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Social and economic pressures that lead Arab Americans to change their name

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Social and economic pressures that lead Arab Americans to change their name

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Content SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 1
Social and Economic Pressures that Lead Arab Americans to Change Their Name
by
Waleed Bississo
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
December 2023
Copyright 2023 Waleed Bississo

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 2
Abstract
This study examines the social and economic pressures that Arab Americans face to
Americanize their name and the perceived benefits and drawbacks of doing so. In Arab culture
and customs, first names typically have deep meanings, and they are the only names unique to
their child and usually reflect the identity the parents want of them. Within the United States,
Arabs can be identified by their name, thus being exposed to discrimination and assigned their
inferiority (Khosravi, 2012). Of the 3.7 million Arab Americans living in the United States,
roughly 82% are U.S. citizens (Arab American Institute, n.d.). Arab Americans may feel
pressure to conform to the dominantly White society by changing their name or risk facing
discrimination and being seen as members of an “outgroup,” which is a group with which the
dominant White society does not identify. This pressure has real consequences for Arab
Americans, who are just as American as “White” Americans.
Social identity theory (SIT) was used to examine my problem. SIT, proposed in social
psychology by Tajfel and Turner (1979), is defined as “an individual’s awareness or knowledge
that he/she belongs to certain groups together with some emotional and value significance to
him/her of this group membership” (Tajfel, 1972, p. 292). Social identity is centered on how
individuals’ self-concepts are influenced by their membership in social groups. The study
consisted of 12 male participants of Middle Eastern descent between the ages who have lived in
the United States for at least one year and are working for an organization or self-employed.
Keywords: diversity, inclusion, name bias, unconscious bias

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 3
Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of my father, Maher, who inspired me with
his pursuit of knowledge and resilience. His legacy lives on in every word written here.
To my beloved mother, Sana, who has always believed in the power of education and
encouraged me and my siblings to reach for the stars. Your unwavering support has been my
guiding light.
To my incredible and amazing wife, Carmen, and our two beautiful daughters, Yasmeen
and Maya. Your patience, love, and understanding during the countless hours of study and
writing have been my greatest motivation. Yasmeen and Maya, I hope this work inspires you
always to be curious, work hard, and study hard to find success and happiness.
I also extend my heartfelt gratitude to my parents-in-law, Marilena and Ovidiu, for their
invaluable assistance in caring for my daughters, enabling me to dedicate myself fully to this
endeavor.
This dissertation is a testament to my family's love, support, and sacrifices. Thank you for
being my pillars of strength and sharing this journey with me. You bring a smile to my face and
make this work worthwhile.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 4
Acknowledgments
I want to start by thanking the USC community and my classmates, who kept me focused
and motivated to move forward every day to complete my research. My study group provided
unlimited support and encouragement when I needed it most (Chris, Jamie, Michelle, Dayna and
Henry).
Thank you to my outstanding dissertation committee for being my guiding light and
source of support to deliver a meaningful contribution to the research community. Dr. Esther
Kim, thank you for always being available and leading me through this process. I am forever
grateful to you. My committee (Dr. Jennifer Phillips, Dr. Christopher Riddick and Dr. Patricia
Tobey) for your guidance and mentorship through this process.
Finally, I would like to thank my professors for teaching me something new every time
we connected. The knowledge and pearls of wisdom you shared have made me a better person.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 5
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract............................................................................................................................................2
Dedication........................................................................................................................................4
Acknowledgments............................................................................................................................6
Chapter One: Introduction ...............................................................................................................6
Importance of Addressing the Problem.......................................................................................6
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions............................................................................7
Theoretical Framework and Methodology ..................................................................................8
Definitions...................................................................................................................................9
Organization of the Dissertation................................................................................................12
Chapter Two: Literature Review ..................................................................................................13
The Rise of American Immigration Exceptionalism ...............................................................13
Whiteness.................................................................................................................................15
Middle Eastern Depictions in the United States Media ...........................................................18
Names and Identity ..................................................................................................................21
Middle Eastern and North African Americans ........................................................................25
Experiences of Arab Americans ..............................................................................................26
Passing as Privileged................................................................................................................27
Name-based Discrimination.....................................................................................................28
Theoretical Framework, Methodology, and Conceptual Framework......................................31
Summary ..................................................................................................................................34
Chapter Three: Methodology.........................................................................................................35
Overview of Research Design .................................................................................................35
Research Setting.......................................................................................................................35
The Researcher.........................................................................................................................36
Participating Stakeholders .......................................................................................................37
Selection Criteria and Rationale ..............................................................................................37
Interview Methods...................................................................................................................38
Trustworthiness and Credibility...............................................................................................40
Ethics........................................................................................................................................41
Chapter Four: Findings..................................................................................................................42
Chapter Overview ......................................................................................................................42
Participants.................................................................................................................................42
Key Findings..............................................................................................................................55
Summary ....................................................................................................................................64
Chapter Five: Recommendations...................................................................................................66
Recommendations......................................................................................................................66
Limitations and Delimitations....................................................................................................75
Recommendations for Future Research .....................................................................................77
Conclusion..................................................................................................................................77
References......................................................................................................................................79
Appendix A: Interview Protocol....................................................................................................95

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 6
Chapter One: Introduction
This study examines the social and economic pressures that Arab Americans face to
Americanize their name and the perceived benefits and drawbacks of doing so. In Arab culture
and customs, first names typically have deep meanings, and they are the only names unique to
their child and usually reflect the identity the parents want of them. Within the United States,
Arabs can be identified by their name, thus being exposed to discrimination and assigned their
inferiority (Khosravi, 2012). Of the 3.7 million Arab Americans living in the United States,
roughly 82% are U.S. citizens (Arab American Institute, n.d.). Arab Americans may feel
pressure to conform to the dominantly White society by changing their name or risk facing
discrimination and being seen as members of an “outgroup,” which is a group with which the
dominant White society does not identify with. This pressure has real consequences for Arab
Americans, who are just as American as “White” Americans.
Arab Americans have been experiencing increased discrimination and hate crimes in the
United States, especially since 9/11 (Ibish, 2003). Middle Eastern countries and persons of
Middle Eastern descent, also known as Arabs, are front and center in American movies, TV
shows, and news. They are often portrayed negatively, such as terrorists (Shaheen, 2008).
However, there has been very little research to understand Arab Americans’ lived experiences.
To compound this issue, the Office of Management and the Budget defined “White” in the U.S.
census as persons originating in the Middle East, North Africa, and Europe (Lauderdale, 2006).
This limits researchers’ ability to help develop programs to raise awareness of this group in a
positive light. This puts Arab Americans in a disadvantaged social and economic position in the
United States and in the workplace.
Importance of Addressing the Problem
Arab Americans saw exponential growth in the rate of discrimination towards them. In

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 7
the nine weeks after 9/11, 800 incidents of workplace discrimination and over 700 incidents of
hate crimes were documented (Ibish, 2003). This discrimination continues today and at the same
level as other groups of color (Maghbouleh et al., 2022). Compared to Whites, Middle Eastern
people are more likely to rent rather than own their homes, more likely to live below the poverty
line, and report worse health outcomes than Whites (Maghbouleh et al., 2022). The social and
economic pressure is real. Understanding these pressures and how they are internalized and
manifested by Americanizing one’s name will allow researchers to recommend solutions to
improve outcomes for Arab Americans. One of the reasons we are addressing this problem is that
organizations are not providing the same opportunities to Arab Americans as non-Arab
Americans.
The salient stakeholder group for this study is Arab American males who have
Americanized their name and are currently employed by a corporation in the United States. This
research study does not focus on Arab American females because many of their names are not
readily associated with Muslim identity. For example, common female Muslim names are
Ayesha, Maryam, Lena, or Maya. Comparatively, common male Muslim names are Muhammad,
Abdullah, or Abdulaziz. This study aims to create awareness of the social and economic
pressures that Arab Americans face in the United States and recommendations to address them.
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
This study examined the social and economic pressures that Arab Americans faced to
Americanize their name and the perceived benefits and drawbacks of doing so. The analysis
focused on the lived experiences of Arab Americans employed in the United States. I built a
conceptual framework centered on the consequences of being Arab in a White American
dominant culture. The lens I used is focused on understanding the loss of identity,
microaggressions, lack of promotion, lack of career development/opportunities, and lack of sense

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 8
of belonging. My focus for this study was Arab males currently employed in the United States
and Americanized their names. I focused on males as their names are more recognizable as
Middle Eastern. My research questions are:
● RQ1. What types of pressures lead Arab Americans to Americanize their names?
● RQ2. How does adopting an Americanized name impact Arab Americans' perception of
career opportunities at work?
Theoretical Framework and Methodology
In this section, I provide background on the theoretical framework used in this study and
discuss how this framework is appropriate, including the reasoning for the methodical approach
that was leveraged to conduct this study. I used social identity theory (SIT) to examine my
problem. SIT, proposed in social psychology by Tajfel and Turner (1979), is defined as “an
individual’s awareness or knowledge that he/she belongs to certain groups together with some
emotional and value significance to him/her of this group membership,” (Tajfel, 1972, p. 292).
Social identity is centered on how individuals’ self-concepts are influenced by their membership
in social groups. Some examples include nationality, ethnicity, religion, and social groups that
individuals are affiliated with. SIT addresses how social identities affect people’s behavior and
attitudes regarding their ingroup and outgroup (Leaper, 2011). When individuals have a strong
emotional tie to a specific group, that relationship becomes central to their self-concept. SIT can
explain conformity and socialization within peer groups (Leaper, 2011; Tajfel, 1972; Tajfel &
Turner, 1979). Understanding how Arab Americans’ social identity factors into their decision to
Americanize their name was central to this study and a lens to allow me to understand their lived
experiences.
This study employed a qualitative methodology to design and conduct the research.
Qualitative research is the appropriate methodology for understanding how subjects interpret

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 9
their experiences, the meaning they attribute to their experiences, and how they construct their
worlds (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In understanding my problem of practice, it is critical to
understand and capture the social identity of Arab Americans, their lived experiences, and their
sense of belonging. This informed the reasons behind choosing to Americanize their name. This
is best accomplished by leveraging a qualitative approach to research design.
Definitions
For the reader’s reference, I have included a section to include definitions for key terms
connected to my research.
Americanized
Is to become American by assimilating to the institutions and customs of the United
States (Dictionary.com, n.d.).
Arab Americans
Arab Americans are permanent residents or U.S. citizens who trace their ancestry to or
immigrated from Arabic-speaking places in the Middle East. The Middle East is in southwestern
Asia and northern Africa.
Culture of Inclusion
A culture of inclusion is an organizational environment that allows individuals with
unique mindsets, backgrounds, and ways of thinking to work together and support organizational
objectives by achieving their highest potential. Different voices are heard and respected in this
environment, diverse viewpoints are welcomed and encouraged, and everyone is empowered to
make meaningful contributions (Pless & Mack, 2004). When this happens, Arab Americans are
more open to sharing their identity and heritage with others. Organizations must meet minimum
requirements to build an environment that creates a culture of inclusion. These requirements are
recognition, building relationships, reciprocal understanding, standpoint plurality and mutual

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 10
enabling, trust, and integrity (Pless & Mack, 2004). Before measuring inclusion, one must
understand the principles that make a workplace inclusive.
Donald J Trump
Donald J. Trump is a reality TV star and New York City real estate developer who served
as the 45th president of the United States from January 2017 to January 2021. He ran as a
Republican, winning over Hillary Clinton, his Democratic opponent, in the 2016 election
(History.com, 2023).
Inclusion
Inclusion is about helping employees who do not feel that they belong to the mainstream
of an organization to feel that they belong while also ensuring that those who belong continue to
do so (Davidson & Ferdman, 2001; O’Donovan, 2018). It is the sense of acceptance and
inclusion by those around you (Carr et al., 2019). Inclusion is a transient and momentary concept
that occurs on both the individual and organizational levels (Gasoreck, 2000). Depending on the
moment, employees could feel included and excluded. For example, one can feel welcomed by
their direct workgroup but not by another department or team. That is why it is so important that
organizations are tracking inclusion across the entire organization. The feeling of inclusion can
also change at any moment (O’Donovan, 2018). Gasoreck (2000) describes inclusion as taking
on a multi-faceted approach. This approach includes the degree to which employees' ideas are
taken into account and used while also feeling valued, partnering in and across departments
successfully, current employees feel that they belong at the organization, and prospective
employees are attracted to the organization, feel committed to the organization, the
organizational goals, and to each other and the organization delivers on flexibility and choice
while not losing sight of the diversity.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 11
Integrity
Integrity is centered on moral self-governance and the quality of that governance. When
facing a challenge, the individual sticks to their principles and commitments and upholds those
no matter the circumstances. People of integrity act coherently and reliably (Pless & Mack,
2004).
Microaggression
A microaggression is a comment or action that subtly and often unconsciously or
unintentionally expresses a prejudiced attitude toward a member of a marginalized group (such
as a racial minority) (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).
Passing
In simplistic terms, passing happens when an x is perceived as a y, leading to x being
treated like y (Silvermint, 2018).
Reciprocal understanding
Reciprocal understanding is rooted in the idea that marginalized people are tolerated,
encouraged, empowered, and supported to share their opinions and ideas. For this to happen,
individuals need to be open to engaging with people with different viewpoints to understand their
basic assumptions better and to allow them to reach a point where they can commonly assess
them based on reciprocal understanding. The key here is for everyone to recognize each other as
able to communicate and be open and a member of a speech community (Pless & Mack, 2004).
September 11 (9/11)
On the morning of September 11, 2001, al-Qaeda, an Islamist extremist group, conducted
four coordinated terrorist attacks against the United States. Nineteen terrorists hijacked four
commercial airplanes, two of which crashed into the World Trade Center complex in New York

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 12
City and the third one into the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia. The fourth plane crashed into an
empty field in western Pennsylvania. The terrorist attack killed 2,977 from 93 countries (9/11
FAQs: National September 11 Memorial and Museum, n.d.).
Trust
Trust is based on getting people with different cultural backgrounds to be open to sharing
their experiences, knowledge, and viewpoints cooperatively. Trust is not built in environments
with a winner-take-all-all mentality or short-term “means-to-an-end thinking. However, trust
grows when people put effort into building relationships with each other (Pless & Mack, 2004).
Whiteness
Whiteness is defined by the power structures, laws, privileges, subliminal and overt
socialization processes, and practices favoring the White racial group (Helms, 2017).
Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter One of this study includes an introduction to the problem of practice, the
background surrounding the issue, and the importance of addressing and understanding the social
and economic factors that lead to Americanizing one’s name. It also includes the research
questions and the stakeholder group of focus while framing the methodology used in this study,
social identity theory. Chapter Two reviews the literature focusing on the historical and current
contexts of the social and economic pressures that Arab Americans face in the United States.
Chapter Three outlines the qualitative research methodology, sampling criteria, and interview
protocols. Chapter Four highlights the study’s results, and Chapter Five provides
recommendations based on the study results.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 13
Chapter Two: Literature Review
The following literature review examined the societal challenges that Middle Eastern
immigrants face in the United States. The review begins with general research on the history of
immigration and immigration exceptionalism in the United States. This is followed by an
overview of people of Middle Eastern descent and literature highlighting White racialized
identity, focusing on the construction of Whiteness. It then examines the importance of a name
and how it is tied to one’s identity for people of Middle Eastern descent. It is followed by
exploring how the media portrays people from the Middle East while exploring the societal
attitudes towards people of Middle Eastern descent. The review follows the general research
literature and turns to the conceptual framework. The conceptual framework seeks to show the
pressures that Arab Americans face to assimilate and pass as White, which includes
Americanizing their names.
The Rise of American Immigration Exceptionalism
History teaches that grave threats to liberty often come in times of urgency
when constitutional rights seem too extravagant to endure. The World War II
Relocation camp cases, and the Red Scare and McCarthy-era internal subversion cases,
are only the most extreme reminders that when we allow fundamental freedoms to be
sacrificed in the name of real or perceived exigency, we invariably come to regret it
--Justice Thurgood Marshall’s dissenting opinion in Skinner v. Railway Labor
Executives Association. (American Historical Association, 2017, p. 2)
Exceptionalism, the notion that Americans have a distinct and special destiny different
from other nations, permeates every period of American history. It is the most powerful force in
forming the American identity (Madsen, 1998). I explored how American exceptionalism was
displayed via immigration policies, creating an anti-immigration sentiment today that directly

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 14
impacts Arab Americans and creates pressure on immigrants to assimilate.
The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was a turning point in the history of American
immigration. The act declared Chinese laborers as ‘‘undesirable.’’ This led to barring them from
entering the United States for the following decade and explicitly denied naturalization privileges
to all Chinese people (Lew-Williams, 2014). By passing this law, the federal government set a
weighty precedent, inaugurating a policy of racial and ethnic gatekeeping that would later be
extended to Japanese, Koreans, South Asians, and eventually, Eastern Europeans (LewWilliams, 2014).
Another turning point occurred ten weeks after the United States entered World War II.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 in February of 1942. The order
authorized the Secretary of War and the armed forces to forcibly remove people of Japanese
ancestry from what they designated as military areas and surrounding communities in the United
States (U.S. Courts, n.d.). This led to more than 120,000 Japanese people being incarcerated in
detention camps, of which two-thirds were American citizens (U.S. Courts, n.d.).
September 11 was another turning point in immigration policies as it was the beginning of using
immigration law to meet national security objectives (Americanbar.org, 2011). In November
2002, the Homeland Security Act was enacted by Congress to create the U.S. Department of
Homeland Security (DHS). DHS comprised 20 federal agencies, including the Immigration and
Naturalization Service, formerly part of the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) (Americanbar.org,
2011). This led to the implementation of rules and laws that disproportionately impacted citizens
of Middle Eastern countries.
USA Patriot Act law was passed in 2001 to expand the government's authority to detain
and deport individuals suspected of terrorist activities and increase surveillance and intelligence-

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 15
gathering capabilities (USA Patriot Act, 2001). Enhanced Border Security and Visa Entry
Reform Act was passed in 2002 to strengthen border security and created the US-VISIT program
to track visitors to the United States (Enhanced Border Security and Visa Entry Reform Act,
2002). The National Security Entry-Exit Registration System (NSEERS), a program targeting
mainly males from Arab and Muslim nations, was implemented in 2002 and suspended in 2011.
It required individuals from designated countries to register with the government upon entering
the United States and to check in regularly (Ismaili, 2010).
A show of American exceptionalism that negatively impacted Middle Easterners
occurred shortly after Donald J. Trump’s inauguration. On January 27th, 2017, he signed
Executive Order 13769 into law. This order was titled “Protecting The Nation From Foreign
Terrorist Entry Into The United States.” The order decreased the number of refugees allowed to
enter the United States, suspended the entry of Syrian refugees indefinitely, and banned
individuals from seven predominantly Muslim countries (Libya, Sudan, Somalia, Yemen, Iran,
Iraq, and Syria) from entering the United States for 90 days and banned refugees for 120 days
(Collingwood et al, 2018). The order was active until March 6, 2017, when it was replaced
with Executive Order 13780, a second order sharing the title "Protecting the Nation from Foreign
Terrorist Entry into the United States." This order banned individuals from Iran, Libya, Somalia,
Sudan, Syria, and Yemen from entering the U.S. for 90 days and increased screenings for foreign
nationals wanting to enter the U.S. The reasoning behind this ban was that these countries were
deemed terrorism hotspots by the Trump administration (Hodwitz & Tracy, 2020). The optics
and the messaging behind these executive orders and the coverage in the press created the
perception that those from Arab countries are a terrorist threat and need to be banned for the
safety of Americans. This creates harm for all Arab Americans currently residing in the country.
Whiteness

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 16
The United States is a pluralist society of identifiable ethnic groups (Devos & Banaji,
2005). A fundamental principle that defines the United States is the commitment that everyone is
created equal, irrespective of cultural and ethnic background (McClosky & Zaller, 1984). A vast
majority of Americans believe that no one should be treated differently based on the color of
their skin, origin, or cultural heritage (Devos & Banaji, 2005). However, tension exists between
one’s own consciously stated beliefs and less consciously elicited responses (Devos & Banaji,
2005). Studies show that Americans hesitate to attribute “American” to non-Whites
(Kenthirarajah et al., 2015). Several studies examining perceptions of ethnic groups have found
that many Americans, Whites and non-Whites, implicitly correlate White Americans with
“American” more than African Americans or Asians (Devos & Banaji, 2005; Kenthirarajah et
al., 2015).
The National Museum of African History and Culture (n.d.) defines Whiteness and White
racialized identity as
The way that White people, their customs, culture, and beliefs operate as the
standard by which all other groups are compared. Whiteness is also at the core of
understanding race in America. Whiteness and the normalization of White racial
identity throughout America have created a culture where non-White persons are
seen as inferior or abnormal.
Matias (2021) explains that, though socially constructed, Whiteness is how society is organized.
Leonardo (2009) argues that it is organized based on skin pigmentation and physical phenotypes.
This social construction embraces and prioritizes White ideology, culture, expressions,
behaviors, and culture (Viesca et al., 2014). Therefore, being White comes with material and
tangible benefits. Whiteness provides “access” to a whole set of public and private privileges that

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 17
“materially and permanently guaranteed basic subsistence needs and, therefore, survival”
(Harris, 1993, p. 1713). Global White supremacy elevates Whiteness as the normalized and
prevailing condition for which racial others are denied; the intricacies of analyzing race should
always consider the power structures of Whiteness and how it intersects with racism (Matias,
2021). Matias provides a visual representation of how we conceptualize Whiteness. They see
White supremacy as the overarching institution in two separate paths of Whiteness and racism.
Figure 1:
Whiteness (Matias C. E, and Boucher C. (2021).
Note. Adopted from “From critical whiteness studies to a critical study of whiteness: Restoring criticality
in critical whiteness studies,” by C. E. Matias and C. Boucher, 2021, Journal of Whiteness and Education
8(1), p. 70 (https://doi.org/10.1080/23793406.2021.1993751)
Whiteness and Racialized Re-naming
Racialized renaming of non-White groups has been common since the founding of the

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 18
United States. Enslaved Africans, for example, were forced to change their names to the names
of their captors in the 17th through 19th centuries (Dillard, 1976; Kohli & Solorzano, 2012). This
was a way for their captors to distance them from their culture and for them to flex their power.
Indigenous people had their names replaced with Christian and Anglo names (Kohli &
Solorzano, 2012; Zitkala-sa, 1921). The reason for this was that the federal government had
concerns with their assimilation, which was a way to force them to conform to the dominant
White culture. Although these forced name changes have ended, the sentiment that non-White
names are an unwelcome inconvenience persists within U.S. society today (Kohli & Solorzano,
2012). During House testimony on voter identification legislation in 2019, a lawyer argued that
voters of Asian descent should adopt names that would be simpler for Americans to deal with
(Kohli & Solorzano, 2012; Ratcliffe, 2009). Kohli and Solorzano’s (2012) research indicates that
the country and our educational system are guided by a dominant culture that is
racially/culturally hierarchical. When someone is in a position of power and changes someone’s
name because they find it hard to pronounce, they directly devalue and disrespect the
individual’s identity (Yam, 2020). This may lead individuals with foreign-sounding names to
Americanize themselves to fit into the dominant culture to avoid such microaggressions and
discrimination. This is a way for the White dominant culture to leverage its power over
minorities.
Middle Eastern Depictions in the United States Media
When immigrants present certain images of themselves or apply definitions to others,
they are often reacting to what the media, or other social actors say about them. Their stories are
often designed to counter negative images or to incorporate commonly held prejudice about
competing groups. Interactional negotiations about identity can only be explained with reference

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 19
to these external voices. (De Fina, 2003)
To provide context on why Arab Americans are discriminated against, one can look at
how they are portrayed in the media. Shaheen (2008) viewed 1,000 Hollywood-produced films
to understand how Muslim Arabs are portrayed in cinema. He concludes that "Muslim Arabs
have been the most maligned group in the history of the cinema, characterized by excessive
stereotyping that exceeded negative images of Blacks, Native Americans, Asians, Hispanics, and
Jews." Of the 1,000 films he reviewed, 12 had positive depictions, 52 were even-handed, and
936 had negative portrayals of Muslim Arabs (Caruso et al., 2008, p. 2). Before 9/11 - as far as
Hollywood was concerned, Muslim Arabs were invisible (Shaheen, 2008), but now they are
portrayed in movies and TV programs as members of sleeper cells, waiting to get the call to
become active terrorists and harm their neighbors. After 9/11, Shaheen found many more primetime TV dramas, including the theme of out-of-control Arab and Muslim terrorists (Rezk &
Zamoum, 2021; Shaheen, 2008).
These widespread negative images show how anti-Arab and anti-Muslim attitudes have
become accepted or adopted by Westerners who consider themselves impartial and open-minded
(Aswad, 2013). These have real consequences for Arabs and Muslims. These images of Muslims
affect the discourses and actions of Muslim Americans, who are constantly subject to hate
crimes, dehumanizing ideology, and a web of racism (Aswad, 2013). In his book Guilty:
Hollywood’s Verdict on Arabs after 9/11, Shaheen (2008) clarifies that filmmaking is political,
and government policies are influenced by the dehumanizing stereotypes emerging from the
cinema, TV, and other media.
Even Disney played a role in dehumanizing the Arab World and portrayed them as
barbaric, violent, criminal, and alien to children and adults alike. The lead characters in the 1992

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 20
film Aladdin, Aladdin, and Jasmine are portrayed as having light skin, anglicized features, and
Anglo-American accents. In contrast, the other Arab characters “are dark-skinned, swarthy, and
villainous, cruel palace guards or greedy merchants with Arabic accents and grotesque facial
features” (American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, n.d.).
The 1992 Disney Aladdin film’s opening song, Arabian Nights, sets the tone:
Oh, I come from a land from a faraway place
Where the caravan camels roam,
Where they cut off your ear
If they don’t like your face.
It’s barbaric, but hey, it’s home.
(Menken & Ashman, 1992)
These negative ethnic stereotypes are harmful without being balanced with positive ones
(American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, n.d.). Shaheen shares that Arabs are “hardly
ever seen as ordinary people, practicing law, driving taxis, singing lullabies or healing the sick”
and “There is never an Arab hero for kids to cheer” (Shaheen, 1988, p. 10; American-Arab AntiDiscrimination Committee et al.). This lack of positive role models is deflating to Arab
Americans who constantly see their ethnicities portrayed in a negative light with very few
positive portrayals.
Arabs on the News
Like movies, the news media is a critical driver in shaping attitudes, generating
stereotypes, and influencing the national discourse (Lajevardi, 2021). Researchers have
examined how the media portrays minority racial groups to the general public and concluded that
they tend to show them as “troublesome constituents” (Baum, 2003; Branton & Dunaway, 2008;

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 21
Lajevardi, 2021).
Lajevardi (2021) conducted a sentiment analysis on all available CNN news broadcast
transcripts from 1992 to 2016. She identified that media coverage of Muslims and Muslim
Americans is negative. By 2016, the news coverage of Muslims had grown to rival that of other
stigmatized groups in American politics, such as Latinos and Blacks (2021). She found that
constant exposure to negative media coverage of Muslim Americans and Muslims is a critical
driver in more restrictive immigration policies (Lajevardi, 2021).
Lajevardi’s (2021) research showed that the way the media portrays Arabs is mainly
connected with events such as 9/11, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and terror-related activities
in the United States and Europe. This paints Muslims—and Muslim Americans, by extension—
as violent. The fact that Americans hear about Muslims in the news primarily because of
connections to war, terrorism, and geopolitical conflicts leads to most Americans’ knowledge of
them being in a negative light. These stereotypes are so ingrained in the minds of Americans that
many Arab Americans were deemed responsible for the Oklahoma City bombing until the
capture of Timothy McVeigh (Jones, 2001a).
Names and Identity
Names frequently signify ethnic identity and the identity the parents expect from their
children. In addition to ethnic connotations, names can also carry religious connotations and
reveal an individual’s affiliation with a specific group (Khosravi, 2012). First names are a
“window into parental visions of the ethnic identity of their children” and act as signals of this
identity to outsiders (Sue & Telles, 2007). Choosing a name is a crucial cultural decision that is
not taken lightly.
Leonard Ashley (1989) suggests that a name expresses various social values. They
convey cultural, sociological, and historical information about an individual and their family.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 22
Names express the expectations and beliefs of the parents and provide cues to where one fits into
society. They are seen as human artifacts rich with information, such as the namers’ beliefs about
religion, social status, and even what they expect from their children.
Names are symbols that carry with them special meanings that gain the ability to
influence emotions, behaviors, and attitudes (Ruane & Cerulo, 2000). Names are semantically
meaningful and symbolize relationships between people (Emmelhainz, 2012). They embed
information on gender, religion, ethnicity, social status, and birth era (Kaplan & Bernays, 1997).
Names are markers for individual humans, social relations, and a representation of something
meaningful about the individual (Emmelhainz, 2012). Names are a critical component of our
identity.
Moreover, names have long-term consequences. They contribute to developing personal
identities and influence the socialization of children. Cultural and social influences shape
parents’ name choices (Sue & Telles, 2007). For immigrants and their children, first names can
be a powerful sociological indicator of socio cultural assimilation in that they can quantify the
competing influences of two cultures (Sue & Telles, 2007). Another study on names by
Elchardus and Siongers (2011) found that not only did the respondents ascribe to first names the
power to identify and evoke meaning, but they shared that first names also direct and constituted
a person.
Looking at names from an immigration lens, foreign-sounding names become
differentiation markers and may index stigmatized social identities (Bursell, 2012). Current
research into the name-changing practices of immigrants with foreign-sounding names suggests
they may adopt more locally-sounding names as a destigmatization strategy. They may change
their names to avoid negative stereotyping, minimize discrimination, increase their chances of

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 23
employment, and express their identification with the imagined host communities (Bursell, 2012;
Khosravi, 2012; Obojska, 2020).
Naming in Arab Countries
Naming newborns in Arab countries differs from how many countries name their
children. Arabic names are typically composed of a string of names, commonly following the
father’s line, and include the grandfather’s name and a descriptive name (Mason, 2022). The first
name is their unique name and, thus, most important. Following the first name, it is typically the
father’s name or an honorific title followed by the paternal grandfather’s name. It is common for
Muslim Arabs to have a traditional name from the Quran (the holy book of Muslims) and for
Arab Christians to choose names from the Bible. Many names in the Quran are also found in the
Bible (Mason, 2022). The Quran accepted earlier Biblical prophets from Christianity and
Judaism, such as Abraham and Jesus. For example, the Arabic version of Jesus is Issa, Abraham
is Ibrahim, Joseph is Yusuf, and Mary is Maryam, typical Arab first names. Although the names
have the same historical meaning, one is seen as a deviant, and the other is not. In addition, the
names that parents choose for their children may reflect beauty and history (Mason, 2022). It
may be seen as an extension of their identity and that of their ancestors.
Implications of Arab/Muslim Names
Muslims are seen not as foreigners but as deviants – men by their names and women by
their veils. By names and veils, Muslims can be identified, exposed to discrimination, and
assigned their “inferiority” (Khosravi, 2012). For Muslims, taking on a more “neutral” (nonidentifiable) identity is a strategy to minimize the repercussions of their religious/ethnic
expectations. This is a method to protect themselves and their families from discrimination and
hatred by deflecting society’s attention away from their stigmatized identity (Khosravi, 2012).

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 24
Name-based profiling is standard for those with Arab names. The Mayor of Prospect
Park, New Jersey, since 2005, experienced this first hand in 2019 when he was returning from a
family vacation to Turkey. Upon arrival at John F Kennedy International Airport in New York,
he and his family were detained by the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) agents for
almost three hours. They confiscated his cell phone and returned it two weeks later. They were
detained for being deemed a potential security risk to the United States. They were seen as a
potential security risk because of their name and religion (Fieldstadt, 2019). This evidence
illustrates that no American public servant is protected from name discrimination.
Similarly, a man from San Diego serving in the U.S. Navy changed his name two days
after 9/11 from Mohamad to Michael. He stated on his application that he felt extreme
discrimination and prejudice due to his name (Parry, 2002). In this situation, the fear was so
intense that Mohammed thought he had no choice but to change his name so as not to face the
discrimination that came with being an Arab American, although he was serving his country in
the military.
History of Immigrant Name Changes
Male immigrants to the United States in the early 20th century largely adopted American
names, and this adoption happened shortly after arrival in the U.S. Research shows that when
immigrants adopt a U.S. name, they were more likely to assimilate better in several other
dimensions (Carneiro et al., 2020). Male labor market opportunities were much higher, and their
likelihood of becoming American citizens increased. Female immigrants were more likely to
speak English and be in the labor force (Carneiro et al., 2020).
Adopting an American name was a response to social pressures, not economic variables,
for male immigrants (Carneiro et al., 2020). Those who immigrated to countries with a more

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 25
significant concentration of people with the same nationality were less likely to Americanize
their names than those who migrated to counties with fewer immigrants of the same nationality
(Carneiro et al., 2020). For female immigrants, social pressures were less of a factor when
deciding to give their children an American name, particularly for their daughters (Carneiro et
al., 2020).
Vasliki Fouka (2019) researched German Americans in the early twentieth century during
World War I when Germans faced widespread harassment in the United States. During this time,
his research shows that the war coincided temporally with a significant and persistent drop in the
ethnic distinctiveness of names for children born to German parents and an increase in name
change requests (Fouka, 2019). The research shows that children born after 1917 have fewer
German names than pre-war ones. In states that registered higher support for Woodrow Wilson,
who targeted hyphenated identities and demanded signs of loyalty from the German-American
community during his 1916 presidential election, name assimilation was higher as there was an
increased likelihood of harassment against Germans (Fouka, 2019).
Several White celebrities and entertainers today adopted new stage names to disguise
religious or ethnic origins. Their given names are typically replaced with Anglo-Saxon names.
Allen Konigsberg became Woody Allen, Robert Zimmerman was abandoned for Bob Dylan,
Maria Kalogeropoulos became Maria Callas, Bernard Schwartz became Tony Curtis, etc. (Arai
& Thoursie, 2006). These name changes signify that these individuals chose names that appeal to
society’s ruling (White) preferences (Arai & Thoursie, 2006).
Middle Eastern and North African Americans (MENA)
Understanding Arab Americans’ positionality is an essential component of this research.
MENAs have ethnic, cultural, and racial origins in 22 Arab League states and non-Arab
countries, including Iran and Turkey. Among North American and European countries that

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 26
collect population-level race and ethnicity data, the United States is the only one to categorize
MENA populations as White in the national census (Maghbouleh et al., 2022) as other countries
categorize them as non-White. This is due to a 1944 legal ruling that deemed all persons from the
MENA area, regardless of religion, “White by law” alongside European Americans
(Maghbouleh et al., 2022). The decision to continue this practice was reaffirmed for the 2020
census by the federal Office of Management and Budget. This is a primary reason why very little
is known about this community compared to other ethnic minority groups in the United States
(Awad et al., 2021). MENA individuals occupy a precarious position in the United States racial
landscape as they are invisible due to a lack of recognition as an ethnic minority by the federal
government while also being hyper-visible due to experiences of discrimination (Awad et al.,
2019; Awad et al., 2021; Naber, 2000). As Naber (2000) calls out, MENAs are considered White
without White privilege and denied recognition as an oppressed group.
MENAs report rates of discrimination higher than Whites and at the same level as other
groups of color (Maghbouleh et al., 2022). Compared to Whites, MENA people are more likely
to rent rather than own their homes, more likely to live below the poverty line, and report worse
health outcomes than Whites (Maghbouleh et al., 2022). A large percentage of Whites who do
not identify as Latino or MENA do not see MENA people as White, and most MENA people do
not see themselves as White (Maghbouleh et al., 2022). The Arab American Institute estimates
that nearly 3.7 million Americans trace their roots to a MENA country. Most MENA Americans
are native-born, with roughly 82% being citizens of the United States (Arab American Institute,
n.d.).
Experiences of Arab Americans
Prejudicial attitudes towards Arabs existed before the 9/11 attacks. An opinion poll
conducted during the Persian Gulf crisis in 1991 found that 41% of Americans had an

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 27
unfavorable opinion of Arabs, as opposed to 43% holding favorable views. In the same poll,
Arabs were widely associated with religious terrorism and fanaticism (Jones, 2001a; Widener &
Chicoine, 2011). In July of 1993, a Gallup poll found that nearly two-thirds of Americans felt
“too many” immigrants from Arab countries were coming to the United States, and only 6% felt
that there were too few.
In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, anti-Arab sentiment was on the rise. Fifty-eight
percent of Americans felt Arabs should be subject to more intensive security checks when
boarding planes. Fourty-nine percent of Americans felt that people of Arab descent should be
required to carry special identification cards (Jones, 2001a; Widener & Chicoine, 2011). Arab
Americans saw exponential growth in the rate of discrimination towards them. In the nine weeks
after 9/11, 800 incidents of workplace discrimination and over 700 incidents of hate crimes were
documented (Ibish, 2003). Some of these incidents led to death. A Yemeni shopkeeper was
killed in California after being subjected to racial slurs. An Arizona man from India was
murdered because he wore a turban (Parry, 2002).
In addition to the increased rates of discrimination and violence against those deemed
from the Middle East, new immigration policies were introduced that allowed the detention and
deportation of Arabs and increased surveillance (Naber, 2006). More recently, U.S. Muslims are
experiencing increased physical harm; the Council on American-Islamic Relations received
3,359 reports of anti-Muslim incidents in 2014, 3,786 in 2015, and 4,283 in 2016 (CAIR, 2018;
Laievardi, 2021). These reported incidents show no Arab American is safe from discrimination
or physical harm.
Passing as Privileged
In times of trouble, those who belong to persecuted classes can often be tempted to pass
as a member of the oppressor group. Unfortunately, no matter when or where someone

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 28
lives, it can be a time of trouble because there always seems a societal need to make one
or more group the focus of social dislike if not hatred; so, there is always an incentive to
pass. (Cooley & Harrison, 2012, p. 1)
In simplistic terms, passing happens when an x is perceived as a y, leading to x being
treated like y (Silvermint, 2018). Erving Goffman (1963) states that passing is an individual’s
strategy to manage undisclosed discrediting information about the self. This information
typically marks someone as a member of a less desirable group, which reduces them in others’
minds to someone less than them and tainted. This type of passing is common when someone is
in a position to do so because of the privilege they may receive by being seen as a dominant
group member (Goffman, 1963; Silvermint, 2018). Individuals can pass as privileged in two
distinct ways: actively or passively. Actively passing occurs when a person deliberately presents
themselves as y, and passively happens when x is mistaken for y (Silvermint, 2018).
Examples of active passing may include someone changing their name from Mohammed
to Mike while applying for jobs, light-skinned individuals straightening their “ethnic hair” to
look “White,” or Muslim women leaving their hijab at home due to fears of discrimination due to
anti-Muslim sentiments (Silvermint, 2018). Passing may be seen as a necessity in a dominant
White culture, but at what cost? Supposedly, passing individuals are giving up a part of their
identity to be accepted. One can argue that they harm individuals like them by reinforcing
stereotypes and oppressive expectations (Silvermint, 2018), thus giving the power back to White
individuals.
Name-based Discrimination
Name-based discrimination is real for those with Arab names. Having an Arab name can
lead to discrimination in the labor market as well as the housing market. In this section, I

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 29
explored the types of discrimination Arab Americans face in these areas.
Discrimination in the Labor Market
When applying for the same job with the same resume, applicants with White names
need to send about ten resumes to get one callback, whereas applicants with African-American
names need to send about 15 resumes. This 50% gap in the callback is statistically significant
(Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004) and highlights the power of a name. A similar study was
conducted in Sweden, where the researchers sent resumes using Arabic or African-sounding
names and compared the responses to similar resumes with Swedish-sounding ones. Out of the
15 different occupations that resumes were sent to, only two out of the 15 occupations showed
no statistically significant discrimination (Brussell, 2007). Widner and Chicoine’s (2011)
research on name discrimination showed that resumes with Arab-sounding names received 50%
fewer callbacks than identical resumes with White-sounding names. This discrimination has real
consequences as it puts the applicant with ethnic-sounding names at a disadvantage in the labor
market. Research shows that Muslim migrants in Sweden felt that their ethnic names were
obstacles to employment and career progress and were a reason they faced discrimination
(Khosravi, 2012). Thus, having a Muslim-sounding name can be seen as a liability that increases
discrimination.
Arai and Thoursie (2006) conducted research comparing the earnings of immigrants who
changed their names to reflect those of the dominant culture in Sweden to immigrants who kept
their birth names. On average, those who adopted Swedish-sounding names saw a 26% increase
in earnings compared to immigrants who kept their birth names (Arai & Thoursie, 2006).
Figure 2
Earnings for name changers in 1994−1997 and name keepers (Arai & Thoursie, 2006)

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 30
Note. Adopted from “Giving up foreign names: An empirical examination of surname change and
earnings,” by M. Arai, & P. T. Skogman (2007), The Stockholm University, p. 31
(https://www.su.se/polopoly_fs/1.55347.1321514447!/SULCIS_WP20071.pdf)
Discrimination in the Housing Market
Housing-market discrimination occurs when personal factors such as ethnicity or gender
receive differential treatment over others with different factors (Macdonald et al., 2016). Acolin
and Bostic (2016) conducted a field experiment on housing discrimination in France. They
concluded that applicants with foreign-sounding names had a lower probability of receiving
responses to their email inquiries, and responses were more negative than those with Frenchsounding names. A similar study used typical Arabic and African-American names in the United
States, and the results showed that those with White names received more positive responses
(Carpusor & Loges, 2006). A study was conducted in Finland using Arabic-sounding names

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 31
compared to Finnish ones. The results validate that those with Arabic-sounding names have the
lowest probability of receiving a response for housing (Oblom & Antfolk, 2017). The
implications of these studies validate that having ethnic names will limit your access to housing
based on one’s name.
Theoretical Framework, Methodology, and Conceptual Framework
In this section, I provide background on the theoretical framework used in this study, why
this framework is appropriate, and reasoning on the methodical approach that was leveraged to
conduct this study. I used social identity theory (SIT) to examine my problem. SIT, proposed in
social psychology by Tajfel (1972) and his colleagues, is defined as ‘‘an individual’s awareness
or knowledge that he/she belongs to certain groups together with some emotional and value
significance to him/her of this group membership” (Tajfel, 1972; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). SIT
offers critical insights regarding “the social identity bases of discrimination, prejudice, and
intergroup conflict, by locating these phenomenal as resulting from group-based categorization
and self-enhancement motives” (Islam, 2014, p. 1782). Social identity is centered on how
individuals’ self-concepts are influenced by their membership in social groups. Some examples
include nationality, ethnicity, religion, and social groups they are affiliated with. SIT addresses
how social identities affect people’s behavior and attitudes regarding their ingroup and outgroup
(Leaper, 2011). When individuals have a strong emotional tie to a specific group, that
relationship becomes central to their self-concept. SIT can explain conformity and socialization
within peer groups (Leaper, 2011; Tajfel, 1972; Tajfel & Turner, 1979).
Figure 3
Social Identity definition (Scheepers & Ellemers, 2019).
The figure below highlights the three key processes of social identity theory.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 32
Note. Adopted from “Social identity theory,” by D. Scheepers & N. Ellemer (2019), In K. Sassenberg & M.
L. W. Vliek (Eds.), Social Psychology in action: Evidence‐based Interventions from Theory to
Practice (p. 127. Springer.
(https://scholarlypublications.universiteitleiden.nl/access/item%3A2981336/view)
The basis of SIT is formed by the cognitive processes (categorization, social comparison)
combined with the motivation to obtain a positive social identity. Based on the idea that people
mainly desire a positive social identity, members of low-status groups would be motivated to
improve the social status of their group, while at the same time, members of high-status groups
are motivated to protect their status (Scheepers & Ellemers, 2019; Scheepers, 2009; Turner &
Brown, 1978). When an individual or group has a perceived negative social identity, SIT
describes three socio-structural variables to decide how to cope. The first centers around the
permeability of group differences (is it possible to move to a more favorable group?) and the
legitimacy and stability of the status differences (are the status differences fair and is change
possible (Ellmers, 1993; Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Scheepers & Ellemers, 2019). When social
identity is threatened, it becomes a critical motivating principle determining whether one fights
for the status quo as a group or flees from the group individually (Ellmers, 1993; Tajfel &
Turner, 1979; Scheepers & Ellemers, 2019). Understanding how Arab Americans’ social identity

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 33
and its threat factor in their decision to Americanize their name was central to this study and a
lens that allowed me to understand their lived experiences and actions.
Conceptual Framework
Merriam and Tisdell (2016) state that a conceptual framework aligns existing research
with the behavior of those in the study. It helps develop the roadmap by which the study’s
fundamental concepts are defined and synthesized. The researchers’ professional experience
influences the conceptual framework in their field of expertise. This study aims to determine the
social and economic pressures that lead Arab Americans to Americanize their name. The
conceptual framework I created for my research centers on the negative pressures that Arab
Americans face, leading them to minimize their Arab identity so they can “pass” as White.
Passing as White is perceived to provide many privileges ranging from identifiable advantages to
being left alone. For example, they will go from social discrimination to a sense of belonging,
labor/workforce discrimination to acceptance, and violent stereotypes to being insulated from
racism. These privileges are desirable and can only be accessed by being in the “in-group,”
which is White. To achieve “in-group” status, they must give up an essential part of their
identity, their name.
Figure 4
Presentation of conceptual framework

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 34
Summary
The literature review summarizes the research surrounding factors that may lead Arab
Americans to Americanize their name. The review started with understanding the rise of
American immigration exceptionalism and the impact that 9/11 has had on persons of Middle
Eastern descent. It then looked at the concept of Whiteness and what that entails in the United
States. Being White has privileges only those fitting into the White construct can access. These
are very desirable. I explored how the media has created the narrative that people of Middle
Eastern descent are deviants and a threat. The studies on Hollywood movie productions and local
and national news assessments demonstrated this. I then explored the meanings behind names
and how names are tied to identity. I shared the lived experiences of Arab Americans and the
hate that has been directed at them because of their ethnicity. The daily housing and labor
discrimination followed this and explained why some attempted to “pass” as White. The SIT
framework was shared as this is a theory to study my problem.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 35
Chapter Three: Methodology
This study examined the social and economic pressures that Arab Americans faced to
Americanize their name and the perceived benefits and drawbacks of doing so. In Chapter Two, I
shared research that may explain the pressures to Americanize one’s name. The conceptual
framework encompasses these pressures, highlighting the need for a positive social identity, even
if that means giving up an essential part of one’s identity to achieve it. My research questions
are:
● RQ1. What types of pressures lead Arab Americans to Americanize their name?
● RQ2. How does adopting an Americanized name impact Arab Americans' perception of
career opportunities at work?
Overview of Research Design
This chapter illuminated the detailed methodology I employed for my research. I began
by centering the participating stakeholders and selecting the study participants. I then
transitioned to highlighting the participant selection criteria and interview strategy. The data
collection and instrumentation were highlighted to demonstrate the approach to conducting this
research.
Research Setting
The interviews were conducted using Zoom Video Conferencing (Zoom). Zoom is a
communications platform that allows individuals to connect via their computers or mobile
devices using video and audio simultaneously. This is a convenient method of interviewing and
the most cost-effective compared to in-person interviews. Using Zoom allowed me to expand my
interview pool across the United States. These are more like face-to-face interviews (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016).

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 36
The Researcher
I am an Arab American who has lived in the United States for over 25 years. My first
name is a typical Arab one, and my last name sounds Italian. I am currently employed in the
finance industry, which White males primarily dominate. Being a minority in the industry has
challenges. However, I was fortunate to have strong advocates over the years that helped insulate
me from most, but not all, microaggressions and other forms of discrimination. The types of
microaggressions I faced involved leaving my first name off presentation materials when they
would have my peers’ first and last names. More than once, I had been asked to be a guest
speaker at industry symposiums by outside firms, but my company would switch me out with
someone with a White-sounding name at the last minute. I later learned that the leadership team
felt my name may discourage people from attending. I tried very hard not to travel with my coworkers on airplanes as I would be randomly selected for a search, which made me feel
uncomfortable, and I did not want them to see that happen to me.
I am an avid golfer outside of work. Being an Arab American in a white-dominated sport
has its challenges. I typically play alone and thus paired with random golfers to make a
foursome. Most of the time, the other golfers are respectful, but every couple of weeks, I get
paired with someone who sees my name and asks me where I am from. When I tell them I am
from Virginia, they ask me where I am really from. This goes on until I tell them my greatgrandfather is from Jordan. This is frustrating because I am as American as them.
My experiences are unique to me based on my positionality, and I need to be aware of
this and not transpose my experiences to others. In addition, just because the research shows that
Arab Americans are discriminated against, it does not mean that the study participants had
similar experiences.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 37
Participating Stakeholders
The stakeholder group for this study was Arab American males. The research included
males who have lived in the United States for at least two years. Males tend to have more
identifiable Middle Eastern names. They were either self-employed or working for a company
for at least one year. To qualify, they would have had to Americanize their name from a Middle
Eastern-sounding one to a neutral or Western-sounding name. The findings from this study
helped inform how social and economic pressures drive Arab Americans to change their name
and the impact the name change had on their identity. This allowed me to create greater
awareness of these pressures and the implications, if any, on one’s social identity.
Selection Criteria and Rationale
In a qualitative study, it is a best practice to specify the characteristics of those you plan
on studying in your research before conducting it. This research aimed to understand the social
and economic factors that led to changing their name and the implications while addressing the
research questions. The selection criteria aligned with my research questions to meet my
objectives.
Recruitment
Participants were identified using snowball sampling. Snowball sampling works by
gaining access to the preliminary participants that meet my criteria; then, those participants begin
introducing other people to participate in the research. This process continued semiautomatically and chain-like until I achieved the total number of participants needed to conduct
my study (Sadler et al., 2010). I started by identifying two individuals that met my criteria and
then asked them for people they knew who also met them to begin the process.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 38
I leveraged my network to help me identify male Arab Americans who have
Americanized their first name. Once my network shared with me someone who met the criteria, I
asked them to make a warm introduction to see if they would like to be considered to be
interviewed. When they agreed, I sent them a survey to ensure they met the criteria for this study.
If they met the requirements, they were prompted to email me their contact information so we
could connect. If I did not identify 12-15 participants through my network, I would leverage
LinkedIn. Using LinkedIn, once I have identified an Arab American who has Americanized their
first name, I would review their work history to see if they are employed and the length of that
employment. I would contact those who have met this criterion and ask them to complete an
eligibility survey to ensure that they meet the total criteria to be considered for this study. If they
met the eligibility and agreed to be considered for the study, they would be prompted to email
me their contact information. Upon validation and agreement, we moved forward with the
interview.
Interview Methods
Interviewing is optimal when we cannot observe feelings, behaviors, or how individuals
interpret the world around them. Interviews are necessary when we are interested in past events
that are impossible to replicate (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). For these reasons, I used interviews
to conduct my research as it allowed me to understand their past and current experiences and the
causes and implications of changing their name.
Instrumentation
The research was conducted using a semi-structured approach (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). This approach encompassed a mix of more and less structured interview questions, all
questions used flexibly, usually specific data required from all respondents, the most significant

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 39
part of the interview guided by a list of questions or issues to be explored, and no predetermined
wording or order (see Appendix A). I started with the least sensitive questions and then
transitioned to the more sensitive ones. This approach allowed me to address the research
questions while providing flexibility to guide the interview and keep it on track, starting with the
least sensitive questions and transitioning to the more sensitive ones. My interview questions
helped me dig deeper into my research questions by understanding the interviewee’s lived
experiences, pressures, and reasoning for changing their names.
Data Collection Procedures
In qualitative research, the most common interview form is the person-to-person
encounter. This format allowed the interviewer to elicit information from another (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). The interviews were conducted one-on-one to ensure the participant's
confidentiality and encourage dialogue. Volunteers from the targeted population agreed to the
interview via email, replying to my USC account, or LinkedIn messaging service. I worked
around the participant’s schedules to ensure the interviews were conducted at a time that worked
best for them to ensure we had the time to complete the interview in one sitting. The discussion
was recorded via Zoom after receiving permission from the participant. The interviews lasted
between 45 minutes to an hour.
Data Analysis
After the interview, I utilized the Zoom automatic transcript generation feature to review
and revise the transcript as necessary. The audio was verified by rereading the transcription
while listening to the audio simultaneously. This ensured that I had captured the interview
accurately. The participants were then provided the document with the transcription and had up
to ten days to verify the accuracy. A no response was noted if the participant did not validate the

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 40
transcript four days after the second follow-up. As part of the transcription process, all
identifiable data was removed and sanitized to protect the confidentiality of the participants.
Trustworthiness and Credibility
Historically, reliability is centered on the probability that research findings can be
replicated. In the social sciences, this becomes problematic due to the nature of human behavior
(Merriam & Tisdale, 2016). Credibility refers to the truth of the data, how the participants view
or interpret it, and how the researcher represents it (Cope, 2014). Human behavior is forever
evolving and never static, and what one experiences is not necessarily more reliable than the
experience of another (Merriam & Tisdale, 2016). Qualitative research aims to explain the world
experienced by those living in it. Thus, reader or user generalizability should be the measurement
for qualitative studies, not reliability. A reader or user generalizability involves leaving the
extent to which a person applies the findings to other situations (Merriam & Tisdale, 2016). The
researcher is responsible for providing a detailed description of the study’s context, allowing
them to compare the “fit” with their unique situations (Merriam & Tisdale, 2016). In addition,
when sharing the study results, the researcher is responsible for demonstrating methods of
observations, engagement, and audit trails (Cope, 2014). I provided details of my research,
context, and participants so that readers can determine if this study will be relevant to their
objectives. A method that I employed to maximize external credibility was to increase the
variation of the participants interviewed, which will increase the probability of a greater range of
applications by those who use the research (Merriam & Tisdale, 2016). I achieved this by
identifying participants of different ages and professions nationwide. The interviews were
password-protected when stored on the computer and emailed to the participants for review and
approval.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 41
Ethics
I employed multiple strategies to ensure that the highest ethical standards were achieved
in my research. I started by ensuring that all participants understood what my research sought to
accomplish and allowed them to ask questions before agreeing to participate. Informed consent
was provided verbally in advance of the interviews. I reiterated that this is voluntary, and they
can withdraw at any time before or during the interview. After the interview, I gave them a
redacted transcript copy. I allowed them to remove any identifiable information that had not been
scrubbed to their liking before it was published in my research. I used only first names and did
not keep a record of anyone’s last name. I was very intentional during the interview process to
watch and monitor my own facial expressions and body language to not influence their
responses. In addition, I got approval through USC IRB.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 42
Chapter Four: Findings
This study investigated the social and economic pressures faced by Arab Americans
when considering the Americanization of their names and the perceived implications of such
decisions within the workplace. In the United States, Arab individuals can be identified by their
names, rendering them susceptible to discrimination and the assignment of inferiority (Khosravi,
2012). Two research questions guided the research:
● RQ1. What types of pressures lead Arab Americans to Americanize their name?
● RQ2. How does adopting an Americanized name impact Arab Americans' perception of
career opportunities at work?
Chapter Overview
The subsequent section provides an overview of the participants' backgrounds, including
how they acquired their Americanized names and noteworthy life experiences that influenced
their decision to change their names. The subsequent section presents the principal themes and
research findings.
Participants
The study consisted of 12 male participants of Middle Eastern descent between the ages
of 23 and 80. Half the participants were under the age of 50, and the other half were over the age
of 50. They were interviewed in the summer of 2023. They have lived in the United States for at
least two years and are working for an organization or self-employed for at least one year. Their
tenure at their current company ranges from one year to 50 years. Their experiences span many
different industries. The small sample size is not generalizable. The table below summarizes the
given name they use, age, occupation, and company size of the interviewees:

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 43
Participants Interviewed for the Study (N = 12)
Given Name Name Used Age Occupation (Industry) Company Size
Mohammed Moe 23 Finance 200,000+
Yahia Johnny 37 Healthcare Under 100
Bilal Bill 38 Hospitality Under 100
Amr Alex 39 Finance 200,000+
Muhannad Mu 40 Medical Under 100
Mohamed Mo 45 Investment Firm 65,000+
Ala Allen 50 Technology 10,000+
Abdo Michel 57 Legal/Outsourcing Under 100
Fadi Zac 61 Auto/Retail Under 250
Fareed Fred/Freddy 65 Security (Technology) 15,000+
Waleed Woody 65 Education Under 100
Ihsan Sam 80 Retail Under 100
Moe
Moe is a 23-year-old male currently employed at a financial institution in the Northeast.
His given name was Mohammed. He was born in the Middle East and came to the United States
to attend university at 18 in the Midwestern region. At the time of the interview, he just
completed his first year at the company in a lower-level job responsible for assisting clients,
mostly walk-ins, with their basic financial needs. His workplace location is diverse and
frequented by Whites, Hispanics, and Middle Eastern customers. While living in the Middle
East, Moe never hesitated to use his given name. He shared, “When I go to restaurants or
introduce myself to new people, Mohammed is always first. You know, that was the first, no
hesitation. It is Mohammed right away. That is how it felt.”
When he moved to the United States for college, “Moe” quickly became how he
introduced himself. When he was completing his college registration, he was given the option to
add a “preferred” name, and at that moment, with much hesitation, he entered “Moe.” He felt that
Moe would be a generic name that could be associated with any demographic. A significant
driver of his decision was the negative stereotypes on social media and movies that are put on

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 44
Arabs, making them seem “aggressive.” As he reflected on his friendships, he strongly felt that if
he started by telling them his real name, the relationships would have gotten to a much slower
start than when he said Moe. An example he shared was:
I met this lady. I was going by the name of Moe, and she's like, your name's not
Mohammed, right? I said no, and she's like, okay, thank God. I feel like I should have
been stronger-willed or strong-minded or would not really care what other people think. I
felt ashamed and embarrassed of myself for hiding my real name. However, I no longer
cared to tell people my real name alongside my nickname and just said, Moe.
Moe felt embarrassed as he was proud of being Arab and this went against what he believed in
his heart. Mohammed is significant to his family as his grandfather wanted his first grandson to
be named Mohammed, which was also important to his father. When he got older, his mother
told him (post-9/11) that she wished she had named him another name due to the connotations of
the name in the United States.
At work, Mohammed knew he would only use Moe. He felt that if he used his Arab
name, he would not be given the same career opportunities. He shared:
I'd think maybe the CEO’s name is Connor. Why does he want to hire Mohammed? Or
can Mohammed really grow in an American company? Or, you know, those things
definitely ran across my mind. I would also say that, in terms of personal interactions, I
wouldn’t say my name was Mohammed because I wanted people to judge me based on
who I was. And not based on the connotation my name gave.
Johnny
Johnny is 37 years old and resides in the central part of the United States. His given name
was Yihia. He has been in the United States since he was 17. At age three, he left the Middle

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 45
East, where he was a refugee, to live on the East Coast. He lived there for ten years before
returning to the Middle East, where he stayed for four years before returning to the United States.
While living on the East Coast, around the time he was three, he was given the name Johnny by
his neighborhood friends, mostly of Italian heritage. That name would become what people
called him while living in the United States. When he lived in the Middle East, he would be
called Yihia. His given name is significant to him. He shared:
The reason I am named Yihia, and sometimes I do prefer to be called Yihia, is because it
is such a unique name. In Arabic, Yihia means long-lived the people of the righteous path
and ties into my identity. So Yihia was my uncle's name that died in the army, and at the
time, my mother was pregnant with me at the same time my Uncle Yihia, god rest his
soul, died.
Johnny has experienced uncomfortable moments when he would use his given name,
Yihia. He shared:
When I walk into a room and introduce myself [as Yihia], the only tension that I see is if
I walk into a place and say, hey, this is Yihia, and what I fear is not about telling them my
[real] name, that is something that I am proud of, it’s my heritage, but I think the tension
is people maybe being a little bit shy or reserved, or when they say “whatever the hell is
that guy’s name.” I don’t like that. My name means something. It’s been traced back 400-
500 years.
Johnny went on to share that an experience he had at work had stuck with him to this day when
he had a job answering phones at a large corporation as a customer service rep. It stuck with him
as he realized that based on only a name, he would be judged negatively and be seen as a
foreigner. This led him to be mistreated and realize the power of a name. He shared:

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 46
When they called and I answered [using my given name], they would say things like,
“Who is this? I don’t want to talk to some foreigner.” They think I’m in the Philippines
and ask to be transferred to someone in the United States. I was in the U.S.
Bill
Bill was born in the Central U.S. and lived there until the 5th grade. Afterward, his family
moved to the Middle East, where he lived until he went to college in the Northeast and where he
currently works. His given name is Bilal. His parents named him after the companion of Prophet
Muhammad, who was the first person to lead the Muslim call to prayer. While in Kindergarten in
the United States, he recalls being called Billy. When he got to the Middle East, his given name,
Bilal, was what everyone called him. When he returned to the United States for college, he
introduced himself as Bill. Bill is 38 years old, works in the hospitality business, and has worked
at the same location for 14 years.
Bill chose to Americanize his name due to the complexity of its pronunciation, as well as
the common lack of familiarity among Americans with Middle Eastern and Arab names. He
explained why he adopted the name "Bill":
I feel it’s not discrimination as it’s more ignorance because the people I speak to and
when they find out that I’m Arab, they ask me questions about it (with negative
connotations). They just don’t have any knowledge about it. They don’t educate
themselves about countries outside of America and different cultures. They are very
ignorant about their ideas of who Arabs are. They perceive Arabs with what they see on
TV, which is wars and all that stuff.
Bill shared that they are expecting a baby soon and have been having many conversations about
what to name the child. They will name them an Americanized name to give them the best

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 47
opportunities in the United States. Bill shared that in Arab culture, the first grandson is named
after the grandfather. Bill’s father has an Arab name, and his father would like his grandchild to
be named after his Arab name. However, his father has Americanized his name yet wants the
child to have an Arab name. This puts Bilal in a problematic situation, but he will go with an
Americanized name.
Bill noted that he shares his real name with the employees after they have built a
relationship with him. Until that relationship is made, he goes by Bill. He shared, “I start to open
up, and I start to tell them (employees) my name once they get to know me.” He does this
because of a lack of understanding and awareness about his culture, but, once people get to know
him, being Arab is not an issue. He also highlighted how 9/11 was a turning point for how Arab
Americans are perceived and made things a lot more difficult for them.
Alex
Alex came to the U.S. from the Middle East when he was 15. His given name was Amr.
He moved in the year 2,000 to the Northeast with his family. He had family worldwide, but his
parents chose the U.S. to be closer to his dad's family. He knew about the U.S. from American
movies and TV shows he had watched back home. He shared:
I didn’t have much exposure outside of Hollywood movies and shows, which shaped my
perception of the U.S. and the culture. Movies represented real people, and their
stereotypes are what I thought people were like [in the U.S.]. Movies and TV shaped my
perception [of the U.S.].
He went on to share that the movies had heroes and villains, and the villains were
typically foreigners. This shaped his perception of the U.S. even before he arrived, and he carried
that with him as he attended high school. To fit the “mold” that he saw on TV of the heroes, he

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 48
shared:
I was doing an impression of an American like I saw on TV (when I met people). It
would make it easier for me to get along with people. I wanted to have the version that
worked best [to allow me to fit in].
Amr changed his name to Alex after noticing that most foreigners in his high school had
adopted American names. He felt that they had Americanized their names because teachers
would commonly ask students with non-American names what names they would like to go
with, insinuating that their given names were hard to pronounce. He also wanted a name that was
easy to pronounce and found that English speakers had an easy time pronouncing Alex. In
choosing Alex, he shared:
It was a decision I needed to make on how I would introduce myself. People tend to
gravitate towards people like them, something familiar, like a name, something they can
connect with. Amr was hard to pronounce and could incite biases.
Mu
Mu is 40 years old and lives in the Southern part of the U.S. His given name is
Muhannad. He was raised in the Middle East but came to the U.S. to attend college. He spent
time on the West Coast, where he received his medical degree, and then relocated to the
Southern part of the U.S. While in medical school in the U.S., his classmate called him Mu, and
because it was a small class, other classmates picked that up and began to call him Mu as well.
Mu shared: “I guess one of my friends was like, can we just call you Mu? Is that easier? Okay,
call me Mu. The name stuck in school. Thus, that is, I guess, how I got started with that
nickname.”
Mu is what he put on the website and business cards, and he did that intentionally. He did

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 49
that so he would not endure discrimination or harassment because that was on his mind. He
shared:
It was more of an issue in my head when I first started [work] because I was like, I
needed it. Yeah, I need to get established. I need to survive. I need to feed my family.
Like I want to be successful.
Mu felt that if he did not assimilate by Americanizing his name, it would be harder for him to
find success. At the same time, he shared that as the business grew and he found success in
taking care of his patients, the fact that he was an Arab American became less of an issue to him
and his patients because they got to know him for who he is.
Mu had experienced very subtle types of discrimination. An example he shared was that
his White friends would typically introduce him as Mu, not Muhannad, although they would call
him Muhannad in private. Mu shared:
You start noticing that, oh man, they’re trying to avoid saying my first name, like that’s
the thing. Or I’ll introduce myself (as Muhannad). When I say Muhannad, almost
immediately, the conversation will go to religion.
Mo
Mo, whose given name is Mohamed, is 45 years old and was born in the Middle East,
where he lived until he was 17. At 17, he moved to London for his studies before moving to the
United States at 20, where he spends most of his time. He currently lives in the Northeast, where
he works for a multicultural investment firm with offices worldwide, but its headquarters are in
the Middle East. When he left the Middle East to study in London, he had never heard of a
Mohamed being called Mo and would never have imagined he would be called Mo one day. As
it relates to Americanizing his name, Mo shared:

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 50
When I lived in London for a few years, some people may have called me Mo, and I'm
like, oh, that's interesting, and then it started giving me a feeling that it is a good way of
blending in. And I don't know what made me think about that in the beginning. Why did I
want to sort of be more mainstream versus Mohamed? Mohamed is an Arabic and
Muslim name. It wasn't such a big deal until I moved to the U.S. There must have been
other people who had this feeling. They have gone through this cycle, obviously before
me. Hence, a lot of people (named Mohamed) are called Mo. So other previous
Mohammeds were usually called Mo.
For Mo, seeing most of the Mohammeds he knew being called Mo in the U.S. was a reason why
he went along with it. After all, for him, assimilation was critical, and he shared:
I just jumped on that bandwagon. You know, and, it's interesting because it's almost not
forced on you, but it's almost like, you know, someone is offering that hand, like, do you
want to blend in? And you're like, wait a minute; actually, I think I do.
Over the years, he has become more open to being called Mohammed but still prefers Mo
in the workplace due to negative perceptions of Arabs and Muslims in the U.S. and the negative
impact it may have on his career aspirations. He shared that he feels it is a stigma to be Arab in
the U.S., and he reflected on the times he had to change his name on his CV (resume) to get an
interview for a job.
Allen
Allen is 50 years old, originally from the Middle East, and works in technology on the
West Coast of the U.S. He has been at his current employer for two years and six years at the
prior company. He has a leadership position in his organization, and his team is spread across
multiple continents. He started using Allen on his second day at his first job. The change was

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 51
triggered because it took much work for people to pronounce Ala's name. He also felt that it is
easier to change his name than to explain how to pronounce it. Ala can also be mispronounced as
Allah, which means God in Arabic. He has gone with Allen ever since in the workplace to make
it easier for people to call him. The organization where he works is very diverse, including the
senior leadership team. The second in command at his organization is non-American, as are other
high-level executives. Because of the industry he is in, it does hire from countries outside of the
United States, which makes the organization diverse.
Allen feels welcome and has not experienced any bias or discrimination against him at
his organization. He credits that to the diversity of it.
Honestly, it starts with the hiring process. If you look around and, in a department, see
that everybody is White, and you're the only non-White person, I think that automatically
gives you the feeling something is off here. But if you feel like they're hiring people,
they're interviewing all kinds of people, and it's a very diverse department to start with,
that gives you the feeling like they really care about having the top talent regardless of
where they or where they come from.
Allen gave his children Americanized names. He wanted to make sure they had a name
that everyone could pronounce and allow them to blend in. He shared that his children could be
bullied or made fun of if they had a “weird” name. His family calls him by his given name, Ala.
Michel
Michel is 57 years old and lives in the Northeast of the U.S. He has a leadership position
in a legal company and focuses on the technology side of the business. He learned his real name,
Abdo, in first grade. Before that, he was called by a nickname that was not Americanized. He
was named after the patron saint. His grandfather also carried the Abdo name. Michel went to

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 52
college in the United States and kept his Arab name. Only in his second job did he change his
name to Michel, his middle name. This name change occurred when he was being interviewed
for the job; the interviewer asked if they could call him by his middle name, Michel, because it
was easier to pronounce. When he started with the company after being hired, he registered as
Michel.
During his formative years and throughout his college experience, he frequently
encountered the misconception of being a Muslim due to his name "Abdo," which is commonly
associated with Muslim Arabs. Part of him felt resentful towards this assumption. As a Christian
growing up in an environment marked by tensions between Muslim and Christian communities,
he believed that adopting a name with Christian connotations would be more advantageous.
Additionally, he was acutely aware that the post-9/11 climate could lead people to unjustly
associate him with terrorism due to his Muslim-sounding name, which would introduce a host of
additional challenges. In reflecting on the significance of his name change, particularly in the
context of the post-9/11 period, he expressed, “Definitely after 9/11. That was important to me.
During that period of the few years right after 9/11, that was, you know, having Michel was
pretty important.”
Michel was the logical choice for him as it was a Christian-sounding name and, at the
same time, did not necessarily imply he was American as it had a foreign twist to it. That made
him feel that he held onto his identity. It could be considered French, for example. In the early
2000s, when he became a U.S. citizen, he officially changed his name to Michel.
Zac
Zac came to the United States when he was 26 years old. He is now 61. His given name
was Fadi, but only his friends and family call him that. At work, he is Zac. Zac works in the

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 53
auto/retail industry. He changed his name from Fadi shortly after arriving in the U.S. as it was
difficult for people in the U.S. to pronounce it. He explained why he changed his name: “I used
the name Zac for 33 years. It was easier for the Americans to pronounce it. They would change
the D to a T and think my name is Fati.”
The main reason for Americanizing his name was not due to discrimination but more to
do with the ability of people to pronounce it. It was frustrating when he was constantly referred
to as Fati. Zac shared that he is beginning to use Fadi more than before as he gets older. Zac
cannot recall the last time he was discriminated against. He feels that he is treated fairly by most
people he encounters. He thinks the reason is because he lives in the Northeast, and people tend
to be more international and open-minded.
Fred
Fred is 65 years old and currently lives on the West Coast of the United States. His given
name is Fareed, but he has been called Fred/Freddy since he can remember. He discovered his
real name (Fareed) when he received his passport as a child. He works in the security industry
and has been in the technology/security industry for around 37 years. He is often called Fred at
work, but a few co-workers who have known him for years call him Fareed. His immediate
family always called him Freddy. There have been a few situations in some conversations or
settings that he could tell would be contentious, and he would avoid those, but for most of his
life, he has had very few issues with feeling he does not belong. He has not experienced direct
discrimination in the workplace. Fred shared that it is essential to assimilate into your
surroundings and environment to achieve career success. His children both have Americanized
names.
Fred acknowledged that 9/11 was a turning point for Arab Americans. It was a turning

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 54
point in how Arab Americans are treated in certain parts of the country based on his travels. He
shared:
There definitely was a different attitude after 9/11. More so in rural America than in cities
like New York. There is going to be more acceptance in New York than in Arkansas. If
you go to Arkansas, then it is very different. If I had grown up or lived in a place like
that, it would have been much more evident and an issue.
Fred shared that he felt certain parts of the country are more tolerant and open-minded than
others. In the quote above, he highlights that when he travels across the country, his experiences
related to tolerance of diversity vary. In areas where diversity is less, such as some rural areas,
his experiences would have been much different than in areas where diversity exists.
Woody
Woody came to the United States to escape a war in his country in the Middle East. His
given name was Waleed, but Woody is the only name he goes by now. All of his friends and
family call him Woody. He is 65 years old and had a career in the hospitality and construction
industry where he started a company that he led for 23 years. He now works at a school. When
he first arrived in the United States, he was a freshman. He attended a college in a rural area of
the Northeast. In college, he realized very quickly that the students, where he was one of a few
minorities, looked very different from him. He shared, “It was a 700-student college in the
middle of nowhere. One person was from Brazil, one Persian person, myself, and one from
Ghana. And that was the only foreign people at the school.”
Due to the lack of diversity at the school, Woody realized: “I can’t be Arab here, I need
to get with the program, I need to be one of the guys.” It was at that moment that he began taking
on multiple nicknames. He shared that whenever he used Waleed, he would be bombarded with

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 55
questions such as, “What kind of name is that? How long have you been here? And on and on
and on.” Then, one day, his friend called him Woody, which stuck with him. As he got older, he
stopped caring about what people thought of him and did not let anything bother him as it related
to being from the Middle East. Woody acknowledged that 9/11 was a turning point for how Arab
Americans were treated.
Sam
Sam is 80 years old and lives in the Northeast of the U.S. He arrived in the U.S. from the
Middle East when he was 11. He spent 63 years in retail, where he did exceptionally well. He
introduces himself as Sam, but his bank accounts, ID, and other official records are Ihsan. His
uncle gave him his American name when he came to the U.S. This is what he shared regarding
how he got his name: “The moment I arrived in the U.S., my uncle told me that I could not be
named Ihsan; he said that I needed to be Sam.” Sam did not think much about this growing up
and felt it was just how it should be so he accepted his name change. Sam shared that he never
felt discriminated against, even when he used Ihsan. He thinks he would be treated fairly if he
changed his name back to Ihsan permanently.
Key Findings
The data analysis allowed for identifying key themes about the social and economic
pressures influencing Arab Americans' decisions to Americanize their names and the ensuing
implications for their career prospects. This section will expound upon these themes and provide
a comprehensive definition of each in the subsequent findings section. Furthermore, the research
findings have led to recommendations aimed at aiding organizations in fostering greater
inclusivity for marginalized groups, with a particular focus on Arab Americans.
The first discernible theme revolves around the profound impact of the 9/11 attacks on

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 56
Arab Americans and the subsequent pressures that compelled them to adopt Americanized
names. Survey respondents shared that 9/11 was a pivotal moment in how Arab Americans were
perceived and treated in the U.S. It was post-9/11 that they realized that to be treated as equals,
they would need to assimilate or face negative consequences for being Arab Americans. A
reason was the negative media attention that Arab Americans were receiving, the perceived
threat that they were to the nation, and the change in immigration policy following the attacks,
which was highlighted across the U.S. media. For example, soon after 9/11, a policy was
implemented that required all adult males from primarily Muslim countries to register at their
local immigration offices. Between 2001 and 2003, student visas declined by 26 percent
(Brettell, 2006). Arab Americans were very well aware of what was happening and how they
were being branded as a threat to the country.
Another key theme was that respondents under 50 Americanized their names because of
the social pressures to fit in and be seen as equal. In the nine weeks after 9/11, 800 incidents of
workplace discrimination and over 700 incidents of hate crimes were documented (Ibish, 2003).
Those 50 and older Americanized their name because they felt they needed to assimilate, not
because of any direct pressures. They felt it was the right thing to do when you migrate to a new
country/culture. Those under 50 wanted to ensure they had a fair shot at finding success in the
U.S. and did not want to be seen as an Arab or Muslim, which they felt would tarnish their
brands and minimize their chances of success. The older the respondents were, the less they
worried about being associated with being Arab or Muslim. The respondents' ages will be
denoted with their ages in parentheses in the findings section.
Summary of Findings
Summary of Findings

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 57
11 of the 12 respondents shared that 9/11 was a turning point in how Muslims/Arab Americans
were treated in the U.S. Those starting their careers around 9/11 felt tremendous pressure to
Americanize their names for fear of discrimination they would receive for being Arab. Those
who had established careers before 9/11 did not change their name for fear of being
discriminated against but to make assimilating easier.
All the Arab Americans 50 years and older did not have a strong connection to their name
compared to those 50 and under.
Ten of the 12 participants shared that changing their name leveled the playing field but did not
give them any additional advantages compared to non-Arab Americans.
Nine of the 12 participants would fully acknowledge their Arab heritage unless they
established a friendship or meaningful connection, opting to present themselves as White
without such connections.
9/11 and Its Impact on Name Changes
All participants recognized that 9/11 was a pivotal moment for Arab Americans in the
U.S. in how they were viewed and treated. Participants aged 50 years and younger in 2023, who
would have been 28 years old or younger when 9/11 transpired, expressed the highest levels of
concern regarding potential discrimination and the need to justify themselves to those who
unfairly attributed blame to Arabs and Muslims for the actions of a small minority. To mitigate
these apprehensions, they believed that adopting an Americanized name played a pivotal role in
their ability to assimilate and create a separation from the backlash experienced or perceived by
Arab Americans in the United States. This is because Arab Americans can be identified by
names and veils, which exposes them to discrimination and assigns their “inferiority” (Khosravi,
2012). Those thinking about starting a career after 9/11 felt that having an Arab name and being
associated with being Arab/Muslim would have put them at a disadvantage and in situations
where they would have to distance themselves from those who committed the terrorists who
committed 9/11. Some of this sentiment was based on what was shown on the news and other
media formats. Human Rights Watch highlighted in November 2002 that the Federal Bureau of
Investigation reported a 17-fold increase in reported anti-Muslim crimes nationwide

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 58
(Panagopoulos, 2006). Although Moe (23) was only one year old when 9/11 occurred, he clearly
remembers that as he got older, his mother told him that she wished she had named him
something other than Mohammed because of 9/11. This has stuck with him and is one of the
reasons he goes by Moe. Mu (40) felt that 9/11 changed the “dynamics” of being an Arab
American in the U.S., leading to more microaggressions towards him.
Bill (38) thought 9/11 was the most pivotal period for how Arab Americans were viewed
and treated. It changed everything. He shared:
September 11th played a massive role in how Arabs are treated. Huge. September 11 in
the future, they will go back and think about September 11 as the turning point. For
everything that happens these days, people will look back and say that September 11 was
the reason.
His sentiment was echoed by other participants, with the strongest voices being those
under 50 years old. Mo (45) highlighted that 9/11 brought the mainstream negative connotations
and perceptions of Arab Americans to light. He shared:
But more so, if you really dig into it underneath that hood, you need to assimilate and
blend in so you are not categorized or put into a certain box, especially which got
highlighted more after 9/11.
For those over 50 years old, they also acknowledged that 9/11 was a turning point. Michel (57)
reflected on the period after 9/11. He shared:
There was a period right after 9/11 and the few years after that where there was a lot of
tension and suspicion and all of that. I was very glad that I was Michel and not Abdo.
A couple of respondents over 50 shared that they never felt discriminated against, and it
was about one’s attitude and how they looked and internalized things. They felt that being Arab

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 59
was no different from any other race, and not everyone would treat you the way they want to be
treated. They shared that it is not always about race; it could be that some people are just
ignorant and they treat everyone poorly. Woody (65) shared in regards to post-9/11 experiences:
The key for me is when someone calls me a foreigner, I will just turn around and look
and keep moving. It’s how you look at yourself, which is a large part of it.
Sam (80) shared that he did not face discrimination after 9/11, and the events did not
have much impact on him. He stated, “It is how you look at the world and have thicker skin.” His
mindset post-9/11 was not any different compared to pre-9/11. He focused on moving forward
without feeling he had to hide his identity.
When looking at the pressures to Americanize one’s name, the research highlights that
those at different life stages may experience different pressures. Those under 50 years old as of
2023, who would have been 28 years old or younger when 9/11 occurred, felt more significant
pressure to Americanize their name due to the potential backlash of being Arab American. Moe
(23), Johnny (37), Alex (39), and Mu (40) have strong beliefs that being associated with being
Arab would impact their ability to achieve their career goals because of the events of 9/11. Those
over 50 tended to feel more comfortable with their identity and changed their name to assimilate
and make it easier for others to pronounce it, not because of the risk of being discriminated
against. Zac (61), Fred (65), Woody (65), Sam (80), and Allen (50) shared how 9/11 did not
change how they looked at their “Arabness” and is not something they feel would lead someone
to treat them differently.
Name Tied to Identity
The research provided valuable insights into the relationship between one's name and
one's sense of identity, specifically exploring whether Americanizing one's name is associated

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 60
with losing one's identity. Names are embedded with information on gender, religion, ethnicity,
social status, and birth era (Kaplan & Bernays, 1997). The participants over 50 years old at the
time of the study did not feel that Americanizing their name led to any loss of identity. The
majority did not have second thoughts or wonder if they would want to use their given name
someday. For many, their Americanized name became essential to their “new” identity and a
testament to their ability to assimilate into the U.S. and make America their home. For Michel
(57), changing his name “was more of a relief than anything else.” Allen (50) felt that his given
name had no genuine significance, and changing it made it easier for others to pronounce it,
which was a big win in his eyes. He did not feel like he gave up anything when he became Allen.
This validates prior research on male immigrants to the United States in the early 20th century.
Male immigrants largely adopted American names shortly after arrival in the U.S. Research
shows that when immigrants adopt a U.S. name, they are more likely to assimilate better in
several other dimensions (Carneiro et al., 2020). This sentiment was similar to the other
individuals over 50 years old.
For those under 50 years old at the time of this study, the sentiment differed for most of
them. They felt their names had some meaning to them and their families, and some questioned
if they made the right choice by Americanizing their names. They validated that names are
markers for individual human social relations and represent something meaningful about the
individual (Emmelhainz, 2012). Although they felt it was the right decision to Americanize their
names, most have thought about returning to using their given names in the future but do not
think they will ever do. Johnny (37) was very clear that his given name ties to his identity and
who he is, and Moe (23) sometimes feels like he has given up an essential part of his identity by
Americanizing his name. He shared, “Sometimes I feel shame. I guess I was giving up my values

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 61
or my own will, my heritage, my own upbringing. For the last 18 years of my life, I was called
Mohammed.”
Moe believes that using his given name, Mohammed, would hinder his career aspirations
greatly. He shared a story of a dear friend of his who was highly qualified for a job but never got
an opportunity because of his name, and that job was given to someone with an American name,
although he felt he was not as qualified.
The loss of identity does not outweigh the perceived benefits of being seen as an equal, a
sacrifice they are all willing to make. “Passing” is what they want to do with an Americanized
name, and this is mainly due to the feeling of being “inferior” if they are not seen as “White.”
The participants all recognized that Whiteness brought with it power structures, laws, privileges,
subliminal and overt socialization processes, and practices favoring the White racial group
(Helms, 2017). For those under 50, their given Arab names are an essential part of their identity,
but being seen as an equal (White) carries substantial social and economic benefits that they
want to maintain.
Americanized Name as Leveling the “Career” Playing Field
Participants shared that Americanizing their names leveled the playing field but did not
yield any additional benefits outside of that (economic or social). People with foreign-sounding
names may change their names to avoid negative stereotyping, minimize discrimination, increase
their chances of employment, and express their identification with the imagined host
communities (Bursell, 2012; Khosravi, 2011; Obojska, 2020). This is also a form of “passing,”
as Erving Goffman (1963) stated that passing is an individual’s strategy to manage undisclosed
discrediting information about the self.
One of the benefits of an Americanized name was that it was easier for other people to

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 62
pronounce it. This allowed them to focus on building connections and conversing without
needing to educate people on pronouncing their names. For example, Zac (61) was often called
“Fatti.” When he changed his name from Fadi to Zac, he shared, “Zac was easy and made people
comfortable and easy to say, and they would never forget it when communicating with me. It
was easier business-wise and communication-wise.”
The way Zac felt was similar to the other participants. One of the pet peeves that many
shared was that it took time to educate people on pronouncing an uncommon name. This
frustrated the study participants. Allen (50) shared that he Americanized his name “to be easier
for people to call me.” There are notable, fundamental differences between Arabic and English
languages: Arabic is a descendant of the Semitic family, and English is a descendant of a
Germanic sub-family of the Indo-European language (Alshalaan, 2020). Some Arabic letters do
not have a direct equivalent sound in English. For example, Alex's (39) and Allen's (50) given
names, respectively Amr and Alla, are often mispronounced because there is no direct translation
for the “A” sound in English. In Arabic, the A is Ayn (ع ,(which, according to Wikipedia (n.d.),
“sounds like the English a, as in water,” but it is “produced like the y in you, but the constriction
is made down in the throat instead of the mouth.” Thus, “Allen” and “Alex” are much easier for
non-Arabs to pronounce. Moe (23) shared:
When it came to my name (Moe), people would pronounce it easier. They would not, you
know, try and stutter or ask me how to pronounce my name and, you know, laugh at it or
something like that.
Mo (45) shared that changing his name meant he would feel more like “them” and be
treated equally. He shared:
I think you feel like I'm like them. They're like me, period. I'm not fresh off the boat; I’m

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 63
not a foreigner; I’m not an immigrant. We're all the same.
The participants under 50 and a couple over 50 felt that having an Americanized name
leveled the playing field and helped them in their careers because the connections they formed
were not based on their ethnicity but on their substance. They could engage with others without
worrying about the negative connotations of being Arab or Muslim in the U.S. They would be
seen as “equals” and not “other.” It gave them confidence during their interactions and was a
way to distance themselves from the bad press that Arabs and Muslims received in the U.S.
media. Being seen as equal was essential to be able to have success in their organizations. Michel
(57) shared “a resume that had Abdo versus a resume that had Michel. I think it helps to have
Michel versus Abdo.” All participants under 50 felt that having an Americanized name helps
them in their careers as their accomplishments, not their names, are how they are judged.
Arab Americans Embrace Their Arab Heritage in a Work Setting Once a Friendship or
Meaningful Connection is Established.
Nine of the 12 respondents shared that after building meaningful connections or
friendships with co-workers and new acquaintances, they were open to sharing their Arab
identity/heritage with them. Six were also willing to share their given Arab names. When they
had more casual relationships, they would only be as forthcoming with their identity if the
individual showed genuine interest in learning about them and their culture, which was
uncommon. There was a sense of caution about sharing their true identity due to the widespread
negative images highlighting the anti-Arab and anti-Muslim attitudes that have become accepted
or adopted by Westerners who consider themselves impartial and open-minded (Aswad, 2013).
This was clearly illustrated by the consensus among all participants under 50, who believed that
to attain success in the workplace, they had to conform and assimilate, which entailed having a

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 64
name that did not carry Arab associations. Being associated with being Arab leads to
discrimination at levels higher than Whites and the same level as other groups of color
(Maghbouleh et al., 2022).
Five of the six respondents under 50 were more open to sharing their given name than
those over 50 years after building connections. Bill (38) shared:
When employees first came, I introduced myself to them as Bill. And then, as time
passed, I told them it was Bilal.
This was a common theme except for those over 50. Those over 50 had little connections
with their given name and stuck with their Americanized names when interacting with others.
Many respondents appreciated the opportunity to share their culture with people genuinely
interested in learning more. They also welcomed the opportunity to build new and meaningful
connections with Americans in their personal and work lives.
Summary
Twelve interviews were conducted with Arab Americans who Americanized their name.
These interviews addressed two research questions:
● RQ1. What types of pressures lead Arab Americans to Americanize their name?
● RQ2. How does adopting an Americanized name impact Arab Americans' perception of
career opportunities at work?
In response to RQ1, it was found mainly that 9/11 was a turning point in how Arab
Americans felt they would be treated. However, those under 50 and those over 50 had different
viewpoints on how this tragedy influenced their choice to use an Americanized name. Those
under 50 felt they needed to Americanize their name to avoid discrimination. In contrast, those
over 50 felt that as immigrants, it was essential to “assimilate” into the new culture, and

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 65
Americanizing one's name was a way to do that. In addition, those over 50 did not have a strong
connection with their given names compared to those under 50. Thus, those over 50 never
second-guessed their name change, while those under 50 were more likely to question if they
made the right decision but, at the same time, have no regrets.
With regard to RQ2, the participants felt that without an Americanized name, they would
not have a level playing field as they pursued their career aspirations. They felt that being seen as
“Arab” would handicap them and make it more challenging for them in the workplace. Those
over 50 did feel that having an Americanized name also leveled the playing field, but it did not
give them any advantages.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 66
Chapter Five: Recommendations
This study examined the social and economic pressures that Arab Americans face to
Americanize their name in the workplace and the perceived benefits and drawbacks of doing so.
Within the United States, Arabs can be identified by their name, thus being exposed to
discrimination and assigned their inferiority (Khosravi, 2012). Of the 3.5+ million Arab
Americans living in the United States, roughly 82% are U.S. citizens (Arab American Institute,
n.d.). Arab Americans may experience pressure to conform to the prevailing White-dominant
society by adopting Americanized names. Failing to do so could potentially expose them to
discrimination and result in their categorization as part of an "outgroup," referring to a group that
the dominant White culture does not associate with. This pressure has real consequences for
Arab Americans, who are just as American as “White” Americans.
Arab Americans are highly educated compared to Americans at large. Around 89% of
Arab Americans have at least a high school diploma. Over 46% of Arab Americans have a
bachelor’s degree or higher compared to 28% of the American population. Around 19% of Arab
Americans have a postgraduate degree, nearly double the national average of 10%. Of the almost
3.5+ million Arabs in the U.S., 65% of the adults are in the labor force, with 5% unemployed.
Around 73% of working Arab Americans are currently working in managerial, professional,
technical, administrative, or sales jobs. Around 88% work in the private sector, while around
12% work for the government (American Arab Chamber of Commerce, N.A). Ensuring these
Arab Americans participate in an inclusive work environment will yield tremendous value to
their employers and empower Arab Americans to make meaningful contributions. When
employees feel included, they are more likely to experience greater self-worth as organizational
members. They are more likely to help their co-workers prevent and manage problems, show up

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 67
on time, show initiative, overlook inconveniences, and care about their organization’s status in
the marketplace (Cottrill et al., 2014). When they feel included and their co-workers are
interested in learning about their culture, they will not need to hide their identity to be accepted.
It will be a win for the organization they work for, society, and their self-identity. I also believe
these recommendations can apply to other marginalized groups in the workplace.
The recommendations are geared toward leaders of organizations seeking to build
inclusive environments for their diverse workforce to flourish. Although Arab Americans were
the focal point of this research, the recommendations should include all marginalized groups for
them to succeed. These recommendations are based on the qualitative research that was
conducted, as well as an extensive literature review. The three recommendations are:
1. Measure inclusion to include microaggressions and capture respondents' geographic
region and age. Participants that were under 50 and those over 50 had different lived
experiences. In addition, participants shared that different areas of the country may treat
Arab Americans differently.
2. Spotlight the diverse workforce, which will “humanize” Arab Americans and highlight
their contributions to help break stereotypes.
3. Leadership initiative, sponsorship, and engagement with affinity groups to encourage
building connections amongst Arab Americans and other minority groups in the
workplace.
Recommendation #1: Measure Inclusion & Enhance the Measurement
Inclusion remains a challenge to measure, just as creating inclusive environments where
individuals from diverse backgrounds perceive that they are included (Rezai et al., 2020). It is
essential to put the same emphasis on measuring inclusion as organizations do to measure

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 68
diversity. Leaders understand that inclusion is necessary for the potential of a diverse workforce
to be unleashed and for employee performance to be optimized. Although organizations can
measure diversity, we cannot say the same about inclusion. To measure inclusion, organizations
need to measure the sentiment of their employees to allow them to act fast (Romansky et al.,
2021).
It is insufficient for organizations to merely assess diversity in isolation. The research
findings underscore that Arab Americans perceived the act of changing their names as a means
to level the playing field, and they only felt comfortable fully embracing their Arab identity once
they had established meaningful connections. Furthermore, among the respondents under the age
of 50, five out of six were more inclined to reveal their given names after building these
connections, but only when they felt both personal comfort and a supportive environment were
in place. If a genuine connection was not established, they resorted to concealing their true
identity under their Americanized names to evade potential discrimination.
To understand these dynamics comprehensively, dissecting the data by age and
geographical region is imperative. This study illuminates that experiences differ across age
groups, underscoring the pivotal role of inclusion. Inclusion is a catalyst for enabling a diverse
workforce to thrive. Consequently, organizations should invest as much effort in measuring and
monitoring inclusion as they do in assessing diversity.
Historically, diversity measurement has been more straightforward for various reasons.
However, it is imperative to remember that individuals from different geographic regions and
age brackets can harbor profoundly distinct lived experiences, which, in turn, influence their
perceptions of inclusion. This element must be factored into the measurement of inclusion.
When measuring inclusion, it is important that organizations deliberately measure

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 69
microaggressions. Four survey respondents shared that microaggressions reinforced their need to
pass as “White” or face acts of possible discrimination. One respondent shared that even when he
uses Mo, people ask him if his name is Mohammed, and when he says no, they sigh in relief.
When someone hears this repeatedly or similar microaggressions, it creates a hostile
environment for the person to flourish. For organizations to bring light to this, they must measure
and track it, and if there is an issue, they need to train employees on the impacts of
microaggressions. It is essential to mention that grade schools should invest the time to educate
our youth on the importance of being inclusive and welcoming of people with different
backgrounds and experiences. This education is vital at a young age.
Finding the optimal way to measure inclusion is a challenge, as there are multiple points
of view on this topic. Gartner’s approach is holistic and a good baseline for organizations to
implement. Gartner’s research has focused on ways to track inclusion in the workplace, which
will allow organizations to put numbers to the concept. Using employee feedback to measure
inclusions via a “pulse” quick survey is optimal. Through its research with 30 DEI executives,
existing indices, and literature reviews, they have identified seven critical dimensions of
inclusion. These are fair treatment, integrating differences, decision-making, psychological
safety, trust, belonging, and diversity (Romansky et al., 2021). Gartner then surveyed 10,000
employees worldwide by asking them to rate their level of agreement with 45 statements tied to
the seven dimensions. They then analyzed the data and came up with one statement for each
dimension that best represents that element of inclusion. These statements form the Gartner
Inclusion Index:
1. Fair treatment: Employees at my organization who help the organization achieve its
strategic objectives are rewarded and recognized fairly.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 70
2. Integrating differences: Employees at my organization respect and value each other’s
opinions.
3. Decision making: My team members fairly consider ideas and suggestions offered by
other team members.
4. Psychological safety: I feel welcome to express my true feelings at work.
5. Trust: The organization’s communication is honest and open.
6. Belonging: People in my organization care about me (and I am not on the receiving
end of microaggressions).
7. Diversity: Managers at my organization are as diverse as the broader workforce.
The more employees agree with each statement, the more inclusive the organization
(Romansky et al., 2021). The survey results allow the organization to create a baseline for
inclusiveness. (Romansky, et al., 2021).
In addition to measuring it, organizations must differentiate the inclusion scores by
county and state as well as by age of the respondents. The majority of the interviewees shared
that they felt that some areas of the U.S. are more inclusive towards Arab Americans than others.
For example, those living in California or Washington, D.C., may have very different
experiences than those in Iowa or Texas. Thus, looking at an inclusion score that does not
differentiate by location may be misleading. It is essential to be transparent and recognize
geographic areas that could be more inclusive so that the organization can create awareness and
take action. The research also shows different experiences based on age. Those 50 and older (28
years or older when 9/11 occurred) felt that they had mostly positive experiences and felt
included. Those under 50 thought they would face discrimination or exclusion if they did not
Americanize their name.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 71
Recommendation #2: Spotlight Diverse Workforce
Organizations should spotlight Arab Americans and other marginalized groups in their
workforce. Spotlighting them and highlighting their contributions positively will help break
down stereotypes and biases. Arab Americans shared that 9/11 was a turning point in how they
were treated and viewed in the U.S. They felt guilty by association. U.S. Muslims are
experiencing increased physical harm; the Council on American-Islamic Relations received
3,359 reports of anti-Muslim incidents in 2014, 3,786 in 2015, and 4,283 in 2016 (CAIR, 2018;
Laievardi, 2021). To change this perception, stereotypes must be broken by highlighting the
great things they bring to the workplace. The more awareness of Arab Americans, their
organizational contributions, and their lived experiences, the greater the feeling of inclusion will
be for them. The survey respondents wanted to be accepted for who they were and not be
connected with 9/11, as this had nothing to do with them. For individuals to feel a sense of
identification with their team and organization, the organization must create a culture where this
is possible (Sassenberg & Vliek, 2019). Moe (23) highlighted how proud he was that his
company highlighted marginalized groups in their marketing materials, including posters within
bank branches and brochures and in company communication. SIT highlights that individuals
strive to be part of the “in-group” and be seen as insiders, not outsiders (Tajfel, 1972, p. 292;
Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Arab Americans in the U.S. are primarily depicted in a negative light,
which the interviewees shared makes them feel like outsiders and constantly trying to prove they
are equals. Arab Americans being shown in a negative light is not a recent phenomenon.
Shaheen (2003) analyzed 1,000 films that had Arab or Muslim characters, and only 64 of those
showed them in a positive light. Movies and television can influence the attitudes of their
viewers (Adkins & Castle, 2014), and with so much negative media attention focused on Arabs,

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 72
it makes it an uphill battle for them to feel included and welcomed. Organizations should be
more deliberate when spotlighting employees of Arab American descent to allow others to see
them positively. This also applies to other marginalized groups.
Organizations can do this by seeking Arab Americans to share their story, experiences,
and contributions. This can make Arab Americans feel more “human” and highlight the value
they bring to their co-workers and clients. It will also break down perceived biases. Where Arab
Americans have made significant contributions, highlighting them will show other marginalized
groups that there is an opportunity for growth, success, and recognition even though they are not
White. Participants underscored that organizations must be genuine and do this with a solid
commitment to diversity and inclusion. A few interviewees shared that seeing a diverse
leadership team showed them they could succeed at the organization. Employees at the lower
levels may not be aware of the diverse leadership teams across an organization unless the
organization itself is committed to highlighting them. Venues to spotlight Arab Americans could
include organizations leveraging newsletters, podcasts, websites, brochures, team meetings,
company-wide calls, and senior leader communications. In doing so, Arab Americans will feel
that they are just like everyone else. For example, to showcase Arab Americas, they can spotlight
in an organizational newsletter Arab Americans’ contribution to the organization to include their
background.
Part of this initiative is not only to recognize diverse employees but also to demonstrate
to individuals in marginalized groups that success is attainable. To achieve this, organizational
leaders must actively and intentionally seek out Arab Americans and marginalized employees.
This proactive approach can be instrumental in dispelling the stereotypes that Arab Americans
often encounter in the workplace.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 73
Of note, four participants under 50 expressed their desire to be addressed by their given
names eventually. However, as long as they are perceived as part of a less favored or stigmatized
group, which relegates them in the eyes of others as being of lesser value and tainted, they will
continue to "pass" by concealing their ethnicity. This strategy allows them an equal opportunity
to pursue the "American Dream" (Goffman, 1963).
Recommendation #3: Leadership Initiative, Sponsorship, and Engagement with Affinity
Groups
Affinity groups, or employee or business resource groups, are employer-recognized
groups where employees come together based on ideology, ethnicity, shared purpose, or
interests. Coming together is critical to allowing Arab Americans to build meaningful
connections with others to help break stereotypes. They can be formal or informal, creating a
safe space for employees to connect with like-minded co-workers and those who are different.
Some examples of affinity groups would be Black Professional groups, LGBT+ groups, Asian
American groups, Arab American groups, and Business Analytics Groups. Research shows that
Affinity groups can positively impact workplace inclusion and employee engagement (feeling of
engagement and vigor) (Cenkci, Zimmerman, et al., 2019). In most cases, employees are
responsible for creating a demand for an Affinity group to launch them, as organizations rarely
initiate them (Welbourne et al., 2017). It is important to note that these groups welcome
everyone, regardless of ethnicity, sex, or ideology.
SIT highlights that individuals like to be part of groups that allow them to share in-group
identities, providing value to their identity compared to out-groups. The employer is an essential
group in this equation. Leaders who support and participate in affinity groups increase employee
identification as affinity group support signals a commitment by the organization to the affinity

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 74
groups and the people and causes they support (Welbourne et al., 2017). In addition, encouraging
employees to join these groups allows individuals to connect with co-workers like themselves,
which validates their identity. This will create a more robust identification with the organization
(Welbourne et al., 2017).
Figure 5
Overlap between individual and organizational identities in Affinity and Non-affinity
populations (Welbourne et al., 2017)
Note. Adopted from “The case for employee resource groups: A review and social identity theory-based
research agenda,” by T. M Welbourne., S. Rolf., and S. Schlachter, 2017, Journal of Personnel Review,
46(8), p. 26, (https://doi.org/10.1108/pr-01-2016-0004)
Senior leadership support and engagement are critical to show the employees that the
organization is serious about supporting these groups. It allows leaders to connect and learn
about individuals in these groups through their participation. In reference to leaders

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 75
joining/participating in affinity groups at his organization, Fred (65) shared, “It's amazing what
you learn in a year. They may be able to relate to it, and you may not be able to relate to it, but
you get educated.” Education is the key, and that is what builds connection.
For Arab Americans, affinity groups will enable them to have greater visibility, a forum
to communicate with people with similar experiences, discuss their concerns, and help the
leaders be more thoughtful with how to make the workplace a great place for Arab Americans. It
is recommended that leaders encourage their employees to set up an Arab American affinity
group and for these leaders to participate in affinity group events (even if they are not Arab
American). However, I caution that they work closely with the affinity group leadership team to
provide them space when they need or want it.
It is essential to market and promote affinity groups to not only Arab Americans but all
employees so they can connect and learn about Arab Americans within the organization. This is
where leaders can lead by example. Fred (65) and other interviewees highlighted how leaders in
their organization are expected to join different affinity groups to provide sponsorship and learn
and interact with people they would not typically interact with daily. This showed Fred (65) how
serious his organization is about promoting an inclusive place and learning about different
groups within the organization. Without senior leader sponsorship, an Arab American affinity
group may not be positioned for success.
Limitations and Delimitations
In conducting my research, it is essential to be aware of potential limitations that could
impact the integrity of my data. First and foremost, my research depended on the ability of the
participants to recall their lived experiences as they had happened. It also depended on the
participants being accurate and truthful in their responses, and this can be a challenge for

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 76
incidents that occurred in the past. It is also important to acknowledge that there may have been
solid biases for those who chose to participate compared to those who declined. In addition, the
voices of those who chose to keep their given names were not included in this study. To counter
these limitations, knowing and monitoring the acceptance and decline reasons for those asked to
participate and identifying any trends critical to understanding the results is essential.
The research study has several delimitations. The study aims to identify the social and
economic factors leading Arab Americans to Americanize their name and what is gained or lost.
My criterion only includes males and excludes the female population. The research does not
include Arab Americans who have just arrived in the country or are unemployed. Females, newer
immigrants, and those unemployed may have a different lens on how they consume the social
and economic pressures, which are outside the scope of this study.
In addition, this study was intentionally designed with a restricted sample size of 12
participants, all Arab American males residing in the United States. The participants in this study
were either self-employed or had been employed by an organization for at least one year, and
they had undergone the process of Americanizing their names. Given the specific and targeted
nature of qualitative research, the study's sample size was deliberately chosen to align with the
research objectives, enabling a comprehensive exploration of the participants' lived experiences
and decision-making processes related to their name changes. Notably, excluding Arab
Americans who opted not to change their names was a deliberate choice, as their experiences
might significantly differ and warrant a separate investigation. The focus on male participants
was grounded in the observation that male names tend to be more closely associated with
perceptions of being both Muslim and Arab.
The research also looked across all age groups and industries and did not focus on a

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 77
specific subset of Arab Americans. Although this did allow me to identify key themes across the
age groups and industries, the sample size is limited, and different lived experiences based on
age and industry were less defined than if I focused on a specific subset with a larger sample
size. The location of the participants was predominately on the West and East coasts. Based on
the interviews, those with lived experiences in the Central U.S. had different experiences.
The interviews were conducted via Zoom, which limits the ability to truly capture body
language and other nuances compared to in-person interviews.
Recommendations for Future Research
This study focused on the lived experiences of Arab Americans who Americanized their
name and lived in the U.S. I think it is essential that researchers understand the lived experiences
of Arab Americans who choose not to change their names and how that has impacted them
socially and economically. Their lived experiences would help us understand what, if any,
discrimination, exclusion, or hate they receive due to their name and its impact on them. I also
recommend that researchers break out their research by focusing on specific regions in the U.S.
Those residing in different parts of the U.S. may face other challenges as Arab Americans. This
will be critical in understanding how different geographic locations influence a person's decision
to Americanize their name and sense of inclusion.
Conclusion
This study aimed to understand the pressures leading Arab Americans to change their
name and perception of career opportunities at work when they do so. This study was critical
because when Arab Americans participate in an inclusive work environment, it will yield
tremendous value to their employers and empower Arab Americans to make meaningful
contributions. When employees feel included, they are more likely to experience greater self-

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 78
worth as organizational members. They are more likely to help their co-workers prevent and
manage problems, show up on time, show initiative, overlook inconveniences, and care about
their organization’s status in the marketplace (Cottrill et al., 2014).
By listening to and understanding the lived experiences of Arab Americans, we can
amplify their voices and create awareness of how organizations can create more inclusive
workplaces where they can flourish and contribute to the organization's success. These inclusive
workplaces will allow Arab Americans to achieve their career aspirations without feeling they
need to Americanize their name. It is essential to understand that most of those self-employed
and those working for organizations thought they had received some form of discrimination
based on their name being Arab or Muslim. Thus, organizations must create environments where
Arab Americans can be recognized for their contributions and not discriminated against due to
ethnicity. Measuring inclusion and creating environments where non-Arabs can connect with and
learn about Arab American culture will break down walls and minimize misconceptions that
could lead to acts of overt or subtle form of discrimination and microaggressions.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 79
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SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 95
Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Introduction to the interview:
Good (morning, afternoon, evening) (participant name). My name is Waleed Bississo,
and I want to start by thanking you for allowing me to ask you questions in support of my
dissertation for my doctorate at the University of Southern California. My study aims to
understand what led you to Americanize your name and the benefits or consequences of doing
so. To do this, I will ask you questions leading us to a great dialogue on this topic. To ensure that
I capture your responses accurately, I would like to seek your permission for me to record this
interview. You have my assurances that I will delete the recording once I have validated that my
notes correctly represent our conversation. In addition, your identity will remain private and not
be shared outside of this conversation. Before we start the interview, please let me know if you
have any questions. Do you approve of the recording of this interview?
Interview questions:
Interview Questions Potential Probes RQ Addressed Key Concept
Addressed
Please tell me about
yourself including your
given name and
Americanized name,
profession, job
responsibility, and age.
When did you start using
your Americanized name?
Please walk me through
the experiences of
changing your name (enter
name).
When did you change it?
How did you decide on
your Americanized name?
What social and
economic pressures
would lead an Arab
American to
Americanize their
name?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel
(1979)

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 96
Does your given first name
have a special meaning or
significance to you and
your family? If so, please
explain.
What is the meaning,
significance, or sentiment
attached to your name?
Do you feel your name is a
part of your identity?
What social,
economic, or/and
political pressures
would lead a person
to change their
name?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel
(1979)
What factors did you
consider when deciding to
change your name?
(if a specific moment led to
that change) – Please tell
me more about that
moment.
Would you say that
moment was a defining
moment in your life?
Please explain.
What social and
economic pressures
would lead an Arab
American to
Americanize their
name?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
Did you feel any social or
work pressure to change
your name? If yes, where
did that pressure come
from?
What social and
economic pressures
would lead an Arab
American to
Americanize their
name?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
What did you hope to
gain/benefit from changing
your name?
Did you feel that you
gained …?
Do you feel that the gain
was worth changing your
name for?
What social and
economic pressures
would lead an Arab
American to
Americanize their
name?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
Describe any incidents that
involve mispronouncing,
changing, or disrespecting
your name.
How did this experience
make you feel about your
name, family, or culture?
What social and
economic pressures
would lead an Arab
American to
Americanize their
name?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
How did you feel when
you changed your name? Tell me more about that.
What, if anything,
was lost when
changing one’s
name?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
Did you notice any social
benefits when you changed
your name?
Were these benefits
something you expected?
Ho How does
changing one’s name
impact one’s life?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 97
Recruitment email communication:
What changes have you
experienced at work when
you changed your name?
Were these something you
expected?
How does changing
one’s name impact
one’s life?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
How do you think
changing your name has
helped you or hindered you
from progressing in your
career?
Do you feel that you would
be treated differently at
your place of work if you
used your Arab name?
How does adopting
an Americanized
name impact Arab
Americans'
perception of career
opportunities in the
corporate world?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
Tell me about any
unexpected benefits you
received when changing
your name.
Tell me more about the
benefits at work.
How does adopting
an Americanized
name impact Arab
Americans'
perception of career
opportunities in the
corporate world?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
Some people would say
they experienced many
negative changes when
Americanizing their name.
Can you tell me about
similar experiences that
you may have had?
How did those experiences
make you feel?
If you could do it over
again, would you
Americanize your name?
What, if anything,
was lost when
changing one’s
name?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
How vital was changing
your name to feeling
American and increasing
your sense of belonging at
work?
How does changing
one’s name impact
one’s life?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)
What do you think your
employer can do that
would lead you to use your
given name?
Is there anything else you
would like to share
about your experiences
with changing your name?
What, if anything,
was lost when
changing one’s
name?
Social Identity
Theory (Tajfel,
1979)

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PRESSURES TO CHANGE ONE’S NAME 98
SUBJECT: Seeking Your Participation in My Doctoral Research
Dear [Participants Name],
My name is Waleed Bississo, and I am a Doctoral student at the University of Southern
California. I am contacting you to see if you would be interested and available to participate in
my study, which will be conducted within the next six weeks. The study examines the social and
economic pressures that Arab Americans face to Americanize their name and the perceived
benefits and drawbacks of doing so. The interview will focus on your experiences as an Arab
American employed in the USA. Your participation is entirely voluntary, and your identity will
remain private.
The interview will be conducted via Zoom for no more than 60 minutes. I will schedule
the interview around your availability. Please respond to this email (Bississo@usc.edu) and let
me know if you would be willing to be interviewed for my research. I look forward to hearing
from you soon.
All the best,
Waleed

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study examines the social and economic pressures that Arab Americans face to Americanize their name and the perceived benefits and drawbacks of doing so. In Arab culture and customs, first names typically have deep meanings, and they are the only names unique to their child and usually reflect the identity the parents want of them. Within the United States, Arabs can be identified by their name, thus being exposed to discrimination and assigned their inferiority (Khosravi, 2012). Of the 3.7 million Arab Americans living in the United States, roughly 82% are U.S. citizens (Arab American Institute, n.d.). Arab Americans may feel pressure to conform to the dominantly White society by changing their name or risk facing discrimination and being seen as members of an “outgroup,” which is a group with which the dominant White society does not identify. This pressure has real consequences for Arab Americans, who are just as American as “White” Americans.

Social identity theory (SIT) was used to examine my problem. SIT, proposed in social psychology by Tajfel and Turner (1979), is defined as “an individual’s awareness or knowledge that he/she belongs to certain groups together with some emotional and value significance to him/her of this group membership” (Tajfel, 1972, p. 292). Social identity is centered on how individuals’ self-concepts are influenced by their membership in social groups. The study consisted of 12 male participants of Middle Eastern descent between the ages who have lived in the United States for at least one year and are working for an organization or self-employed.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Bississo, Waleed (author)

Core Title Social and economic pressures that lead Arab Americans to change their name

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2023-12

Publication Date 12/11/2023

Defense Date 11/16/2023

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag diversity,inclusion,name bias,OAI-PMH Harvest,unconscious bias

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Kim, Esther (committee chair), Riddick, Christopher (committee member), Tobey, Patricia (committee member)

Creator Email bississo@usc.edu,waleedbississo@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113789161

Unique identifier UC113789161

Identifier etd-BississoWa-12541.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-BississoWa-12541

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Bississo, Waleed

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20231213-usctheses-batch-1114 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

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Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu