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Resilient voices of success: counter‐narratives of foster youth in graduate school

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Resilient voices of success: counter‐narratives of foster youth in graduate school

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Content Running head: RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 1

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS:
COUNTER-NARRATIVES OF FOSTER YOUTH IN GRADUATE SCHOOL

by
Demontea Thompson

A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE POSTSECONDARY ADMINISTRATION AND STUDENT AFFAIRS
USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF EDUCATION

May 2018

Copyright 2018 Demontea Thompson

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 2
Dedication
To foster youth who dare to learn.

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 3
Acknowledgements
I am grateful for the vulnerability, candor, and willingness from the four participants
referred to as Melinda, Alex, Michelle, and Melissa. Their experiences will contribute to
negating the stereotypes and master-narrative of foster youth. The University of Southern
California School of Education, Trojan Guardian Scholars, John Burton Advocates for Youth,
and Congressional Coalition on Adoption Institute provided me with unwavering guidance and
support. Additionally, thank you to Echoes of Hope, and One Simple Wish for your financial
support and encouragement.
I am grateful for the consistent spur and guidance from professors and administrators. For
my thesis committee, in particular, I would not have made a contribution to the body of
knowledge without you. Brian Hinga, from our first interaction, I knew you would hold a special
place in my life as a role model, friend, and now colleague. You inspire me to reach for greatness
in spite of the challenges and you never stopped sharing the importance of self-care. I am
grateful for Zoe Corwin’s demanding standards and spontaneous encouragement. Your
dedication to equity calls me higher. Alan Green, without knowing, you have been able to
strengthen my self-efficacy and develop in me a race salience. Your belief in education,
mentorship, and connections has allowed me to conduct research in Bermuda, which has
benefited my academic endeavors.
In my personal life, outside of the academic world, a plethora of people have assisted me
to get to the finish line. Marilyn Rodriguez, my best friend and sister in Christ, thank you for
leading me to the cross when I felt anxious and powerless. Betty Arias, your comments on my
many drafts are appreciated. Samuel Prater, thank you for showing me that Black men can
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 4
achieve their goals, even if “family” is the ultimate motivation left to finish. Your late-night
conversations and writing sessions were intellectually stimulating and uplifting.
My deepest appreciation goes to my family, Debra Hammond, Sharon and Antonio
Kinard, Tray Thompson, Rashad Lindsey, and LeeAnn Sanchez. Thank you for checking in on
my progress and keeping me sane with food, cards, hugs, calls, and gifts.

Uncle Lowe and Aunt Verna Mae, my guardian angels, this is for you.

I am immensely indebted to you all.

Romans 5:3-5

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 5
Table of Contents
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
List of Tables 7
Abstract 8
Chapter One: Introduction 9
Research Questions 11
Purpose of Study 12
Significance of Study 13
Theoretical Significance 13
Practical Significance 13
Theoretical Framework 13
Methodology 14
Organization of the Thesis 15
Chapter Two: Literature Review 16
Foster Care Children in Education 16
School Mobility 18
Barriers of Foster Youth in College 19
Foster Care and College 20
Colleges Support Programs Alleviate the Burden 21
California Foster Care System 23
Chapter Three: Methodology 26
Methodological Approach 26
Participants 26
Positionality 29
Credibility and Trustworthiness 32
Interview 33
Process 34
Data Analysis 35
Limitations 36
Chapter Four: Findings 37
Participants’ Portraits 37
Parallels to a Perpendicular System 44
Chapter Five: Limitations and Conclusion 64
Limitations to Study 64
Theoretical Implications 65
Policy and Practical Implications 66
Conclusion 68
Epilogue 70
Melinda 70
Alex 71
Michelle 71
Melissa 72
References 74
Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer 81
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 6
Appendix B: Interview Questions 82
Appendix C: Participant Profile Sheet 84
Appendix D: Consent Form 85

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 7
List of Tables
Table 1: Overview of Sample 28
Table 2: School Experience (Before and During Foster Care) 28

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 8
Abstract
The limited research on foster youth in higher education focused on college access but
ignored the experiences of those who successfully navigated college and enrolled in graduate
programs. The master-narrative shared about this population does not give voice to their
knowledge and experiences of their resilience. Using interviews with former foster care youth in
graduate school at a large private college in Southern California, this study utilized and expanded
on counter-narrative framework to render these students visible and to give voices to their
stories. The research sought to answer three questions: How do foster youth define success? How
do foster youth describe their challenges and successes in graduate school? How does
institutional context influence the way foster youth define and achieve success? The study found
that when respondents felt they were part of the decision-making process about their lives, they
achieved success in higher education. They were challenged with adhering to the rigor of their
programs while simultaneously advocating and searching for financial, emotional and supportive
resources. Their successes lie in the services of others, having an impact on their communities,
and progressing to their educational and life goals. The institutional context of the foster care
system and education system creates an environment that disregards this population’s needs. In
fact, stereotypes and the lack of social capital and mentors are among the hindrances to their
progression toward success.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 9
Chapter One: Introduction
There are approximately 427,910 foster youth in the United States, and about 20,000
young adults age out of state foster care systems annually (U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services, 2015). At age 26, fewer than 4% of these young people have earned college
degrees as opposed to 36% of young adults in this age group as a whole. (Courtney, Dworsky,
Brown, Cary, Love, & Vorhies, 2011). College supportive services are limited for youth
transitioning from foster care, after care, and during college. Therefore, research is needed to
determine how this population succeed in undergraduate and graduate programs and what
resources and services are available, as these students are a vulnerable population. Based on
reports, children of color are overrepresented in the foster care system: African American and
Hispanics make up 24% and 21% respectively (Adoption and Foster Care Analysis and
Reporting System [AFCARS], 2015), of children in the system while representing only 13% and
17% of the U.S. population. It is likely that among racial discrimination and other factors, these
young people come from families of lower socioeconomic status. These challenges prevent
achievement of educational goals. When compared to their peers, these students trail in high
school graduation rates, standardized testing, and college degree attainment. Before exploring the
literature, however, context is needed to understand the basis for this study.
As defined by Kools, (1997), foster care is defined as, “residence in a supervised setting
outside the biological family as mandated by the social services or juvenile justice system” (p.
263). In other words, the foster care system is a service provided by the government or social
service agency that places a child or children whose birth parents are unable to care for them
with adults who will do so.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 10
Children enter this system due to neglect, homelessness, physical or emotional abuse, and
many other reasons. Children and youth who experienced or emancipated/aged out of foster care
are considered foster youth in this report. While agencies will boast missions that emphasize
providing these children with a caring, nurturing, and permanent family, the reality is that some
are antithetical. Separated from their siblings, many children and youth experience abuse, over
medication, and a lack of support for mental health concerns while in care.
The foster care system is complex. There are three central placements according to
AFCARS (2015). The first is a relative foster family home, which is a living arrangement in a
home of a relative of the child who may be licensed or unlicensed. The second is a non-relative
foster family home, which is a licensed foster family home, and the third is a group home or
institution, a licensed agency that provides 24-hour care for children who experience abuse or
neglect. Although there are many other placements, such as pre-adoptive homes and supervised
independent living, these three types pertain to this study.
Within the last decade, researchers responded to the call to specifically address
educational attainment for youth in foster care, but limited sound data regarding this population
in college make it challenging for advocates and policy-makers to serve them. Studies fit into
two categories: (a) access to college; and (b) supportive programs for undergraduates. These
studies tend to be conducted by researchers who study the statistics about this population rather
than listening to the voices of individuals from this population about their experiences. No
studies have focused on graduate students with experiences in foster care. Thus, this study was
informed by current research and begins to fill a void in the literature by concentrating on the
experiences of foster youth in graduate school.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 11
Specifically, this study seeks to understand how foster youth define success (rather than
working with an institutionally imposed definition of success). Secondly, the study seeks to
understand foster youth experiences with institutional contexts. In this report, the gestalt of
institutional context is composed of two contextual components: 1) the childcare system and 2)
the education system. The first is the child welfare system and all settings and persons that serve
as agents of the child welfare system, which would include foster homes, juvenile court, social
workers and services like Independent Living Program (ILP). ILP is a program that “provides
financial assistance and services to current and former foster/probation youth, 16-20 years of age
(Los Angeles County Department of Children and Family Services, n.d.)”. The second
component is the education system. This includes educational agents and services that are
provided to the participants from birth through graduate school, which include guardian scholars
programs, school counselors, teachers, and mentors. An institutional context that refers to both
components will be used in this study.
The current study fills the gap by examining the stories of graduate students, from their
perspectives, who overcame barriers mentioned in the studies below. Effective and practical
methods for serving these students must be examined to meet their needs in college. This study is
not comprehensive in its scope. It asks interviewees what success means, so the definition is not
placed on them, but heard from them, and it highlights successful strategies and promising
interventions and programs. It also can improve educational outcomes for the target population
that is enrolled in graduate schools around the United States.
Research Questions
Two central themes that inform the research questions for this study are 1) understanding
how respondents pursued graduate school and facilitated college success and 2) how individuals
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 12
make meaning of success given personal and institutional contexts. Three central research
questions guided the study:
1. How do foster youth define success?
2. How does institutional context influence the way foster youth define and achieve
success?
3. How do foster youth describe their challenges and successes in graduate school?
Altogether, the questions were designed to help understand interviewees’ narratives. Each
question is informed by an analytical pursuit to define the truth of their experiences. The data
derived from these questions informed understandings of the foster youth student identity,
influences, and motivations. The content also will provide practitioners with factors that facilitate
success for this population.
Purpose of Study
Due to substantiated abuse and neglect, more children enter protective services each year
than leave. Since youth enter foster care due to dire circumstances, many experience academic,
behavioral, emotional, and financial problems related to their experiences. Although 70% of this
population aspires to go to college, only 3% ever obtain a degree by age 25 (McMillen,
Auslander, White, & Thompson, 2003; Pecora, Havalchak, & O’Brien, 2005; Wolanin, 2005).
Navigating institutions with limited knowledge and social support is challenging for those who
make it to college. Furthermore, those who graduate college and enroll in graduate programs are
few. No literature describes the challenges and successes of foster youth in graduate school.
Specifically, the research that mentions success does not describe respondents’ definition of
success. Thus, this study provides the graduate student voice to define and describe their
successes and challenges.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 13
Significance of Study
Because qualitative data about this population does not always lead to social change, this
study explored the lives of four foster care alumni in graduate school to better understand their
needs and how they defined success. It offered counter-narratives to depict the realities of these
students’ experiences.
Theoretical Significance
This study sought to add to discussions of student success by defining and exploring
success from interviewees’ perspectives. The mesearch, research, and wesearch theory is fairly
new and only has been discussed by its author (Douglas, 2016, p.4). Community theorizing offers
a unique approach to conceptualizing respondents’ graduate school experiences (Rios, 2011).
Both theoretical frameworks provide a lens to advance understanding of social change for these
students.
Practical Significance
The practical significance of this study results from data on foster youth challenges and
successes that will enable researchers to better understand these students. Hence, it challenges
the narrative that members of this population do not graduate college or reach success.
Unequivocally, there are problems in the foster care system and higher education
institutions that make it difficult for youth to pursue graduate degrees. However, there is limited
data about these students’ educational practices. I aimed to unearth strategies employed during
graduate school. The long-term objective was to make an impact on foster youth with similar
educational goals. The informants’ responses also could lead to recommendations for better
services from practitioners and policymakers.
Theoretical Framework
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 14
The theoretical framework for this study derived from Douglas’ (2016) conceptual model
of a border crossing brotha-scholar. This model is the “personal, professional and pedagogical
continuum of mesearch, research, and wesearch” (Douglas, 2016, p.4). To understand life’s
phenomena, Douglas argued that it is important that we study ourselves internally (mesearch),
study what surrounds us externally (research), and the constituents’ needs (wesearch). The three
interrelated concepts are simply our stories, others’ stories/or scholarship, and how to use that
knowledge to help marginalized communities. I also utilized a similar framework of community
theorizing (Rios, 2011): the idea that it is in the research process, in conversation with our
participants where we collectively develop ideas, concepts, and frameworks about social
marginalization. Those marginalized often are the best analysts of their experiences. The
research process helps to uncover their organic knowledge through a process of community
theorization. Through these frameworks, I sought to share stories and concepts to change the
master-narrative about foster youth in higher education and to provide this population with a
better understanding of how their stories can help others from similar backgrounds.
Methodology
To highlight respondents’ positive experiences, I employed a counter-narrative approach
(Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Solorzano & Yosso (2002) define counter-storytelling as “a method
of telling the stories of those people whose experiences are not often told,” including people of
color, women, gays, and in this case, persons that experienced the child welfare system (p. 26).
The literature explained adverse outcomes regarding foster youth in K-12, but, in terms
of higher education, the literature does not present this population’s stories, particularly those in
graduate programs. Research does not account for their success and life stories. This study aimed
to provide a new perspective on practitioners’ concerns regarding the way these students should
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 15
be served and understood. Specifically, this methodology prioritizes their voice, renders them
visible, and highlights their essential insight on how to improve policies and practices.
No study mentioned in this section discussed how researchers can better understand the
stories and experiences of children in foster care who do not experience learning developmental
issues and how they fare compared to those that do, while placing these youth as the experts.
Similarly, foster youth who moved along the spectrum from developmental problems to none are
not present in the literature. In addition, it is problematic to have studies on this population’s
challenges without their voices to confirm the data and analysis. This population should have
more control of their stories, lives, and successes.
Organization of the Thesis
The following chapters review the literature on foster youth in education, concentrating
on those in higher education and the services provided to them. Chapter Three focuses on the
structure and description of the qualitative data and the lens through which data were analyzed. It
presents a review of the research methods used and a comprehensive view of the sample. Chapter
Four presents the results through participants’ narratives regarding their perspectives and
knowledge about their quest for higher education. Thereafter, the findings are summarized to
draw parallels among stories. Findings also are connected to broader research and policy
implications.

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 16
Chapter Two: Literature Review
Three categories divide the research relevant to this study: foster children in education,
foster youth in college, and college supportive programs that serve them. The following section
discusses the relevance and significance of this research as well as gaps in the literature.
Foster Care Children in Education
Foster care children’s educational outcomes have been studied more within the last
decade than at any other time. Studies discussed these children in education, but they do not use
their voice to understand their needs. In other words, they are subjects of research instead of
informants who share their experiences and needs. The review below consists of multiple studies
with the objective of providing a broad view of these children’s educational experiences. The
studies below are organized chronologically by age group to provide a proper representation of
development and learning challenges as children age.
In one study, researchers analyzed data about foster children aged 2 months to 24 months.
Researchers found that nearly 60% of participants were at high risk for neurological or cognitive
development impairments (Vandivere, Chalk, & Moore, 2003). It is common that researchers
who study children use data to understand their behaviors and phenomena. The practice is a
staple in research. As children grow older and develop new experiences and thoughts, it is
expected that researchers change their methods to understand new realities. Throughout the
development of foster youth, literature reveals that respondents’ stories are not shared. For
example, a study from the Oregon Social Learning Center found that foster children were much
less prepared than their peers when entering kindergarten. Specifically, the children were at a
significant deficit for pre-reading skills and scored on average in the 30th to 40th percentiles
(Pears, Kim, & Fisher, 2008).
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 17
Researchers analyzed data on developmental problems for 268 children who were 1 to 5
years old and had been in foster care for a year. This study found that 57% had developmental
problems in at least one of three domains: 47% had cognitive delays, 49% had language delays,
and 52% had behavior problems. Only 42% of parents and caregivers reported that their child
was assessed for learning problems. In the same study, about 23% were told they had a learning
problem, yet only half of these children had an individualized family service plan or an
individualized education program (Ward et al., 2009).
A study on children in Illinois who entered foster care without first receiving in-home
services found that 14% had behavioral issues. Also, more than one-third of the children aged 3
to 5 years showed evidence of developmental visual-motor adaptive, language and cognition,
gross motor, personal, social, or problem-solving delays (Smithgall, Jarpe-Ratner, & Walker,
2010). This research uproots a critical issue in the education system and child welfare system
alike. More should be done to understand their needs and identify solutions from their
perspective.
Data from the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being was used to compare
infants in foster care from three groups: children who remained in foster care, those who reunited
with their birth parents, and those who were adopted. The study found that, when compared to
the other two groups, the children who were still in foster care at age 5 or 6 showed worse
developmental outcomes in social skills, math, and reading (Lloyd & Barth, 2011). Studies
support the claim that foster youth need services that can position them toward educational
success.
Head Start programs provide services to increase children’s educational skills. These
programs help level the playing field for a small portion of foster children. Among these
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 18
children, only 6% of those under age 6 enrolled in the program, while the rate of all other
children aged 3 and 4 between 1991 and 2005 who participated in Head Start was between 9%
and 11% (Child Trends, 2010).
School Mobility
A focus group consisting of school liaisons from one California school district identified
the lack of stability in the lives of foster children, including school stability, as the most severe
problem that these students face (Zetlin, Weinberg, & Shea, 2010). Furthermore, foster youth
with high school diplomas are not necessarily ready for college because of their frequent school
changes and inability to be tracked into college preparatory courses (Wolanin, 2005). Foster
youth who entered an educationally oriented residential facility between October 2001 and June
2005 and had been in foster care for an average of nearly 7 years reported a mean of six school
changes (after accounting for normative changes) while in care (Sullivan, Jones, & Mathiesen,
2010).
A study of foster children in seven states found that more than half changed schools upon
entering foster care, but more than two-thirds remained in the same school during the 6-month
study period (National Foster Care Review Coalition, 2009). Similarly, Corwin (2008) explored
the relationship between school mobility and social capital. She found that,
“Even though informants were challenged when they had to switch foster homes or
schools, they all managed to meet baseline prerequisites for college: they maintained
above average GPAs, fulfilled their college requirements and learned the basics about
applying to college and for financial aid” (Corwin, 2008, p. 171).
Corwin’s (2008) study suggests that foster youth are able to adapt to their new foster homes or
schools. Among other studies, this study furthers the theoretical knowledge about social support
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 19
networks for youth in foster care. The mobility of foster youth in college should be studied in
states that have extended foster care to age 21. The perspectives of foster youth who attend
graduate school are not present in this report. Adding their voices to this longitudinal study and
other studies could reveal a whole picture about the complex relationship between their social
mobility and social capital throughout their educational experiences.
Barriers of Foster Youth in College
Although most foster youth aspire to attend college, many factors limit them (Courtney,
Terao & Bost, 2004; McMillen et al., 2003). One factor is lack of financial and emotional
support (Wolanin, 2005). In fact, many foster youth are unaware of financial resources for
college (Davis, 2006). One source is the Chaffee Grant established by Congress through the
Education and Training Vouchers (ETV) Program. It provides $5,000 a year until age 21 or 23
(Kessler, 2004). Legally, foster youth are financially independent, which means their parents’ or
guardians’ income does not affect their financial aid (Emerson, 2006). A report from the
Congressional Coalition on Adoption Institute (2017), “Anomalies no more: Modifying ETV to
enhance postsecondary attainment for foster youth,” discusses the challenges presented by the
current legislation and age requirements that cut support to foster youth short when they have
been in community college longer than they intended.
Another factor is that many foster youth show signs of mental and behavioral health
problems, which poses a challenge for them in college (McMillen et al., 2005; Shin, 2006). As
mentioned, children in foster care who may have learning disabilities are overmedicated and lack
individual education plans. As they attempt to build on their prior knowledge, they are expected
to know untaught concepts and theories.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 20
Additionally, lack of visibility leads to challenges on college campuses. One example is
that most student services personnel at post-secondary institutions are not prepared to meet the
needs of transitioning foster youth (Emerson, 2006). These barriers are seldom addressed,
leaving this population vulnerable to failure. The literature does not represent the approximate
3% of foster youth in higher education, nor does it provide an invitation for them to voice their
opinions and needs. For this reason, this study sought to understand their experiences as graduate
students and as those who navigated college and were willing to use their story to advance
change.
Foster Care and College
Most studies pertaining to foster youth in college either draw from statistical, survey,
standard interview, or focus group data to synthesize perspectives of foster youth and foster
parents. A study in Washington found that foster youth in a mentoring program were 4.6 times
more likely to enroll in college than their non-mentored peers (Burley, 2009). Given this
knowledge, studies have not analyzed data about how these young people seek and acquire
mentorship or by whom. Another example draws from the Northwest Study. Researchers
concluded that foster care alumni who experienced fewer than six school changes were 3.7 times
more likely to graduate from college than those who underwent 10 or more school changes
(Pecora, Jensen, Romanelli, Jackson, & Ortiz, 2009). Although the topic of school mobility is
mentioned in other sections of this report, the literature above does not give participants a role in
understanding their concerns and providing solutions. The research describes challenges based
on data about respondents, but individuals’ voices are missing.
Research based on data from Michigan State University explains the above concept.
When comparing foster youth to first-generation college students with low-income backgrounds,
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 21
the former were more likely to drop out of college. Specifically, 34% of foster youth in the study
dropped out of college as compared to 18% of their non-foster youth peers (Day, Dworsky,
Fogarty, & Damashek, 2011). Such research points out a problem without centering on the
voices of foster youth. This one-sided story is missing the perspective of foster youth.
Studies regarding foster youth completing college take the same approach. In the
Northwest Alumni Study and Casey National Study, researchers found that 43% of the foster
youth had finished some college. Only 2% and 9% respectively obtained a bachelor’s degree
(Pecora et al., 2006; Pecora et al., 2005). Although these studies are much older than the rest,
they highlight a significant gap in the literature in terms of how many foster youth make it to
college and how many graduate. Moreover, the Midwest Study is one of the most cited studies
regarding foster care youth. Researchers from this study discovered that participants from
Illinois, who were allowed to remain in foster care until age 21, had college graduation rates
increase as opposed to foster youth from Iowa and Wisconsin, who only were allowed to remain
in foster care until age 18 (Courtney et al., 2010, p. 96) This study shows that the extension of
foster care eligibility results in greater numbers of foster youth graduating college.
Courtney et al. (2011) concluded that youth evaluated at age 26, “were nine times more
likely [than the foster youth participants] to have a degree from a four-year school (36 percent
vs. four percent)” (p. 21). These studies give a glimpse of the issues but excludes information
regarding foster youth in graduate school. This study aimed to provide a counter-narrative about
this population. It sought to provide a better understanding of the challenges that these students
face and the resources they need to enroll and succeed in graduate school.
Colleges Support Programs Alleviate the Burden
College support programs for foster youth have been developed on many college
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 22
campuses. “Each program is unique, they typically provide an array of financial, academic,
social/emotional, and logistical (e.g., housing) supports to help former foster youth stay in school
and graduate” (Dworsky & Perez, 2010, pg.256). In fact, a growing number of campus support
programs are concentrated in California and Washington (Dworsky & Perez, 2010). With
government funding and replication on a broader scale, these programs may lead to higher
college retention and graduation rates (California Foster Youth Education Task Force, 2007).
A Michigan State University study found that former foster youth are more likely to drop
out of college than low-income, first-generation students who had not been in foster care (Day et
al., 2011). In fact, before college, half of all foster youth and children drop out of school (Zetlin
MacLeod, & Kimm, 2012).
In a study of seven scholarship programs that provide services and support for former
foster youth, Schultz and Mueller (2008) found that many program managers were “unable to
provide much of the requested data related to GPA, credits earned or degree completion.” As
mentioned by Price (2008), some program directors did take new measures. Most directors
tracked their students’ use of services by creating a customized database. However, they did not
use the data to evaluate their programs, as that was not a priority (Dworsky & Perez, 2010).
Among other things, the lack of “methodologically sound impact evaluation” is one reason
campus support programs cannot be replicated and supported widely (Dworsky & Perez, 2010).
Unrau (2011) examined and discussed the argument that supportive programs level the
playing field for foster youth and their counterparts at Western Michigan University. Through
the Seita Scholars Program, Unrau used ethnographic interviews with program coordinators and
students to show incoming students and administrators what to look for in similar programs. The
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 23
findings suggested that the program had a student-centered model and student involvement
opportunities, which allowed for service adaption and meeting the needs of many students.
California Foster Care System
California Assembly Bill 490 requires that educational liaisons work with foster students
to ensure educational equity and access in the K-12 system, but many universities lack support
for and assessment of this group’s needs. In addition, identifying program-eligible students
through their answers on the free application for federal student aid were challenging. Recently,
an “indicate if you were in foster care” item was added on admissions applications for
California’s public colleges and universities (Dworsky & Perez, 2010). This change helps
program directors and staff identify foster youth in order to serve them better while keeping in
mind that some in this group may not prefer to self-identify.
With concerns about supportive services in mind, Dworsky and Perez (2010) interviewed
10 foster youth-support program administrators from California and Washington. Most of their
programs were competitive, meaning students had to apply, be interviewed by selection
committees, and speak or write about their backgrounds (Dworsky & Perez, 2010). These
competitive processes allow the programs to provide support for some applicants, but not for
many of the former foster care students. As negotiated through the California College Pathways
Project, all newly funded programs along with foster youth support programs are open to all
foster youth. Foster youth in campus support programs have a higher persistence rate as
compared to their non-foster youth peers (California College Pathways, 2015). These programs
either provide scholarships or help identify other sources of financial aid to mitigate student loan
debt. Some also mandate attendance at specific events and meetings with staff, while other
programs pair older students with younger ones, as they strongly emphasize mentorship. The
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 24
managing staff are scarce, and since the staff turnover rate is low, students develop lasting
relationships with these employees (Dworsky & Perez, 2010).
Lovitt and Emerson (2008) explored common themes among eight college graduates who
formerly were in the foster care system: placement instability, valued family, consistent support
from adults, adequate study skills, extracurricular activities, helpful high school counselor and
more. The presentation of the data is challenging to follow. This study explored the lives of
respondents after they graduated college in terms of factors that contributed to better outcomes in
higher education. This research lacked details about the participants. It also lacked a gender,
race, and equity lens, which leaves little ability to examine intersectionality.
Data indicate that the percentage of foster youth who graduate from college is low.
Moreover, there are no reports on the experiences of foster youth alumni who attend graduate
school, and supportive services are limited once students become ineligible for state assistance
during their college years.
Research is needed on how foster youth and alumni seek help in undergraduate and
graduate programs and what resources and services are available. Effective and practical
methods to serving these students must be examined to meet their needs. By analyzing the
experiences of four students who were successful in attaining a college degree, this qualitative
study aims to address how foster alumni in graduate school navigate institutional resources. Most
foster youth that graduate from undergraduate four-year institutions that seek graduate degrees
are left unassisted. With more students from around the nation seeking higher education, foster
youth would be better served with supports that would help level the playing field with their
counterparts.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 25
The child welfare system and education system alike are failing foster children and youth
and their perspectives are not being included to make the appropriate changes. They have
become an invisible population. There are no studies that specifically explore counter-narratives
that highlight their stories about success of foster youth in graduate school. Some studies merely
perpetuate the notion that the majority of foster youth that make it to college do not succeed.
This fallacy is detrimental to the portrait of foster youth; it depicts one dimension of their
abilities and needs. Foster youth realities should be painted by themselves with their
paintbrushes.

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 26
Chapter Three: Methodology
Methodological Approach
This study employed a counter-narrative approach. Solórzano and Yosso (2002) defined
the counter-narrative methodological approach to education research as telling the stories of
people of color that seldom are mentioned in the literature. Universal truths about groups that are
accepted and reified by researchers are considered master-narratives. These master-narratives
(e.g., foster youth do not want to go to college) provide a deficit perspective of particular groups.
Solórzano and Yosso (2002) noted that researchers use objectivity as an excuse to perpetuate
negative views and perceptions of people of color. I present the counter-narratives of foster
youth in graduate school with personal stories and composite stories. Based on Solórzano and
Yosso’s (2001) framework, personal stories often are autobiographical and describe the
individual’s experience with racism while composite stories are grouped stories of individuals’
experiences with racism that is derived from data. I did not focus inquiry on participants’
experiences with racism, but on their experiences in foster care and graduate school. I utilized
both personal and composite storytelling to allow foster youth to give voice to their own
experiences, allow them to define success for themselves, and decompose master-narratives
concerning their responses to lack of interest and preparation in higher education.
Participants
The charts below reveal study participants’ age, gender, race, and other pertinent
information. Melinda (26), from Daly City, California, who declined to reveal her ethnicity
entered the foster care system at age 2. She spent nine years in the system and moved placements
five times. During that time, she was reunified with her parents. Alex (26), a Latino male from
Costa Mesa, California, entered the system when he was 12 years old. Over a six-year period, he
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 27
changed placements three times and did not reunify with his family. Michelle (27), a Cuban and
Guatemalan female spent eight years in one placement. She was 10 when she was placed into her
foster home in Seattle, Washington. Melissa (25), an African American female from Carson,
California, was placed in foster care at birth. She reunified with her parents, but was placed back
with her foster parents.
The chart also denotes that all participants were in the same graduate program, majoring
in social work. Furthermore, Melinda, Alex, and Michelle took a break before pursuing graduate
school for two-and-a-half years, two years, and three years, respectively. All but Melinda were
held back in school during their formative years: Alex retook the first grade, Michelle the fifth
grade, and Melissa the third grade.
One male and three female students were recruited from Southern California Methodist
College (SCMC), one of the largest private, four-year colleges in Southern California. I intended
to interview first-year graduate students because they are less acclimated to the culture of the
school than second-year students, however, I only was able to interview two first-year graduate
students. The other two were second-year students who were set to graduate within weeks of the
interviews. The composition of the final sample selection benefited my study by providing
perspectives from the beginning and conclusion of the graduate school experience.
All participants were first-generation college students. They were chosen based on their
participation in the SCMC Guardian Program, a support program for foster youth.

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 28
Table 1
Overview of Sample
Name Melinda Alex Michelle Melissa
City of Placement Daly City, CA
Costa Mesa, CA
& Pomona, CA
Seattle, WA &
Fresno, CA
Carson, CA
Destination College
Southern
California
Methodist College
(SCMC)
SCMC SCMC SCMC
Age 26 26 27 25
Graduate School
Major
Social Work Social Work Social Work Social Work
Gender Female Male Female Female
Race N/A Latino Cuban/Guatemalan
African
American
Number of Years in
System
9 6 8 19
Number of
Placements
(Including
Reunification)
5 3 1 2

Table 2
School Experience (Before and During Foster Care)
Name Melinda Alex Michelle Melissa
Age entered system 2 12 10 Birth
Number of years in
system*
9 6 8 19
Number of
Placements*
5 3 1 2
Reunified With
Family
Yes No No Yes
Years Between
Undergraduate and
Graduate
2.5 2.0 3.0 0
Held Back in School N/A 1st grade 5th grade 3rd grade
*Note that some students entered and exited the system multiple times. This may not correspond to the “age entered
system” and “years in system.”
*Note that the “number of placements” include reunification with birth parents.

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 29
Positionality
The mesearch, research, wesearch framing of this study centered on the importance of
transparency in terms of positionality. It is important to share my story as a former foster youth
in graduate school to inspire participants to do the same. The goal is to analyze mesearch (my
story) and explore how it interacts with the participants’ stories. This process will lead to
wesearch, a transformative effort to enhance the images and experiences of foster youth who
come after us.
All that I am and do stems from my identities and experiences associated with those
identities. My first identity is that of a Christian Black man. I am both, not one before the other.
My spirituality and faith govern my soul and entire being. Furthermore, I cannot hide my skin
color because it follows me everywhere I go and informs my interactions. The second most
salient identity is being a former foster youth. Nothing will change that my parents was plagued
with drug addiction and neglected my 11 siblings and me. Below, I briefly describe my foster
care background to express my positionality.
My identity as a former foster youth influences the way I interpret the world around me.
It is one of many reasons I chose to study this population. I acknowledged my position as an
insider (Gallais, 2008), as I am a graduate student and foster care alumni. Furthermore, I am a
member of the same organization (foster youth support program) and have been an active
participant for more than a year. My involvement in advocacy group and supportive programs
assisted me in developing a rapport with the study participants before data collecting began.
Transparently, my research was derived from the lens of a former foster youth graduate student
researcher, as opposed to my role as a friend of the participants or a person seeking answers. The
personal motivation for this study is that, as a foster youth who successfully navigated college
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 30
and will earn a master’s degree in a few months, I question why there are not more foster youth
in graduate school. I am curious to see whether I am an anomaly. Although self-seeking, my
hope is that the research participants benefit as well. I hope to give the courage to foster youth
who have been shut down, force-fed mediocrity, and hand-held toward false hopes.
My personal experiences and curiosities influenced my research, career, and interactions.
This practice is called mesearch. As I begin to understand myself, I would better understand the
phenomenon that surrounds me and affect others from a similar background. The goal is to
harness mesearch as an impetus for social change. I utilized a phenomenological strategy to
describe the participants’ experiences. The significance of this approach is that it emphasizes
personal perspectives and interpretations (Creswell, 2014). The approach is both beneficial to the
participants and the investigator.
I acknowledge that I was once connected to the participants as a peer and friend and
strive to continue that relationship after concluding this project. I held an insider role with all of
the participants. Insider is defined as the status researchers have when they share some group
identity with the participants (Gallais, 2008). I maneuvered my role as an insider, understanding
that my experiences may have been different from those of the participants. The language used
throughout the interviews reflects my insider/outsider relationship with interviewees. Words like,
“I,” “other foster youth,” “us,” and “we” created a sense of comfort with participants. For
example, Melinda said “you know” in her interview 23 times. This phrase could easily be
misinterpreted by an observer, as a mere euphemism, but my interpretation was that she trusted
me and expected that I was familiar with what she shared because of her knowledge of my
having been in foster care.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 31
I journaled throughout the duration of this project to reflect on my biases and
assumptions and the influence these had on the procedure. Reflexive journals allowed me to
improve the research process and to mitigate those influences as much as possible (Braun &
Clarke, 2013). Reflexivity is a complex component of ethnographic interviews and relates to the
researcher reflecting on his/her positionality in the study and to the data collected in conjunction
with participants. Reflexivity uncovers skepticism of the research from both the researcher and
informants. I would be remiss if I failed to mention my position or situatedness throughout the
research process. My identity, views, values, and beliefs had a significant impact on this project,
whether acknowledged or unknown. As an able-bodied, cis-gendered, African American male, I
acknowledge my privileges and disadvantages in relation to society. Be that as it may, I
employed inclusive language and deep reflection and asked informants repeatedly to clarify their
perspectives in order to mitigate misinterpretation.
Throughout the study, informants periodically reminded me that my foster care
experience and perceptions were significantly different than their experiences. For example,
during an introduction between Melinda and me, I stated, “It seems to me that you have forgotten
your race or ethnicity on the profile sheet. Could you please fill it in for me?” She replied, “I
don’t know my biological father. I am unaware of his race. Therefore, I kept it blank on all
documents.” In that instance, I acknowledged that my privilege in knowing my parents and
having my birth certificate was not something I should expect of all participants. During my
conversation with the four interviewees, I had to suppress my understanding of the foster care
system in order to understand their experiences. Although there were some similarities between
my experiences and theirs, our stories and background could not have been more different.
Throughout my time in care, I grew up with my twin brother, surrounded by positive, affirming
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 32
adults. I was given tools at a young age to succeed in school. My great uncle assisted my brother
and me financially during the first two years of my undergraduate college career. This led to my
use of “member checking,” which is described in the following section.
The participants’ diverse experiences added value to this project and to my own body of
knowledge. It provided counter-narratives to the master-narrative that “foster youth do not make
it to graduate school.” It also empowered them to reflect on their ideas of success, and celebrate
how far they have come. From the participant selection, to the interview protocol, I was
unequivocally interested in hearing the perspectives of those I interviewed. These processes were
tailored solely for their contribution and their voices. I consistently acknowledged my own
deviances and personal experiences and the impact it could have on participants. I consciously
provided them with the space to express their experiences, giving them true ownership of their
stories.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
I used member checking and reflective notes to ensure credibility and trustworthiness
(Braun & Clarke, 2013). I sent typed narratives to all participants to confirm whether their
contributions were accurate and valid. This method also allowed me to obtain their honest
perspectives. Throughout the process, I took notes on my feelings before, during, and after the
interview in order to become aware of any unintended influences that I may have had on the
participants.
Anomalies or distortion of data could not be mitigated, as I did not have prolonged
engagement with participants. Hence, Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) transactional approach to
validity where researchers and participants actively interact around validity concerns was not
employed. Participants were given three opportunities to increase the validity of this study by,
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 33
challenging the accuracy of their narratives, discussing concerns in the data or identifying errors
in the findings (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Interview
I interviewed all of the participants in person for approximately 60 minutes each. The
locations varied to ensure that they felt comfortable when sharing their stories and to not create
an inconvenience for them. I expanded on the counter-narrative framework by varying the
locations of the interviews (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002) in order to render foster youth visible and
to give voice to their stories. The counter-narrative interviews provided a platform to “encourage
an informant to talk about a particular cultural scene” (Spradley, 1979, p. 85). During the
interviews, I used this measure to understand the phenomenon of being a former foster youth in
graduate school from participants’ perspectives. To share their personal and composite stories, I
employed a semi-structured interview protocol. I asked descriptive questions and included
questions to explore (Seidman, 1991). For example, I discussed Melinda’s break between
undergraduate and graduate school and her motivation to pursue higher education in more detail
than presented in other participants’ experiences. The introductory questions allowed participants
to feel comfortable with speaking about their experiences. I used creative questions like, “What
song most relates to your life?” as a comfort-building openers. Furthermore, responses from the
descriptive questions allow for the use of “thick description” to better understanding participants’
meaning-making process and answers to the overall research questions, which govern this
project (Geertz, 1994, pp. 213-232).
The interview protocol was informed by the literature review outlined in Chapter Two. I
utilized general overview, grand-tour, and guided-tour open-ended methods (Spradley, 1979). It
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 34
was important for me to use these measures to understand the interconnectedness of the
participants’ experiences with people and services.
Process
Researchers described interviewing as both a research methodology and a social
relationship that must be nurtured, sustained, and then concluded gracefully (Dexter, 1970;
Hyman et al., 1954; Mishler, 1986). Mann and Stewart (2000) found that participants needed
additional encouragement and positive feedback using e-mail. Hence, I messaged the participants
through text and email after every step of the research process. They were so engaged that they
began to reach out to me to get updates on my progress.
The participants’ 60-minute in-person interviews were recorded with a secure device and
transcribed using Rev.com, an online transcription service. The interview recordings were
transcribed verbatim (every utterance). During and after each interview, I noted and reflected on
the process, informants, and emerging themes (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). I also took notes of all
of the emotions and expressions revealed through voice and movement. This method was useful
because it allowed participants to share their experiences in rich detail.
I offered each participant the option to choose their own pseudonym. The process of
choosing pseudonyms was aligned with my general methodology of giving participants’ the
freedom that comes with anonymity when sharing their stories. Thus, all participants chose their
own pseudonyms. I observed participants during each interview to become familiar with
mannerisms that could be telling about their responses. I checked-in with them often to confirm
their comfort in moving forward with the interview.
Since Angrosino (2007) argued that rapport is essential for a researcher, I asked open-
ended questions about the interviewees’ lives. Then, I asked more direct questions related to their
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 35
foster care and educational experiences. My continual involvement in foster youth clubs and
organizations and personal relationships served as a benefit to building rapport. I did not assume
that I knew all there was to know about the challenges of the foster youth community since I am
an insider. However, I offered the participants the opportunity to answer questions that I may
already have known the answers to due to the rapport built before the interviews.
Context. I interviewed each informant in a location that was comfortable and convenient
for them. The location was chosen in line with Angrosino’s (2007) work on the significance of
selecting a site where the scholarly issue is most likely to be seen. I did not expect the location
that I chose to be a central location for other foster youth in graduate school, but I wanted the
location to be comfortable and enclosed for privacy. I asked each participant if they would be
comfortable with the location that I chose and gave them the option to choose other locations.
Despite the plan to conduct the interviews in the same location for continuity, due to the
schedule of the participants, I met two on SCMC’s campus in a private lounge and two in a
location of their choosing. I interviewed Melissa in her foster parent’s home and Alex allowed
me to meet him at his job on a college campus. Alex allowed me to use his lunch break to
conduct the interview.
Data Analysis
Based on Braun and Clark, the stages of thematic analysis are to prepare data, read and
get familiar with data, code the data, search for themes, review and produce themes/subthemes,
and define and name themes. I organized the data thematically based on the work of Braun and
Clarke (2013). Studies that use thematic analysis emphasize the experiences of small
homogenous samples that provide descriptions of phenomenon (Braun & Clarke, 2013). This
study aligned with the criteria of this analytical process. I read and reviewed the data three times.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 36
For stages three through six, coding and analyzing the interviews began with multiple stages of
open coding and recoding the data into categories and subcategories (Braun & Clarke, 2013). I
concluded by creating and organizing themes for the data (Saldaña, 2009). Definitions of success
and descriptions of challenges and successes in graduate school were categorized into themes.
This process revealed participants’ significant experiences throughout their persistence in the
foster care system and college influenced their meaning and understanding of success.
Limitations
This study was based on the experiences and knowledge of four graduate students who
experienced foster care. More time for the interviews would have allowed for more data.
Scholars may argue that students who are members of the foster youth support program may
have an advantage compared to other foster care alumni who are not in the program. This
assumption would conclude that members of this group would have more positive experiences
due to receiving assistance. Although comparing the experiences of those in the program to those
of students not in the program would have been more representative of the experiences of foster
youth in higher education, this study provides a spotlight for graduate students’ voices and
notions of what it means to serve students from diverse backgrounds. The participants in this
study did not represent the diversity of foster youth. This study did not attempt to answer the
question of why there are few foster youths in graduate school. Future studies can include more
diverse samples and seek the perspectives of social workers and administrators who work closely
with foster youth to facilitate success. Furthermore, future studies can benefit from a more
prolonged inquiry.

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 37
Chapter Four: Findings
This section has two functions: share participants’ personal stories and composite stories
(Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). Personal stories are discussed to introduce each participant and to
ensure that their identity and experiences give context to the research questions. Also, from the
perspective of counter-stories, keeping whole stories intact and keeping individual experiences as
meaningful on their own is of key importance. While the autobiographies are short, I included
the participants’ favorite song and connected it to their stories. This added an expression of
humanity to the research and held me accountable for keeping their voices and stories in mind
throughout the process.
Following the participant’s portrait, the participants’ composite stories are shared to
answer the research questions and to highlight connections between their experiences (Solórzano
& Yosso, 2001). The research question is answered with themes that provide an understanding of
each participants’ experiences. Four themes were derived from the data: education as means of
mobility, support services, challenges in life and graduate school, and meaning-making regarding
success. Each theme is categorized under the research question it answers.
Participants’ Portraits
Participants’ personal stories are shared below. To understand the gestalt of each
participant’s experiences in graduate school, I explored their foster care experience and
assembled their stories into short biographies. I also chose a verse from each song that they
selected that best described their lives in order to provide context as to how they see themselves
and the lens through which they view the world. Furthermore, I connect song and biography in
order to provide creativity and deeper meaning to their stories. Participants agreed with the
choice to make the music connection and agreed with my synthesis. All participants shared songs
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 38
that motivated them in hard times or reminded them of good memories with their families.
Melinda’s song is below.
Oh I won’t be afraid of the arrows by day
From the hand of the enemy
I can stand my ground with the Lord on my side
For the snares they have set will not succeed

Excerpt from “No Weapon” by Fred Hammond
Melinda. Although only five-feet-six in stature, Melinda stood tall. She wore a sizeable
athletic backpack, school-designed T-shirt, sports leggings, and a baseball cap to the interview.
Her blemish-free brown skin perspired in the heat. Uncertain of what to do, she took off her cap
and extended her hand forward for a handshake. As we shook hands, I felt her strength and her
presence. Her curly, medium-built afro showed off her style. She wanted to be in this space
being interviewed and was excited that I chose her to be a part of this study.
Melinda was born in Palo Alto, an affluent community in northern California. She is the
middle child and has two younger brothers and two older sisters. She was raised in San Mateo
County by her grandparents until she was 7 years old. Subsequently, Melinda entered kinship (a
placement with a relative) care with her maternal grandmother and grandfather due to child
abuse and neglect.
After kinship care, she had two placements in group homes for several years. Meanwhile,
her caseworker sought to reunify her with her grandparents. She emancipated after staying with
her older sister. In total, she spent approximately seven years in foster care. She is 26 years old
now and has a full workload at the campus bookstore and another job while simultaneously
completing the last 17 units of her degree program. At the time of this study, Melinda will
graduate from a Research I, top-tier university with a masters of social work degree. Her story is
unique, but she is not the only graduate student at her college with a foster care background.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 39
Song connection. The song listed above is a gospel song that articulates using one’s faith
in God to combat challenges and negativity that impede progress. In this case, among many,
Melinda’s challenge was being separated from her family. Notwithstanding her having to
navigate the education system on her own, she persisted in pursuing higher education. Living
with her boyfriend during her break between undergraduate and graduate school was another
challenge for her. Melinda was reluctant to speak about that experience, yet she hesitantly shared
that her time of staying with him “wasn’t positive.” She summarized it as including “abuse and
criminal activity.” She would trade those experiences for one of her greatest fears: debt. In other
words, the debt weighed less than the experience she was living at that time. She explained, “[I]
play the verse in my head: “no weapon formed against me shall prosper” This is a temporary
situation.” Her faith gave her an optimistic outlook on the future, which, in multiple ways, has
propelled her to accomplish her goals.
Maybe tomorrow
When he looks down
On every green field, whoo-hoo
And every town
All of his children
In every nation
There’ll be peace and good
Brotherhood
Crystal blue persuasion
Yeah

Excerpt from “Crystal Blue Persuasion” by Tommy James & The Shondells
Alex. Alex invited me to his job to interview during his break. He stepped into the
computer lab and greeted me with a warm smile and a firm handshake. Alex is a proud Latino
young man and wore a dress shirt and khakis with a part on the right side of his head, separating
his slicked black hair. He exceeded the average male height by two inches.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 40
Born and raised in Costa Mesa, Alex was placed into foster care due to child abuse and
neglect. He experienced three placements. “I was really fortunate to only be in about three
different placements,” he exclaimed with an optimistic tone. He knew much about youth in care
and how many average placements they experience.
At age 12, social workers separated Alex from his younger sister. He said, “I had no say,”
while holding back tears. Despite being separated from his family, he described his time in care
as “relatively good.” Alex underwent experiences in foster care that he otherwise may not have
been able to with his family. He went to theme parks, traveled to different places, and ate
different kinds of food. This was what he described as normalcy.
School was one of the only things he had control over. “School was my ticket out,” he
affirmed. Throughout his time in care, he took school so seriously that he exceeded the unit
requirement for his high school. Assistance for college applications was scarce as he struggled to
reach out to supportive adults. While his foster parents were divorcing at the time, he continued
to ask for help. He contacted the director of the Educational Opportunity Program Guardian
Scholars Program (GSP) at an undisclosed California State University campus. The GSP was a
newly developed college success program for foster youth. Alex’s foster care experience
prepared him to be alone. In fact, he was the only foster youth to graduate from GSP at that
campus, mainly due to his continued efforts to stay focused in school in an attempt “to change
the statistics,” he said.
Song connection. “Crystal Blue Persuasion” is a 1960s gentle-tempo rock song about
brotherhood and living in peace and harmony. This song holds a special place in Alex’s life. He
described the song as being a “real feel-good song.” After Alex was separated from his sister, he
used this song to reminisce about memories with his family. “It reminds me of family get-
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 41
togethers or barbecues,” he said. Alex exhibited great optimism throughout the interview. His
connection to this song was synonymous with his connection with his family. He yearned for the
positive memories in the midst of his negative experiences without his loved ones, allowing
those memories to fuel his quest for happiness.
And all my childhood memories
Are full of all the sweet things you did for me
And even though I act crazy
I gotta thank the Lord that you made me
There are no words that can express how I feel
You never kept a secret, always stayed real
And I appreciate, how you raised me
And all the extra love that you gave me

Excerpt from “Dear Mama” by 2Pac
Michelle. Michelle grew up in the state of Washington with her mother, father, and
younger brother until the age of 10. The reason for her initial placement was her parents’
addiction to drugs. Michelle’s parents had personal histories of trauma and struggled to
assimilate into American culture. Michelle is of mixed Guatemalan and Afro-Cuban descent. She
stood 5-foot-11 and had a slender build. Her hair was black and wavy, barely reaching her chest.
Michelle entered foster care twice and eventually emancipated out of the system. At age
3, Michelle reunified with her parents. Shortly after, her father went to prison. Once in
California, a recently migrated family took Michelle into their home. She described them as
“nice but emotionally abusive.” She struggled to adjust to her new family.
The emotional, social, and cultural difficulties Michelle experienced contributed to
challenges in her educational pursuits. Although she was held back a grade when living with her
biological family, she proceeded to the next grade after losing her records in the transition from
Washington to California’s Central Valley. To her, school was a consistent and rewarding place.
Michelle attributed her focus of pursuing a post-secondary education to having housing stability
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 42
for eight years while in foster care. She excelled despite her foster parent’s lack of support and
understanding surrounding her aspirations. Despite having a steady home, she stated, “[their]
gender roles [hindered] my development.” They encouraged her to become a hairdresser because
that was a realistic expectation. They did not understand her drive and long-term quest for self-
discovery and exploration.
Michelle was a student-athlete during her time in high school. However, her foster
parents did not support her participation in extracurricular activities. Michelle’s social workers
and coaches were her saving grace. She said, “I had good social workers who always encouraged
me, supported, and advocated for my needs.” Her first time visiting a college campus happened
because of her social worker. The same social worker walked her through the college application
process step by step. After emancipating in Fresno, California, she began her college career at
one of the 12 University of California campuses. There, she flourished academically and did
what she sought to do; prove to herself that she could achieve something that others believed she
could not.
Song connection. It was not hard for Michelle to think of a song that represents her life.
She chose a song by the late hip-hop artist 2Pac. In the song, “Dear Mama,” 2Pac describes his
childhood experiences with poverty and reveals his devotion for his mother despite her drug
addiction. Michelle said the song encouraged her to think about her mother. She explained, “Not
kind of having that relationship with your [mom], but still like feeling really connected, [and]
then wanting to, like, show gratitude, but at the same time, like, maybe harboring resentment
and, like, hurt for not having that [mom].” Knowledge garnered from college gave her a new
perspective on her mother’s circumstances that lead to her placement in foster care. The song
choice depicts Michelle’s cognitive dissonance of wanting to forgive and reconcile her
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 43
relationship with her mother while still struggling with the pain that she endured from their
separation.
I put my lighter in the air for you
I see whatch’u doing, yeah I see whatch’u go through
Put my lighter in the air, the truth is you’re beautiful
Now put your lighter in the air for us,
Everybody singin together, sing a new song
Put your lighter in the air for love is beautiful, beautiful

Excerpt from “Beautiful” by Mali Music
Melissa. At the time of the interview, Melissa was a 25-year-old African American
woman who stood about 5-foot-6. Her hair was braided into French braids. The gloss on her lips
often sparkled when she spoke because of the reflection of the light in the room.
Melissa was placed in the foster care system because her parents were addicted to drugs.
She was fortunate to have had a loving family take care of her, when an elder family fostered her
as an infant. She spent 19 years with that family in Carson, California until she emancipated.
There was a period during her time in care that she reunified with her mother for 6 months. She
described her mother as not being ready for her return because she had not gotten the appropriate
help to treat her drug addiction. Melissa continued to struggle with neglect and abuse while with
her mother. Social workers worked to reconnect her with the elder family. Melissa returned to
the same placement and started to redefine family.
Throughout her adolescence, Melissa was bullied for several years because she was in the
foster care system. Kids made fun of her, hurling insults like, “No one loves you.” That
experience traumatized her and, consequently, had an impact on her school work and
participation. She was held back in the third grade. Middle school was a blur to her. She
remembered more about high school because, there, she felt the most challenge and support. The
counselor at her high school took interest in her and assisted her with applying to college,
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 44
connecting her to the ILP services, and providing more resources. She also received positive
reinforcement from her psychiatrist and foster parents. She shared, “Ever since I was little, my
[foster] parents would tell me that I was going to go to college.”
Melissa did more than just attend college. She became deeply involved. She joined the
foster youth program on her campus, ran for homecoming queen, and sought leadership roles to
shape policy and practices for child welfare advocates. She said that loving education and hoping
to become a superintendent one day, influenced her desire to help minority and low-income
students receive services.
Song connection. Melissa chose the most current song among all of the participants.
“Beautiful” is a gospel song that merges hip/hop and R&B rhythms. It describes the challenges
that women may face in life and provides hope that someone is on their side fighting with them.
The soulful song had a large impact on Melissa’s life. In addition to the song reminding her of
how beautiful she was, it reinforced the message that “you’re beautiful despite what’s going on
around you.” That message especially resonates with African American women, some of whom
do not receive positive affirmations from families or supportive adults. As Melissa strove for
self-assurance, her faith in God connected her with a power to overcome life’s challenges. An
example of this was a persistence and hope that she gained in elementary school. Despite being
bullied there, she was able to realize her beauty and talents thanks to the positive role models that
were in her life.
Parallels to a Perpendicular System
The following section discusses the findings derived from interviews with the four
participants. The participants’ composite stories (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001) are thematically
organized to answer each of the three research questions regarding how foster youth define
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 45
success, how they describe their challenges and successes in graduate school, and how
institutional context influences the way they define and achieve success. The aforementioned
composite stories are group stories about individuals’ experiences in foster care and graduate
school that were derived from the data. Some of the themes related to education, support,
challenges, and successes. Each of the themes help answer one or more of the research questions.
How do foster youth define success? While participants’ definitions of success varied, a
few themes emerged: a continuum of achievements, academic progress, altruism, and challenge
stereotypes. All participants defined success as a continuum of progress toward their dreams and
aspirations. Although no participant acknowledged that they had obtained career success, they
took stock in knowing that being in graduate school and having an impact in their communities
put them one step closer to their goals. While there is no research about the perceptions of
success among marginalized students, researchers should explore this concept in order to better
understand the motivations of these students.
A continuum of achievements. Participants generally associated success with progress in
their social work program and goals in their life. They did not consider themselves successful,
but, rather, progressing toward success. After learning more about their trajectories to higher
education, I noticed a connection between how they defined success. Each participant’s
definition of success is stated below in their own words in order to ensure that their perspectives
were accurately shared. Melissa stated,
Success looks completely different…the glory of life is to give, not to receive. To love,
not to be loved. To serve, and not to be served. Success is being selfless to say, ‘It’s not
about me. All these things that I’m going through, the trials and tribulations, the
positives, the negatives, the beauty, the storm, the ugliness is not about me. It’s for a
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 46
greater purpose.’ Success is not about money, accolades. [It’s] not about, ‘Oh,
[Melissa’s] done this, this, and that.’ Success is not my resume and you can’t measure my
success to a piece of paper. I had the privilege of being one of the first social work interns
at [a] middle school in Carson, California, which is new to them. They never had that,
and, through that, I was able to leave a legacy as a diversion program there.
Michelle shared,
Success, for me, is just being validated in my grades that I’m doing good and that I am
getting it and that, you know, I do have a right to be here. It’s like the one thing that I’m
working towards that I define success, so I don’t know if I am really qualifying successes
as other things or just necessarily like the progress that I’m making in school.
Alex articulated,
Define your success is [a] really hard [question]. I mean, I guess a really easy way to say
it is by grades and by opportunities that are presented to you. Opportunities through
networking—not accepting no. I mean, sometimes you’re going to fail, and that’s okay,
but, as long as you continue to try to do something better, you’re going to get there
eventually. You’re going to get somewhere close. Some of the successes I’ve had through
the program have been becoming a part of the honor society. So, I’ve been on the honor
society since my first semester, and I’ll be graduating with honors. This, semester, in
particular, winning the fast pitch for the social innovation project that we had.
Melinda discussed,
Through internship, I’ve seen a lot of accomplishments. Especially this year, a lot of staff
members are emailing me and sending me cards of thank you or appreciation for helping
them out in [the] office. And I would say I’m definitely still formulating my definition of
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 47
success. I have an end goal, and I feel like my end goal would be success. One day, I
hope to open up a nonprofit for women. In graduate school, yes. Getting here was
definitely a big success for me. I mean, I just applied. I didn’t ever imagine getting in.
And, hopefully, graduating is also my success and this last final.
Melissa’s definition was significantly different. She expanded on being selfless and
serving others. Melissa’s answer demonstrated that her definition of success was tightly
connected to her legacy of service. The connection in their definitions is that all of the
participants hoped to make an impact in their unique way. The altruism formed from their
challenges gives each of them the hope needed to change the adverse outcomes of youth from
similar backgrounds. Despite the low expectations of their families and others, they challenged
the status quo.
Academic progress. Melinda, Alex, and Michelle defined success as high performance
progress in their academic programs and toward their goals. They shared how their good grades
would contribute to graduating and getting closer to their purpose in life. Michelle stated, "So I
think that's definitely a success for me is just being validated in my grades; that I'm doing good
and that I am cutting it and that, you know, I do have a right to be here." Her definition of
success was closely tied to her academic achievements because it proved to her that she could do
something that she did not always know she could do.
Altruism. Participants shared different definitions of what success meant to them, yet,
after analyzing the data, a connecting theme of altruism became apparent. All had a background
in foster care and attended different universities for their undergraduate programs. Participants
illustrated a complex response to defining success. Their meaning of success aligned with an
altruistic life rather than a destination or material possession. It is important to share that they all
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 48
were in the social work program at SCMC. The participants’ successes would come when they
have assisted their patients, youth, and clients to succeed in their endeavors. Melissa said,
"Success is, like I said ... Is the glory of life, is to give not to receive, to love not to be loved, to
serve not to be served." When analyzing each participant’s response to the meaning of success,
each response revealed a yearn to be of service and to give back to their communities.
Challenge stereotypes. Participants challenged stereotypes by advocating for foster youth
and sharing their achievements as a means of motivating their siblings and others in care.
Specifically, Alex and Melissa mentioned a new narrative was necessary in order to change the
way that people see foster youth. She explained, “To get rid of [the stereotypes] is doing work
that I’m doing in the foster youth community, is going out to the capital, going out to lobby,
[and] share the good experiences.” She continued, “Yeah, I went into foster care when I was 3
days old. I emancipated when I was 19, but I’m here at 25 in my master’s program.”
Some of the stereotypes mentioned by Melissa were “you’re dumb, you’re just good for
nothing, you’re looking for trouble.” Michelle described stereotypes of foster youth as being
antithetical of “articulate, well behaved, personable, and educated.” She described how she
challenged stereotypes in her classroom. She said,
We talk about foster youth in my program a lot in the sense of like they’re deficits in their
abuse and their maltreatment, all the things that go on with them and the trauma; but we
don’t ever talk about their successes, and I think, for myself, just being who I am, and
like telling people in my class, yeah, that’s my foster care experience or I did grow up in
foster care. And that’s the thing that I share about, like, my identity.
Melinda shared that her peers often were shocked when she shared her foster identity. She said,
“people [say] you are [a foster youth], and you’re here?” Interestingly, the act of challenging the
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 49
stereotypes that others have about foster youth gave Melinda pause about when she chooses to
speak and when she chooses to remain silent. She described her dilemma:
So, it’s like the N word. When people say it around me, I know I want to say something,
but I don’t. And, one of these days, I will overcome that and be able to. It’s that, that is
the same equal to foster youth.
Melinda’s comparison uproots the complexity of the foster identity. Her struggle to confront
others displays the compounded dilemma that many foster youth may face: simultaneously
fighting circumstantial adversity and the negative perceptions of others. On the contrary, Alex
did not quarrel with sharing his thoughts about challenging stereotypes. He went deeper and
discussed his lack of awareness about how far he has come. He said,
With graduation coming up, it’s really weird because so many people say that they’re
proud and all of this stuff, but, for me, it’s kind of like, ‘Well, this is what was next. This
is what I needed to do.’ So, and I think that’s one of the problems that I do have, is I need
to stop and realize that those are actual things to celebrate.
When Alex achieved a goal, he usually kept pursuing other goals. Perhaps, this was the first time
that he had acknowledged that he had been successful, that it was okay to be proud of himself
and celebrate his achievements. Alex’s self-efficacy demonstrated by his statement revealed that
his expectations of himself never wavered. Although he and the other participants were aware of
negative stereotypes, they embraced the idea that they had more to prove to themselves than to
anyone else.
How do foster youth describe their challenges and successes in graduate school?
Participants’ descriptions of challenges and successes in graduate school correlated to the
research listed in Chapter Two. Lack of financial aid and stereotypes from their peers and
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 50
professors were among the top themes shared. Other themes included: school mobility, lack of
familial and emotional support, fears, sense of belonging, and academics.
Financial insecurity. Although participants faced financial insecurity, they used
resources like loans and private scholarships to pay for college. Aside from that, Melinda utilized
SCMC’s virtual food pantry where she received grocery gift cards when she had no other
options. Michelle and Melissa also used that service. In fact, Melissa used her savings from her
undergraduate years to combine with other sources of funding to pay for her graduate program.
Financial insecurity was not a concern for all participants. Alex strategically applied to
two private colleges for graduate school. He worked hard as an undergraduate to apply to the
best social work programs in the nation. All three colleges that accepted him held a strong rivalry
which positioned him to negotiate his funding packages. "I had to go back and forth with the
institutions for about three weeks to a month, and I was able to get most of my graduate school,
um, completely funded," he said. He sought mentorship and guidance support from other
sources.
Stereotypes. Although participants saw challenging stereotypes as a success, the
stereotypes were among the challenges that impeded them. Stereotypes from their peers and
professors compounded the low levels of familial and emotional support. Regardless of the
specific age, all of the participants realized their potential in school. They shared a common
understanding that doing well academically would equate to a more desirable future. Another
commonality derived from the data was that all of the participants were motivated by their
circumstances to perform well in school. Michelle spoke about wanting to prove to herself and
others that she could achieve academic success. She stated, “[I] can achieve something even if
people don’t think that [I] can or tell [me] that [I] won’t.”
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 51
School Mobility. Before entering college, participants were challenged with high levels
of school mobility that affected their higher education attainment. Three were held back in
primary school. All expressed discontent about being held back, but concluded that they were
able to succeed thereafter. As mentioned in Chapter Two, foster youth who experience fewer
than six school changes were 3.7 times more likely to graduate from college than those who
underwent 10 or more school changes (Pecora et al., 2009).
Lack of familial and emotional support. Alex described his feelings: “Although, in
graduate school, it becomes a lot different and more people are working, there’s still a lot of
family interaction [that is needed].” Although graduate students are much older and have
experienced and conquered college, the need for family and emotional support is still significant
for foster youth. Michelle had no support from her family while in college. She talked about their
low understanding of college and how they wanted her to conform to gender roles.
When comparing foster youth to first-generation college students with low-income
backgrounds, foster youth were more likely to drop out of college (Day et al., 2011). Due to a
combination of challenges, foster youth are at risk of dropping out of college. Participants’
resilience served as their best method of overcoming those challenges. Participants attributed
their pursuit of success, achieving academic excellence in their graduate programs, and the
impact they had on clients through internships as contributions to their resilience.
Fears. When asked about their fears before enrolling in graduate school, all of the
participants shared that the cost of graduate school was a leading deterrent. They also spoke
about not being adequately prepared for the academic rigor of their programs. These fears
haunted all of the participants throughout their programs. Melinda recalled the reasons why she
feared the price of attending graduate school and of being in debt: “I feared being in debt, I still
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 52
fear being in debt ’cause my siblings are in debt, and I know they can’t apply for certain things
because their credit is bad.” She took her chances and justified her investment by anticipating
that she would receive support in the future through a loan forgiveness program. For Michelle,
money was a challenge, but her time-management was one challenge that was not mentioned by
the other participants. She mentioned,
I think the biggest challenge I have is how do I make time to do all of my reading and my
writing? Like, to be honest, I didn’t do a lot of my reading, and I feel really shitty about
it, but, at the end of the day, like, if I can get by without doing my reading and still get
good grades [sic].
Michelle spoke about her academics with a sense of importance. This relates to a common theme
derived from the data regarding challenges: lack of community.
Sense of belonging. All participants mentioned that finding a sense of belonging and
community on campus was a significant challenge. Melissa was highly involved in her
undergraduate program, yet she still had uncertainty about her transition to a private school. Due
to her involvement with campus support programs, community was not a concern in her
undergraduate program. She avowed, “[On the] first day of school, I already knew 200 plus
people as opposed to my first day of graduate school. I knew five.” Michelle and Melinda’s lack
of academic preparation proliferated their low levels of connection with their peers and the
campus community. Melissa had no experience with research in her undergraduate program, but
she received resources at SCMC to conduct research. She maintained, “that’s something I
appreciate now. Like, I’m glad I chose to go to [SCMC] because the level of education there,
academics, is amazing, like completely off the charts.” She sought peers to read her work before
submitting her class paper drafts.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 53
Melissa discussed her discontent with being from a low-income background and being on
a prestigious university. Her thoughts about attending SCMC were, "Am I biting off too much
like than I can chew? Like, did I go out and pursue something that I'm not really ready for?" She
felt like an imposter on campus. Positive self-talk and involvement in her academic program and
the foster youth supportive program allowed her to strive for her goals. "No, I got into eight
master's program, which means I have what it takes."
Academics. Melissa had confidence that the resources would help her ascertain the
necessary skills to do well academically. Michelle shared that she had been on academic
probation while in her undergraduate program. Although improving her grades was challenging,
she got through it after breaking her leg, which left her with nothing to do but her school work.
In graduate school, her focus was to be the best that she could be. She asserted,
Like literally not being able to fail. So, yeah, I’m very hard on myself, I think,
academically. I have a high preoccupation with failure, but I do really well despite, so it’s
kind of like, even though I’m internally freaking out and doubting myself, like, I get
reaffirmed by, like, you know, getting a 4.0 first semester and, like, knowing that
regardless of how I feel about the situation, I would still [view] as, like, good.
Although her past scarred her, she found her purpose in college. She added, “Even though I had,
like, the behavioral issues, the trauma and all that stuff going on, I still could excel
academically.” Similar to other participants, she understood that her past had no stronghold on
her future.
How does institutional context influence the way foster youth define and achieve
success? As mentioned in Chapter One, institutional context is composed of two contextual
components: 1) the childcare system and 2) the education system. The first is the child welfare
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 54
system and all of the settings and persons that serve as an agent of the child welfare system,
which includes foster homes, juvenile court, social workers and services like ILP. The second
component is the education system. This includes educational agents and services provided to the
participants from birth through graduate school, which include guardian scholars’ programs,
school counselors, teachers, and mentors. The participants’ responses illuminated the influences
that institutions had on their lives and how it has impeded and/or assisted their quest for success.
The responses were categorically themed as the following: supportive programs, child welfare
assistance, supportive adults, lack of family support, peer networks, no compromise from
campus, education being the answer, and exceeding expectations. Each theme and composite
story seeks to answer the research question shared above.
Supportive programs. At SCMC, a guardian scholars program established to improve the
persistence of foster youth in undergraduate programs. Initially, participants said that
administrators at this private school in Southern California seemed to be naive about the needs of
foster youth on campus. They said that the resources were few when compared to those at their
undergraduate institutions but that support increased throughout their time at the university. All
of the participants spoke about the help that they received from the program. Melinda said that it
was through connecting with the program coordinator and attending the first-generation college
summit that she learned about resources that she could have used before accepting a loan at the
beginning of her program. She also learned how to take advantage of the campus’ virtual food
pantry. After filling out a form, she received a gift card that could be used at both on- and off-
campus grocery stores.
Scholars cited in Chapter Two discussed the importance of college-based programs that
serve foster youth. The benefits as described by Corwin (2011) were “institutionally structured
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 55
social networks made up of a cohort of peers from similar backgrounds and institutional agents”
(p. 180). Aside from providing community for students with foster care backgrounds, college-
based programs vary with the support that is offered. The lack of “methodologically sound
impact evaluation” limits the programs from being replicated and supported widely (Dworsky &
Perez, 2010).
Participants who joined a college support program felt connected to campus, resources,
and to other students from similar backgrounds. Alex said that limits on his time in graduate
school prevented him from being as involved in the support program as he had hoped. This
contributed to his perception of there being a lack of institutional support. He said, “They don’t
have programs established for graduate school, so there’s no funding tied to it.” His
discontentment for there not being equal support for foster youth in graduate school as there was
in his undergraduate school limited his expectations. It is important to note that the guardian
scholars program at SCMC expanded its program eligibility to include foster youth in graduate
school due to the increase need.
Alex could have gained institutional aids and mentors to advocate for him throughout his
time in graduate school. For all other participants, the supportive program exposed them to social
capital. Bourdieu (1986) defines social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or potential
resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized
relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition” (p. 248). Due to his lack of social capital
and no mentors from the social work program, it took Alex a year to obtain an internship with his
current job.
Child welfare assistance. Participants’ responses provided insight into their decision-
making process and influences. The relationships and support recalled by participants focus on
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 56
significant influences from K-12 through graduate school. Participants revealed a unique pattern
of help-seeking, networking, and gratitude.
Alex's experience revealed a perspective that had not been shared by any other
participant. The child welfare system as an institution facilitated a strong sense of resilience and
confidence for Alex. It prepared him to maneuver the institution of college and make it on his
own.
"I was pretty successful because school is something I knew how to do it, something I've
been good at. It's something that even though it was different, I wasn't around people I
knew, being in foster care kind of prepared me to come out here and know nobody and be
fine with it."
Some participants, like Melinda, received timely and appropriate resources from ILP.
Foster and probation youth may receive help with housing, education, and employment as
students in high school, college, or vocational programs. Melinda took advantage of those
resources. She attended financial aid workshops and received tutoring for her challenging
courses in high school. Melinda explained, “I went to one high school [and] I thought I would
never be able to reach the 12th grade.” Melinda’s participation in Saturday school and tutoring
provided her with a keen level of challenge and support that put her on track to graduate on time,
or early, if she desired.
Other participants received help from Department of Children and Family Services
(DCFS). Michelle, for example, had ambitions about visiting a college campus, but could not
gain the support of her foster parents. She explained, “My foster parents weren’t willing to drive
me out the four hours, [but] my social worker did it, and it made that impact on me. You know,
getting to see the college campus and what life would be like on my own.” Her social worker
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 57
also walked her through the college application process step by step. Furthermore, the ILP
invited her to visit a University of California campus in her local area. She described her
experience:
It was this whole music day where we got to sing. We got to play instruments, and just
you know, shadow a student that lived there. So, that event made me view a college. It’s
actually the first college I’ve ever visited.
Melinda valued her experience in this program. She was exposed for the first time to the idea of
college and given an opportunity to explore what her life would be like if she attended. Unlike
Melinda, Melissa’s relationship with her social workers was inexistent. She explained,
My social worker [was] pretty much nowhere to be around. I think 10th through 12th
grade, I had five, six social workers come in and out. They were never consistent, nobody
ever passed down this information. I found out from my high school college counselor.
Melissa described her college preparation process as a form of luck or divine intervention in
having been exposed to the resources she needed. All of the participants except Alex received
college preparation support. Although he managed to exceed the number of units that were
required to graduate high school, he applied to colleges on his own. He asserted, “I started
applying to schools and nobody at my high school at the time knew how to help me, because
they had never dealt with anybody in foster care or any of that type of stuff.” The lack of support
motivated Alex to persist in his endeavors. In fact, all of the participants persisted with or
without resources. They found avenues that nurtured their quest for higher education.
Supportive adults. Supportive adults played a significant role in the development of all of
the participants. Melinda, for instance, was encouraged to apply to graduate school from her
foster mom and her peers. “[Melinda] why don’t you try this. Like, you are totally a people
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 58
person. I can see you working with kids,” she stated. Some mentorships were established from
small interactions and offered more tangible resources. Michelle spoke about meeting her mentor
at a graduation for foster youth. The woman who developed the foster youth program at her
school invested in her higher education pursuit. Michelle said,
So, she even paid for me to have a GRE testing course. That, literally, I think two years I
[had] cold feet about it, and then, one year, I had like a support system, and then I kind of
was able to structure my time and motivate my behavior based on having that support
system and being accountable to somebody as well.
Without the support of encouraging adults, preferably a social worker, foster parent, or other
knowledgeable person, the four participants would surely have taken another direction in life.
Lack of family support. Alex was not as active in the campus program because he
worked full time. He shared his frustration about the lack of resources for foster youth in
graduate school:
But a lot of it was just someone to be able to talk to, to encourage you, check up on you,
check in on you because, a lot of the time, foster youth don’t have people who do that
type of stuff. And that makes a huge difference when there’s somebody there who can
actually just pick up a phone or send a postcard or send a little note thinking about you,
hope everything is going well. You feel lost or lonely when your peers have families who
come to see them. They go home on the weekends, [and] get little things like that. And
although, in graduate school, it becomes a lot different and more people are working,
there’s still a lot of family interaction [that is needed].
Family relationships were important to all of the participants. They acknowledged that
many organizations took on a role similar to an encouraging and supportive family.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 59
Organizations that continued to help participants despite their age ineligibility were the John
Burton Foundation, the Orangewood Children’s Foundation, the Change a Life Foundation,
United Friends of the Children, Foster Care to Success, and the Fostering Educational
Opportunity Foundation.
Research states that foster youth cannot turn to their families for emotional support
(Emerson, 2006). The participants’ experiences revealed this statement to be true. Just as family
and friends would share resources with others, the participants had a conviction to share what
they learned or had been able to receive with foster youth who were not in the program. For
example, Michelle said that she was unfamiliar with the resources in Southern California until
she met another student in her program who experienced foster care. That student connected her
with many organizations. This led to her receiving scholarships and emotional support. “That
was what really made the difference,” she said. They became each other's family. The
institutional context of the college presented them with the resources and space to make those
connections. Those connections allowed them to pursue their goals, thus leading them to their
definition of success.
Peer networks. The students' peer networks provided much of the assistance that they
needed to achieve their definition of success. Since all of the participants were in the social work
program, they were introduced to one another and to the greater foster youth community in Los
Angeles County. Participants stressed the importance of informing their classmates and
instructors about the successes of foster youth, despite reading literature that painted a negative
image of them. Although all participants were not able to cultivate strong connections with
institutional agents, they persisted in their programs and achieved their goals in and out of the
classroom.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 60
The child welfare system allowed participants to get to know other foster youth with
whom they could develop close relationships. Melinda said that her connection with other foster
youth led to her applying for graduate school and being accountable to the life that she wanted to
live. She shared that her friends would say things like, "Why don't you try this? Like you are
totally like a people person, I can see you working with kids." She was validated and encouraged
by her friends to pursue social work.
No compromise from campus. Although the respondents were resilient, it is imperative
to share their challenges in order to paint the entire picture of their experiences. The research
revealed a myriad of challenges in the previous section regarding a lack of support and resources.
Alex reasoned with this thought and explained, “Graduate school did not provide that type of
stuff. It would’ve been great if they did, but also graduate school is more, from what I’ve seen, a
business.” He said that he felt conflicted about being in a social work program; about being
taught how to advocate for himself when neither the program nor the institution valued his voice.
He gave an example:
My program required internships, or internship hours to be completed. And, in the
beginning, speaking with them about a particular place that I’ve wanted to intern because
it was tied to my current job. I kind of explained my living situation. If I didn’t work, I
was going to be homeless. They did not understand that. And it took them over just about
a year for them to finally approve what I wanted to do, which just did not seem right.
Policies and procedures in graduate programs can lack compromise and understanding of the
unique experiences of foster youth.
Education being the answer. Notwithstanding awareness of the harmful effects of being
in foster care, all of the participants believed that education would change the trajectory of their
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 61
lives. Foster youth acknowledge that higher education can be an equalizer, which would gives
them an opportunity to reach success. As mentioned in Chapter One, the data clearly states that
the aspiration to attend college is held by 70% of foster youth, yet few ever enroll (McMillen et
al., 2003; Pecora et al., 2005; Wolanin, 20053). Participants enjoyed learning and going to
school. Despite being bullied for being in foster care, Melissa enjoyed her connection to her
teachers and loved attending class. “School was kind of like my only way out,” Alex mentioned.
Participants all made similar statements. They envisioned a better future for themselves as
compared to their family members who had attained lower levels of formal education. It is
important to mention that obtaining a formal education at higher levels than their peers and
family members was not the participants' exact definition of success. Notwithstanding the
college context and the challenges it presented, it served as an atmosphere for the participants to
achieve their definition of success – traveling along the continuum of achievements to make a
difference in their communities.
Exceeding expectations. Each participant had a quest for doing better than their siblings,
overcoming the challenges in their lives or exceeding the educational expectations that others
had of them. Melinda did not feel motivated to go to school, but she decided to go to school and
be different from her family. She mentioned that attending school and studying were just a few
“things that motivated [her] mind” to get away from “parent issues, grandparent issues, and
sibling rivalry.” Melinda never imagined college to be in her future because of the cost and her
being the only one in her family who had thought of attending college. In contrast, Alex knew
that college was in his future. “School was the only thing I’ve ever felt I had control of, so, it’s
always something I’ve put a lot of effort into, he said. Before entering foster care, Alex was
regularly absent from school. He did not read at the appropriate grade level, which led him to
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 62
repeat the first grade. After that, he consistently received good grades, but this was not the case
for every participant. In fact, two participants were held back in school for separate reasons.
Melissa was held back in the third grade due to trauma associated with being bullied. After that
experience, she dedicated herself to do well in class, just like Alex. She said, “I really realized
like, ‘Oh, this education thing, I got it.’” In high school, Melissa earned her way on to the honor
roll and began to tutor others in the subjects that she conquered. Michelle was held back in the
fifth grade due to placement instability. Moving from home to home affected her studies.
Fortunately, she was placed one grade higher when she was placed in a foster home in
California.
Deservingly so, all of the participants graduated from undergraduate programs with the
help of on-campus programs and services discussed in the previous section. Their resilience,
patience, and perseverance allowed them to execute their goals and apply to graduate school.
This proved that they had more in common than their backgrounds and cultural differences
would suggest. They are diverse in background and culture, but they have more similarities than
differences. Melinda, Michelle, and Alex all worked after their undergraduate programs for 2, 5,
and 3 years, respectively. Contrarily, the youngest participant took no break between her
undergraduate program and enrolling in graduate school. These scholars were enrolled in the
same social work program. With so many questions about their futures, education was the only
answer to end the cycle of poverty and uncertainty.
These participants demonstrated perseverance and persistence through their trajectories
from foster care to graduate school. The essence of participants’ stories was their willingness to
have hope in something that they believed in: their ability to contribute to changing both the
foster care system and the narrative of the clients that they one day will serve. Influences from
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 63
mentors, peers and the institutional context presented them with a delicate balance of the
challenge and support that they needed to succeed. The institution itself created barriers and also
created a definition of success for foster youth. It is time to transform the structure of support
that is accessible for foster youth in graduate school and allow these students to create their own
meanings of success. Chapter Five discusses the broader implications connected to the research
questions and provides recommendations to make colleges more equitable for foster youth in
graduate school. The recommendations discussed below are not all-inclusive solutions.

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 64
Chapter Five: Limitations and Conclusion
I offer limitations of the findings and provide an overview of areas of further inquiry. The
purpose of this study was to understand the experiences of foster youth in graduate school. Based
on the theory “mesearch, research, wesearch” and “community theorizing”, the findings
discussed in the previous chapter reveal respondents’ challenges and successes while pursuing a
graduate degree at a private predominantly white institution. In the following section, I will
explore and discuss how respondents define success in higher education, how institutional
context influences the way that they define and achieve success, and how they describe their
challenges and successes in graduate school. The chapter also suggests recommendations for
universities to enhance the experiences of and become more equitable to these students.
Limitations to Study
Participants’ responses provided significant insight into their experiences and revealed
findings about their challenges and successes in graduate school. Due to the small sample,
generalizability is not possible. This study was limited in time and resources. I chose all
participants from the same support program, which limits the diversity of the study. Three
participants were young women, and one was a young man. All were enrolled in a social work
graduate program. One should not assume that all foster youth who attend graduate school
pursue social work. As mentioned, this study is compelling because it shares the perspectives of
foster youth in graduate school along with notions of what it means to serve students from
diverse backgrounds.
As a Black man with experiences in the foster care system and a strong belief in higher
education, I interpreted participants’ experiences through a lens influenced by my multiple
identities and background. I may have emphasized themes that were not important to participants
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 65
or misinterpreted their experiences. To mitigate these limitations, I used verbatim transcriptions
in my analysis and reconciled findings with each participant.
This study did not attempt to answer the question of why there are few foster youth in
graduate school. On the contrary, this non-comprehensive study sought to understand the
respondents’ unique experiences to counter the master-narrative and share their stories in an
effort to facilitate change. Future studies can include more diverse samples and seek the
perspectives of social workers and administrators who work closely with this population.
Additionally, future studies can benefit from more longitudinal inquiry.
Theoretical Implications
As mentioned in Chapter One, mesearch, research, and wesearch, (Douglas, 2016) is a
critical model defined as a “personal, professional and pedagogical continuum to understand
life’s phenomena.” (Douglas, 2016) argues that it is important that we study ourselves, internally
(mesearch), study what surrounds us, externally (research), and what our constituents need
(wesearch). The three interrelated concepts are our stories, others’ stories/or scholarship, and the
use of that knowledge to help marginalized communities. The approach sought to conceptualize
respondents’ experiences and change the master-narratives that adversely affect them.
Mesearch, research, and wesearch is a new theoretical lens for studying phenomena and
empowering marginalized communities to create change. Greater conceptualization is needed to
understand the mechanisms of using wesearch as a means of empowering participants to act for
change. More inquiry should focus on the participants’ definition of change. The practical utility
of this theory could be improved if the focus of creating change was explored with marginalized
college students. Critically theorizing the college experiences, self-efficacy, and motivations in
graduate school would provide a more thorough study that addresses counter-narratives.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 66
Furthermore, career development and health as a means of defining success should be studied
further. Applying a social capital framework (Dika & Singh, 2002; McNeal, 1999), would
provide significant insight into theoretical questions pertaining to help-seeking patterns. Other
marginalized populations such as students who experience homelessness, LGBTQ students, and
those formerly incarcerated would provide researchers with better understanding of the
application of the mesearch, research, and wesearch model.
Policy and Practical Implications
Study participants offered suggestions about how their colleges and DCFS could better
support their success. The data revealed the following recommendations: provide foster youth
with accurate and updated information and guidance to apply to colleges and enhance resources
for foster youth on college campuses.
Timely information. One of the most salient challenges that respondents faced before
and during their time in college was limited access to accurate and timely information. While in
high school, foster youth often miss deadlines for services due to placement instability. These
problems could be resolved if these students were better educated about the cost of college and
their financial aid options. Participants of this study said that they gathered resources on their
own or asked other foster youth about options. After attending a first-generation college student
summit Melinda said, “There was so many resources that I could have got involved with before
accepting such a big loan.” Foster youth should have access to an online database of resources
before entering the 11th grade or emancipating, whichever comes first. Program coordinators
should present new opportunities and resources in a timely fashion to meet students’ needs.
Furthermore, training should ensure that all coordinators and advocates are well-equipped to
challenge and support their students.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 67
One purpose of this study was to highlight the success of foster youth in graduate school.
Hence, a recommendation that college programs and DCFS share the successes of their
participants, and of changing the master-narrative.
College support services. Participants emphasized a sense of community on their college
campus. For example, Michelle described her time in her program as “very helpful.” She
described “having the community, having the support, just having somebody to ask questions to
when you need” is what made her time in graduate school more feasible. Although support
programs exist on many California campuses, foster youth still find themselves lost with no one
to ask for help. Most graduate foster youth are left out of the planning process. They are an
especially vulnerable group that often lack community and familial support, and there are limited
programs on college campuses that allow them to receive services.
Universities should hire well-qualified people who can meet the unique needs of foster
youth in both undergraduate and graduate programs. These programs not only serve the students,
but signal to future students that they, too, could pursue a graduate degree. Peer-to-peer
mentorship could derive from this new venture and contribute to retention. Comprehensive
support and leadership opportunities should give students power in the decision-making process.
Funding. This study’s participants were among the first foster youth in their high schools
to pursue college due, in part, to inadequate guidance from counselors and social workers. Lack
of financial support was a deterrent to entering college and graduate school. Ultimately, their
undergraduate tuition was paid through grants and scholarships. Melinda feared being in debt,
yet she surrendered to student loans in the hope of receiving loan forgiveness. She commended
one program: “The John Burton Book Fund. I feel like they have supplied me with books that I
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 68
wouldn’t have bought.” After joining the support program on her campus, she was informed
about scholarships and other resources that alleviated her financial burden.
Resources like ILP should be extended to foster youth who demonstrate academic
excellence and persisted to graduate school. Furthermore, the age requirement for educational
training vouchers should be extended to 26. Federal programs like Work-Study, TRiO, and
educational opportunity programs should allow these students priority enrollment, as they are
often first-generation, low-income students and thus eligible for these programs. Lastly, college
support programs should be institutionally funded. Since most programs are largely funded by
private grants and donations, colleges limit the number of students who participate in them. This
system means foster youth in graduate school struggle to find help.
Conclusion
Los Angeles County has the largest population of foster youth in the United States. Once
in graduate school, these students should not receive assistance serendipitously. Administrators,
advocates, and policy-makers should align their perceptions of these youth with the expectations
that they have of themselves. As Melissa said, “Success is not my resume, and you can’t measure
my success to a piece of paper.” Graduating from college and pursuing graduate school should
not preclude foster youth from receiving resources and support that facilitate their success. The
participants in this study adjusted well to being a part of yet another institution where they felt
they did not belong: a prestigious and rigorous campus.
Weeks following their interviews, I ran across two of the participants at a holiday event
hosted by a Los Angeles-based program that supports foster youth. They shared more insight
about the condition of the foster care system and on how much they appreciated having their
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 69
voices heard as a tool to create change. Changes inevitably will come with their entrance into the
field of social services.
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 70
Epilogue
“Times are tough but the end is in sight.”
~ Michelle
Upon completing my thesis, I contacted the participants 6 months after their initial
interviews. All of the participants said that they were doing well. Two had graduated and the
other two were continuing their graduate studies.
Melinda
Melinda said, “Graduation was amazing, I tried to soak it all up and not let my biological
family bring me down.” During the summer, she worked part time for SCMC’s Upward Bound,
a federally funded college preparatory program that serves students from low-income families.
Melinda spoke highly of this program and her love for having a classroom of 30 high school
seniors. Currently, she serves as a clinical coordinator at a non-profit foster family agency in
Southern California. She tells me, “I have a caseload of 16 kiddos. I am the foster family agency,
social worker.” After four months, Melinda was still adapting to her new job. Although she has
not met anyone but her colleagues, she loves her work.
Moving to a new city with limited funds was her most significant challenge after graduate
school. Reflecting on the resources that she could have used as a student, she said, “I honestly
felt I wasn’t involved enough while at [SCMC] to take advantage of Journey House.” Journey
House is a non-profit organization that assists current and former foster youth in moving their
furniture and financially assisting them with unexpected expenses. I informed Melinda that her
age does not preclude her receipt of those services. She lives near her workplace and is doing
well being on her own. She added, “And that’s me. I am not one to ask for help, and that is
something I still need to work on. I will do that going forward.”
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 71
Alex
Alex graduated in May. “It was a lot to take in graduating from [SCMC],” he said,
describing the accomplishment as “unreal.” It took me several weeks to receive a response from
Alex after completing the project. He had been working hard in his role as a college
administrator to assist students in a program that provides resources to low-income, first-
generation college students. He informed me that he will not be working in this role any longer.
Instead, he will be transitioning from a coordinator at a college in Southern California to an
associate director for a new college in New York. “The job will require a lot of traveling,” he
said, adding that he is excited about the journey.
Alex spoke briefly about his current living situation, stating, “I live in the same
apartment. Nothing has changed.” His hard work and dedication for serving college students
propelled him to a new role and a new life.
Michelle
During the summer, Michelle did what she said she would do: work on her professional
development. She studied mindfulness and yoga to incorporate new elements into her clinical
practice as a social worker. While working as a part-time nanny, Michelle used her spare time to
study for the California Basic Educational Skills Test to subsequently pursue her Pupil Personnel
Services Credential to become a school counselor. The summer gave her the relaxation she
needed to process her time in graduate school and begin to prepare for her second year. She
asserts, “My program is challenging, but I am doing really good.” Her courses and internship
with a non-profit that does “community mental health” taught her about herself.
She spoke about wanting to be consistent in her practices and to hold herself accountable
in her values. She is on track to graduate from her program with a 4.0. She is proud of her
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 72
direction, and reminds me, “Times are tough, but the end is in sight.” After completing her
program, she hopes to be selected as a foster youth intern with the Congressional Coalition on
Adoption Institute (CCAI) to work for a United States Senator and advocate for federal policy
changes. We have decided to meet in the coming weeks to discuss my experience with CCAI and
to work on her application to apply.
Melissa
In my final meeting with Melissa, she was not shy to share her updates since our last
meeting. She described her progress as “exciting.” After completing her first year in graduate
school, she spent her summer at a camp, serving current foster youth ages 6 to16. Aside from
that, she served as a leader and teacher for low-income families at a school that specializes in
literacy enrichment programs. She has plans to become a superintendent one day. She wants to
pursue a doctorate degree in education after working in the social work field for a few years.
Melissa is well on her way to graduate in the spring of 2018. Since August 2017, she has
interned with a non-profit organization that provides young boys of color with the support and
many services that they need to succeed in school. Although she gets to work with the youth, she
has been having a hard time enjoying her job because of a “very hostile and stressful
environment due to the lack of professionalism from the staff.” Her interest in returning to this
placement next semester has dwindled. Additionally, she works as a direct care staff member at
an achievement group home for girls ages 16 to 21 who have cases in DCFS or the probation
department. She tells me that she serves many young girl “victims of commercial sexualization
and exploitation within Los Angeles County.” Melissa plays a significant role in her jobs and her
community. Aside from working, she is a youth ministry leader in her church and said that she
has enjoyed “actively engaging in discipleship with the youth.”
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 73
If making an impact on the lives of youth and leaving a legacy is how she defines
success, she is very successful. Before concluding our conversation, she mentioned, “I am
running for my city local pageant. I haven’t announced it publicly yet, but you can add it in
there.” Things have been looking positive for Melissa. Recently, she changed her last name to
her foster parents’ last name. She described it as a complicated process for a long-overdue
change. She said she loved her foster parents so much, so she wanted to “make it official.”
After graduating from graduate school, she wants to move out of her foster parents’
house to live life on her own. She worries about the change, because “rent in Los Angeles
County is really high.” I concluded our meeting by informing her about some organizations that
would assist her with her rent and provide her with moving services.

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 74
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Appendix A: Recruitment Flyer
FOSTER CARE & GRADUATE SCHOOL SUCCESS

v Are you a graduate student at Southern California Methodist
College?
v Have you spent more than a year in the foster care system?
v Do you want to see more foster youth in graduate school?
v Would you be willing to meet with a researcher from USC to
talk about your experiences and “success” in graduate school?

If so, please contact Demontea Thompson at (310)341-xxxx for more information.

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 82
Appendix B: Interview Questions
Good morning/afternoon/evening. My name is Demontea Thompson and I am a Master’s
candidate at University of Southern California. To fulfill my requirements needed to complete
my Master’s degree in Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs, I must complete a
research study. The study I have chosen is on “foster care youth attending graduate school.” To
be honest, I opted in to do a thesis to share experiences of foster youth in graduate school
because of my experience as a graduate student from foster care. Most research on foster youth
discuss the challenges and disadvantages that they face, but I have yet to come across research
about the foster youth that have navigated college beyond all odds. I want to highlight their
stories and render them visible in higher education. The purpose of this study is to understand
your perceptions and successes of attending graduate school.
Thank you for being willing and able to participate in my research study. Momentarily, I
will begin audiotaping the interview with your permission; it should last approximately 60
minutes. Your name will not be used in any of my reports or documents. Furthermore, to value
your confidentiality and to allow you to be a part of the process, I am giving you an option to
choose your pseudonym – an alias. It can be an appropriate name or object that you feel
comfortable with. The reason for the pseudonyms is to keep track of what you shared without
using anything that can trace back to your identity.
Do you have any questions, comments or concerns? Do you wish to voluntarily withdraw
from this study, please feel free to let me know at any time? If there is a question that triggers
thoughts that you would rather not think about or remain to keep private, please feel free to do
so. This process and study is meant for you. It is meant for the foster youth that are coming after
you. It is meant for researchers to understand that foster youth like you and me are more than
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 83
statistics and data, but we have stories and our resilience speaks loud. Let us begin by reviewing
the “Consent Form.” Lastly, I will ask you to fill out the “Participant Profile” sheet.

1. What is a song that relate to you the most and why?
2. Walk me through a typical day in graduate school?
3. (Background in foster care/mobility) Can you give me a quick overview of your time in
the system?
4. Do you feel that your time impacted your education? Can you give me a story?
5. Tell me a little bit about your educational journey. Experiences in Graduate School.
6. What motivated you to attend graduate school and why?
7. What fears did you have entering graduate school?
8. Can you walk me through a timeline of the successes you have had in graduate school?
9. Can you please describe a time when you accomplished something or felt you were
successful in graduate school? How did you feel?
10. What challenges have you faced during your time in graduate school?
11. What stereotypes exist about foster youth? How do you challenge those stereotypes?
12. What programs or people have been the most helpful during your time in graduate
school? What did they do?
13. What do you think faculty need to know about serving foster youth in graduate school?
What about student affairs practitioners?
14. Do you think you would have benefited from an extension to the age requirements of the
CHAFEE Grant? What do you want me to share with policy-makers?
15. Anything else?
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 84
Appendix C: Participant Profile Sheet
Participant’s Name: _______________________________________________________________
Gender Pronouns: _________________________________________________________________
Email Address: ___________________________________________________________________
Race/Ethnicity: ___________________________________________________________________
Major: __________________________________________________________________________
Age: _______ G.P.A.________
University: ______________________________________________________________________
Graduate College: ________________________________________________________________
How many units have you completed? ____________
How many units are you enrolled in for the current semester? ____________
Time spent in Foster Care: System: ___________________________________________________
City and State of placement: _________________________________________________________

RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 85
Appendix D: Consent Form
I _______________________________, agree to participate in this research study conducted by
Demontea Thompson, Master Candidate in Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs.
I understand the purpose of this study is to learn about my perceptions of attending a graduate
program at a four-year university to improve social and academic experiences of former or
current foster care youth – or those who aspire to attend graduate school. I understand
participation is voluntary and I may refuse to answer any question without penalty. I agree to a
one-hour individual interview.
Consent to Audio Record
I understand that my responses to the questions will be recorded via mobile device, and that
these files will be transcribe and kept in an external hard-drive saved under an encrypted file
secured by a passcode. Upon the completion of the study, these files will be deleted.
Payment/Compensation for Participation
There will be no compensation for your participation in the study. However, you will receive a
thank you card from the researcher.
Statement of Confidentiality
The individual interview will be audio recorded. All students’ records will remain confidential.
After audio recording each session, each student will be assigned an alias or pseudonym to
replace their actual name. The list of name assignments will be stored on a computer in an
encrypted file that will be password protected. You will have the right to review the transcripts
and final study. The information you shared will not be shared with other participants in the
study until pseudonyms are used. Furthermore, when the study is published or presented at
conferences, your identity will be protected and disguised. All data collected for the research
study will be destroyed after three years as required by Institutional Review Board (IRB). The
only person that will have access to the participants’ data is the researcher, Demontea Thompson.
All reasonable steps will be taken to protect the identity of each participant.
If you have questions or concerns about the study, please contact Demontea Thompson at 310-
341-xxxx or Demontet@usc.edu. Should any problems arise, questions and concerns may also be
directed to Briana Hinga, Ph.D. Assistant Professor, Hinga@rossier.usc.edu or 213-740-3475.
This project has been reviewed and “approved” by IRB. (More information to come)
RESILIENT VOICES OF SUCCESS 86

I have read the information above and any question I asked have been answered to my
satisfaction. I agree to participate in this activity and know my responses will be audio recorded.
I understand a copy of this form will be made available to me for relevant information and phone
numbers.
“I agree________ I disagree _______ to have my responses audio recorded.”
“I agree________ I disagree _______ that Demontea Thompson may quote me in his study using
a pseudonym.”
Name of Participant: _________________________________
Signature of Participant: _________________________________ Date: ___________________

I have explained the research to the participant and answered all questions. I believe the
participant understands the information described and consents to participate.
Name of Investigator: _________________________________
Signature of Investigator: ________________________________ Date: ___________________

Abstract (if available)

Abstract The limited research on foster youth in higher education focused on college access but ignored the experiences of those who successfully navigated college and enrolled in graduate programs. The master‐narrative shared about this population does not give voice to their knowledge and experiences of their resilience. Using interviews with former foster care youth in graduate school at a large private college in Southern California, this study utilized and expanded on counter‐narrative framework to render these students visible and to give voices to their stories. The research sought to answer three questions: How do foster youth define success? How do foster youth describe their challenges and successes in graduate school? How does institutional context influence the way foster youth define and achieve success? The study found that when respondents felt they were part of the decision‐making process about their lives, they achieved success in higher education. They were challenged with adhering to the rigor of their programs while simultaneously advocating and searching for financial, emotional and supportive resources. Their successes lie in the services of others, having an impact on their communities, and progressing to their educational and life goals. The institutional context of the foster care system and education system creates an environment that disregards this population’s needs. In fact, stereotypes and the lack of social capital and mentors are among the hindrances to their progression toward success.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Thompson, Demontea (author)

Core Title Resilient voices of success: counter‐narratives of foster youth in graduate school

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Master of Education

Degree Program Postsecondary Administration and Student Affairs

Publication Date 03/22/2018

Defense Date 01/22/2018

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Challenge,college,counter‐narratives,foster youth,Graduate School,OAI-PMH Harvest,postsecondary education,Success

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Hinga, Briana (committee chair), Corwin, Zoë (committee member), Green, Alan (committee member)

Creator Email Demontaethompson@gmail.com,Demontet@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-488404

Unique identifier UC11268243

Identifier etd-ThompsonDe-6125.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-488404 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-ThompsonDe-6125.pdf

Dmrecord 488404

Document Type Thesis

Rights Thompson, Demontea

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA