Fernández-Kelly, 2008; Portes & Rumbaut, 2006). This explanatory sequential mixed-
methods study examined selective acculturation through the familism, bilingualism and
parenting style experiences of Latino bachelor's degree earners with special attention to gender
and generational differences. In Phase 1, 117 participants were surveyed and in Phase 2, 12
participants were interviewed from the initial sample. Results indicate that bilingualism declines
in progressive generations but does not lose its utility; strong ethnic identity is utilized as a
protective force; and females report lower levels of familism than males, among other findings.
This study serves as a testament to Latino students who beat the odds in earning their bachelor’s
degree to serve as a counter narrative to research literature emphasizing cultural deficits that lead
to poor attainment levels. It also provides a window into understanding how continuing
generations expect to pass along heritage and cultural values; highlights the pressures that Latino
students face while trying to achieve their goals; and identifies a need for institutional agents to
be conscious of the wide range of experiences that Latino students and future immigrant-origin
students bring to the classroom. Data is presented to elucidate these themes, limitations are
addressed and implications for practice are shared.

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Chapter 1: Introduction
The demographics of the United States are shifting. It is projected that the U.S. will
become a nation in which minority populations, including Latinos, will exceed the historically
dominant Caucasian population (Kotkin, 2010). On average, Latinos have less schooling than
almost any other racial group in the nation. Latinos are less likely to graduate from high school,
and therefore, less likely to pursue higher education (Elliot & Parks, 2018; Gandara &
Mordechay, 2017). When Latinos do seek college degrees, only 46.2% will complete their
bachelor’s degrees within six years, compared to 59.3% of their White peers (Knapp, Kelly-
Reid, & Ginder, 2012). Since educational achievement is a key predictor of employment
prospects that facilitate integration into American society, improved outcomes and opportunities
for future generations are at-risk (Bettinger & Boatman, 2013; Gandara & Mordechay, 2017;
Liao, Edlin, & Ferdenzi, 2014; Orrenius & Zavodny, 2018; Perez & Ceja, 2009). In order to
understand the achievement gap and needs of this dynamic population, it is important to consider
Latino culture, the immigrant experience and how associated behaviors may influence bachelor's
degree attainment.
Latino Educational Attainment
Scholars have identified many factors that contribute to lower rates of Latino educational
attainment including income, parental education, lower rates of academic self-efficacy,
immigration status, urbanicity, as well as language, cultural, and academic barriers (Elliot &
Parks, 2018; Gandara & Mordechay, 2017; Gilroy, 2013; Karoly & Gonzalez, 2011; Ogbu, 1992;
Portes & Rivas, 2011; Portes & Rumbaut, 2006; Quirk, Nylund-Gibson, & Furlong, 2013;
Wildsmith et al., 2017). According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2017), 12.2% of the Hispanic
population in the U.S. has a Bachelor’s Degree compared to 23.8% of Whites, 15.1% of Blacks,
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and 30.5% of Asians. Males and females in the U.S. have similar bachelor’s degree attainment
rates, 21% and 21.6%, respectively. However, within the Hispanic population 25 years and over,
12.9% of females have a bachelor’s degree compared to 9.9% of males, a three percent
difference.
The disadvantaged communities many Latinos have to navigate place them at increased
risk for weak educational outcomes. Majority of Latino youth (67%) enter the educational
system in the lowest three levels for school readiness, with 28% falling in the worst level
(Gandara, 2017; Gandara & Mordechay, 2017; Quirk et al., 2013). Wildsmith, Alvira-Hammond
and Guzman (2017) report that over 60% of Latino children live in or near poverty. Considering
the traditional segregation of schools influenced by existing income segregation and the
prevalence of Latinos settling in ethnic enclaves, Latino-majority schools often do not provide
high quality educational opportunities leading to poor preparation for college (Gandara &
Contreras, 2009).
For Latino students that are able to enroll in college, they often begin their higher
education experience at a community college. Portes & Fernández-Kelly (2008) view community
colleges with strong vocation and transfer pathways as viable options for Latino educational
attainment and employment mobility. Community colleges serve as a means to gain affordable
access to higher education and can help Latino students stay near their families while also
pursuing their education. However, community college enrollment alone does not lead to degree
completion as persistence is essential. Crisp (2010) reports that while the intent to transfer is
evident among Hispanic students, less than a quarter of all Latino/a students who begin their
educational experience at a community college actually transfer to a 4-year institution and/or
earn a bachelor’s degree.
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A failure to obtain a college degree is associated with significant limitations in economic
mobility (Bettinger & Boatman, 2013; Gandara & Mordechay, 2017; Liao et al., 2014; Perez &
Ceja, 2009). A lack of attainment across generations can lead to a cycle of poverty or reduce the
prospect of generational mobility. Furthermore, living in poverty negatively effects overall
health which has clear implications for academic performance, stress and well-being (Gandara &
Mordechay, 2017; Gordon, 2017; Portes & Rivas, 2011). The need to navigate challenging
environmental circumstances like poverty can greatly effect a person’s worldview and goal-
oriented behavior (Gonzalez et al., 2012). As scholars continue to examine this problem it is vital
to address the root causes of many of these challenges which may be associated to immigrant
reception and assimilation.
Latino Immigrant Experience in the U.S.
The immigrant transition to the U.S. is defined by many variables including legal status,
receptive culture, access to resources and socioeconomic status. Country of origin also impacts
the immigrant experience. For example, citing data from the U.S. Current Population Survey,
Baum and Flores (2011), report that children from low-skilled Latin American, Caribbean and
some Southeast Asian Countries, do not reach the same level of educational achievement as the
children of educated or highly-skilled immigrants. Amongst immigrants from Latin America,
there is great variation that spills over to subsequent generations. According to Tran (2016)
compared to other second-generation immigrant Latino groups such as Cubans and those from
South America, Mexican and Central American immigrants demonstrate lower college
completion and report lower rates of professional occupations over time (Tran, 2016). These
differences lead to second generation Mexican immigrants being one of the most disadvantaged
ethnic groups, compared to their other non-Mexican, Latino counterparts.
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One of the most comprehensive studies of immigrant families, educational attainment and
overall social mobility in the U.S. is the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS)
conducted from 1992-2003. CILS survey data has been extensively analyzed and primary
findings have been reported by Portes and Rumbaut (2005) and other authors (e.g. Feliciano,
2012). While all findings help to fill the dearth of literature regarding Latino immigrant
advancement, major findings include a belief that educational success is invariably anchored by
strong parental controls indicative of selective acculturation (Portes & Fernández-Kelly, 2008;
Portes & Rivas, 2011); bilingualism contributes to positive academic outcomes (Feliciano, 2012;
Portes & Hao, 2002); community colleges are the most accessible stepping stone into higher
education (Portes & Fernández-Kelly, 2008); females have lower rates of familism that may
support their higher rates of educational attainment compared to males (Feliciano, 2012); and as
generations continue, educational attainment dips (Portes & Hao, 2004). These findings have
been congruent with more recent research such as Terriquez (2013, 2014) and Lee and Hatteberg
(2015).
Research has suggested that familial linkages are strongest within immigrant households
(Glick & White, 2004). For Latinos, the family context and system is paramount in exposing
youth to values and overall guidance (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2009). Results from the interviews
reported in Portes and Fernández-Kelly (2008) identify selective acculturation via practices such
as heritage language use, protective parenting and respect for family as one of the leading
reasons for educational attainment despite extreme disadvantage. For example, stern parental
figures may control friend networks to limit exposure to gangs and overall delinquency, common
problems in urban, disadvantaged communities (Portes & Fernández-Kelly, 2008). Latino
parenting styles have been described as inconsistent with predominant parenting styles found in
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the American culture especially in respect to demonstrating more protective parenting
(Domenech Rodriguez, Donovick, & Crowley, 2009). Considering the higher likelihood of the
children of immigrants needing to navigate disadvantaged neighborhoods, greater parental
monitoring is necessary.
Despite perceived immigrant disadvantage, scholars report that children of immigrants
tend to outperform their peers who have native-born parents in school (Lauderdale & Heckman,
2017; Waters & Jimenez, 2005). Many scholars have attempted to explain the existence of an
“immigrant advantage” in educational outcomes (Baum & Flores, 2011; Feliciano & Lanuza,
2017; Lauderdale & Heckman, 2017; Terriquez, 2014). Berry and colleagues (2006) report that
adolescents with immigrant ancestry who are confident in their own ethnicity and proud of their
ethnic group may be better able to deal constructively with discrimination or structural barriers.
Selective acculturation is referenced as a significant strategy for “poorly endowed immigrant
families” where children “learn the language and culture of the host society while preserving
their home country language, values, and customs” (Portes & Rivas, 2011, p. 225).
The preservation of language, cultural values and customs may also ease family and
intergenerational conflict amongst Latinos. Bui (2009) reports that dissonant acculturation (when
children assimilate more quickly than their parents) can amplify family conflict adding additional
pressure to existing stressors associated with poverty. In this respect, Latino identity is viewed as
a protective factor against potential hostility, discrimination and structural barriers to educational
attainment (Gonzalez et al., 2012; Strunin et al., 2015). Thus, cultural practices may play a
significant role in promoting behaviors that lead to educational attainment.
Statement of the Problem
The Latino population is expected to grow to 129 million by 2060 (Bernstein, 2015), but
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Latinos continue to be vulnerable to pathways of low achievement. Despite the perceived
disadvantage, scholars report that the children of immigrants tend to outperform children of
native-born parents in school (Lauderdale & Heckman, 2017; Waters & Jimenez, 2005) which
may be associated with stronger maintenance of cultural identity through selective acculturation.
However, there is a shortage of research examining this phenomenon leading to inconsistencies
and a lack of understanding of this phenomenon.
Much of the literature regarding Latino educational attainment emphasizes cultural
deficits that lead to poor attainment levels, rather than focusing on assets within the cultural
narratives and practices that contribute to educational outcomes (Portes & Fernández-Kelly,
2008). Considering that Latinos primarily come from immigrant families, acculturation processes
must be examined to determine patterns within attainment: what works and what does not.
Research on immigrant outcomes is gaining importance as 13% of the U.S. population is foreign-
born and one-in-four U.S. residents have at least one immigrant parent (Kao, Vaquera, &
Goyette, 2013). These students may be inadequately prepared for the demands of a skills-
oriented economy if acknowledgements of practices that lead to successful outcomes are not
made. Furthermore, the gender and generational gap in achievement must also be examined since
females achieve bachelor’s degrees at higher rates than males and because as immigrant
generations increase, attainment levels dip.
Examining the intersection of gender and generation with cultural values like parenting
styles (e.g. protective parenting), familism and bilingualism provides an opportunity to highlight
practices and behavioral outcomes within immigrant households that ameliorate challenges faced
in the community-at-large (Gordon, 2017; Karoly & Gonzalez, 2011). Gender socialization is
particularly apparent within Latino families as parents may socialize their children according to
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traditional gender-related expectations, including a female emphasis on supporting the household
through caretaking (Comas-Diaz, 2001; Feliciano, 2012; Murphy & Murphy, 2018; Raffaelli &
Ontai, 2004), while males may face more pressure to contribute financially (Chavez-Reyes,
2010). In respect to generation, research has demonstrated that as generations continue, length of
residence in the US negatively impacts academic achievement (Kao & Tienda, 1995; Portes &
Hao, 2004; Terriquez, 2014). Segmented Assimilation Theory serves as a framework to under-
stand this problem.
Theoretical Framework
In general, it is expected that the descendants of immigrants assimilate, acculturate or
Americanize, over time leading to upward mobility. Assimilation is the process by which the
characteristics of immigrant groups (e.g. Latinos) and host societies (e.g. U.S Americans) come
to resemble one another. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) report that different acculturation responses
by immigrant groups either facilitate or impede societal incorporation due to segmented
pathways, which can explain why some immigrant groups are able to advance and others do not.
Simply encouraging acculturation does not account for the adverse effects that assimilation may
cause families and youth when American values conflict with cultural norms. For example,
certain American cultural values that youth may be exposed to such as increased freedom and
unfavorable peer networks (Eitle et al., 2009) are particularly significant for already
disadvantaged immigrant groups, like low-income Latinos.
Segmented Assimilation Theory. Utilizing assimilation theory to understand the
educational attainment of immigrant families is essential. According to anthropologist John
Ogbu (1992), having a minority status, in this case identifying with an immigrant community,
“involves complex realities that affect the relationship between the culture and language of the
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minority and those of the dominant groups and thereby influence the school adjustment and
learning of the minority” (p. 8). Essentially, the environment, resources, and reception all impact
how an immigrant youth experiences schooling and socialization.
Traditional “straight line,” or classical, assimilation theory (Gordon, 1964) predicts that
each successive immigrant generation moves closer to the population average by behaviors such
as adopting English fluency, moving out of ethnic enclaves into higher-resourced neighborhoods,
becoming more familiar with American customs, and intermarrying (Orrenius & Zavodny,
2018). Classical assimilation theory however, does not account for unique dynamics of specific
immigrant groups. Segmented Assimilation Theory, on the other hand, highlights the sources of
vulnerability including contexts of reception that immigrants to the U.S. (i.e. hostility and anti-
immigrant sentiment) face and offers a framework for understanding determinants of outcomes
for Latino immigrants in particular. For example, less-educated immigrants often settle in low-
income neighborhoods that have less opportunities for social and economic development
creating a domino effect that may impede advancement (Burkham, 2019; Gandara & Contreras,
2009; Portes & Fernandez-Kelly, 2008; Roche et al., 2012).
Segmented Assimilation Theory is specific to post-1965 immigrants, who are mostly
non-White. It is stratified into three possible pathways: (1) upward adaptation and acculturation
(the most traditional pathway); (2) upward adaptation and ethnic solidarity; and (3) downward
assimilation into the underclass (Portes & Zhou, 1993). Upward adaptation and acculturation
aligns with a classical assimilationist view in which upward mobility coincides with integration
into the U.S. mainstream. In respect to educational attainment, upward adaptation and
acculturation indicates that immigrant educational outcomes will eventually reach parity with the
outcomes of native-born peers. Upward adaptation and ethnic solidarity, the second pathway,
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16
refers to swift economic advancement with the intentional preservation of the immigrant
community’s values and within-group solidarity. This pathway aligns closely with the
perspective of immigrant optimism including a belief that the American Dream can be achieved,
whereby immigrant communities retain optimism for educational success in their new country
(Kao & Tienda, 1995). Kirui and Kao (2018) suggest that the optimism bestowed on children by
immigrant parents persists through young adulthood and onto college resulting in educational
achievement.
The third pathway is downward assimilation which is expected to lead to permanent
poverty and assimilation into the American underclass (Portes & Zhou, 1993). Three sub
pathways determine whether or not a group will be at risk of downward assimilation or will be
able to avoid it: race (referred to as color by Portes and Zhou, 1993), location and the absence of
mobility ladders. Being that majority of post-1965 immigrants are non-white, a racial pathway is
identified in light of potential discrimination. Location is relevant because immigrants commonly
settle in urban areas, often within co-ethnic immigrant enclaves and segregated schools. The
absence of mobility ladders refers to a lack of opportunities for upward mobility such as high
quality education and access to high-paying jobs. According to Portes and Fernández-Kelly
(2008), low-human-capital workers originate predominantly in Latin America and the Caribbean,
therefore Latino immigrants often only qualify for low-skilled, low-paying jobs. This
environment may contribute to the need for immigrant youth to value paid work at an earlier age
which is negatively associated with educational attainment (Roche et al., 2012). This finding is
also supported by the Pew Hispanic Center (2013) that reports the reason most often provided to
explain why Latino youth do not continue their education is a need to support their family
financially.
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Selective acculturation. Selective acculturation allows youth to adopt values and
behaviors from the best of both worlds, their heritage and the host culture, in this case the U.S.A.
Selective acculturation involves family support to sustain cultural traditions, heritage language
development alongside English learning, and ethnic group identification that can promote self-
worth. This self-worth and bicultural identity is a protective factor to buffer against
discrimination, disadvantaged environments and acculturative stress (i.e. stressors associated
with being an immigrant or ethnic minority and going through the acculturation process) that
immigrant generations may face (Berry et al., 2006; Phinney et al., 1997; Umaña-Taylor &
Updegraff, 2007). Contrary to the idea that native language use is a barrier to assimilation, it in
fact allows parents to maintain family cohesiveness, foster cultural capital, and supports
cognitive development thus supporting their children’s achievement and mobility in the United
States (Incera & McLennan, 2018; Lutz & Crist, 2014; Parada, 2013; Portes and Rumbaut, 2001;
Tran, 2010).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to identify gender and generational differences in the levels
of bilingualism, familism and type of parenting styles experienced by Latino college graduates.
Immigrant identity is shaped by the “complex realities that affect the relationship between the
culture and language of the minority and those of the dominant groups” (Ogbu, 1992, p. 8).
Considering patterns of assimilation, scholars have acknowledged the value of selective
acculturation in influencing stronger educational outcomes for immigrant generations (Portes &
Rumbaut, 2006). This perspective supports the need to examine the role of an immigrant identity
in educational attainment.
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Parenting style, familism and bilingualism have been selected as dependent variables due
to their influence on selective acculturation and to determine if they vary by the independent
variables: gender and generation. Figure 1 demonstrates the dependent variables and highlights
the intersectionality of the variables. These factors also place emphasis on practices within
homes that help immigrant families overcome challenges faced in the community-at-large.
Identifying strategies on how to optimize the opportunity for educational outcomes in immigrant
communities is key since immigrant families tend to live in under resourced districts that fail to
provide a strong pipeline to higher education (Gordon, 2017; Karoly & Gonzalez, 2011). This
purpose will be achieved by employing an explanatory sequential mixed-methods research
design. Furthermore, selecting male and female participants from various immigrant generations
who have earned a bachelor’s degree, essentially those students that were able to beat the odds,
provides the opportunity to identify salient and culturally-responsive strategies within familism,
bilingualism and parenting styles that influence academic persistence and degree completion.
Figure 1
Elements of Selective Acculturation Used in this Study

Importance of the Study
A dearth of literature exists regarding factors within Latino households that contribute
positively to degree attainment, such as selective acculturation practices. Leveraging Latino
Bilingualism
Parenting
Style
Familism
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cultural capital, rather than abandoning it in favor of complete American acculturation, may be a
key to academic success and generational mobility. Additionally, Latinos live in
multigenerational households where their interconnectedness may be influenced by acculturation
practices, impacting overall experience and outcomes (Bui, 2009; Portes & Hao, 2002; Portes,
Fernández-Kelly, & Haller, 2009). Furthermore, disaggregation of data by gender and
generational status is essential to understanding trends over time.
Understanding social mobility among Latinos has become even more pressing in an era
of growing inequality, economic recession, stagnation of wages, and increasing financial
insecurity (Tran, 2016). Hispanics, especially Mexicans, have been stigmatized and have borne
the brunt of a wave of anti-immigrant sentiment (Tran, 2016). The political climate surrounding
efforts to reduce immigration or deport unauthorized immigrants, often distracts from the needs
of immigrant generations being served on American college campuses. In a wider context,
approximately 20% of all students currently enrolled in U.S. schools have at least one immigrant
parent (Bondy, Peguero & Johnson, 2017) and this percentage is expected to be higher in urban
areas across the U.S., particularly in California. Latino and other immigrant generation students
may be inadequately prepared for the demands of a skills-oriented economy if interventions or
acknowledgements of practices that lead to successful educational outcomes are not made. It is
vital to address Latino educational attrition in order to avoid a subclass of citizens as immigrant
generations grow.
As a counselor at East Los Angeles College (ELAC), this topic is not only relevant to my
practice to understand what drives educational attainment, but also because ELAC is a Hispanic
Serving Institution and it is likely that many students identify as either immigrants or children of
immigrants, like myself. Therefore, findings from this study will help to fill a gap in the
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20
literature regarding the immigrant experience, inclusion of cultural values, and bachelor’s degree
persistence as well as backwards map potential intervention points for Latinas/os. Furthermore,
participants in this study represent a variety of higher education institutions, majors and family
dynamics which adds depth to literature on this topic. This study is also important because it will
shed light on the intersectionality of the Latino student experience by examining gender and
generational differences with respect to parenting styles, familism and bilingualism. Moreover,
the study serves as a testament to Latino students who beat the odds in earning their bachelor’s
degree to serve as a counter narrative.
Limitations and Delimitations
While many factors influence college completion, the purpose of this study was to
examine familism, bilingualism and parenting styles specifically. These variables may be
connected to other concepts such as self-efficacy, academic performance, peer networks, and
mental health, but in order to maintain the feasibility of this study within the time frame of the
dissertation process, I cannot follow up on all emergent findings at this time. This challenge to
validity is an inherent part of explanatory mixed-methods research design. The sample size is
also not generalizable. Additional limitations will be shared in Chapter 5, but it was important to
share this information early in the manuscript in order to inform the reader's perspective.
Criteria for participant eligibility in my study design was intentionally broad: (1) identify
as Latino/a/x and (2) have graduated from a U.S. accredited college or university. This meant
that participants could be from a variety of countries of origin, majors, academic backgrounds,
citizenship status, and universities attended, for example. This was by design in order to
understand what trends were present for Latino bachelor's degree earners regardless of other
affiliations. However, not all individual demonstrations of intersectionality can be addressed due
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21
to the broad scope resulting in several delimitations. First, the composition of the study
participants must be addressed. Majority of the study participants were from California as
evidenced by the types of universities from which they graduated, mostly public universities
within the state. Most were of Mexican origin, female and second-generation in the U.S. This
was largely due to the snowball sampling recruitment strategy since participants had similar peer
networks. Second, many participants in this study were more than 10 years removed from their
undergraduate experience and even more removed from their childhood experience. Since
information is self-reported, it is possible that history bias is present amongst participant
responses. Third, this study produced a lot of rich data that due to timing, logistical constraints
and the nature of being a scholar-practitioner, cannot be fully included in this study. It is
expected that additional findings can be presented in future scholarship.
Definition of Terms and Concepts
The terms listed below provide a quick overview of important terms and concepts that
will be referenced throughout this manuscript. Explanations for why they were chosen are also
provided. The terms and concepts will be discussed in more detail throughout this paper and
Chapter 2 in particular.
1. Latino -- The terms "Latino" and "Hispanic" are used interchangeably throughout research
literature presented in this paper. Additional terms such as "LatinX," "Mexican-American,"
"Chicano/a" and "Latin American," for example, are also used, but not as prevalent as Latino and
Hispanic. Elliott and Parks (2018) defined Latino as a “wide range of cultures, nationalities, and
ethnicities spanning throughout Central and South America and beyond” (p. 13). It is important
to acknowledge the origin and meaning behind the terms Latino and Hispanic in order to
understand the choice of use. Originally, only “Hispanic” was used within the U.S. Census until
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22
“Latino” was added in 1997 in response to recommendations set forth by the U.S. Federal Office
of Management and Budget. Now the term “Hispanic or Latino” is used collectively, which adds
to the interchangeable nature of the terms. While widely used, both terms have been critiqued
(Apollo & Emeka, 2011; Cauce & Rodriguez, 2002; Taylor et al., 2012). A more recent layer to
the debate between Hispanic, Latino and other labels is the term "LatinX." Use of the term
LatinX continues to both gain popularity and critique (de Onis, 2017). Arguments can be made
for other, more accurate ethnic identifications such as country of origin beyond pan ethnic labels,
however, the use of Latino and Hispanic serve as vital, albeit problematic, identifiers within
social science research. For the execution of my study, I will be using "Latino" and "Latina". I
believe Latino is a more appropriate term than Hispanic since it is inclusive of the diversity
amongst Latinos, the impact of colonization and refers to a geographic bond rather than Spanish-
national origin. Another important note is that I have chosen to not use LatinX. Due to both the
focus of this study on the independent variable of gender and the fact that all participants in this
study selected either male or female as their gender, I chose to not use LatinX as by definition it
is meant to be genderless (Vidal-Ortiz & Juliana Martinez, 2018). While I will typically use the
terms males and females, the distinction between males as Latinos and females as Latinas will at
times be used. When referring to the entire group, I will use "Latinos" and "Latinas/os." When
referencing specific studies or reports, I will use the term (e.g. Latino or Hispanic) used by the
author(s).
2. Selective acculturation -- Selective acculturation (Portes & Fernández-Kelly, 2008; Portes &
Rumbaut, 2006) refers to immigrants’ selection of which parts of American culture to adopt and
forgoing values that may not be conducive to upward mobility, rather than completely
assimilating. Selective acculturation closely aligns with the process of accommodation without
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23
assimilation (Mehan et al., 1994; Portes & Fernández-Kelly, 2008) and Portes and Zhou’s (1993)
upward adaptation and ethnic solidarity pathway. Eitle, Wahl, and Aranda (2009) identify
bilingualism, parenting and familism as facets of selective acculturation.
3. Bilingualism -- Bilingualism as a characteristic refers to fluent English speakers that have
simultaneously maintained or acquired Spanish fluency (Lee & Hatteberg, 2015). Portes & Hao
(2002) defined this concept as the ability to “speak English fluently and another language at least
well,” in this case Spanish ( p. 895). Incera and McLennan (2018) report that bilingualism should
not be viewed dichotomously, therefore a Spanish Comprehension scale will be used within this
study. Bilingualism is viewed as an element of ethnic retention within selective acculturation
(Eitle, Wahl, & Aranda, 2009; Luna, Ringberg, & Peracchio, 2008).
4. Familism -- The social construct of familism is multidimensional and inclusive of the following
elements: strong feelings of loyalty, obligation, solidarity, interdependence and respect for self
and family members with a strong sentiment of prioritizing family over other commitments
(Cauce & Domenech-Rodriguez, 2002; Feliciano, 2012; Halgunseth, Ispa & Rudy, 2006).
Familism is viewed as an element of selective acculturation (Eitle et al., 2009). The construct
was developed to describe observed differences in U.S. families of Latino and European cultural
backgrounds consisting of social norms, personal attitudes, and behaviors (Sabogal et al., 1987).
The term familismo, is sometimes used by scholars to identify Latino familism specifically. The
terms familism and familismo will be used interchangeably depending on how cited authors refer
to it in their studies or reports. While familism is often identified as a Latino cultural norm, it is
important to note that familism is not unique to Latinos and is relevant to people of other diverse
groups (Campos et al., 2014).
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5. Generational Status -- Typically, children of immigrants are referred to as second generation and
parents are considered the first generation in the U.S. (Portes & Rumbaut, 2006). A participant in
this dissertation study that indicates they were born outside of the U.S. is considered first-
generation. The literature included in this paper only references up until the third generation (at
least one grandparent was an immigrant). Scholars question whether generational differences in
educational attainment become indistinguishable with each generation or whether they persist.
Eitle and colleagues (2009) categorized immigrant generation into three groups: first, second and
third-plus and these categories will be used in this study.
6. Parenting Styles -- Parenting styles (Baumrind, 1968, 1971, 1989, 1991) consist of four different
styles of parenting: authoritative, authoritarian (flexible), and permissive which is subdivided
into permissive indulgent and permissive neglectful; each utilizing various levels of
demandingness and responsiveness.
The remaining chapters have been organized in the following manner. Chapter 2 provides
a review of the current literature on parenting styles, familism, bilingualism, gender and
generational status as it relates to bachelor’s degree completion as well as a broader explanation
of terminology choice. Chapter 3 provides information on participants, data collection
procedures using an explanatory mixed-methods methodology, analysis and instruments used.
Chapter 4 provides the results of this study, including relationships between variables, qualitative
themes and answers to the research questions posed. Chapter 5 provides an analysis of study
results, limitations, and implications for practice.

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Chapter 2: Literature Review
The purpose of this study is to identify gender and generational differences in the levels
of bilingualism, familism and type of parenting styles experienced by Latino college graduates.
Considering Segmented Assimilation Theory, scholars have pointed to the role of selective
acculturation (selecting which parts of American culture to adopt and forgoing values that may
not be conducive to upward mobility rather than completely assimilating) in stronger educational
outcomes for immigrant generations (Portes & Rumbaut, 2006). Parenting style, familism and
bilingualism have been selected as dependent variables due to their influence on selective
acculturation and to determine if they vary by the independent variables: gender and generation.
These factors place emphasis on practices within homes that help immigrant families overcome
challenges faced in the community-at-large. Identifying strategies on how to optimize the
opportunity for educational outcomes in immigrant communities is key since immigrant families
tend to live in under resourced districts that fail to provide a strong pipeline to higher education
(Gordon, 2017; Karoly & Gonzalez, 2011). This chapter begins with a more in depth explanation
of the choice to use the terms Latino and Latina within this study, adding to an understanding of
the Latino experience and explaining why terms are used interchangeably. This provides a
natural segue to literature regarding the independent variable of generation. Literature relating to
the variables of gender, bilingualism, familism, and parenting style are also presented.
Overview of Terminology Related to Latinos in the U.S.
The terms Latino and Hispanic are used interchangeably throughout research literature
presented in this paper. Additional terms such as LatinX, Mexican-American, Chicano/a and
Latin American, for example, are also used, but not as prevalent as Latino and Hispanic. Allen
and colleagues (2011) report that the terms Hispanic and Latino are significant in the U.S.
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26
because of their connection to immigration. According to the United States Census Bureau
(2018), using the guidelines set forth by the U.S. Federal Office of Management and Budget, the
terms “Hispanic” or “Latino” refer to “a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or
Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race” (para. 1). Outside of the
U.S. however, these groups would be referred to by their country of origin rather than the pan-
ethnic Latino or Hispanic label. Furthermore, Taylor and colleagues (2012), citing data collected
by the Pew Hispanic Center, report that only 24% of Hispanic adults in the U.S. say they prefer
the term “Hispanic” or “Latino” to describe themselves. Most (51%) prefer to use their family’s
country of origin, such as “Mexican” or “Cuban” to describe themselves; another 21% prefer
“American.” Preferences varied by generation as first-generation immigrants mostly preferred
(62%) to identify by their country of origin, whereas second-generation and beyond prefer
Hispanic. When asked about preference for using “Hispanic” instead of “Latino” and vice
versa, 51% reported that they have no preference, 33% preferred “Hispanic” and 14% preferred
“Latino.” Ultimately, Taylor and Colleagues (2012) report that for Latinos, ethnic self-
identification varies significantly based on racial identity, socioeconomic status (SES),
immigration status and countries of origin.
It is important to acknowledge the origin and meaning behind these terms in order to
understand the choice to use both, neither or one over the other. Originally, only “Hispanic” was
used within the U.S. Census until “Latino” was added in 1997 in response to recommendations
set forth by the U.S. Federal Office of Management and Budget. Now the term “Hispanic or
Latino” is used collectively, which adds to the interchangeable nature of the terms. Taking a
more analytical lens, Cauce and Rodriguez (2002) report that the term “Hispanic” is a “label of
convenience,” not indicative of the colonial history across the Americas that contributed to the
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27
composition of the persons now categorized as Hispanic/Latino (p. 4). Cauce and Rodriquez
(2002) report:
Unlike English migration to the United States, which was enacted by northern Europeans
as part of families, the Spanish came to the Americas not as settlers, but as
conquistadores (conquerors), male only groupings. Not surprisingly, these men interbred
with the indigenous women often through rape, but also as part of new interracial family
groupings. The fact that these new people of the Americas, a mixture of the old and new
worlds, are lumped together with Spaniards by the US. Census [under ‘Hispanic’] is yet
one more indicator of just how misunderstood Latinos are by and in this country, whose
people typically exclude them from the ‘American’ descriptor that seems to be reserved
for only one portion of the Americas. (pp. 4-5)
The use of the “Latino” term also poses some challenges. One explanation of the origin of the
term posits that Latino is derived from the geographic area of what was referred to as “Latin
America” by the French in the mid-1800s during the time of Napoleon III, after European
colonization. The geographic location of present day North, Central and South America was
referred to as Latin America by the French because romance languages were spoken in the
region and it was viewed as an ideal place to expand the French empire (Lewis & Wigen, 1997).
This label, however, completely dismisses the fact that indigenous peoples had their own
languages and culture prior to colonization and would otherwise not identify with this label.
A more recent layer to the debate between Hispanic, Latino and other labels is the
introduction of LatinX. LatinX continues to gain popularity and critique. Scharrön-Del Río and
Aja (2015) report that the term Latinx was “born out of a collective aim to move beyond the
masculine-centric ‘Latino’ and the gender inclusive, but binary embedded ‘Latin@’” (para. 1).
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28
While the exact origin of the term is unknown, the term emerged sometime in the mid 2000s as a
way to resist the gender binary and be more inclusive of the LGBTQIA+ community. According
to de Onis (2017), some individuals readily advocate for increased use of the term while others
express hesitancy or reject the use altogether. Those that express hesitation or reject the use cite
reasons such as pronunciation problems; alienation of non-English speaking-immigrants that
would not use the term in their heritage language; and because it is rooted in the “Latin” term
which is still problematic, considering its origin.
Arguments can be made for other more accurate ethnic identifications such as country of
origin beyond pan ethnic labels. However, it is undeniable that the use of Latino and Hispanic is
still an important, albeit problematic, identifier for social science research and overall data
collection. For the purposes of this study, I will be using Latino and Latina, depending on the
context. As stated previously, “Hispanic” makes direct reference to Spain, “the country that
produced the colonizers of Latin America” and Latino refers to those that “descended from the
lands that were a product of this colonization” (Cauce & Rodriguez, 2002, p. 4). While Latino is
still considered a pan-ethnic label (Apollo & Emeka, 2011), I believe Latino is a more
appropriate term than Hispanic since it is inclusive of the diversity amongst Latinos, the
colonizing impact and refers to a geographic bond rather than the Spanish origin. Another
important note is that I have chosen to not use LatinX.
Despite the debate surrounding the LatinX term, my intention was to be inclusive of all
potential study participants that that may identify as non-binary or may identify outside of
Latino/a/x. In my survey (Appendix B), I asked participants whether or not they identified as
Latina/o/x and to indicate another identifier if they preferred. Participants were also asked to
identify an additional ethnic group if applicable and to select the category in which their gender
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29
fit best. Options for the gender category included: female, male, non-binary, prefer not to
disclose and other where participants could insert their own answer. All participants chose either
male or female. Therefore, due to both the focus on the independent variable of gender and the
fact that all participants selected either male or female, I chose to not use LatinX as by definition
it is meant to be genderless (Vidal-Ortiz & Juliana Martínez, 2018). While I will typically use the
terms males and females, the distinction between males as Latinos and females as Latinas will at
times be used. When referring to the entire group, I will use "Latinos" and "Latinas/os." When
referencing studies or reports, I will use the term (e.g. Latino or Hispanic) used by the
author(s). As stated previously, preferences for the term may vary by generation and change over
time. An overview of generational status will help understand such patterns in the next section.
Generational Status
Research disaggregating or acknowledging immigrant generations beyond the first and
second generation is scarce. One reason for the lack of research literature on this topic is because
immigrant generations as early as third-generation may elect to no longer identify as Latino.
Emeka and Vallejo (2011) examined the phenomenon of Latin American descendants’ selection
of “not Spanish/Hispanic/Latino” on U.S. census forms. The authors discovered that non-
Hispanic identification was most common among Latin American descendants who only speak
English and/or had mixed ancestry, such as both Latin American and non-Latin American
heritage. Emeka and Vallejo (2011) posit that moving away from identifying with one’s country
of origin or ancestry could stem from a conscious effort to distance themselves from stigmatized
identities or foster a state of ethnic neutrality. The authors also found that participants were more
likely to select a non-Hispanic identity when they had higher socioeconomic status.
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30
Beyond individual self-reporting, scholars question whether generational differences in
educational attainment become indistinguishable with each immigrant generation or whether
they persist. Bondy and colleagues (2017) and Chavez-Reyes (2010) report that research
overwhelmingly overlooks the challenges that subsequent immigrant generations experience.
Chavez-Reyes (2010) reports that a desire alone to pursue higher education does not guarantee
outcomes for later generations and students within these generations lack the cultural capital and
guidance necessary to navigate higher education, despite their dominance of the English
language and understanding of American culture. Fuller and colleagues (2019) advocate for the
value of understanding how the conditions of immigrant versus later-generation families differ
even when they have access to the same quality schools. Kirui and Kao (2018) point to a need to
test the immigrant optimism hypothesis at the college achievement level across multiple
generations. Colleges do not disaggregate racial/ethnic enrollment reports by immigrant
generation status leading to a lack of data. Lastly, information is not always available on third-
plus generation students since the shift to a non-hyphenated American identity happens as early
as the third immigrant generation (Emeka & Vallejo, 2011).
First and second generation. First generation youth are more likely to be isolated in
ethnically homogeneous schools within ethnic enclaves than second and third-plus generation
youth that have parents that have moved to more middle-class neighborhoods (Fuller et al.,
2019). Pivovarova and Powers (2019) report findings from a study of 3700 15-year olds where
first and second generation immigrant students tend to enroll in more disadvantaged schools,
typically larger and lower-income than third-plus generation students. Despite a lack of
widespread access to high quality schools, existing literature supports a second generation
immigrant advantage (Portes and Rumbaut, 2006).
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31
According to Kirui and Kao (2018), students who have at least one immigrant parent are
more likely to complete college on time (as well as less likely to withdraw) and to expect to earn
an advanced degree compared to peers with native-born parents. Siahaan, Lee, and Kalist (2014)
report that first-generation immigrants and second generation children of two immigrant parents
have higher educational attainment than native peers or those with only one immigrant parent.
However, as generations continue, length of residence in the US negatively impacts academic
achievement (Kao & Tienda, 1995; Portes & Hao, 2004; Terriquez, 2014).
Second generation immigrants, those born in the U.S. with at least one parent born
outside the U.S., have shown that many factors such as race, social status, and community
context impact the experiences of this generation, directly related to segmented assimilation
principles (Portes & Hao, 2004). Umaña-Taylor and colleagues (2009) report levels of familism
were comparable across all generational levels but that Spanish language fluency decreased with
generations, which could serve as an indicator of greater assimilation. Bilingual fluency in the
second generation was predicted by growing up in a household where both parents were born in
a foreign country and if the heritage language was spoken at home (Portes & Rivas, 2011).
Third-plus generation. Livingston and Kahn (2002), report the existence of a third
generation decline. This is largely referred to as an immigrant paradox by scholars due to the fact
that educational problems seem to increase as immigrant generations assimilate (Bondy, Peguero
& Johnson, 2017; Ceballo et al., 2014; Orrenius & Zavodny, 2018; Suarez-Orozco, Rhodes and
Milburn, 2009; Terriquez, 2014). Orrenius and Zavodny (2018) examined national data from
1996 to 2017 to determine Hispanic employment rates across immigrant generations. The
authors found that first-generation Hispanic males tend to have higher employment rates
compared to second and third-plus generation Hispanics. On the other hand, Hispanic female’s
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32
employment rates rose from the first to second generation. The dip in the third generation was
expected to be due to lower educational attainment (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2018). Pong and
colleagues (2005) found that by the third generation, immigrant parenting styles had become
more similar to Caucasians, which aligns with the idea that more assimilation may contribute to
lower educational attainment. Suizzo, Tedford and McManus (2019) report that Mexican
American mothers across three different generations demonstrated different long term goals for
their children and obedience driven parenting. First-generation mothers were more concerned
with teaching obedience and manners to their children compared to second and third generations.
Summary. Research considering immigrant generation status is key to understanding if
trends and patterns do exist. This means that not only must this information be meaningfully
collected from Latino research participants or disaggregated within existing data sets, but also
that Latinos as a whole must be examined with such aspects of acculturation in mind (Bondy et
al., 2017; Chavez-Reyes, 2010). Traditional assimilation theory posits that the more immigrant
generations become Americanized, increase mobility follows. A third-generation decline
(Livingston & Kahn, 2002) and reports that first and second generation immigrants have higher
educational attainment than native peers (Siahaan et al., 2014) contradict the aforementioned
assumptions about assimilation. Chavez-Reyes (2010) reports that acculturation and a desire
alone to pursue higher education does not guarantee outcomes for later generations. Therefore,
understanding the impact of generational status and other factors like gender is important.
Research on the impact of gender on Latino educational attainment is also inconsistent and will
be reviewed in the next section.
Gender
Identifying key gender distinctions is essential to understanding the Latino educational
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pipeline. According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2017), Latinas have higher college completion
rates compared to males, 14.9% and 12.9% respectively. Beyond census data, research studies
report that females receive higher levels of educational attainment regardless of immigrant
generational status (Feliciano & Rumbaut, 2005; Feliciano, 2012; Hernandez-Leon & Lakhani,
2013; Lee & Hatteberg, 2015; Sciarra & Whitson, 2007; Siahaan et al., 2014). In fact, Gandara
(2017) reports that from 1980 to 2013, the percentage of Latinas getting a college degree
increased 300%, from 6.9% to 18.6%; Latino male degree achievement rose by 50% in
comparison. Feliciano and Rumbaut (2005) and Feliciano (2012), using data collected in the
CILS, report that female children of immigrants develop higher expectations as early as middle
school of advancing in their education compared to males. Portes and Rumbaut (2006) report
that Latino males are often placed in high school tracks that do not prepare them academically
nor foster academic confidence. Feliciano (2012) reports that males who come from low
socioeconomic status households have a lower rate of achievement compared to females who
came from similar backgrounds, which can also point to structural barriers within schooling.
Beyond school influences, household expectations may influence educational attainment
in respect to gender. For example, Ceballo and colleagues (2014) examined the effect on familial
expectations and storytelling on Latino male and female educational achievement. Findings from
the study revealed that narratives of parental sacrifice were more effective on males than females
which may lead to a male’s desire to contribute to their family financially. A need to contribute
financially often conflicts with the need to focus on postsecondary degree completion. Toews
and Yazedjian (2007) posit that females may be verbally encouraged to attend college more than
males. They suggest that future studies should examine the quantity and quality of the college-
related discussions parents have with their children. Cabrera and colleagues (2017) report that
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34
Latina girls tend to have more opportunities to develop language skills through activities such as
singing versus Latino boys, but overall encouragement of literacy is the same regardless of
gender within Latinos.
According to LeVine, LeVine, and Schnell (2001) schooling overall positively affects
girls’ self-confidence, self-efficacy, and aspirations for their future. This is a trait that educated
mothers than pass on to their children. This is important to note as educational attainment is
examined over generations as mother’s education may be more impactful for immigrant
generational mobility. Self-efficacy is strongly associated with gender among the children of
immigrants (Bondy et al., 2017). A higher presence of self-efficacy in Latinas could explain
stronger educational, career and overall persistence outcomes (Bandura, 1997; Pajares, 2002;
Zimmerman, 2002). These findings contribute to the belief of a female advantage within Latino
educational attainment. Lastly, Suizzo and colleagues (2019) report that more years of education
for a mother decreases the importance they place on teaching children obedience, manners, and
compliance with rules. This finding has profound implications for children’s social competence
in the long run and deserves more attention to see if this impact is the same on male and female
children.
Scholars have also reported the unique burdens that females within the Latino community
manage. In particular, gender socialization is particularly apparent within Latino families as
parents socialize their children according to traditional gender-related expectations, including a
female emphasis on supporting the household through caretaking, cooking and cleaning, for
example (Comas-Diaz, 2001; Feliciano, 2012; Murphy & Murphy, 2018; Raffaelli & Ontai,
2004). Males may face more pressure to contribute financially (Chavez-Reyes, 2010). Latino
males and females report different experiences in respect to freedom and privileges whereas
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35
females often experience more protective parenting (Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004; Feliciano, 2012).
Murphy and Murphy (2018) report that childbearing, including teen pregnancy and greater
family demands negatively effects college enrollment for Latinas. This finding is supported by
the fact that Latina youth have the highest rates of teen parenthood in the U.S. and teen
parenthood rates. Interestingly, regardless of gender, third and higher generation Latinos have
higher teen parenthood rates compared to first or second generation (Pew Hispanic Center, 2013)
which emphasizes the importance of considering the intersectionality of gender and generational
status.
Summary. Understanding of gender socialization and behavioral outcomes is vital to
understand the Latino educational pipeline. Research indicates that Latino parents socialize their
children according to traditional gender-related expectations, including a female emphasis on
supporting the household through caretaking (Comas-Diaz, 2001; Feliciano, 2012; Murphy &
Murphy, 2018; Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004), while males may face more pressure to contribute
financially (Chavez-Reyes, 2010). Examining the intersection of gender and other variables like
generation with cultural values like parenting styles (e.g. protective parenting), familism and
bilingualism provides an opportunity to better understand practices within immigrant households
that influence educational attainment. The next literature review sections will present the
dependent variables of bilingualism, familism and parenting style including relationships
between gender and generation.
Bilingualism
This study will examine the concept of bilingualism as it relates to educational
attainment. Bilingualism is an indicator of ethnic identity which relates to selective acculturation
(Lee and Hatteberg, 2015). Luna and colleagues (2008) report that Latino youth that are
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36
encouraged by their parents to speak Spanish tend to have stronger ties to their Latino identity.
Cultural pride via language use may also serve as a protective force for youth that live in
disadvantaged communities (Berry et al., 2006; Gonzalez et al., 2012; Strunin et al., 2015).
Using a definition found in Portes and Hao (2002), fluent bilingualism is defined as the
ability to “speak English fluently and another language at least well,” in this case Spanish (p.
895). Fluent bilingualism is associated with higher cognitive development, academic
performance, and self-esteem in adolescence (Lutz & Crist, 2014). Incera and McLennan (2018)
also report that bilingualism enhances executive functioning in youth and also protects against
cognitive decline through the aging process. In the labor market, fluent bilingualism gives Latino
men an advantage over women as they are able to advance professionally into supervisory roles,
whereas women remain in service-oriented work despite also being bilingual (Hernández-León
& Lakhani, 2013). Literature on the effect of bilingualism on Latino educational attainment is
mixed and empirically limited in that it has not focused on various socioeconomic status brackets
and other variables that impact bilingualism (Anguiano, 2018).
According to The Pew Hispanic Center (2013), 60% of Latino youth are encouraged by
their parents to speak Spanish. Furthermore, Latino youth that are encouraged by their parents to
speak Spanish tend to have stronger ties to their Latino identity. Language serves as a powerful
transmitter and activator of culture (Luna et al., 2008). Portes and Rumbaut (2005) report that by
high school graduation, only 28.5% of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS)
participants were classified as fluent bilinguals, but this figure was higher than that recorded for
Asian-origin youth. Determinants of bilingual fluency in the second generation include growing
up in a household where both parents were born in a foreign country and speak the language at
home and being female (Portes & Rivas, 2011).
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37
Beyond identity development and generational status, gender also influences
bilingualism. Females tend to report higher rates of fluent bilingualism (Lee & Hatteberg, 2015;
Portes & Hao, 2002). Blair and Cobas (2006), report that speaking Spanish at home and with
friends is associated with lower levels of educational attainment amongst females, however, Lee
and Hatteberg (2015) report that high school completion rates is positively associated with fluent
bilingualism for Latina females, but negatively associated for Latino males-- a contradiction.
While promising, literature on the effect of bilingualism on Latino educational attainment
is mixed and empirically limited. Low-income Latinos, 20-30%, are more likely to live in a
household where adults speak little or no English, referred to as linguistic isolation (Wildsmith et
al., 2017). This reality means that many children often have to translate for their parents and
parents have little knowledge about the U.S. educational system (Anguiano, 2018). While the
aforementioned literature may portray disadvantage, when Latinos are able to master English
outside the home and Spanish within, the odds of educational achievement increase. Sciarra and
Whitson (2007) report that Latino students who grew up in households where Spanish was
typically spoken were more likely to complete a bachelor's degree or higher versus those that
grew up in homes where English was typically spoken. Challenges remain, however, Hurtado
and Ponjuan (2005) report that Latino undergraduates who speak Spanish at home are more
likely to perceive hostility from English-only speakers at their university. These findings may
also relate to a personal lack of confidence in speaking English, accents or general
misunderstandings leading to a perceived lack of fluency. This perception may hinder integration
into the college community as students encounter peers, staff and faculty who are unsympathetic
to the challenges of bilingualism or biculturalism.
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38
Studies based on data from the CILS demonstrate that bilingualism is significantly
associated with positive outcomes in late adolescence, including higher school grades, higher
educational aspirations, higher self-esteem, and lesser intergenerational conflict (Portes & Hao,
2002; Portes, Fernández-Kelly, & Haller, 2009). Learning English while maintaining fluency in
another language is a significant developmental achievement that not only facilitates knowledge
but also an understanding of parental culture (Portes & Hao, 2002), incorporated within familism
in the next section.
Familism
The social construct of familism is multidimensional and is broadly defined as a strong
identification with and attachment to nuclear and extended family (Sabogal et al., 1987). The
familism construct is inclusive of the following elements: strong feelings of loyalty, obligation,
solidarity, interdependence and respect for self and family members with a strong sentiment of
prioritizing family over other commitments (Cauce & Domenech-Rodriguez, 2002; Feliciano,
2012; Halgunseth, Ispa & Rudy, 2006). Familism is typically measured through self-report scales
that reflect the extent to which an individual endorses specific components of familism (Lugo
Steidel & Contreras, 2003; Sabogal et al., 1987). Strong values of familism are considered to
support psychological adjustment among Latino and immigrant youth (Stein et al., 2014).
Furthermore, loyalty to family can promote a desire to positively contribute to family mobility
(Sanchez et al., 2010) and serve as a protective factor for those growing up in inner-city
neighborhoods (Stepick & Stepick, 2010). It is important to acknowledge that while the concept
of familism is a strong cultural value, how it is demonstrated in concrete behaviors may be
different in respect to gender and generation-- the focus of the present study.
The familism construct was developed to describe observed differences in U.S. families
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39
of Latino and European cultural backgrounds consisting of social norms, personal attitudes, and
behaviors (Sabogal et al., 1987). The term familismo, is used by scholars to distinguish Latino
familism. The terms familism and familismo will be used interchangeably depending on how
cited authors refer to it in their studies or reports. Furthermore, while it is often identified as a
Latino cultural norm, it is important to note that familism is not unique to Latinos and is relevant
to people of diverse backgrounds. Familism has been observed in European, Asian and Latino
samples and linked to better psychological health through closeness to family members and
social support (Campos et al., 2014). For the purposes of this study, however, the literature
discussed will be focused on examples of familism within Latino groups.
Considering that this study is examining selective acculturation, it is important to review
the empirical research regarding relationships between acculturation and familism. Familsmo
within Latino families can erode with acculturation (Gonzales et al. 2006) and lead to dissonant
acculturation (Bui, 2009), thereby putting family harmony at risk. Acculturation has been
associated with reduced familismo and lower levels of familismo were associated with increased
problem behavior for Hispanic immigrant youth (Gil, Wagner & Vega, 2000). On the other hand,
enculturation, the process by which Hispanic youth learn and participate in the practices, values,
and associations with their Hispanic culture (Schwartz et al. 2010), has been found to be
associated with increased reports of familismo (Lorenzo-Blanco et al., 2012). Lorenzo-Blanco
and colleagues (2012) report an unanticipated finding that acculturation was associated with
higher, not lower, levels of familismo in their sample of mostly U.S. born Hispanic youth. The
authors posit that this finding may be due to the parenting strategies of parents with U.S. born
children wherein they increasingly emphasize familismo as their children become acculturated.
Lorenzo-Blanco and colleagues (2012) also infer that Hispanic youth may not consider
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40
themselves as having a high level of familism when surrounded by other Hispanic youth or
families with high levels of familism, but when surrounded by more non-Hispanic youth (a
product of acculturation), they might be more aware of their familism, thus impacting their
reported levels. Researchers propose that enculturation is protective because it enacts cultural
values that promote positive, close-knit interpersonal family relationships (Gonzales et al. 2006).
Family obligations have been associated with greater rates of Latino overall academic
achievement and postsecondary attainment (Anguiano, 2018; Fuligni & Pedersen, 2002).
According to Rivas-Drake and Marchand (2016), in their examination of 150 parent-child dyads,
familism was significantly and positively correlated with school engagement and benefits of
education. These findings may be due to a desire for youth to please their parents (Roche et al.,
2012), but are also likely mediated by family relationship contexts (Anguiano, 2018). A desire to
meet parental expectations can lead to either an emphasis on employment or education. In
Mexican families, but likely applicable to Latino families in general, Gonzales and colleagues
(2004) report that the value of family interdependence can both inhibit and promote educational
attainment. Higher rates of familism have been found to have a negative effect on grades and
expectations for educational achievement (Feliciano, 2012). Telzer, Gonzalez and Fuligni (2014)
report that while assisting families can be viewed as a protective factor, daily pressure to help
may serve as a risk factor for Mexican adolescents. Anguiano (2018) reports that too much
pressure to aid the family, youth translating for their parents in high-stakes environments or
under turbulent family circumstances can have negative consequences. This finding might have
less to do with loyalty to family and more to do with family contexts. It is important to
acknowledge that while the concept of familism is a strong cultural value, how it is demonstrated
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41
in concrete behaviors may be different in respect to gender and generation-- the focus of the
present study.
The current literature on familism points to possible gender differences (Campos et al.,
2014; Chavez-Reyes, 2010; Feliciano, 2012; Lorenzo-Blanco, et al., 2012; Raffaelli & Ontai,
2004). For example, women are more often the family members who take the lead in maintaining
family bonds (Updegraff et al., 2005). This could lead to the notion that females exhibit higher
levels of familism leading to positive outcomes, however, the emphasis that familism places on
obligation may be restricting for women (Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004). Campos and colleagues
(2014) studied a sample of U.S. women and men in college of Latino (the smallest subsample),
European, and Asian cultural backgrounds to determine measures of familism, closeness to
family members, general perceived social support, and psychological health. They found direct
effects of familism on closeness to family members and perceived social support as well as an
indirect effect of familism on better psychological health. While these effects did not differ by
cultural background, Latinos reported the highest levels of familism of the three cultural groups,
and women reported higher familism and support as well as poorer psychological health than
men. Feliciano (2012), using data from the CILS, reports that males demonstrate higher rates of
familism than females. Ceballo and colleagues (2014) examined the effect on familial
expectations and storytelling on Latino male and female educational achievement. The authors
reported that narratives of parental sacrifice were more effective on males than females which
may lead to a male’s desire to contribute to their family financially and urging a need to work
(Chavez-Reyes, 2010). It is possible that an emphasis on work may discourage males from
pursuing a bachelor’s degree.
Gendered parenting and traditional Latino cultural perspectives contribute to the belief
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42
that females are more protected and controlled by their families (Feliciano, 2012). This finding
suggests that females emphasize relationships and endeavors outside of family more than males
do, potentially resisting traditional family control that may be a reason for why females achieve
higher rates of degree attainment due to lower levels of familism (Lutz & Crist, 2014). Ojeda and
colleagues (2012) report that Latina girls that acculturate to U.S. culture become more
individualistic and develop confidence to think about their own career goals which also impacts
their view on familism. Lorenzo-Blanco and colleagues (2012) report that family conflict more
strongly predict depressive symptoms in males than females. This finding may be due to
Hispanic males feeling more responsibility in protecting their family due to traditional gender
norms, therefore, they internalize the conflict more differently than females.
A review of the literature on familism revealed differences in gender, but the literature on
the impact of generation was not found. The dearth of literature examining the relationship
between immigrant generation and familism adds the need and value of the present study. The
differences in gender, on the other hand, present a need to further understand this phenomenon.
The next section will explore parenting styles. Familism and parenting styles are concepts that
often intersect when discussing Latino educational attainment.
Parenting Style
Parenting styles have been described as the strategies that parents use in raising their
children including warmth, affection, involvement, punitiveness, and control (Reitman, Rhode,
Hupp, & Altobello, 2002). Limiting freedom and protective parenting is a feature of selective
acculturation. Portes & Fernández-Kelly (2008) link higher instances of educational attainment
for highly disadvantaged immigrant families to the presence of stern parental figures.
Portes and Fernández-Kelly (2008) interviewed and profiled a subsample of the Children
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43
of Immigrants Longitudinal Study participants in CILS-IV. This subsample of Latinos, grew up
in the lowest socioeconomic status households of the original sample, but despite their
disadvantage had earned at least a bachelor’s degree. Portes and Fernández-Kelly (2008)
identified several examples of selective acculturation within their interviews including instances
of strict parenting and discipline, indicators of more authoritarian parenting styles. One
participant, Miguel Morales, Jr., son of Mexican immigrants, who had achieved employment as a
college professor was interviewed at his parent’s house in San Diego, California. At this point
the researchers were aware of the educational outcomes of this sample, but wanted to understand
how they were able to achieve those outcomes. Miguel Jr. reflected on his adolescence including
presenting a narrative of parental sacrifice, discipline, and protective parenting which was
especially crucial as a teenager when he began testing boundaries like trying to sneak out of the
house. The author’s report the following observation near the conclusion of the interview when
Miguel Sr. walked in to the home: “Having told his life history, our respondent [Miguel Jr.]
turned toward his father [Miguel Sr.] and told him, ‘Gracias, Papa, porque me disciplinaste; me
enseñaste bien.’ (‘Thanks, Dad, because you disciplined me, you educated me well.’)” (p. 24).
This excerpt serves as a demonstration of the respect and appreciation that Miguel Jr. had for his
parents. Portes and Fernández-Kelly (2008) state the following when describing Miguel’s
success: “By early adulthood, young people like Miguel Morales can recognize the benefits of
such [selective acculturation] practices and thank their parents, in their parents’ own language,
for having educated them well” (p. 25).
Baumrind (1968, 1971, 1989, 1991) identified four different styles of parenting:
authoritative (flexible), authoritarian (most associated with Latino parents), and permissive
which is subdivided into permissive indulgent and permissive neglectful; each utilizing various
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44
levels of demandingness and responsiveness. Generally, the authoritative parenting style is
associated with favorable educational outcomes (Pong et al., 2005).
Authoritative (Flexible) Style. A both demanding and responsive parenting style
characterized within authoritative parents, also known as flexible. Authoritative parents often
seek to nurture children that are assertive, socially responsible and self-regulated (Baumrind,
1989). Authoritative parents provide emotional, generally warm, support, recognizing their
child’s autonomy and maintain clear expectations that leads to a child’s ability to actively engage
in career exploration (Kerka, 2000).
Authoritarian Style. Authoritarian style is high on demandingness and low on
responsiveness. Under an authoritarian parenting approach, obedience is expected without
question or explanation (Baumrind, 1991). Authoritarian parents favor punitive measures to limit
a child’s self-will when a child’s actions conflict with their parents’ expectations of acceptable
conduct (Baumrind, 1989). While authoritarian parenting is associated with academic success,
according to Kerka (2000), pressures to conform to parent expectations can cause a poor fit
between the "individual and their chosen career, as well as estranged family relationships and
poor mental health” (p. 2).
Permissive Style. Permissive parents utilize demanding and responsive approaches
minimally or not at all; creating an environment where children lack structure and a great deal of
freedom. Permissive indulgent (presented as Permissive Parenting in Figure 2) parents are
generally non punitive and accepting of a child’s actions, making few demands to build their
child’s maturity (Baumrind, 1989). While this environment encourages a child’s freedom, the
lack of expectations makes it more difficult for children to develop self-knowledge and commit
to their own goals (Kerka, 2000). Finally, permissive neglectful (presented as Rejecting-
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45
Neglecting Parenting in Figure 2) parenting is low on both demandingness and responsiveness
without direction and uninvolved (Pong et al., 2005). Permissive neglectful parents are often
preoccupied with their own problems (Glasgow et al., 1997). Figure 2 provides an overview of
the four parenting styles with attention on varying levels of responsiveness and demandingness.
Figure 2
Parenting Styles

Numerous studies have been conducted that reflect the beneficial effects of authoritative
parenting on White children and adolescents, including greater academic, social, and
psychological competence, self-esteem, and self-reliance, in comparison to parents who exhibit
authoritarian or permissive parenting styles (Carlson, Uppal, & Prosser, 2000; Furnham &
Cheng, 2000). However, research on the effects of Baumrind’s parenting styles on academic
attainment for racial and ethnic minorities is limited and contradictory. Dornbusch and
colleagues (1987), conducted one of the first cross-cultural studies examining parenting styles
using Baumrind’s model. Researchers identified that more authoritarian parenting styles
negatively impacted educational attainment for Hispanic females. Other studies (e.g. Carlson et
al., 2000) have found that authoritative parenting predicts academic achievement in Latino
families; while others (e.g. Park & Bauer, 2002) found that authoritative parenting was only
beneficial in Caucasian families, not in other ethnic groups. Hill and Tyson (2009) report that
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46
adolescents whose parents show greater involvement in their lives tend to report greater
academic success.
Not specific to Baumrind’s model, Domenich Rodriguez and colleagues (2009) reported
that 61% of their study participants (Latino parents) were protective parents, more aligned with
the authoritarian style. The changing U.S. demographics, including immigration, has led to
inconclusive results in regards to the cross-cultural validity of Baumrind's parenting styles (Lim
& Lim, 2004). Considering assimilation strategies, Latinos experience life differently than the
majority culture, therefore research on parenting styles within Latino families is essential.
Summary of Literature Review
According to Kirui and Kao (2018), students who have at least one immigrant parent are
more likely to complete college on time and to expect to earn an advanced degree compared to
peers with native-born parents. Pong and colleagues (2005) found that by the third generation,
immigrant parenting styles become more similar to Caucasians, likely less demanding and more
responsive, which aligns with the idea that more assimilation contributes to lower educational
attainment. The Pew Hispanic Center (2013) reports that third and higher generations tend to
identify as “American” first rather than Latino or by their ancestors’ country of origin which has
great implications for how identity differs by generation.
Scholars report that Latino educational outcomes can increase by accommodating to
American culture without assimilating, via selective acculturation (Mehan et al., 1994; Portes &
Fernández-Kelly, 2008). Selective acculturation includes an emphasis on collective, familism;
stern parenting (authoritarian); and maintaining cultural traditions such as language, in turn
protecting immigrant generations from negative educational outcomes. In respect to
bilingualism, it is likely that as generations continue, country of origin languages are not taught
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47
to children. While this study was not designed to examine if bilingualism predicts educational
attainment, results may be able to identify trends in bilingualism within Latino college graduates.
Hurtado and Ponjuan (2005) report that Latino undergraduates who speak Spanish at home are
more likely to perceive hostility (real or imagined) from English-only speakers at their
university. These findings may also relate to a personal lack of confidence in speaking English,
accents or general misunderstandings leading to a perceived lack of fluency. Similar to the
influence of generation, gender differences must also be examined to determine if they exist and
the extent of their influence.
Identifying key gender differences is essential to understand the Latino educational
pipeline especially parenting styles. Latino males and females report different experiences in
respect to freedom and privileges (Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004). Researchers identified that more
authoritarian parenting styles negatively impacted educational attainment for Hispanic females.
Lopez (2003) suggests that the higher levels of educational achievement among females can be
traced back to greater parental monitoring and can also lead to female perceptions of a double
standard within parenting styles (Feliciano, 2012) which informs gender differences within
familism. Lopez (2003) suggests that the higher levels of educational achievement among
females can be traced back to greater parental monitoring. Familism is also associated with high
quality parent-child relationships, which can be indicative of a more authoritative parenting style.
Familism, like parenting style, is also influenced by gender. Feliciano (2012), using data
from the CILS, reports that males demonstrate higher rates of familism than females. This
finding suggests that females emphasize relationships and endeavors outside of family more than
males do, essentially resisting traditional family control that may be a reason for why females
achieve higher rates of degree attainment due to lower levels of familism (Lutz & Crist, 2014).
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48
Gender differences also persist within bilingualism. Females are more likely to demonstrate
fluent bilingualism (Lee & Hatteberg; 2015; Portes & Hao, 2002); yet, Blair and Cobas (2006),
report that speaking Spanish at home and with friends is associated with lower levels of
educational attainment amongst females creating a contradiction within the literature. These
findings make the inclusion of intersectionality within research on Latino educational attainment
essential.
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify gender and generational differences in
the levels of bilingualism, familism and type of parenting styles experienced by Latino college
graduates. Considering patterns of assimilation, scholars have pointed to the role of selective
acculturation (selecting which parts of American culture to adopt and forgoing values that may
not be conducive to upward mobility rather than completely assimilating) in stronger educational
outcomes for immigrant generations (Portes & Rumbaut, 2006). Parenting style, familism and
bilingualism have been selected as dependent variables due to their influence on selective
acculturation and to determine if they vary by the independent variables: gender and generation.
These factors place emphasis on practices within homes that help immigrant families overcome
challenges faced in the community-at-large. Identifying strategies on how to optimize the
opportunity for educational outcomes in immigrant communities is key since immigrant families
tend to live in under resourced districts that fail to provide a strong pipeline to higher education
(Gordon, 2017; Karoly & Gonzalez, 2011).
In order to determine if a relationship existed between the variables of the study, the
following research questions and hypotheses were addressed in this study:
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49
Research Question 1: Are there gender and generational differences in levels of bilingualism
for Latino college graduates?
Hypothesis 1a: Latino college graduates from higher generations will report lower levels
of bilingualism than those from lower generations.
Hypothesis 1b: Males and females will report different levels of bilingualism.
Research Question 2: Are there gender and generational differences in perceived parenting
style by Latino college graduates?
Hypothesis 2a: Latino college graduates from higher generations will report less
experiences of authoritarian parenting styles than those from lower generations.
Hypothesis 2b: Males and females will report different types of parenting styles.
Research Question 3: Are there gender and generational differences in levels of familism for
Latino college graduates?
Hypothesis 3a: Latino college graduates from higher generations will report lower levels
of familism than those from lower generations.
Hypothesis 3b: Males and females will report different levels of familism.

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Chapter 3: Methodology
The goal of this research study was to explore selective acculturation experiences (as
proxied by parenting styles, familism, and bilingualism) amongst Latino bachelor’s degree
earners. An explanatory sequential mixed methods design was chosen in order to develop a more
complete understanding of the selective acculturation phenomena. An explanatory sequential
mixed methods design is characterized by first conducting quantitative research, in this case a
survey, then analyzing the survey results to inform the execution of interviews, the qualitative
element of this research design. The quantitative results informed the participants selected for
interviews as well the semi-structured interview protocol. The subsequent qualitative data
collected helped to explain and build on the quantitative results (Creswell, 2014). This chapter
discusses researcher positionality, overview of participants, instruments used and the study
procedure.
Researcher Positionality
It is important for the reader to understand my positionality as the researcher to provide
context for this study. Positionality refers to making meaning of observations based on one's
perspective. According to Bourke (2014), while researchers can strive to remain objective, we
have to acknowledge who we are as individuals, as members of groups, and within social
positions as these reflections shape our identity.
I have served as a counselor/advisor for traditionally under resourced students for over
ten years. Majority of the students I work with currently identify as Latino/a/x. As the youngest
daughter of Mexican immigrants, I identify as Chicana and rely on my bilingual/bicultural ability
daily to connect with the students I serve and their supporters. I think often about how my sisters
and I were able to defy the odds to all earn master's degrees even though our parents have no
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51
higher than a third-grade and a high school education. It is these cases, the ones of traditionally
underrepresented groups that were able to beat the odds and achieve a higher education, that
fascinate me. As Portes & Fernandez-Kelly (2008) framed it:
Not all children advantaged by their parents’ human capital, favorable contexts of
reception, and stable families manage to succeed educationally, and not all growing up
under conditions of severe disadvantage end up in permanent poverty or in jail. Some
among the latter even make it to the top, achieving a college degree... Those individual
cases have sociological significance for the lessons they offer in how to overcome the
power of structural forces. (p. 21-22)
According to Bourke (2014) "our own biases shape the research process, serving as checkpoints
along the way" (p. 1). I have a personal stake in the topic I have chosen to study presented
herein, due to my professional work and my heritage.
It is important to note that I have been trained in several areas of social science research,
both academically and professionally and this study was approved by the University of Southern
California's Institutional Review Board. I selected an explanatory mixed-methods design in order
to eliminate bias as much as possible. Specifically, efforts were made to minimize selection bias,
data collection bias and analysis bias by executing the quantitative phase first and using concrete
results to inform the qualitative phase. An overview of the study design is represented in Figure
3.
Participants
The study population consisted of 117 Latino college graduates for the quantitative phase
(Phase I) and a subsample of 12 for the qualitative phase (Phase II). For the purposes of this
study, any person who identified as Latino and earned a Bachelor’s degree from a U.S.
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52
accredited college or university was eligible to participate in Phase I. I shared the recruitment
letter via e-mail and Facebook (Appendix A). Participants also helped recruit others as a means
of snowball sampling by forwarding the survey link to peers who fit the criteria. Any survey
participant who completed Phase I and indicated their willingness to participate in an interview
was eligible for Phase II.
Household characteristics. Respondents reported 71% (N=83) of their parents were
married or living together and 23% (N=17) reported their parents were divorced or separated.
Nearly 68% of participants indicated that the primary language spoken at home was Spanish.
Questions about mother and/or father country of origin revealed that nearly 55% (N=64) of
respondents reported both their parents' country or origin as Mexico, followed by Guatemala and
El Salvador, equally represented with 7% each (N=8). Other respondents reported parent country
of origin as a mix of different countries, the U.S. or unknown. Seventy-three percent (N=85)
reported that they translated for their parents while growing up.
The top four occupations reported for mothers was homemaker (N=21), business/self-
employed (20), factory worker (N=15) and janitorial (N=12). The top four occupations reported
for fathers was factory worker (N=19), business/self-employed (N=14), transportation (N=13)
and construction (N=12). Over half of the participants grew up in households of less than 50k a
year (n= 71). Fifty-five percent of families owned their home. Total household size was not
asked on the survey
Individual characteristics. Majority of survey participants identified as female (67%,
n=78). Participants ranged in age from 22-52 with an average age of 33. Most respondents
indicated that they had siblings and represented a variety of birth orders, the majority identified
as the oldest (n=41) and 5 participants were only children. The survey participants represented a
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53
variety of immigrant generations, 21% first-generation, 64% second-generation and 15% third-
generation or more. A few participants identified as fourth-generation and beyond, but I decided
to collapse this data into a third plus-generation category. Demographic characteristics are listed
in greater detail in Table 1. Additionally, a few other demographic characteristics of interest
were collected that relate directly to higher education. Eighty-three percent were first generation
college graduates (n=97). Forty-seven percent (n= 55) attended a community college prior to
obtaining their bachelor’s degree. In respect to type of university attended for their bachelor’s
degree, 39% attended a California State University, 34% attended a University of California,
21% attended a private university and 5% attended a university outside of California.
Table 1
Survey Participants
Participants Frequency Percent
Gender Male 39 33%
Female 78 67%
Generation First 24 21%
Second 75 64%
Third + 18 15%
Age 29 and below 40 34%
30-39 55 47%
40 and above 22 18%
Family Income $0-24999 27 23%
$25-49999 44 38%
$50-74999 25 21%
$75000 + 21 18%
Language Spoken at Home English 24 20.5%
Spanish 79 67.5%
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54
Both 14 12%
Birth Order Youngest 33 28%
Middle 38 33%
Oldest 41 35%
Only 5 4%
Note. N= 117. Language Spoken at Home and Family Income are based on participant reflection
of adolescent experience, not current household.

Interview Participants. Twelve participants were interviewed as part of Phase II of data
collection. Based on the analysis of the Phase I surveys, I utilized purposeful sampling to select
seven female and five male participants to interview based on their responses to the survey data.
Purposeful sampling means that qualitative researchers select interview participants who will
best help them understand the research problem (Creswell, 2014). Interview participants were all
part of the Phase I sample. The ages ranged from 22-42. Most identified as second generation,
had siblings, indicated that Spanish was the primary language spoken at home and reported
family incomes of $25-49999 which aligns with the survey participant distribution as well (Table
2).
Table 2
Interview Participants
Participant Gender Generation Age Family Income
Language
Spoken at Home
Birth
Order
Angelica* Female Second
2
22 $0-24999 Spanish Middle
Betty Female Second
2
29 $75000 + English Youngest
Cesar* Male First
1
34 $0-24999 Spanish Middle
Darwin* Male First
2
34 $25-49999 Spanish Oldest
Frances* Female First
1
35 $25-49999 Spanish Youngest
Jessica* Female Third +
2
33 $25-49999 English Youngest
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55
Jonathan* Male Second
2
42 $50-74999 English Middle
Marisela* Female Second
2
34 $25-49999 Spanish Middle
Max* Male Second
1
27 $25-49999 Spanish Youngest
Ramon* Male First
2
30 $25-49999 Spanish Youngest
Selena Female Third +
2
29 $75000 + English Middle
Victoria* Female Second
2
33 $50-74999 Spanish Only
Note.
1
denotes Guatemala as the country of origin and
2
denotes Mexico as the country of origin
for participant or ancestors. * denotes first generation college graduate.

Instruments
The survey (Appendix B) was divided into four sections, including: (1) Demographic and
Background Information (Part 1 &2); (2) the Parental Authority Questionnaire, (3) the
Attitudinal familism Scale (AFS) and (4) the Spanish Comprehension/Bilingualism Scale;
containing a 101 total questions. The Demographic and Background Information section includes
questions regarding birth order and experience translating for parents, to name a few. These
questions aim to not only obtain demographic characteristics but overall descriptive statistics that
relate to characteristics identified throughout the literature review but are not directly examined
in this study. Detailed information on the instruments used to determine dependent variables for
this study are described below.
Parenting style. Buri (1991) developed the Parental Authority Questionnaire (PAQ) to
measure Baumrind's (1971) permissive, authoritarian, and authoritative parenting styles. Unlike
other measures of parenting style, the PAQ was designed to measure parental authority as
recalled by the child (Buri, 1991). The PAQ consists of 30 items per parent yielding permissive,
authoritarian, and authoritative scores for both the mother and the father, 10 items per style
scored on a 5-point Likert-type scale (1-strongly disagree to 5-strongly agree). Each parenting
style has a scoring range from 10 to 50. A “high” (the parenting style with the highest score) and
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56
“low” (the parenting style with the lowest score) or each participant was identified. For the
purposes of this study, participants were asked to reflect on overall parenting style rather than
individual assessments for mother and father. Participants will indicate which parent/guardian
they had in mind when answering the question: (a) mother, (b) father, (c) mix of both mother and
father, or (d) other guardian. This approach was taken in order to combat potential survey fatigue
by reducing the amount of items.
The results of several studies have supported the Parental Authority Questionnaire as a
psychometrically sound and valid measure of Baumrind's parenting styles with strong reliability
and validity. Buri (1991) reported good internal consistency coefficients ranging between .74 and
.87 and two-week test-retest reliability coefficients between .77 and .92. While numerical values
were not available, Buri (1991) also reported strong discriminant and criterion validity.
Familism. Familism is a measure of how much the respondent prioritizes family.
Familism was measured using the Attitudinal familism Scale (AFS) developed by Lugo Steidel
& Contreras (2003). According to Valdivieso-Mora and colleagues (2016), this scale has been
widely used in most research studies that examine familism within the Latino population. The
scale consists of 18 items consisting of four themes: the family comes before the individual,
familial interconnectedness, familial reciprocity in times of need, and familial honor. The
original instrument was scored on a 10-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to
10 (strongly agree) resulting in an 18 to 180 possible score range. A higher score indicates a
stronger sense of familism, while a lower score represents a lower sense of familism Cronbach’s
alpha for the scale is .83.
Bilingualism/Spanish Comprehension. Portes & Hao (2002) defined the bilingualism
concept as the ability to “speak English fluently and another language at least well. Blair and
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57
Cobas (2006) created a scale to measure Spanish Comprehension utilizing 4 questions: (1) “how
well do you understand Spanish when spoken?” (2) “ how well do you speak Spanish?” (3) “how
well do you write Spanish?” and (4) “how well do you read Spanish?” Answer options to these
questions include: "Very Well” (score of 4), "Well” (score of 3), "Not Well” (score of 2), or
“Not at All” (score of 1). These four items were combined to create a single measure of Spanish
comprehension with a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.84. The resulting scale ranges from 4 (not at all) to
16 (very well). A comprehensive score of 4= not at all, 5-8= not well, 9-12= well or 13-16= very
well.
Several scales exist that measure language proficiency and use including the Language
Brokering Scale-IV (LBS-IV) (Anguiano, 2018) and the Language Experience and Proficiency
Questionnaire (LEAP-Q) (Marian, Blumenfeld, & Kaushanskaya, 2007), however, this study
seeks to simply understand bilingualism in respect to a self-reported assessment. Self-reported
answers are commonly used in survey data in respect to knowledge of language (Portes & Hao,
2002). Using the Blair and Cobas (2006) scale will also help descriptively identify if respondents
dominate speaking, reading, writing or understanding at different levels of Spanish
comprehension. It is assumed that since participants graduated from a U.S. accredited college or
university that they are fluent in English.
Procedure
The study procedure followed the explanatory mixed-methods methodology. Upon
Institutional Review Board approval, a survey was administered through Survey Monkey in May
and June 2019. The intention of the survey was to quantitatively describe trends and attitudes of
the population sample (Creswell, 2014). Over the course of three weeks I collected 151
responses with a 79% completion rate: 119 completed surveys. Upon closing the survey, I
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58
reviewed the raw data and cleaned it in preparation for analysis (Salkind, 2016). This process
included recoding some variables that needed to be collapsed (i.e. creating a third-plus
generation group for participants that identified as fourth generation to be combined with the
third-generation group) and checking for accuracy. Two survey responses were omitted since
participants indicated that they had not yet completed a bachelor’s degree. The final survey
response set was 117. Participants spent an average of 21 minutes completing the 101-item
online survey.
Quantitative analysis. Quantitative analysis was conducted once the clean survey data
was available. First, preliminary analysis of the data identified items for descriptive analysis
including frequency distribution. This allowed me to identify groups of survey respondents based
on the independent variables of gender and generational status; dependent variable
characteristics such as scale scores; and demographic characteristics (i.e. age) to represent
different categories of participant profiles to identify for interviews following the explanatory
method (as demonstrated in Table 2). For example, it was important to interview participants that
represented the independent variables of gender and generation, but also to represent variance
amongst parenting styles, familism and bilingualism. Furthermore, birth order, sibling higher
education and type of university attended for bachelor’s degree was also of interest.
The statistical analysis was conducted via IBM SPSS Statistics for Macintosh (SPSS),
Version 25.0. A two-way ANOVA was conducted using SPSS to determine whether or not
statistically significant relationships existed within the data. The effect of gender and generation,
the independent variables, was examined for each of the dependent variables of bilingualism and
familism which were on the same continuous scales, unlike parenting style which has three
subscales. Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) is a test to identify the difference between two or
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59
more means (Salkind, 2016). Since more than one independent variable was being examined, a
two-way ANOVA was utilized. This statistical test was appropriate because this study involves
two independent variables (gender and generational status). A two-way Multivariate Analysis of
Variance (MANOVA) was utilized to examine the measure of parenting styles which allowed
me to conduct an analysis of each subscale and outcome (Salkind, 2016): authoritative parenting
style, authoritarian (flexible) parenting style and permissive parenting.
This preliminary analysis allowed me to purposefully sample specific participant profiles
(i.e. various birth orders and generational status) for interviews from the pool of survey
respondents that opted-in for interviews. Soon thereafter in August 2019, participants were
contacted via phone in order to determine their availability and willingness to participate. I also
explained the interview expectations and shared the informed consent (Appendix C) form to
ensure that participants had full knowledge of the study protocol. Once confirmed, interviews
took place in local coffee shops and over the phone during the span of three weeks. Interviews
ranged in length from 22 minutes to 75 minutes, with an average duration of 33 minutes.
Participants consented to having the interviews recorded and chose a pseudonym as part of the
process. Throughout the interview protocol (Appendix D) I ensured participants that there were
no right or wrong answers to the questions. Lastly, I thanked participants for their willingness to
participate and for volunteering their time. All interview participants were part of the initial
quantitative sample, as an essential characteristic of the explanatory method (Creswell, 2014).
Qualitative analysis. After the completion of interviews, the audio files from the
interviews were transcribed word-for-word. I then printed each transcript and reviewed it for
accuracy. As I read through all of the transcripts I noted any areas where the audio file would
need to be referenced in order to address any issues with the transcription accuracy. During this
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60
review I memoed ideas and reflections about the data. When this process was complete I
uploaded all text files into NVivo 12, a qualitative data analysis software to aid in organizing the
data as an alternative to hand coding.
Since interview text data is dense and rich, not all of the information collected can be
used in a qualitative study. Therefore, deductive analysis was employed in order to “winnow” the
data: a process of focusing on some of the data and disregarding other parts of it (Guest,
MacQueen, & Namey, 2012). Deductive analysis was driven by my interest in finding themes
related to selective acculturation which allowed for a more detailed analysis of the related themes
of gender, generation, bilingualism, familism and parenting style, but focused less on the overall
data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The process of coding aided me in understanding the perspectives
of the participants and in analyzing their combined experiences (Creswell, 2014). Coding is
considered the "transition process between data collection and more extensive data analysis"
(Saldana, 2009, p. 4). Essentially, coding is an initial step toward analysis and interpretation.
Ultimately, the guiding question for this portion of the analysis process was “What were the
lessons learned?” (Lincoln & Guba, 1985 as cited in Creswell, 2014).
Through this process I conducted three cycles of coding. During the first cycle of coding,
I read through each of the uploaded transcripts and selected datum based on the existing study
variables (gender, generation, bilingualism, parenting styles and familism) as predetermined
codes. I simultaneously identified emergent codes such as support circles; being a first-
generation college goer; viewing college as a period of growth and change; community
influences in career and education; and persistence. The emerging codes represented themes that
affected the Latino college student experience that are important to acknowledge in respect to
achievement gap related research and overall recommendations for practice. The second cycle of
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61
coding allowed me to locate text segments within specific codes to refine the codes. For
example, I refined the code "bilingualism and generation" to "continuity and readoption of
heritage language." Emergent themes were further categorized into culture shock, goal-oriented
behavior, supporters, and staying rooted by acknowledging the privilege of education. The third
cycle of coding allowed me to identify specific narrative passages to be included in Chapter 4. A
summary of the explanatory, sequential mixed-methods research procedure followed in this
study is represented in Figure 3.
Figure 3
Explanatory Sequential Mixed-Methods Research Design
Summary
The goal of this chapter was to outline the research method used to answer the research
questions. An explanatory sequential mixed methods design was chosen in order to develop a
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62
more complete understanding of the selective acculturation phenomena. A discussion of the
researcher positionality, overview of participants, instruments used and the study procedure
outlined the specifics of how the study was conducted and who participated in the study. The
goal of Chapter 4 is to provide the study results and demonstrate that the methodology described
in Chapter III was followed.

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Chapter 4: Results
This chapter contains the findings of this explanatory mixed-methods study examining
the selective acculturation-related experiences (bilingualism, parenting style and familism) of
Latino bachelor’s degree earners. The quantitative findings will be shared first, followed by the
qualitative findings.
Quantitative Results
Research Question 1: Are there gender and generational differences in levels of bilingualism
for Latino college graduates?
Hypothesis 1a: Latino college graduates from higher generations will report lower levels
of bilingualism than those from lower generations.
Hypothesis 1b: Males and females will report different levels of bilingualism.
Research Question 1 addressed whether Latino college graduates differed in their levels
of bilingualism based on gender and generational differences. Bilingualism was measured
through the Spanish Comprehension Scale. Scores ranged from 5-16 with an average of 13
(SD=2.67). According to the Spanish Comprehension scale a score of 8 or less indicates that the
participant rates “not well” in respect to Spanish comprehension (inclusive of reading, speaking,
writing and understanding); 10% (N=12) of participants fell within this range. Thirty percent
(N=35) of respondents scored “well” which indicates a score between 9 and 12. Lastly, 60%
(N=70) indicated a score between 13 and 16 resulting in a “very well” rating. The score with the
highest frequency was 14, representing about 18% of respondents. The average score for males
was 13 (SD=2.49) and 13(SD=2.76) for females. More details on means and standard deviations
can be found in Table 4.
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64
A two-way between-groups ANOVA was conducted to explore the effect of gender and
generation on bilingualism. The effect between gender and generation was not statistically
significant (F (2,111) =.233, p=.79). However, there was a statistically significant main effect for
generation (F (2, 111) = 14.7, p < .001) demonstrating that the score decreased as generations
increased. Therefore, Hypothesis 1a was confirmed. There was not a statistically significant main
effect for gender, therefore Hypothesis 1b was not confirmed (F (1,111) =.001, p=.97). Table 3
and Figure 4 illustrate these results.
Table 3
Two-way ANOVA for Spanish Comprehension (Bilingualism)
DV= Spanish Comprehension Score
Effect df F p partial η2
Gender 1,111 .001 .974 .000
Generation 2,111 14.706 .001 .209
Gender * Generation 2,111 .233 .793 .004
Note. Interactions of variables examined are represented by *. Significant at the p < 0.05 level.

Table 4
Means and Standard Deviations of the Spanish Comprehension Scale
Spanish Comprehension score
Gender Generation n M SD
Male First 13 13.46 2.22
Second 23 13.13 2.47
Third+ 3 9.67 1.52
Total 39 12.97 2.48
Female First 11 14.00 2.14
Second 52 13.25 2.14
Third+ 15 9.07 2.31
Total 78 12.55 2.75
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65
Total First 24 13.71 2.15
Second 75 13.21 2.23
Third+ 18 9.17 2.17
Total 117 12.69 2.66

Figure 4
Estimated Marginal Means of Spanish Comprehension (Bilingualism)

Research Question 2: Are there gender and generational differences in perceived parenting
style by Latino college graduates?
Hypothesis 2a: Latino college graduates from higher generations will report less
experiences of authoritarian parenting styles than those from lower generations.
Hypothesis 2b: Males and females will report different types of parenting styles.
Research Question 2 addresses whether Latino college graduates differed in their
reported parenting style experiences based on gender and generational differences. A two-way
Multivariate Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) was performed to investigate gender and
generational differences within the three different parenting styles: Permissive, Authoritative
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66
(Flexible), and Authoritarian. The overall omnibus test of the MANOVA revealed no statistical
significance for parenting style, Wilks Λ=.94, therefore Hypothesis 2a nor Hypothesis 2b was
confirmed.
Research Question 3: Are there gender and generational differences in levels of familism
for Latino college graduates?
Hypothesis 3a: Latino college graduates from higher generations will report lower levels
of familism than those from lower generations.
Hypothesis 3b: Males and females will report different levels of familism.
Research Question 3 addressed whether Latino college graduates differed in their levels
of familism based on gender and generational differences. Familism was measured through the
Attitudinal Familism Scale. Scores ranged from 117-168 with an average of 125 (SD= 17.6).
The average score for males was 130 (SD=16.6) and 122(SD=17.7) for females. The generation
with the highest AFS score was the second generation with an average score of 127 (SD=16.6).
More details on means and standard deviations can be found in Table 6.
A two-way ANOVA was conducted to explore the effect of gender and generation on
familism, as measured by the Attitudinal Familism Scale. The effect between gender and
generation was not statistically significant (F (2,111) =.893, p=.41). There was no statistically
main effect for generational status, therefore Hypothesis 3a was not confirmed, (F (2,111)
=1.206, p=.30) as demonstrated in Table 5. There was a statistically significant main effect for
gender (F (1,111) =5.202, p=.024), therefore, Hypothesis 3b was confirmed. A plot diagram
illustrates the relationship between gender and familism in Figure 5.

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Table 5
Two-way ANOVA for Attitudinal Familism Scale
DV=Attitudinal familism Scale Score
Effect df F p partial η2
Gender 1,111 5.202 .024 .045
Generation 2,111 1.206 .303 .021
Gender * Generation 2,111 .893 .412 .016
Note. Interactions of variables examined are represented by *. Significant at the p < 0.05 level.

Table 6
Means and Standard Deviations of the Attitudinal familism Scale
Attitudinal Familism Scale score
Gender Generation n M SD
Male First 13 123.54 14.81
Second 23 132.87 16.32
Third+ 3 135.33 24.11
Total 39 129.95 16.60
Female First 11 120.91 20.40
Second 52 124.23 16.13
Third+ 15 115.47 20.20
Total 78 122.08 17.67
Total First 24 122.33 17.24
Second 75 126.88 16.57
Third+ 18 118.78 21.50
Total 117 124.70 17.65

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68
Figure 5
Estimated Marginal Means of the Attitudinal Familism Scale

Summary. The quantitative results revealed a statistically significant relationship
between generation and bilingualism and between gender and familism. No statistically
significant relationship was found for parenting style for gender nor generation. The quantitative
findings provided a foundation for the qualitative phase by informing interview participant
selection and the questions included in the interview protocol shared in the next section.
Qualitative Results
The goal of the qualitative phase was to provide meaning to the quantitative results
utilizing the narratives of the 12 interview participants. The qualitative results revealed both
similarities and differences with the quantitative findings. First, the predetermined themes of
bilingualism, parenting styles and familism revealed the following: (1) a clear relationship
between generation and Spanish fluency was present; (2) unlike the quantitative results,
participants referred to parenting style differences in respect to both gender and generation; and
(3) although females shared more examples of household responsibilities and resistance to
familial expectations, many behaviors such as supporting family financially and adaptation
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69
strategies during college were common to both males and females. These themes will be
explained in depth throughout the rest of this chapter. In order to provide context, Table 6
presents interview participant information in respect to their familial environment including
primary parenting style, Spanish comprehension score, AFS score and sibling degree attainment.
Table 7
Interview Participants Part II
Participant Generation Age
Sibling Ages
& Degree
Attainment
Primary
Parenting
Style
Spanish
Compre-
hension
Score
Attitudinal
familism
Scale Score
Angelica*
(F)
2nd 22
Brother A (+3),
Sister A
2
(-2),
Brother B (-4)
Auth. 13
S
108
Betty
(F)
2nd 29 Sister A
1
(+1) Auth. 11
E
120
Cesar*
(M)
1st 34
Sister A (+3),
Sister B
1
(-7)
Auth. 12
S
136
Darwin*
(M)
1st 34
Brother A
3
(-5),
Brother B
2
(-14)
Auth. 15
S
120
Frances*
(F)
1st 35 Brother A (+6) 0 15
S
96
Jessica*
(F)
3rd + 33
Sister A
1
(+12) ,
Brother A (+5)
Perm. 10
E
98
Jonathan*
(M)
2nd 42
Brother A (+5),
Sister A
1
(-2)
Auth. 8
E
114
Marisela*
(F)
2nd 34
Sister A
1
(+5),
Brother A
3
(+1),
Brother B
3
(-3)
Flex. 14
S
130
Max*
(M)
2nd 27
Sister A (+19),
Brother A
3
(+17),
Sister B
1
(+15)
0 13
S
124
Ramon*
(M)
1st 30 Brother A
2
(+5) Auth. 11
S
136
Selena 3rd + 29 Sister A
1
(+9), Flex. 6
E
142
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70
(F) Sister B
1
(+5),
Sister C
1
(-5),
Sister D
2
(-9)
Victoria*
(F)
2nd 33 No siblings Flex. 13
S
110
Note. * denotes first generation college graduate. (F) indicates female and (M) indicates male.
Sibling age difference is indicated in ( );
1
denotes sibling has a Bachelor’s Degree;
2
denotes
sibling is currently in a Bachelor’s Degree program and
3
denotes Vocational Degree achieved by
sibling. “Auth.” indicates Authoritarian Parenting Style, “Flex.” indicates Authoritative
Parenting Style, “Perm.” indicates Permissive Parenting Style and “0” indicates that participant
did not have a dominant parenting style. Spanish Comprehension score ranges from 4-16 and
Attitudinal familism Scale score ranges from 18 to 180. Within the Spanish Comprehension
score column, a
S
indicates that Spanish was the primary language spoken at home and
E
indicates
that English was the primary language spoken at home.

Bilingualism. Similar to the quantitative findings, the qualitative findings did not reveal
any differences in the level of bilingualism between males and females. However, generational
status and time in the U.S. were referenced as reasons for why bilingualism levels were higher or
lower and also as an area of self-consciousness for participants who were not fluent in Spanish.
Overall, bilingualism, regardless of generation was identified as a point of heritage legacy and
utility. The following subsections present the qualitative findings related to the themes of
bilingualism by generation and gender respectively including subthemes.
Bilingualism and Generation. The interviews highlighted narrative evidence of language
loss over generations. Participants discussed how this loss not only affected them personally, but
also their family and community. Max, a fluent, youngest son of Guatemalan immigrants who
grew up in South Los Angeles, vented about his frustration about the lack of Spanish use by his
niece and nephew:
It makes me a little upset because English is my second language [and] growing up, I felt
like I needed Spanish so much, not only to communicate with my parents, but just to
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71
communicate in the neighborhood I grew up in. So I feel like I couldn’t be who I am
today without that.
Max connects his need for Spanish growing up in a predominantly Latino neighborhood, which
is different than his niece and nephew that live in a predominantly Asian, suburban
neighborhood. Similarly, Marisela, the middle child of Mexican immigrants who spent much of
her childhood living in Mexico, shared that she reminds her brother to teach his daughters
Spanish by stating: “hey, make sure that the girls are learning Spanish.” Marisela later connects
her brother’s parenting practices including encouragement of Spanish speaking to being more
“American.” Darwin, born in Mexico and the eldest in his family, echoed the sentiment: “I feel
sympathetic to people that have kids and they could have learned Spanish and lose it along the
way...I see it as a profound loss.” Max, Marisela and Darwin all scored in the “very well” range
on the Spanish comprehension scale.
Spanish self-consciousness. On the other hand, some participants shared their frustration
about feeling judged for not speaking Spanish. Jonathan and Selena, second and third-plus
generation respectively, indicated that they grew up in households where the primary language
was English and learning Spanish was challenging. Jonathan and Selena scored in the “not well”
range of the Spanish comprehension scale. Their interview excerpts explain the language loss
over generations. Jonathan talked about how he has found alternative ways to pass Latino
identity and culture to his daughter:
My mom's Spanish, it was very good but not as good as my grandmother's. So with me,
my Spanish is poor or almost nonexistent. So now with my [daughter] it's a struggle even
for her to even attempt to speak Spanish. So in terms of culture, I don't think language is
the only identifier when it's attributed to, or to identify someone's value of their culture.
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72
So I try to talk to her about being proud of who she is. I let her know that in life, it is
going to be pointed out that she's Mexican. I talk to her about her complexion and that
sometimes when you have a lighter complexion, you may think you fit in with white
society, but as you move up to college or graduate programs and you earn some money
and you travel, you start to see that you're more of a minority than you than you thought
and people start looking at you differently.
While Jonathan indicated that Spanish language use was not essential to his identity, Selena
shared her desire to readopt the language as demonstrated in the next section.
Continuity and readoption of heritage language. Selena shared that amongst her sisters,
third-plus generation Latinas, she has embraced her Latinidad the most although maintaining
connection to it via language has been difficult. Despite the challenge, Selena was hopeful future
generations could acquire dominance of the language through school dual-immersion programs.
Selena stated:
I feel like there are times where I didn’t know Spanish and I felt like people looked at me
as super whitewashed...I probably embraced [being Latina] the most [out of my sisters]
and found ways to make myself more Mexican. But I know for my oldest sister, her kids
are in dual immersion programs to learn Spanish and that's something so important for
me...I tried to learn Spanish, it’s just really hard...time consuming...but I know for sure
my kids are going to be in dual immersion because I want them to.
Similarly, while Victoria is second generation and fluent, scoring in the “very well” range, she is
aware that passing down Latino identity through language to her children will be difficult.
Victoria is married to a third-plus generation Latino who does not speak Spanish. Victoria stated:
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73
I know [my children] are going to identify themselves as maybe more American, but so
far what I’ve tried to do is just try to speak Spanish to them, try to encourage my parents
to speak Spanish to them, I have tried to introduce them to Latino music...it's my job to
just try to keep that going. I will try to do that as they grow up, but I know that with
having a more whitewashed husband, it is going to be more of my duty to do that.
It is evident that the participants felt a responsibility to acknowledge the Spanish language as a
facet of culture and compensate when the language was not fully present.
Jessica, expecting her first child, explained that while she understands why her parents,
third-plus generation Latinos, did not pass down the Spanish language, she intends for her
daughter to know the language. She stated:
I definitely want her to grow up just hearing more Spanish than I did. I already told my
mom I want her when she watches her to speak Spanish to her, because I think it is
important just growing up as a brown person in Los Angeles...I also feel like that helps
you build connections to [the] larger Latino community.
Jessica majored in Chicano Studies and is aware of the historical dynamics and pressures Latinos
faced in the U.S. to assimilate, often leading families to not preserve the language contributing to
the loss over time.
Spanish language workplace utility. While not examined fully in this study, a few of the
participants, like Jessica, talked about the utility of Spanish in their workplace as an additional
motivation to learn Spanish. Jessica stated:
I know Chicano history and so for me it was like very easy to say like, ‘Okay, well this is
why like my parents don’t speak fluent Spanish,’ so that gave me kind of the ‘why’
behind it, but it was difficult [when people expected that I speak Spanish]. I’m working
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74
on my Spanish now because I realize it's like an important skill especially as I continue to
advance my career.
Victoria, a nurse, shared how her fluency is helpful at work. She stated: “My patients are
Spanish-speaking, the area that I work in is more of a Latino area. So I'm happy that my parents
spoke Spanish to me since I was a kid and I speak fluent Spanish.”
Translating for parents. A few participants also talked about the value of translating for
their parents for school-related events such as parent/teacher conferences while growing up. In
fact, descriptive statistics demonstrate that the majority of the study sample had to translate for
their parents while growing up. Their dominance of both English and Spanish helped them be
able to involve their parents in their education-- an essential connection. Darwin talked about
how vital the parent centers at his schools were to his mother’s involvement in his education as
they offered services and a community for Spanish speakers and a platform for building
confidence in school engagement. Ramon and Frances, both immigrants, did not have access to
parent centers of engagement but talked about how they helped to translate for their parents
during school events. Ramon emphasized that his mom could comprehend a lot of what the
teachers stated, but appreciated the help: “she could understand English to the point where [I
could not avoid] getting...in trouble with my mom” especially if his teachers had negative
comments. Frances shared the same sentiment about her mom: “most of the time I translated for
her.” Frances later explained how while she was very independent in school with the aid of
teachers that mentored her, her ability to translate for her mom helped her mom feel more
involved. Moreover, she, like many of the other participants, take responsibility for their parents
as they get older and are now translating during medical appointments and financial planning, for
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75
example. As the aging process continues parents naturally become more dependent on their
children, but translation seems to be a responsibility that has been demonstrated since childhood.
Spanish exposure via community and family. Ultimately, the Spanish language was
identified as a means of staying rooted. Cesar, Ramon, and Victoria all made references to
retaining the Spanish language through music which seems like a simple way to stay connected.
Cesar, an immigrant from Guatemala, when asked about how he intended to maintain the
language if he had children, stated: “I would still watch movies in Spanish, listen to music in
Spanish...have family events where Spanish is spoken.” Some participants also shared that
growing up in a Latino community, like Max, or with a grandparent helped them stay connected
to the language. Betty, who grew up in a middle-class neighborhood, stated: “I think a big part of
my identity [is] from being taken care of by my grandparents when I was little. I would spend the
summers there [in Santa Ana] ...my grandparents didn’t speak any English.” Santa Ana is a
predominantly Latino community located in Orange County.
Angelica, a second-generation Latina, shared that she expects her future children will
know the language so they can communicate with her parents: “I want them to be able to connect
with my parents because my parents only speak Spanish.” These statements coincided with
previous statements from Victoria and Jessica who shared that they expect their parents will
speak Spanish with their children as well. Spanish language adoption and continuity seems to be
a community effort. The next section will share qualitative results related to parenting styles.
Parenting Style. While the quantitative data did not reveal any gender or generational
differences in respect to parenting style, two major themes emerged through the interviews in
relation to parenting style: (1) an acknowledgement that males were parented with different
expectations than females and (2) viewing liberal parenting as more “Americanized,” categorized
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76
under gender and generation respectively. These themes also begin to intersect with the concept
of familism which will be shared in the subsequent section.
Parenting Style and Gender. Angelica, Jessica and Marisela all commented on how
their brothers were parented more leniently in their households compared to females. Examples
ranged from dating, to curfews, to limits on moving away from home, to household chores and
expectations of behavior.
Different expectations for males and females. Marisela shared, “I feel like [my parents]
were always more overprotective of us[girls]. Definitely with my older sister they were really,
really overprotective of her...when they got to me, they were a little bit more flexible but
definitely stricter [compared to] my brothers.” Jessica stated that she and her older sister had to
follow stricter rules than their younger brother. Angelica mentioned that she and her sister were
expected from a young age to cater to the men in her family including preparing their meals. It
was believed that women care for the interior of the home and men care for the exterior. In this
respect, there was a clear division of labor, but the expectations for females seemed to follow
Angelica even when it was time for her to leave for college. When Angelica decided to leave
Texas for college in California she found that some of her extended family members did not
agree with her decision: “I think, for me, the most backlash that I got when I decided to move
away were from people who embrace the traditional culture that the women have to clean and
stay home and run the household.” While Angelica’s parents did support her, it is important to
understand the extended family pressure that parents might feel in the act of parenting their own
children. Victoria decided to stay local for college and explained why her parents were in favor
of that decision:
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I just feel like [my parents had traditional beliefs] and a young girl shouldn’t be off far
away...I think because of their ethnic ways it’s like a girl is just more vulnerable and so
they didn’t let me explore or travel on my own when I was younger because they thought
I was, I don’t know, at risk of getting hurt...I do disagree...I guess I would let my
daughter be more adventurous because I’m just more Americanized than they are.
The use of the term "Americanized" seems to point to a more acculturated view of parenting for
Victoria as she is second-generation. Victoria’s experience provides a transition point to the next
theme within parenting style, generation.
Parenting Style and Generation. Victoria is married to a third-plus generation male with
whom she has two children. Victoria stated during her interview that she felt that her upbringing
influenced her to be a stricter parent compared to her husband. For example, Victoria shared that
growing up her parents provided a lot of structure and expectations that now influence their view
of how she should parent her children. Victoria states: “[my parents would say] you have to wear
a sweater because it's cold outside, and it's like okay, if my son isn’t cold then I’m not going to
make him wear a sweater outside.” Victoria shared that she expected to be more flexible with her
children. Victoria explains through an example of how she will not force her children to attend
family events: “I’m not going to make them go just because I said so and [because] its family
and family comes first. I do believe family comes first, and I want to teach them that, but I'm not
going to make them feel bad if they decide to do something else.” Victoria's statement intersects
with the value of familism. The notion that Victoria would not expect her son to attend a family
event is a departure from obligation to family-- a tenet of familism. It is also an indicator of
generational adaptation.
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Being Americanized. Marisela, while born in the USA, spent most of her childhood in
Mexico. Marisela reflected on her younger brother’s style of parenting with this statement, “my
little brother was younger when we moved to the States... he really assimilated to the culture
right away. So the way that he’s raising his children now is completely different to how I think I
will raise my children. I think like with him, it’s more like, American.” These examples provide
a base for seeing how gender and generation not only effect the parenting styles experienced by
the participants but also how it influences their plans to parent their own children.
Familism. Like Parenting Style, the familism examples included themes within gender
and generation. A goal of the interview questions within this theme was to understand the reason
why familism scores for females were lower than males. The following subsections present the
qualitative findings related to the themes of familism by generation and gender respectively
including emergent subthemes.
Familism and Gender. While females and males demonstrated differences in respect to
familism levels, they shared similarities, particularly in relation to viewing their college degrees
as a means to contribute financially to their household in the long run and as a means for upward
mobility. In order to achieve this, however, female participants were more likely to reference
moments when obtaining their educational or career goal that required them to resist familial
expectations. At no point did female respondents express that they were resentful of their own
family or felt oppressed. Participants overwhelmingly expressed their parent's support for their
education. Females did, however, share many examples of resisting expectations compared to
males, such as forging a path to attend a college away from home, for example. Lastly, Max
shared that he believed male loyalty to family was stronger because males traditionally carry the
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family surname. This sentiment was not shared by any other participant, but might be worthy of
future study. Significant subthemes are shared next.
Financial stability. Participants, regardless of gender, referenced financial stability as a
desired product of a college education and as a means to provide for their families. While gender
differences will be discussed in relation to other subthemes later in this section, the desire to
support families financially is not unique to males or females, nor does the desire to contribute
financially seem to have any connection to familism scores. When I asked Marisela about her
thoughts regarding the lower scores for females in respect to familism, she was surprised.
Marisela shared:
That's really interesting to me because I feel like out of my siblings, I'm the most loyal to
my family. I'm the one that's been taking care of my parents. My dad and I bought a
house together...I'm the one making the mortgage payments. I'm the one taking care of
him.
Angelica, reflecting on her parent's sacrifice to support her educational goals, shared that her
choice to pursue a degree in Civil Engineering, beyond liking math and science, was influenced
by the fact that she knew she could "get a job right out of college" and that should would earn "a
decent amount of money." Cesar and Jonathan both shared that they worried about household
finances while growing up. Cesar stated: "I would say the thing that maybe most influenced me
was seeing my parents going through hard times, sometimes having a hard time paying rent or
just having financial difficulty." Similarly, Jonathan stated:
As a little kid I would stress about how we were going to pay bills, [if we] were going to
lose the house or how are we going to eat? And I wouldn't tell anyone...So I knew there
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had to be a way for me to get out of the situation...The first thing that came to mind...to
better my circumstances, was a college degree.
Cesar summarized the loyalty he felt in supporting his family with the following statement: “one
of the things [my dad] instilled was to just be there for your family and be the man of the house
and to take the lead and to look over my family...I get a lot of pleasure doing that.” While a
college education and financial stability was a mean's to demonstrate loyalty to family in the
long run, participants had to achieve a college education first. The next subtheme focuses
specifically on how females navigated their goals including attending their preferred college, at
times involving a need to resist expectations.
Resisting expectations. Marisela opted to attend a local community college after high
school with the intention to leave the Los Angeles upon university transfer. Marisela chose a
state university campus that was two hours away from home. Marisela recalls that she initially
had a hard time finding housing which caused her mom to urge her to return home at the first
signs of challenge. Marisela stated:
I remember one day I called my mom, and I was crying with her on the phone, and I was
telling her how I couldn't find an apartment... I was frustrated and I remember my mom
cried with me and we were both crying on the phone, and she was like, ‘Come back. Just
come back.’ And I said, ‘No.’ I was like, ‘No, I got myself into this situation. I'm going
to get myself out of this situation. I'm not coming back.’
Marisela was resolute to stay in school and solved her problems independently. Furthermore,
Marisela shared that had she stayed at home she likely would not have excelled as much as she
did since she would have been expected to still contribute heavily to the household and since she
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did not have her own quiet space to complete school work. Angelica shared the same sentiment
in respect to expectations that her extended family had of her:
I see that if I would have stayed in Texas, a lot of family members would have different
expectations of me. They would want me to stay home on the weekends and help my
mom clean the house at 6:00am on Saturday morning and do things like that...and so I do
see why females feel that way [less loyal to family] and why the men would feel much
more loyal to their family, because they have felt supported from the beginning and they
have felt like they have that freedom to do whatever they want, whereas the girls, you
don't have that...and if you want to break away from those typical stereotypes, you are
seen as disloyal.
While challenging, these examples identify the level of advocacy and risk female participants
were willing to demonstrate in order to achieve their goals.
Ramon implied that the pressure on females might actually help them better manage the
stressors of university life: “I can see where females do more because they feel like they've been
marginalized more than males.” Beyond self-advocacy, the participants shared about the unique
pressures experienced by females navigating expectations. Jessica shared:
Women...like they kind of reject family in order to be successful, whereas men I think
because they are catered so much, like that is their way to be successful…[women] have
expectations to get married, to have children, like be presentable...like you feel there is
tension.
Selena shared: “If you’re strong and Latina and you see there's inequality in your home, maybe
you’re just like, I'm going to get my degree and screw you.” Selena shared this statement upon
reflection of what she observed amongst some of her Latina peers during college who had
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families that were not supportive of their education. While the Latinas interviewed in this study
expressed profound support from their families, it is important to acknowledge varied
experiences within this complex topic. The main idea of this section is to share the resistance
and resilience of Latinas.
Managing guilt and exclusion from extended family. Interestingly, female participants did
not share many examples of nuclear family imposed guilt, but did share examples of extended
family members critiquing their choices and imposing guilt. This was an unexpected finding and
deserves greater study. Betty shared that when she moved away for college her grandparents
guilt-tripped her mother for letting her go. Ramon shared that he did not face the same level of
guilt that many of his Latino friends did. Many of his friends, both males and females, actually
had to stop their education due to the lack of family support for their studies. Reducing or
eliminating the guilt that families can initiate is also a salient strategy to provide a more
supportive environment for Latinos in postsecondary education. Lastly, Marisela and Angelica
both shared stories of how some of their extended family members make them feel like outsiders
for their academic achievement. They make comments about how they have “changed” because
of their education or about how they must feel superior. Betty even referred to how she, her
sister and one cousin are categorized as the “weirdos” of the family because they do not have
children, are not married and care about their careers, traveling and overall “striving for more.”
These inter- and intra-generational divides may be rooted in differing levels of acculturation
causing friction between participants and their extended their families.
Latina and Latino achievement gap. While not statistically quantifiable, it is important to
note that Angelica, Jessica and Marisela all have older brothers that did not complete a
bachelor’s degree. Some male siblings in the study did earn a vocational degree which could be
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connected to a stronger emphasis on males to acquire job skills rather than a traditional
education. The gap in bachelor’s degrees for male siblings in this study can also be connected to
the overall Latino achievement gap. Jonathan shared his thoughts on connecting gendered
parenting to the achievement gap: “I think mothers coddle their sons more than daughters...so I
just think girls mature faster because they’re not coddled as much. And so men in general
probably just get comfortable and so they’re less likely to venture out into the world as early as
their female counterparts.” On the other hand, Cesar, an immigrant from Guatemala, actually
referred to how discomfort motivated him to achieve:
In my case, I felt like for me just the fact that I was uncomfortable living here [after
migrating] ...the change...all those things...it forced me to work really hard...The way I
make sense of that is I also feel like sometimes when you [feel more comfortable] maybe
there's less of a sense to act. I have siblings and family members who maybe did not have
the same journey or had a different journey or just a little more comfortable and they
maybe went in different directions...But I think for me that had a lot to do with the fact
that I wasn't comfortable, combined with the idea that from a young age I wanted to
know what I would do for a living, how I would survive and how I would be able to live
a life...so I think that fear and insecurity kept me on my toes.
Since college is a period of growth and change these two phenomena may be connected.
Familism and Generation. In respect to generation, no statistically significant
relationship was found in the quantitative phase but several examples were given by the
participants that highlighted generational adaptations that were made to either challenge or
support family.
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Adaptation. Marisela, reflecting on how her parents urged her to stay local for college,
talked about how she hopes that when she has children she will “be able to let go” of her children
if they want to leave home. She emphasized: “That will definitely, that will be one thing that I
would want my children to do, to move out [for college]” which is different than how she was
raised. Angelica provided examples of how her father tried to bribe her to stay in Texas for
college, but ultimately was supportive of her decision to move away. Angelica shared:
My parents tried ... my dad mainly, tried to bribe me to stay in Houston [Texas]. For us,
obviously we weren't very rich, so he came out with this idea that was like, ‘oh, if you
stay in Houston, I'll buy you a brand new car’...And then once I told him, ‘I really don't
want to stay in any of the universities here in Houston’ my dad fixed his bribe and was
like, ‘okay, if you stay anywhere in Texas, I'll buy you a brand new car.’ I still said ‘no.’
It is important to note that since Angelica's parents are undocumented, their desire to have her
stay in Texas may have had less to do with limiting her opportunities and more to do with a
desire to keep their family close. Once in California, Angelica remained connected with her
family with the use of technology while away for college. She stated:
There are different ways that you can show support. Calling your family once a week.
For me, like my parents didn't even know how to FaceTime and I would call my sister
and she’d hand the phone over to them. And then my mom wanted to get an iPhone so
that she would call me and FaceTime me whenever. Things like that changed while I was
away. My parents learned how to text.
Angelica's case serves as evidence of generational adaptation for she and her family to cope with
the distance demonstrating that college success demands such strategies.
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Darwin (first-generation) also shared how he needed to explain to his parents about why
he was spending so much time at school. Darwin stated:
[Sometimes my parents] would actually question why I studied so much, like the hours or
what I would have group sessions. So that's something that was abstract to them and a
little bit of new. So it took some time to tell them that if I was going to meet up with
friends, the whole day was not to party, but to study. So that was something new in their
mind, they thought it was too much studying for only one subject. But that's something
they saw repeatedly, so it just would become second nature that I would be somewhere
studying [eventually].
Ramon (first-generation) also shared the need to remind his father in particular about the
demands of college since his data often wanted them to spend more time together as a family.
On the other hand, Selena (third-plus generation) gave an example of how she had the
support of her parents to miss her grandparent’s 50th anniversary celebration to attend a pre-law
event in college happening on the same day. This was something her first-generation fiancé
could not understand when she mentioned the story to him. Selena shared that this is an example
of the difference between his first-generation and her third-plus generation upbringing. Selena
explained:
I think for my kids that’s going to be something that will probably be something we
always have to work on because I think my fiancé has more of a traditional view of like
‘You have to go to these family events and you have to be there.’ I’m very much like,
‘no, it’s finals week [you have to stay home] to study.’
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Family events and togetherness are very much an aspect of cultural identity for many of the
participants and a way to continue legacy. This will be explained in greater detail later, but it is
evident that adaptation is a necessary behavior for Latino families to support goal attainment.
Emergent themes. Considering that majority of the interview participants were first-
generation college goers, many participants had reflections to share regarding what helped them
to persist through their education. The next set of findings are part of the emergent findings that
were discovered during the coding phase.
Culture shock. Most of the participants shared experiences of times during college when
they felt culture shock or felt "othered." Jonathan shared his feelings about when he was
confronted by the privilege of other students and how it affected him:
Freshman year I was in my biology lab, so it's like 20 or less people, and I got there about
maybe 10 minutes early and I was waiting for the TA to come in for the lab...there were
three Caucasian girls to the left and I made conversation. One said, 'You're Mexican,
right?' I was caught off guard because that wasn't even part of the conversation. I said,
'Yeah.' And she goes, 'I thought so.' And so I thought that was really awkward because no
one's ever asked me that before. So then I go, 'Excuse me?' And she goes, 'Yeah?' And I
go, 'Why'd you think I was Mexican?' And she goes, 'Oh, just the way you dress and the
way you look.' So yeah, I felt like an other then, or like when you would walk down the
Bruin walkway, everyone was going up and down, rushing to class. But to the right, the
ones playing Frisbee and hackey sack were all white people. Like they had so much time
in the world and everyone else felt rushed. So that kind of really irritated me...or like
after winter break [I overheard people] talking about how they went to a cabin at
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Mammoth and that's what they did. And [I spent my winter break working] to pay for
things.
Beyond other races and ethnicities, participants shared their feelings about meeting other Latinos
that had grown up in privilege, a foreign concept for them. Angelica explained: "I'd never met a
Latino that wealthy before...we couldn't relate at all. We couldn't relate socially. We couldn't
relate academically, like nothing...that was shocking."
Furthermore, while it served as a source of motivation for her to work hard, the pressure
to maintain her financial aid and scholarships was an element that she felt the other students were
not managing, which made her feel stressed. Angelica was able to deal with this culture shock by
following a recommendation to live in cultural-oriented housing her freshman year, the Latino
floor. Hesitant at first, Angelica realized that it was the best choice at her predominantly white
private institution: "Every time I stepped out of my dorm, I was going to be the minority and I
was going to be out of place...so I wanted that one safe place... I'm still happy I did it."
Goal-oriented behavior. Angelica, the most recent college graduate interviewed shared
the advice she had for future Latino students was the following: “It’s cliché to say don’t give up,
but it really is that...and it’s okay to break down. I had plenty of those [moments] but you have to
pick yourself back up and really remind yourself that’s why you’re doing this.” Even self-talk as
simple as “try your best” can help in fostering encouragement for first-generation college goers
according to Victoria. Reminders of the value of education and goal-setting helped make
challenges easier to overcome. These behaviors and belief systems contributed to participants'
goal-oriented behavior. Jonathan shared that when he decided on his goal of going to UCLA he
took time to “journal it" to help him stay focused. Similarly, Darwin shared, “you have to look at
the big picture and try to get as much help as you can” and “get creative” when it gets hard.
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Goal-oriented behavior also often means to seek support mentally and emotionally when
circumstances become challenging. Frances, Betty and Marisela recommended students to
employ help-seeking behavior even though it often contradicts what people are taught in Latino
households. Marisela shared, “just continue to speak up because in college nobody else is going
to really fight for you unless you do it for yourself.” The need to emotionally be “picked up” like
Angelica mentioned during her interview was also echoed by Betty who isolated herself during
college to cope with her mother’s cancer diagnosis. She was able to still do well academically,
but emotionally would have benefited from more support as she did not want to burden her
family by sharing her feelings. Ultimately, while college may change your environment your
family responsibilities and realities do not change.
Cesar shared that sacrificing in the short term might seem challenging for younger
people, especially when faced with difficulty and not having a clear purpose. He followed up
with, “at times you wonder if it’s worth it, but I think ultimately you need to have that vision of
where it’s all going...you have to have a plan.” Short term satisfaction such as buying the newest
tech gadget or more importantly the need to contribute to a family’s household, often contradicts
the delayed gratification or financial burden of postsecondary education. Ramon explained, “so
my peers, their parents are like...why are you not working so you could pay for rent?” This
finding eludes to a need for manageable job opportunities for students that do not force them to
choose between pursuing a college education and aiding their family. While financial aid can
cover tuition costs, it does not mean it makes up for the financial gaps that families encounter.
Supporters. With the exception of Betty and Selena, all interview participants were first-
generation college goers which creates a significant space for a support system. First-generation
college students face unique challenges in navigating the college landscape and can benefit
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greatly from identifying mentors or supporters to help fill knowledge gaps. Max, Jonathan and
Ramon emphasized the importance of finding experts in areas that they wanted to learn about.
They all shared an innate curiosity to learn from others and to try to avoid mistakes using the
advice of others. Ramon shared:
I always tell people, something you have to realize is, through months and years of
evolution, we have two eyes and we have two ears. Two eyes to see the situation. Two
ears to listen to what somebody is telling you. We only have one mouth to talk. So that
means that we actually have more tools for listening [and learning.]
Jessica specifically referenced how she wishes she would have sought more mentors to aid her
career exploration process. As first-generation professionals, interview participants also shared
the challenge of navigating adulthood in relation to finances. Frances shared, “I think in the
Latino culture we don’t really learn about money management. And it’s probably because... our
parents, they’re really just trying to survive, right? Although I'm stable, I wish I would have
known more about money management earlier on.”
As Jessica and Ramon both mentioned the utility of mentors, participants also identified
moments in their K-12 education when their teachers took an interest in their academic success
and encouragement to attend college. This finding resulted within the qualitative phase of this
study as questions about mentorship or school supporters were not asked in the survey. Frances,
an immigrant from Guatemala, actually attributed supportive teachers at a younger age to her
academic achievement compared to her older brother:
My brother is six years older, so when we moved here [to the U.S.] he was a little older,
and I think that the opportunities that we had were different... I had a lot of people in my
corner starting from elementary I had teachers that were very supportive, and there were
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two teachers specifically that always followed me. I mean I even, I'm friends with them
now...I remember when I was going to start college, they even made like goodie packets
for me... Like I always knew that I had people urging me on...encouraging me. And then I
also went to a specific kind of college prep high school. And I think that had a lot to do
with the level of encouragement that I got. It wasn't, for me, it was never being you going
to go to college or not? It was, which one? And I think that the fact that it was a college
prep high school contributed to that.
Ramon had a similar experience:
I was fortunate enough to have one of my English teachers in high School that mentored
and helped my brother as a teacher as well when he was in high school. He pretty much
guided me into college. I remember one incident where it was right before my second
semester in college. I just decided to take six units, take it easy. I was hanging out with
this teacher [who had become my mentor] and he literally just stops the car and just
starts yelling at me. He's like, 'You're not going to take six units. You're going to take
nine units. You need to get done with your Math. You need to get done with your
English.' I asked why and he said, ‘Those courses take long. Those are the foundation to
any college student. You need to make sure that you actually [take those] courses now,
that you don't have any kind of responsibilities. You're not married. You don't have kids.
You don't have any hardship with your family that you have to work on the side.
While Frances and Ramon are both first-generation immigrants, Jonathan, second-generation,
also shared a similar experience where a teacher encouraged him to pursue his dream school of
UCLA. Jonathan's experience was slightly different, however, as this support was in conflict
with what he was told by his high school counselor:
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I think unless you have [a counselor who is a] a minority, in my experience, my high
school counselors, all of them were all Caucasian. And from my experience, when I
would go in and they would ask me what were my college plans. I would tell them. They
would try to talk me out of it, they would ask me what my SAT score was. They would
bring up this matrix that was a horizontal and vertical of like GPA and SAT scores,
connect those two coordinates and they would come up with a percentage and say, based
on my percentage I should have backup plans. So I think had I listened to them, I never
would have applied to UCLA. And there was a Hispanic teacher who told me that
counselor was full of shit and that he actually opened up to me that he actually went to
UCLA. And I didn't know this about him and he said, 'You know, if that's where you
really want to go, you should apply, and apply anywhere you want.
These examples demonstrate the effect of encouragement, or lack thereof, on the educational
experiences of Latino students. Also, as first-generation college goers, receiving college
knowledge support and navigational tools is essential.
Privilege and staying rooted. Selena reflected on the privilege she had since both her
parents were college educated and shared that her recommendation had more to do with staying
rooted in Latino identity as the legacy and humility can be a source of inspiration. For her it is
important to remember that there is no substitute for hard work regardless of whether a person is
first generation or not. She also emphasized that current first-generation college goers should
focus on how the challenges they are overcoming now will make it easier for future generations.
Similarly, while Betty was also not a first-generation college goer, she shared that her parents
instilled in her a great appreciation for education. She grew up listening to her father’s stories
about life as a farm worker before he attended UCLA which rooted her not only in a strong work
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ethic, but also in an understanding of the legacy she had to continue. Still, despite the
accomplishment it can still be challenging for immigrant generations and first-generation college
goers to believe they actually overcame the odds, Cesar explained that he at times is in disbelief
about his accomplishments, “It’s scary when you actually do it, it’s hard to believe you’re
actually there. It takes a little time to adapt to your new situation.”
Summary. The qualitative results revealed similar trends to those reported in the
quantitative section. They are summarized in this section by bilingualism, parenting style and
familism. Emergent themes are also summarized.
Bilingualism. Similar to the quantitative results, the qualitative results did not find any
gender differences in respect to bilingualism. A clear relationship between generation and
fluency was present. First and second generation participants indicated a higher level of fluency
compared to third-plus generation. All generations reported a desire to maintain or improve their
language use for legacy purposes (i.e. pass it down to children). Some participants discussed the
utility of the language in respect to interconnectedness with family members, community
engagement, workplace utility and translation needs.
Parenting Style. Unlike the quantitative results, participants referred to parenting style
difference in respect to both gender and generation. Participants did not explicitly refer to traits
of being authoritarian or permissive, but often used terms such as “traditional,” “protective,”
“Americanized,” and “liberal.” The latter used to describe permissive to authoritative styles and
the former referring to more authoritarian styles. I intentionally selected a few interview
participants from diverse sibling dynamics. For example, Marisela had both an older and
younger brother and Cesar had both a younger and older sister. These dynamics allowed the
participant to reflect on perceived differences in parenting due to their sibling gender. Most
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female participants (i.e. Angelica, Jessica, Marisela) shared that their brothers were treated more
leniently than they were and had the intention of being more fair with their children in the future.
Familism. While females and males demonstrated differences in respect to familism,
they also shared similarities, particularly in relation to viewing their college degree as a means to
contribute financially to their household in the long run and as a means for upward mobility.
Female participants did not explicitly state that they were less loyal to family than male
counterparts, but they did comment that they often had more responsibility than males in the
family. Females reported that they felt pressure to contribute to the household and stay
geographically close to family. Males like Ramon and Darwin, for example, talked about having
to explain to their parents that they could not attend family events due to school, but these were
the only references to any sort of resistance of familial expectations. The females reported
instances of when they had to resist expectations in order to achieve their goals. In respect to
generation, Victoria (second-generation) and Selena (third-plus generation) made references to
their generational status and being more removed from a “family first” perspective depending on
generation. Many participants (i.e. Angelica, Betty, Cesar, Ramon) made references to the value
of being close to family as a way of maintaining culture, language and togetherness.
Additional findings. The interview data also revealed emergent themes that aid in
understanding the role of selective acculturation in the educational trajectory of Latino students:
culture shock, goal-oriented behavior, supporters, and staying rooted by acknowledging the
privilege of education. Chapter 5 will provide an interpretive analysis of the aforementioned
research findings.

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Chapter 5: Discussion
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to identify gender and generational differences in the levels
of bilingualism, familism and type of parenting styles experienced by Latino college graduates.
Through an explanatory sequential mixed-methods design, I collected surveys from 117
participants and interviewed a sub-sample of 12. The research questions focused on identifying
gender and generational differences in the (1) levels of bilingualism, (2) levels of familism and
(3) in perceived parenting style for the study population, but I also identified emergent themes
within college persistence (i.e. culture shock and staying rooted).
This study is significant because it fills a gap in persistence literature pertaining to Latino
cultural assets that support degree attainment. Examining the intersection of gender and
generation with the cultural values of parenting styles (e.g. protective parenting), familism and
bilingualism provides an opportunity to highlight practices and behavioral outcomes within
immigrant households that ameliorate challenges faced in the community-at-large (Gordon,
2017; Karoly & Gonzalez, 2011). The focus on gender can help understand the gender
achievement gap and identify response behaviors that can be fostered in Latino families. The
idea that male and female siblings in the same family can have different educational attainment
levels is worth further study. The focus on generation is also unique because many studies do not
define generation beyond the second-generation.
This study, while not generalizable, can serve as a model for examining concepts like
familism through both self-reported instruments and also observed behaviors through interviews
and observation to create a thick description of the phenomenon. Furthermore, the use of a
mixed-methods research design allowed to not only provide objective quantitative data but also
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follow up with participants to share their narratives in order to elucidate findings. While past
studies of this nature utilize current college students or participants in high school, this study is
unique in that participants were only eligible if they had already earned a bachelor's degree.
Nearly 50% of all participants also attended a community college which can also contribute to
research examining the transfer function of community colleges.
The purpose of this chapter is to provide an interpretive analysis of the research
findings. The quantitative results revealed a statistically significant effect of generation on
bilingualism and gender on familism. No statistically significant relationship was found for
parenting style with gender nor generation. The qualitative results identified gender and
generational differences in all dependent variables except bilingualism, where no specific gender
differences were shared by participants. The chapter connects significant literature related to the
findings provided in Chapter 4 followed by limitations, implications for practice, suggestions for
further research and concluding thoughts.
Discussion of Main Findings
Value of bilingualism. Participants shared mixed feelings about Spanish fluency being
an essential piece of Latino identity. Mixed feelings were often due to either participants' lack of
fluency, such as Jessica or Jonathan, or recognition of the hardships of maintaining a bilingual
household, as in the case of Victoria. However, they all agreed that knowledge of Spanish is
helpful in a diverse world, to maintain ties to heritage, for use at work and as a point of
connection to family.
The influence of generational status on bilingualism was apparent amongst the
participants, including some aspects of birth order which can be connected to a decrease in the
familial use of the language with more years spent in the U.S. This was true in Marisela’s case
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when she mentioned that her younger brother’s use of Spanish is less than hers as she labeled
him more “Americanized.” According to Parada (2013), as time spent in the U.S. increases, a
family’s “gradual integration into the American mainstream is evident in the changing patterns
of language use and the expectations and attitudes regarding such” (p. 313). These findings are
also congruent with reports from Umaña-Taylor and colleagues (2009) who report the use of the
Spanish language by parents decreases with each child likely due to their exposure to schooling
and children acquiring more knowledge of English. It is possible, however, to create a structure
such as a “Spanish-only” home or activities that encourage the practice (Surrain, 2018).
Participants also referred to the impact of community in language acquisition and use.
Betty shared that spending summers with her Spanish-speaking grandparents helped reinforce
the Spanish language. Cesar shared that if he has children he intends to take them to visit his
native Guatemala to learn the culture and speak the language. Lastly, Max shared that he needed
Spanish in order to navigate his South LA neighborhood growing up. These findings echo
recommendations from Tran (2010) who reported that Spanish use with parents, grandparents
and siblings increases proficiency. DeFeo (2018) reports that community immersion and
necessity can also impact proficiency, even without ethnic ties or formal language learning (i.e.
coursework).
DeFeo (2018) identified a group of non-Latino Spanish heritage speakers and profiled
their experiences acquiring the language. They did not learn the language in a classroom, but
instead through interactions with community members, caretakers, friends or through
employment. The participants in DeFeo’s (2018) study expressed strong cultural connections due
to growing up in a Spanish dominant community. The participants in DeFeo’s (2018) study,
unlike the ones in the present study, did not feel family pressure or a personal responsibility to
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maintain the language, but nonetheless felt that their language use shaped their identity. Since the
participants did not have Latino roots or ethnic origin, they did not have the need to physically
“go back” to a country of origin like some of the present study participants did (i.e. Cesar and
Selena) to use the language. This finding and the ability to acquire the language without “roots,”
suggests that the language acquisition and maintenance can happen without these geographic ties
or traveling. Tran (2010) emphasizes the vital role that parents and family place in language
retention which cannot be underestimated, even without the geographic exposure.
It is important to note that the political climate and conflicting priorities was a point that
participants such as Jessica and Jonathan made in respect to why they did not learn Spanish
intentionally as children. Being a heritage Spanish speaker is also challenging when there is
pressure to dominate English and there is a lack of awareness that the two languages can be
mastered in tandem (Tran, 2010). Furthermore, Tran (2010) reports that families with higher
socio-economic status are in a better position to retain the heritage language because they have
more resources available. However, Emeka and Vallejo (2011) report that persons with higher
socio-economic are more likely to move away from identifying with an immigrant country of
origin or ancestry which has implications for heritage language continuity. These contradictory
findings point to a need for advocating for cultural rootedness. Participants in the present study
all achieved a bachelor’s degree and access to the middle class which will have great
implications as they explore options like dual immersion schooling (e.g. Selena) and cultural
continuity.
Institutional agents. First and second-generation students, the bulk of the participants in
this study, are greatly influenced by community forces early in their education, including less
access to educational opportunities, financial stress placed on families and lack of college
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knowledge. Latino children in the U.S. often live in low-income households (Gandara &
Mordechay, 2017; Gordon, 2017; Portes & Rivas, 2011; Wildsmith et al., 2017). While data on
household size was not collected in this study, over 60% of participants in this study reported
family incomes of less than $50k when they were growing up. Educational history data was not
collected, but Latino students typically enroll in underperforming school districts or are served in
areas where they are overlooked by school personnel (Chavez-Reyes, 2010; Gándara &
Contreras, 2009; Gonzalez et al., 2012; Sanchez Gonzalez et al., 2019, Terriquez, 2013).
Pivovarova and Powers (2019) report findings from a study of 3700 15-year olds where first and
second generation immigrant students tend to enroll in more disadvantaged schools than third-
plus generation students, typically larger and lower-income.
Institutional agents can greatly affect the educational trajectory of minority students and
foster strong social ties that can help students navigate the educational system (Stanton-Salazar,
1997). Several of the interview participants identified teachers in their K-12 education that
encouraged them to achieve their educational goals. This encouragement at times included some
opposing views to other school agents like in the case of Jonathan where the teacher who
encouraged him to apply to UCLA told him not to listen to the school counselor. Ramon's
mentor, a high school English teacher, pushed him to take more units while in community
college. Frances' teachers provided her with some supplies for college as she was getting ready
to move into her dorm room. Early encouragement from institution agents helped participants not
only by providing encouragement, but also with access to college knowledge (i.e. Ramon).
John Ogbu (1992) reports that cultural and language differences alone cannot account for
why some minorities experience school success and others experience failure. According to
Ogbu (1992), being a member of a marginalized group such as an immigrant, influences the
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school adjustment and learning of the minority. Student can essentially feel “othered,” a
sentiment that many participants shared they felt both in K-12 and in their college education.
Similarly, Stanton-Salazar (1997) reports:
Successful socialization among minority children entails learning to ‘decode the system’
and to ‘participate in power,’ understood as learning how to engage socially those agents
and participants in mainstream worlds and social settings who control or manage critical
resources (p. 33).
Once a child enters school, school agents are viewed as either enhancing existing motivations or
providing disadvantaged youth a second chance for their development. Institutional agents are
meant to support students through their commitment to transmit resources and opportunities to
them, recognizing that these students are in greater need of such guidance.
Chavez-Reyes (2010) examined the experiences of four generations of a Mexican
American family with mixed levels of bachelor's degree attainment. In the more recent
generations (third-plus) the author found that the “effect of being ‘American’ does not seem to
translate into consistent higher education and entry into the middle class” for Latino students (p.
28). Participants in Chavez-Reyes' (2010) family case study were able to "get by" in school but
were tracked into non-bachelor's degree pathways. This lack of attention towards college
encouragement and being overlooked seemed to cause a detached school experience in the third-
plus generation. Since these students have mastered English and do not appear to have the
barriers that first and/or second generation Latino students encounter, school personnel were not
alerted to the need for additional support services. These findings urge a support for all students
regardless of immigrant generation. It is clear that a college-completion culture is essential not
only in the home, but also within schools.
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Ethnic identity as a protective force. Many barriers to higher education exist for Latino
students, especially recent immigrants and first-generation college goers in respect to access to
resources and college knowledge information. Structural discrimination, which may add to the
need for institutional agents in the aforementioned finding, or the feeling of being "othered" may
serve as a disadvantage. Berry and colleagues (2006) report that adolescents who are confident in
their own ethnicity and proud of their ethnic group may be better able to deal constructively with
discrimination. Interview participants shared experiences about how they noticed they were
different from their peers in college whether in regard to socioeconomic status or ethnicity. This
perception can be damaging to self-concept, but pride in ethnic identity can serve as a
psychological protective factor (Gonzalez & Morrison, 2016; Gonzalez et al., 2012; Ong,
Phinney & Dennis, 2006; Strunin et al., 2015). Furthermore, second and third-plus generations’
knowledge of ancestral or community struggle can serve as motivating, resilient force.
Angelica’s access to living in Latino-community housing allowed her to live in a familiar
space at a predominantly white university. Angelica had a space to feel “safe” as she puts.
Angelica also realized for the first time that Latinos had within group differences such as
socioeconomic status. Angelica described higher SES Latinos as out of touch and different than
she was, but she was able to connect with other Latinos because of the housing environment
which validated her experience. Gonzalez and Morrison (2016) report that Latino students from
privileged backgrounds may believe in negative stereotypes of Latinos, while Latino students
from non-privileged backgrounds had more experiences with racism. This research supports
Angelica’s experience.
A different type of example, Jessica’s knowledge of Chicano history helped her cope
with the fact that her Spanish language skills were not fluent when she was questioned about
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them in college. Jessica felt judged by both her Latino and non-Latino peers when they seemed
surprised she did know Spanish fluently. Heredia and colleagues (2016) report that teasing and
judgement about Latino identity may impact college persistence. These findings are similar to
those of Montgomery and colleagues (2018), who interviewed participants enrolled in Spanish
heritage learning college courses and their experiences. One of their participants, Alejandra,
expressed her anxiety about studying Spanish in college because she felt she would be judged for
not knowing the language prior to the course (Montgomery et al., 2018, p. 22) and ultimately
decided to stop taking courses. Montgomery and colleagues (2018) urged practitioners to
support students who are “in-between” their Spanish fluency via culturally responsive pedagogy.
Whether resulting in anxiety or depression for example, challenges stemming from identity can
potentially contribute to mental health as well. Rogers-Sirin and Gupta (2012) report that ethnic
identity was associated with lower levels of withdrawn/depressed symptoms for both Latino and
Asian youth. These findings are particularly salient during the period of growth that happens in
college and support conditions that foster persistence.
This care for the preservation of ethnic identity and pride is also evident in how Jonathan
actively talks to his daughter (third-generation), about the importance of being prepared for
future spaces where she will be a minority and how she needs to remind herself that her ethnic
identity is nothing to be ashamed about. Halpern and colleagues (2019) report that when these
interventions are done earlier in youth through community awareness and programming in
schools, there is a higher likelihood that barriers toward undermining children’s academic
achievement can be diminished. Essentially, feeling culturally validated by others at school was
associated with more confidence in going to college and engaging in behavior to complete those
tasks, like goal-oriented behavior (Gonzalez et al., 2012). Ong and colleagues (2006) report that
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both ethnic identity and parental support moderated the effects of low socioeconomic status on
academic achievement. Most of the participants in the present study identified as low
socioeconomic status. These examples provide evidence of the significant force cultural identity
can have on enhancing self-concept.
Self-concept is also anchored in legacy and storytelling is a way for parents to encourage
educational attainment. The immigrant narrative and minoritized status helped participants
anchor their purpose and privilege in achieving their education. Furthermore, Latino identity and
the immigrant narrative are intertwined concepts that together are inspirational. Betty, who is
second generation, identified the importance of hearing her father’s story growing up. She knew
that as a young farmworker he had to pioneer his way to college and compared to him, she had it
easy. She knew the privilege she had and that it could not be wasted. Ong and colleagues (2006)
report that research on the impact of ethnic identity is limited, making the present study pivotal
in understanding the college experience.
Recognizing that this intervention earlier in youth may have the most influence, Ceballo
and colleagues (2014) advocate for a broader interpretation of parental involvement in education
as these words of advice can greatly motivate students. They report that parents’ stories about
struggles with poverty and immigration may inspire adolescents' desire to succeed academically.
This encouragement is not dependent on accrual of college knowledge, but rather a version of
storytelling. Interview participants like Betty, Cesar, Jonathan and Angelica talked about the
power of storytelling and how it influenced their educational commitment. Jonathan also talked
about how seeing his older brother struggle made him want a better life for himself through
education, so storytelling does not have to be limited to parents alone.
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According to Rivas-Drake and Marchand (2016), in their examination of 150 parent-child
dyads, youth who received more encouragement and information to learn about their heritage
also invested more effort in school. Ceballo and colleagues (2014) report similar findings. This
pattern may signal that they interpret trying to do well in school as a way to demonstrate pride in
who they are or to enact the cultural value and expectation of education within school. Parental
sacrifice is also a source of encouragement for Latino students. Max talked about how his father
often explained to him that any extra money his parents were able to save was to pay for school-
related items first. In respect to generation level, Ceballo and colleagues (2014) also found that
parental support for education carried stronger weight for immigrant youth due to their
hardships. Similarly, Cesar (first-generation) knew that he and his parents had emigrated from
Guatemala to the U.S. for greater opportunity and it was his responsibility to ensure that he
fulfilled their goal.
Gendered parenting and familial expectations. Majority of participants reported
experiencing authoritarian parenting in their household, this aligns with previous research on
Latino families. Males explained that their parents often exerted control about who they should
and should not be friends with and females talked about curfews, for example, both based on
exerting demandingness instead of responsiveness. While there was not a statistically significant
relationship between gender and parenting style, the interviews did demonstrate gender
differences in respect to expectations. Previous research (e.g. Feliciano & Rumbaut, 2005;
Peguero et al., 2018) supports the idea that immigrant parents may be stricter with their
daughters than sons. Familism scores demonstrated a relationship between gender and familism
and the interviews demonstrated some differences. Parenting styles and familism intersected at
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many points and for that reason I have chosen to group them together in this portion of the
chapter.
Most participants reported to experience authoritarian parenting in their youth although
most research on educational attainment identifies a positive relationship between authoritative,
not authoritarian, parenting and academic performance. Turner, Chandler and Heffer (2009)
report that parental influence plays an important role in a child’s academic performance, even in
college. Students who continued to follow the structure that their parents made for them,
typically in line with authoritative parenting, reported higher GPAs. However, Turner and
colleagues (2009) reported no statistically relationship between authoritative parenting and self-
efficacy, one of the main predictors of academic achievement which leaves room to argue that
different strategies using in Latino households can bolster self-efficacy as explained in the next
paragraph.
This finding actually supports the idea that the Latino achievement gap is actually not
rooted in parenting style, but perhaps in how gender shapes expectations within households.
Historically, Latino families have socialized their children according to traditional gender-related
expectations, including a female emphasis on supporting the household through caretaking,
cooking and cleaning (Comas-Diaz, 2001; Feliciano, 2012; Murphy & Murphy, 2018; Raffaelli
& Ontai, 2004). Ceballo and colleagues (2014) examined the effect of familial expectations and
storytelling on Latino male and female educational achievement. Findings revealed that
narratives of parental sacrifice were more effective on males than females which may lead to a
male’s desire to contribute to their family financially and urging a need to work (Chavez-Reyes,
2010). Cesar and Jonathan shared examples during their childhood when they worried about
how bills would be paid. While one female participant, Frances, eluded to financial stress in her
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youth, no other female participants specifically referenced moments during childhood.
Internalized financial stress from childhood could push males to emphasize employment over
education. Another example of this can be seen in the fact that Marisela's two brothers, unlike
she and her sister, chose to pursue vocational degrees rather than bachelor's degrees. Lorenzo-
Blanco and colleagues (2012) report that Hispanic males may have a higher propensity for
depressive symptoms in unstable households due to feeling more responsibility in protecting
their family due to traditional gender norms. Therefore, a higher male emphasis on working may
greatly shape the way that education is viewed. When males are able to delay their desire to
contribute to their family by pursuing an education first, it may increase the likelihood of
pursuing higher education. This perception must be examined further.
Females shared that because they had more limitations placed on them growing up they
often had to push boundaries to achieve their goals, such as Marisela and Angelica. Hernandez
(2015) examined the college decision-making process of Latinas and reported that the Latinas’
sense of familismo had to be negotiated in order to manage the tensions between maintaining
family connections and their own goals. Seeing their brothers held to a different standard may
have aided in this effort as Betty and Selena who grew up with only female siblings did not
express this sentiment. Outside of Marisela, Betty and Selena also had the highest familism
scores which is worth further study to determine if a relationship exists. This data is not available
since gender of siblings was not asked in the Phase I survey.
Females may be exposed to more activities that foster goal-oriented behavior. Female
participants in the present study often talked about how they were expected to “do it all” in their
homes yielding opportunities to work on time management and stress management. These
aspects of goal-oriented behavior are likely connected to aspects of academic self-efficacy
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impacting overall educational attainment (Bandura, 1997; Pajares, 2002; Zimmerman, 2002).
First-generation college goers, the majority of participants in my study, benefit from the support
of institutional agents in navigating the collegial space and it is possible that females are more
likely to search for and obtain this type of guidance.
Peguero and colleagues (2018) recommends researchers to consider how specific parent
or caretaker’s gender influences how children are treated at home and the expectations set for
that child in regard to education. Future research should investigate if the parents’ gender is
significant to the relationship between immigrant youth and their educational or behavioral
outcomes. It is also important to understand the impact of siblings, parent storytelling and use
validated instruments to provide a baseline measure of self-efficacy, for example.
Ultimately, the intersection of parenting styles and familism must be studied more. In
order to understand this phenomenon more in depth participants that did not complete a
bachelor’s degree (i.e. dropped out of college) and entire families, including siblings, must be
examined in order to better understand this complexity. What is for certain, however, is that
despite familial burdens females are able to persist at higher rates than males, and future research
must answer the question: why? Furthermore, understanding when loyalty to family rates shift
for males and females is imperative to identifying potential intervention points to address the
achievement gap as currently this is one of the only statistically significant data points that
differentiates males and females.
Implications for Practice
Bilingual, bicultural and holistic family engagement. While most participants talked
about their parents’ participation in mandatory parent conferences and school meetings, as well
as their overall encouragement to pursue higher education, it was clear that many parents were
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limited in their knowledge of how to navigate and plan for higher education. This serves as an
opportunity to support collective college knowledge within the family. Since the participants
benefited from institutional agents, sibling support (or their leadership as the older sibling to help
younger siblings), and their own persistence to achieve, efforts can be made to do the same for
families through targeted bilingual/bicultural engagement.
Historically, the level of Latino parent engagement in schools is contingent on many
factors including education level, poverty, acculturation stress, discrimination, distrust of
government programs, cultural differences, or a sheer lack of time, amongst other variables
(Carroll, 2017; Halpern et al., 2019; Karoly & Gonzalez, 2011; Moinolmolki, Gaviria-Loaiza &
Han, 2017). Holistic family education programs (i.e. Halpern et al., 2019) and
bilingual/bicultural parent engagement opportunities can help bridge the knowledge gap for
parents (Terriquez, 2013). School-initiated parent engagement programs can bridge proximal
and distal efforts for disadvantaged youth in particular (Benner, Boyle & Sadler, 2016). It is
important that these programs emphasize that no prior skill level is necessary, including
knowledge of English or prior education (Benner et al., 2016). First, a space of trust,
acknowledgement of the work that parents have already done to get their child to where they are
currently, and validation of their agency to support their child is necessary. This information has
to be delivered in a bilingual, bicultural and holistic way. Second, schools can also provide
access to resources such as English language classes, citizenship classes, and job skill
development to parents through existing agencies such as community colleges so that the entire
family feels lifted.
The aforementioned efforts lay the groundwork for having more meaningful
conversations about what is necessary for children to reach their maximum potential. In an effort
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to foster a college-going culture, schools can support the transmission of information regarding
planning for college, financial aid, the value of communication, and university stressors. This
can also serve as a space where parents can share their questions, comments or concerns about
their child leaving home, for example. Special topics can also include some of the themes found
in this study: the effect of parenting styles; managing family expectations and heritage
connections, while focusing on the gender and generation dynamics. Families and communities
cannot address these issues if they are unaware that they exist. Similarly, students can be
supported in how they can better communicate with their parents. Especially with first-
generation college going families, parents form opinions and behaviors because they do not
understand the system. They care to be involved but do not know how, the student (child)
becomes the only connection to the process and needs to take initiative to involve their family.
Siblings are also a source of support for Latino students. Jabbar and colleagues (2019)
report findings that siblings are a source of higher education knowledge and encouragement to
pursue higher education. While this was not directly examined in the present study, participants
did share about how sibling interactions effected them, both in a positive and negative regard.
For example, Jonathan shared that he immersed himself in his education because he did not want
to be a teen father like his older brother and Angelica talked about how she intended to be a
strong role model for her siblings. While participants were not directly asked about how their
family informed their college experience, Jabbar and colleagues (2019) report that the Latino
college choice process is influenced by family needs, priorities and limitations so sibling support
is integral.
A big stressor for families seems to be lack of connection from potential physical
distance in college, but as the Angelica pointed out, technology such as FaceTime and texting
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can aid the transition. Furthermore, acknowledging that some questioning of parental decisions
can be healthy. Many of the female participants had to defy parental expectations in order to
achieve their goals and their parents eventually listened. This can be evidence of more
authoritative (flexible) parenting, but it requires the child to initiate conversations as well.
According to Carrol (2017) and Sanchez and colleagues (2019) programs that involve the
whole family can affect family relationships, development, and a sense of belonging. Connecting
families to other families is also a way to support concerned or skeptical families. University
orientations summer bridge programs can also add family components to their curriculum to
foster and acknowledge collectivist family values while also informing them of supportive
practices (Sanchez et al., 2019). These practices may also help families move away from placing
guilt on their children for moving on their education and instead acknowledge the familial gains
from their educational achievement.
Heritage learning. Major takeaways of staying rooted in Latino heritage came from the
concepts of storytelling and language exposure. It is important to note the dynamic nature of
heritage and that it can be demonstrated beyond Spanish language use. Ultimately, viewing
identity as a protective force and raising awareness about the value of maintaining cultural
identity is key. Berry and colleagues (2006) report that adolescents who are confident in their
own ethnicity and proud of their ethnic group may be better able to deal constructively with
possible discrimination which may occur in school or other facets of life. Regardless of
generation, all participants stated the value of maintaining connection to heritage and practice
recommendations for heritage learning are addressed in this section.
Interview participants in the present study emphasized the challenges in fluency they
have faced or plan to face if they are having children. Surrain (2018) reports that some barriers to
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bilingual development include children’s preference to use English with peers and siblings;
parents’ preference for English; political climate; and lack of awareness of or access to dual-
immersion schools. Participants in Surrain’s (2018) study that were more likely to have
researched dual-immersion options were parents that were fluent in English. This finding helps
to anticipate and understand potential hesitation from parents to enrolling their children in dual-
immersion. As part of ongoing heritage language retention efforts within Latino communities, a
primary goal is to educate the public about factors, activities, and outcomes related to language
loss (Parada, 2013). Unlike some families might think, the use of Spanish at home does not
impact English language proficiency (Tran, 2010) and is actually cognitively beneficial (Incera
& McLennan, 2018; Lutz & Crist, 2014).
Outside of parent and family engagement in the language, there are other ways to
encourage the acquisition of Spanish. Morales and Maravilla (2019) conducted a case study of a
dual-immersion school in southern California to examine how the interests of White middle-class
families and Latino families were represented. Specifically, Morales and Maravilla (2019) aimed
to identify the presence of interest convergence. Interest convergence is rooted in Critical Race
theory and explains that the interests of students of color have historically been accommodated
only when they have converged with the interests of powerful Whites (Bell, 1980 as cited in
Morales & Maravilla, 2019). The site of the case study had racial/ethnic, linguistic, and
socioeconomic diversity. Essentially, as the authors phrased it: “daughters and sons of workers in
the housecleaning and food service industry mingled with the children of university professors”
(p. 147). There was also diversity within the Latino population including middle-class second
and third-generation Latinos who wanted their children to learn and speak Spanish. This case
study is of note because many of the participants in the present study will be the ideal consumers
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of dual immersion program. Dual-immersion is also a salient means for third-plus generation
Latinos to maintain identity while acknowledging that their higher socioeconomic status impacts
their overall experience (Pivovarova & Powers, 2019). In the case of Selena, a third-plus
generation Latina with parents who went to college, she mentioned her intention to enroll her
children into a dual immersion program.
Dual-immersion programs may also provide access to validating cultural practices and
higher quality schools, but it is important to raise enrollment in these types of schools for new
immigrants as well. Morales and Maravilla (2019) report findings from their case study
including: (1) native Spanish-speaking experienced validation for their native language and
enhance fluency; (2) students of color were integrated with White students; (3) Spanish use was
normalized; (4) and Spanish-speaking personnel was essential for the model to work.
Considering the traditional segregation of schools by neighborhood which leads to income and
racial/ehtnic segregation, dual immersion programs are a means to integrate public schools.
Latino-majority schools often have high personnel turnover, less access to college-preparatory
curriculum, and inadequate facilities (Gandara & Contreras, 2009) so youth can gain access to
quality teachers in two languages, an enriched curriculum, and an integrated space (Morales &
Maravilla, 2019). These efforts not only help new immigrants but also ultimately help address
the third-plus generation decline referred to in existing literature (Bondy, Peguero & Johnson,
2017; Ceballo et al., 2014; Suarez-Orozco, Rhodes and Milburn, 2009; Terriquez, 2014).
Beyond language, learning history, traditions and cultural pride is a way to engage
children in becoming bicultural. Awareness of the immigrant narrative and minoritized status
helped the participants in the present study anchor their purpose and privilege in achieving their
education. Reinforcing the idea that education is a privilege can be a motivational force while
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also building awareness of the historical Latino experience regardless of current socioeconomic
identity. This intervention must be done earlier in youth for the possibility of the most influence.
Ideas for implementation include learning Latino and other heritage history, museum visits,
music, connections to family, etc.
A search for research literature regarding methods of maintaining identity for second and
third-plus generations beyond language, resulted in no results. Therefore, I am including an
excerpt from my interview with Ramon wherein he provides a comprehensive list of
recommendations:
How would I preserve my Latino identity? Enchiladas, obviously, I mean, you cannot go
a day without eating enchiladas. Sopas. Some Tacos. Some Horchata once in a while. We
got to keep the food, more than anything. Also just the cultural customs that we have, in
terms of the way we speak to our parents, the way we still respect elders, the way we still
want to hold people accountable, still want to be able to speak your native tongue, and
stuff of that nature, and see what we could do. And also music. The artists [and pioneers]
that came before us, you know, Diego Rivera and Frida Kahlo, Benito Juarez. The
political landscape that they went through to be able to do what they did for their ... And
then also talk about Central America and South America to say that we're not just
Mexico. That there's people [geographically] below us, and there's people in Spain. And
that we are a culture within many Latino countries, and that we all bring stuff together
and do a lot of beautiful things together.
Ramon’s recommendations are also rooted in a parent’s responsibility to ignite curiosity in their
children about Latino culture through enrichment activities. Curiosity to learn is connected to
self-efficacy (Seifi, 2016) which supports college completion. Regardless of generation, all
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participants stated the value of maintaining connection to heritage and it is of the utmost value to
take steps to do so. It is also important to consider how heritage is passed down beyond
language. As generations continue it is likely that language development will decrease and other
elements of heritage culture will dominate.
Limitations of the Study
Several limitations are associated with this study including sample size and composition;
lack of control group; and timing.
Sample size and composition. The sample was primarily comprised of Mexican-origin
participants, mostly second-generation and female. The interview sample size was small and not
generalizable. While efforts were made to select an interview subsample that addressed some of
these limitations, it is still not possible to generalize any of these findings. A broader sample
including regional diversity (Tran, 2010) could have produced more variation in answers.
Capturing intersectionality is also limited as the survey did not ask for religious affiliation and
sexual orientation, for example. While these features likely would not affect bilingualism, the
religious affiliation could both effect the AFS and Spanish Comprehension score. Sexual
orientation may affect the AFS score depending on how supportive a participant’s family is.
Lastly, no participant indicated that they were multi-racial or ethnic, so the effect of this
identification was not examined. As generations continue these characteristics will be essential to
include.
Lack of control group and existing research. This study was not meant to demonstrate
causality, but it is important to note that while relationships were demonstrated by some of the
variables, without a control group, true significance is hard to measure. Gender and generational
differences were indeed present for some of the variables, but the same differences could be
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present in non-college going Latinos who could have served as a control group. Additionally,
there is a scarcity of existing cross sectional studies or studies completed beyond secondary
education to help fully triangulate my findings.
Furthermore, considering Segmented Assimilation Theory and existing research of Latino
immigrant schooling patterns, it is expected many Latino students attend disadvantaged K-12
schools. However, school type, quality and academic achievement was not asked nor assessed in
this study to influence the extent of the disadvantage participants may have experienced. Five of
the interview participants mentioned that they attended traditional public schools (i.e. Max,
Marisela, Cesar, Ramon, Darwin), five attended parochial schools (i.e. Jessica, Selena, Jonathan,
Victoria, Betty), and two participants, Angelica and Frances, shared that they attended a charter
and magnet school respectively. Since this information was not collected in the survey data, I
was not able to run any statistical tests to identify any relationship. I tried to address this by
asking about parent education, income, occupation and attainment within the family, but a full
measure of disadvantage is necessary to identify other potential influencers.
Timing. Angelica, the most recent college graduate, was interviewed for the longest
length of time due to her rich answers. Angelica was also the most recent college graduate. With
an average respondent age of 33 for the survey and 32 for the interview portion, most
participants have had several years removed from their adolescence and college experience.
They have experienced maturity that may have skewed their perspective. Simply put, it is evident
that Angelica had a fresh memory from what she just experienced compared to Jonathan, the
oldest interview participant. Angelica was able to easily recall examples when answering the
interview questions while the other participants needed more time to reflect.
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115
Furthermore, in respect to the lower scores for females on the Attitudinal Familism Scale
(AFS), it would be interesting to see if males and females have similar scores prior to college
achievement. It is possible that the lower scores are indicative of their achievement and need to
defy family in order to pursue their education. Similarly, it is possible that males prior to
achievement have lower scores and feel more inclined to be loyal to family because of their
achievement. Bilingualism and perceived parenting styles seem to be more fixed variables,
whereas familism is more dynamic and perhaps dependent on the life segment of when
participants complete the AFS.
Recommendations for Future Studies
This section will focus on three particular recommendations for future studies: familism
measures obtained at different points in life; family case studies to capture the experiences of
non-bachelor’s degree holders and larger scale research on persistence.
First, as previously mentioned, it is possible that familism scores were affected by the
maturity and achievement of the participants. Interview participants indicated that females are
more equipped to obtain a bachelor’s degree in spite of their family dynamics. Once they have
achieved their educational or career goal, they might indicate lower AFS scores because of the
achievement. Males might be more inclined to be loyal to family because they have the means to
provide for their families once the bachelor’s degree is achieved. My recommendation is to
identify different age groups and administer an age-appropriate version of the AFS or similar
scale to determine if the measures change over time for males and females. Furthermore, it is
possible that males and females simply choose to express familismo via different behaviors,
rather than one being inferior to the other.
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116
Second, the home environment is a central feature of selective acculturation and should
be inclusive of all members of a family. Future studies might examine entire family case studies
by interviewing all members of a family such as parent/guardian(s) and siblings. Specifically, the
focus of these case studies should be families where there are mixed bachelor’s degree
achievement levels, some who have a bachelor’s degree, some who dropped out of college, etc.
Of the female participants that had male siblings (i.e. Angelica, Frances, Jessica, Marisela), none
had a brother that had a bachelor’s degree. Marisela’s brothers had vocational degrees, however,
it would be of great significance to gain the perspective of their brothers and parents to see why
they think the female siblings in the family were able to obtain a bachelor’s degree and the males
chose not to.
Lastly, while most of the participants in the present study were of low-to-moderate
income, more research needs to be conducted on Latino students from various socioeconomic
backgrounds and previous K-12 experience. Current research highlights that differences in the
third-plus generation experience may have more to do with their socioeconomic status than their
heritage identity. For example, Gonzalez and Morrison (2016) report that although second and
third-plus immigrant generations have less conflict with their parents regarding knowledge of the
American college system, they still described issues regarding acculturation to White culture in
college. This is only mediated by Latinos from higher socioeconomic status. Higher
socioeconomic status may minimize exposure to discrimination that most low-income students
face such as low quality schools to access to employment mobility. Higher SES Latinos might
also feel less rooted to Latino identity, but are able to navigate this deficit with other forms of
capital. Mixed-methods research may help reduce the inconsistency in this strand of research by
providing a richer picture of the phenomenon at scale (Heredia et al., 2016). Furthermore,
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117
continued research on heritage maintenance, bilingualism, rootedness, and academic
achievement is essential.
Conclusion
Maintaining ties to Latino identity, developing an awareness of the value of education,
access to institutional agents and an ability to navigate university access independently are all
commonalities expressed within the narratives of the participants I interviewed. It is evident
through the statistical analysis that a decline in bilingualism exists with generations and that
familism scores are lower for females than males. These findings help to fill a gap in the
literature on the immigrant experience, continuity of heritage, bachelor’s degree persistence
literature and backwards map potential intervention points for Latinas/os. This study also serves
as a testament to Latino students who beat the odds in earning their bachelor’s degree.
Although my study is not generalizable and this body of work is small, it yielded
incredible meaningfulness for me. Ultimately, I found stories of resilience and identified
practices that can potentially stop or stall educational decline with generations. The growing
immigrant population provides an opportunity to teach the value of heritage in our schools. This
study also provides a window into understanding how continuing generations expect to pass
along heritage and cultural values, including a renewed use of language or traditions for
generations that may have lost connection over the years. There is also an opportunity to engage
family members, caretakers and parents in a dialogue about what works and what can be
improved by raising awareness of the pressures that Latino students face while trying to achieve
their goals. These findings also imply that school personnel must be conscious of the wide range
of experiences that Latino students and future immigrant-origin students bring to the classroom.
Acknowledgement of heritage is essential since dismissal of it can have profound consequences.
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As generations continue it is important for the Latinos that are able to earn a bachelor’s
degree and advance to the middle class, to not forget their roots and to understand that looking
back is also a way to look forward. Latino bachelor’s degree earners can eventually become the
institutional agents that help new generations navigate not only the university system, but also
career and professional advancement as a way to combat historical barriers. Thus, creating new
mobility pathways. Socioeconomic status continues to have a large impact on educational
opportunities, despite immigrant generation. Inequality is a multifaceted problem, but immigrant
status can be seen favorably as an opportunity to foster resilience rather than a label that people
want to dismiss.

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Appendix A
May 2019
Dear Study Participant,

My name is Carmen Soto and I am a doctoral student in the Educational Leadership program at
the University of Southern California. For my dissertation, I am conducting a research study that
examines characteristics of Latino college graduates including parenting style, bilingualism and
familism experiences. These characteristics will be measured via the preceding survey that will
take 15-20 minutes to complete.
To be eligible for this study, participants must:
- Identify as Latino/a
- Earned a Bachelor’s Degree from an accredited US College or University
Results from this study will lead to identifying salient strategies to support overall generational
mobility via higher education for traditional underrepresented communities including
recommendations to foster Latino educational attainment.

Participation in this study is voluntary and data collected will remain private. You may withdraw
from participating at any time. No foreseeable risks of harm are present. Your identity as a
participant will be confidential and anonymous via the use of a pseudonym.

At the end of the survey you may choose to provide your contact information if you would like
to be considered for an interview as part of this study. It is expected that interviews will last 20-
30 minutes and may be conducted in-person or over the phone. For more information please
email carmenso@usc.edu.

Thank you,
Carmen Soto
Rossier School of Education, University of Southern California

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Appendix B
Survey Instrument
DEMOGRAPHIC AND BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS PART 1
Please answer the following questions to the best of your ability. There are a mix of multiple
choice, scale and open-ended questions. Please note the term “parent(s)” is used throughout this
survey, however, the term is meant to be inclusive of your primary guardian(s) or caretaker(s)
(i.e. grandparent, uncle, aunt, etc.) who was responsible for your care as you were growing up.

1. Do you identify as Latina/o/x?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Other

2. If you identify as another ethnic group, please indicate here.

3. What is your age?

4. In which category does your gender fit best?
a. Female
b. Male
c. Nonbinary
d. Prefer not to disclose
e. Other

5. In what country were you born?
a. Argentina
b. Costa Riva
c. Cuba
d. Dominican Republic
e. Guatemala
f. Honduras
g. Mexico
h. Peru
i. USA
j. Other

6. Since what age have you lived in the U.S.? If you were born in the U.S., please
indicate “Since birth.”

7. What category best describes you
a. First-generation (you are an immigrant to the US)
b. Second-generation (child of an immigrant to the US)
c. Third-generation (grandchild of an immigrant to the US)
d. Fourth-generation (great grandchild of an immigrant to the US) and higher
e. Other

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8. Please list 3 keywords you typically associate with being “American.”

9. Please list 3 keywords you typically associate with being “Latino/a/x.”
10. Do you have siblings?
a. Yes, they are older (you are the youngest)
b. Yes, they are younger (you are the oldest)
c. Yes, they are both younger and older (you are in the middle)
d. No, I am an only child
e. Other

11. Growing up, what language was primarily spoken at home? (Selective
acculturation)
a. Spanish
b. English
c. Spanish and English equally
d. Other

12. If you know Spanish, where did you learn the language?
a. Through nuclear family (i.e. parent, guardian, caretaker)
b. Outside of the nuclear family (i.e. grandparent)
c. Through a course or tutor
d. Other

13. Did your parents encourage you to learn and speak Spanish?
a. Yes
b. No
c. My parents did not speak Spanish
d. Other

14. If you have children, have you/do you intend to teach your children Spanish?
a. Yes
b. No
c. I hope my child(ren) will learn a second language, but it does not have to be
Spanish
d. Other

15. Growing up, did you ever have to translate for your parents?
a. Yes
b. No

16. Do you believe that knowledge of Spanish is integral to your identity as Latina/o/x?
a. Yes
b. No

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17. At any point in your life have you felt insecure about your Spanish language
fluency?
a. No
b. Yes
c. It does not matter to me
d. Other

PARENTAL AUTHORITY QUESTIONNAIRE
For each of the following statements, indicate the number on the 5-point scale that best indicates
how that statement applies to you and your parent(s)/guardian(s) or primary caretaker in your
adolescence. Please note the term “parent(s)” is used throughout the next set of questions,
however, the term is meant to be inclusive of your primary guardian(s) or caretaker(s) (i.e.
grandparent, uncle, aunt, etc.) who was responsible for your care. You will be asked to indicate
the parent/guardian/caretaker you are considering when you answer the questions.

There are no right or wrong answers, so do not spend a lot of time on any one item. Each
statement has the following Likert scale options: (1) Strongly Disagree, (2) Disagree, (3)
Neutral/undecided, (4) Agree and (5) Strongly Agree.

18. When completing the following set of questions, please indicate which
parent/guardian/caretaker you are describing:
a. Mother
b. Father
c. Mix of both Mother and Father
d. Other guardian
19. While I was growing up, my parents felt that in a well- run home the children
should have their way in the family as often as the parents do.
20. Even if their children didn’t agree with them, my parents felt that it was for our
own good if we were forced to conform to what they thought was right.
21. Whenever my parents told me to do something as I was growing up, they expected
me to do it immediately without asking any questions.
22. As I was growing up, once family policy had been established, my parents discussed
the reasoning behind the policy with the children in the family.
23. My parents have always encouraged verbal give-and- take whenever I have felt that
family rules and restrictions were unreasonable.
24. My parents have always felt that what children need is to be free to make up their
own minds and to do what they want to do, even if this does not agree with what
their parents might want.
25. As I was growing up, my parents did not allow me to question any decision that they
had made.
26. As I was growing up, my parents directed the activities and decisions of the children
in the family through reasoning and discipline.
27. My parents have always felt that more force should be used by parents in order to
get their children to behave the way they are supposed to.
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28. As I was growing up, my parents did not feel that I needed to obey rules and
regulations of behavior simply because someone in authority had established them.
29. As I was growing up, I knew what my parents expected of me in my family, but I
also felt free to discuss those expectations with my parents when I felt that they were
unreasonable.
30. My parents felt that wise parents should teach their children early just who is boss
in the family.
31. As I was growing up, my parents seldom gave me expectations and guidelines for
my behavior.
32. Most of the time as I was growing up, my parents did what the children in the
family wanted when making family decisions.
33. As the children in my family were growing up, my parents consistently gave us
direction and guidance in rational and objective ways.
34. As I was growing up, my parents would get very upset if I tried to disagree with
them.
35. My parents feel that most problems in society would be solved if parents would not
restrict their children’s activities, decisions, and desires as they are growing up.
36. As I was growing up, my parents let me know what behaviors they expected of me,
and if I didn’t meet those expectations, they punished me.
37. As I was growing up, my parents allowed me to decide most things for myself
without a lot of direction from them.
38. As I was growing up, my parents took the children’s opinions into consideration
when making family decisions, but they would not decide for something simply
because the children wanted it.
39. My parents did not view themselves as responsible for directing and guiding my
behavior as I was growing up.
40. My parents had clear standards of behavior for the children in our home as I was
growing up, but they were willing to adjust those standards to the needs of each of
the individual children in the family.
41. My parents gave me direction for my behavior and activities as I was growing up
and they expected me to follow their direction, but they were always willing to listen
to my concerns and to discuss that direction with me.
42. As I was growing up, my parents allowed me to form my own point of view on
family matters and they generally allowed me to decide for myself what I was going
to do.
43. My parents have always felt that most problems in society would be solved if we
could get parents to strictly and forcibly deal with their children when they don’t do
what they are supposed to as they are growing up.
44. As I was growing up, my parents often told me exactly what they wanted me to do
and how they expected me to do it.
45. As I was growing up, my parents gave me clear direction for my behaviors and
activities, but they were also understanding when I disagreed with them.
46. As I was growing up, my parents did not direct the behaviors, activities, and desires
of the children in the family.
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47. As I was growing up, I knew what my parents expected of me in the family and they
insisted that I conform to those expectations simply out of respect for their
authority.
48. As I was growing up, if my parents made a decision in the family that hurt me, they
were willing to discuss that decision with me and to admit it if they had made a
mistake.

DEMOGRAPHIC AND BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS PART 2
Please answer the following questions to the best of your ability. There are a mix of multiple
choice, scale and open-ended questions. Please note the term “parent(s)” is used throughout this
survey, however, the term is meant to be inclusive of your primary guardian(s) or caretaker(s)
(i.e. grandparent, uncle, aunt, etc.) who was responsible for your care as you were growing up.

49. Did you ever sense any hostility in college regarding your identification as Latino?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Other

50. Growing up did you think your knowledge/use of the Spanish language would be
helpful in achieving your educational or career goals?
a. Yes
b. No

51. Did you feel confident in your English language abilities (speaking, writing, etc.)
while in college?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Other

52. What is your highest level of education?
a. Some College
b. Associate’s Degree
c. Bachelor’s Degree
d. Currently working on Graduate/Professional Degree
e. Plan to pursue a Graduate/Professional Degree
f. Graduate/Professional Degree

53. What type of university did you attend for your Bachelor’s Degree?
a. Cal State University
b. University of California
c. Private University
d. Out of State University
e. Other

54. What was your Bachelor’s Degree major?

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55. What is your current occupation and industry? Example: Counselor, Education

56. Did you work while you were in college?
a. Yes, it was an expectation.
b. Yes, but it was not an expectation.
c. No, I did not work.
d. Other

57. While in college, please select all types of financial aid/support that you received:
a. State Financial Aid (i.e. Cal Grant, BOGG Waiver, etc.)
b. Federal Financial Aid (i.e. Pell, Stafford Leans, etc.)
c. I did not qualify for Financial Aid
d. My family/parents helped me pay for college
e. Scholarships
f. Other

58. Did you attend a community college prior to your Bachelor’s Degree?
a. Yes
b. No

59. Growing up, what is the highest level of education you expected to achieve?
a. Some high school
b. High School Diploma/GED
c. Some College
d. Associate’s Degree
e. Bachelor’s Degree
f. Graduate/Professional Degree
g. Unsure
h. Other

60. Mother or Primary Caretaker/Guardian 1 ’s Country of Origin

61. Mother or Primary Caretaker/Guardian 1’s Occupation

62. What is the highest level of education attainment your Mother/Primary
Caretaker/Guardian 1 reached?
a. No schooling
b. Eighth grade or less
c. Some high school
d. High School Diploma/GED
e. Some College
f. Associate’s Degree
g. Bachelor’s Degree
h. Graduate/Professional Degree
i. Unsure

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63. Father or Primary Caretaker/Guardian 2 ’s Country of Origin

64. Father or Primary Caretaker/Guardian 2’s Occupation

65. What is the highest level of education attainment your Father/Primary
Caretaker/Guardian 2 reached?
a. No schooling
b. Eighth grade or less
c. Some high school
d. High School Diploma/GED
e. Some College
f. Associate’s Degree
g. Bachelor’s Degree
h. Graduate/Professional Degree
i. Unsure

66. When you were 18, which relationship status best describes your parents:
a. Married
b. Divorced
c. Separated
d. Living together, never married
e. Unsure
f. Other

67. Growing up, did your parents own or rent the home where you lived?
a. Own
b. Rent
c. Other

68. Growing up, what is your best estimate of your family’s annual income?
a. $0-$24,999
b. $25,000-$49,999
c. $50,000-$74,999
d. $75,000-$99,999
e. $100,000-$124,999
f. $125,000-$149,999
g. $150,000-$174,999
h. $175,000-$199,999
i. $200,000 and up
69. Do you have siblings that earned a Bachelor’s Degree?
a. Yes, they are older
b. Yes, they are younger
c. Yes, all of my siblings
d. Some siblings have earned a Bachelor's Degree and some have not
e. No, I do not have siblings
f. No, I have siblings, however they did not earn a bachelor’s degree
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70. What is the highest level of education your parent(s) expected you to achieve?
a. High School Diploma/GED
b. Some College
c. Associate’s Degree
d. Bachelor’s Degree
e. Graduate/Professional Degree
f. Other

71. Growing up did your parents monitor and review your homework completion?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Other

72. Growing up did your parents help you with school projects?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Other

73. Growing up did your parents encourage you to participate in educational
enrichment activities (i.e. sports, student organizations, etc.)?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Other

74. Growing up did you parents attend parent/teacher conferences?
a. Yes
b. No
c. Other

75. Growing up, what statement below best describes your parent(s) opinion of teaching
staff, administrators and the overall authority level of the schools you attended.
a. My parent(s) sometimes questioned policies and practices of the school and
advocated for my needs when necessary
b. My parent(s) sometimes questioned policies and practices of the school, but did
not interfere
c. My parent(s) considered the school the primary authority in my education and did
not question any policies and practices
d. Other

BILINGUALISM SCALE
For each of the following statements, indicate the selection that best represents your answer.
Answer options for all questions include: "Very Well,” "Well,” "Not Well,” or “Not at All.”

76. How well do you understand Spanish when spoken?
LATINO COLLEGE GRADUATES STAYING ROOTED

147
77. How well do you speak Spanish?
78. How well do you write Spanish?
79. How well do you read Spanish?”

ATTITUDINAL FAMILIALISM SCALE (AFS)
For each of the following statements, indicate the number on a 10-point scale that best indicates
how that statement applies to you. There are no right or wrong answers, so do not spend a lot of
time on any one item. Each statement has Likert scale answer options ranging from : (1)
Strongly Disagree, (5) Neutral/Undecided, to (10) Strongly Agree.

80. Children should always help their parents with the support of younger brothers and
sisters, for example, help them with homework, help the parents take care of the
children, and so forth.
81. The family should control the behavior of children younger than 18.
82. A person should cherish the time spent with his or her relatives.
83. A person should live near his or her parents and spend time with them on a regular
basis.
84. A person should always support members of the extended family, for example,
aunts, uncles, and in-laws, if they are in need even if it is a big sacrifice.
85. A person should rely on his or her family if the need arises.
86. A person should feel ashamed if something he or she does dishonors the family
name.
87. Children should help out around the house without expecting an allowance.
88. Parents and grandparents should be treated with great respect regardless of their
differences in views.
89. A person should often do activities with his or her immediate and extended families,
for example, eat meals, play games, or go somewhere together.
90. Aging parents should live with their relatives.
91. A person should always be expected to defend his/her family’s honor no matter
what the cost.
92. Children younger than 18 should give almost all their earnings to their parents.
93. Children should live with their parents until they get married.
94. Children should obey their parents without question even if they believe they are
wrong.
95. A person should help his or her elderly parents in times of need, for example,
helping financially or sharing a house.
96. A person should be a good person for the sake of his or her family.
97. A person should respect his or her older brothers and sisters regardless of their
differences in views.

98. Is there anything else you would like to share that was not asked in this survey?

Opt-In to be Considered for Interview
This mixed-methods research study contains two parts: (a) the quantitative survey that you have
just completed and (b) an opportunity to elucidate your responses through an interview. If you
LATINO COLLEGE GRADUATES STAYING ROOTED

148
are open to be contacted for an interview, please include your name, phone number and e-mail
address in the field below. The researcher will contact you to identify a time and location to
conduct the interview if you are chosen to participate.

Please note this is completely optional. Your survey responses and contact information will be
coded to protect any identifiable information.

99. Name
100. Phone
101. E-mail address

LATINO COLLEGE GRADUATES STAYING ROOTED

149
Appendix C
August 2019
Dear Study Participant,
My name is Carmen Soto and I am a doctoral student in the Educational Leadership program at
the University of Southern California. For my dissertation, I am conducting a research study that
examines characteristics of Latino college graduates including parenting style, bilingualism and
familism experiences. Through a mixed-methods study approach my data collection process will
be implemented in two phases.

To be eligible for Phase 2 of this study, participants must:
- Identify as Latino/a
- Earned a Bachelor’s Degree from an accredited US College or University
- Completed Phase 1 of study (online survey)
You have been selected for Phase 2 of data collection, interviews, due to your participation in
Phase 1, the online survey that you completed in June 2019. Interviews will be approximately
30-40 minutes at a location such as a coffee shop or the USC campus. Interviews will be
recorded, with your consent, transcribed and analyzed to identify themes.
Results from this study will lead to identifying salient strategies to support overall generational
mobility via higher education for traditional underrepresented communities including
recommendations to foster Latino educational attainment. It is expected that the completed study
will be published in December 2019.
Participation in this study is voluntary and data collected will remain private. You may withdraw
from participating at any time. No foreseeable risks of harm are present. Your identity as a
participant will be confidential and anonymous via the use of a pseudonym.

Thank you,

Carmen Soto
Rossier School of Education, University of Southern California
(626) 665-1087 - carmenso@usc.edu
By completing the form below, you are consenting to participation and recording of the
interview. A copy of this form will be provided to you.

Participant Name: __________________________
Participant Signature: __________________________
Date: __________________________
Pseudonym: __________________________

LATINO COLLEGE GRADUATES STAYING ROOTED

150
Appendix D
Semi-structured Interview Protocol/Guide

1. Please describe the composition of your family growing up: marital status of
parents/guardians; who lived in your home; sibling ages; and educational attainment
within family.

2. Take a moment to reflect on your adolescence, what do you think contributed to your
academic achievement (i.e. parental involvement in school, encouragement of enrichment
activities, motivation, value, etc.)?

3. How did or didn’t your family encourage/support your educational attainment?

4. How did or didn’t your culture/family influence your college experience?

5. How did or didn’t your culture/family influence your career choice?

6. Can you think of anything that differentiates you from peers or siblings (i.e. friends and
family) who did not graduate from college?

7. Do you remember a time when you disagreed with a parental decision? If you have
siblings, were they any clear differences in how you were parented?

8. What type of household do you (a) currently or (b) expect to in respect to parenting
children? If you do not plan to have children, what type of legacy do you think you will
impart that incorporates your adolescent experience? How will Latino identity be
preserved?

9. Preliminary findings in my study reveal that males have higher rates of loyalty to family
than females, why do you think this is the case?

10. Latinas earn Bachelor’s Degrees at higher rates than Latino males, what are your
thoughts on this achievement gap between Latinas (females) and Latinos (males)?

11. What recommendations do you have for students who had a similar upbringing to yours
in pursuing/completing their college education?

12. Is there anything else you would like to add?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The rapid and continued growth of the Latino population in the United States is one of the most important demographic trends facing the education system today. The Latino population is expected to grow to 129 million by 2060 (Bernstein, 2015). Despite their population growth, Latino students are underrepresented in higher education, which has strong implications for social mobility. Considering Segmented Assimilation Theory, scholars have pointed to the role of selective acculturation in stronger educational outcomes for immigrant generations (Portes and Fernández-Kelly, 2008

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Asset Metadata

Creator Soto, Carmen (author)

Core Title Staying rooted: a mixed-methods analysis examining bilingualism, familism, and the parenting styles experienced by Latino college graduates

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 12/03/2019

Defense Date 10/24/2019

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag assimilation,bachelors degree,bilingualism,community college,educational attainment,ethnic identity,familism,familismo,first-generation,gender,Generation,Higher education,immigrant,immigration,institutional agents,Language,Latina,Latino,Latinx,mixed-methods,OAI-PMH Harvest,parenting style,second-generation,segmented assimilation theory,selective acculturation,siblings,third-plus generation

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Chung, Ruth (committee chair), Chavarin, Veridiana (committee member), Curiel, Yajaira (committee member), Venegas, Kristan (committee member)

Creator Email CARMENSO@USC.EDU,CARMENSOTO716@GMAIL.COM

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c89-240945

Unique identifier UC11673468

Identifier etd-SotoCarmen-7971.pdf (filename),usctheses-c89-240945 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-SotoCarmen-7971.pdf

Dmrecord 240945

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Soto, Carmen

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA