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Representative justice for Black males in the energy transition

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Representative justice for Black males in the energy transition

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Content Representative Justice for Black Males in the Energy Transition
Olumide Olugbenga Adeoye

Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
A dissertation submitted to the faculty
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
May 2024

© Copyright by Olumide Olugbenga Adeoye 2024
All Rights Reserved

The Committee for Olumide Olugbenga Adeoye certifies the approval of this
Dissertation
Brianna Hinga
Michael O’Neill
Patricia Tobey, Committee Chair
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
2024

iv
Abstract
This study examined the socio-technological impact of the ongoing energy transition on career
attainment at Black males’ intersectional identity, a granularity often missed when the
aggregated group identities of energy ecosystem actors are being discussed. The ongoing energy
transition, a subset of the fourth industrial revolution (Philbeck & Davis, 2019), has the
distinctive element of a significant infusion of public funds to intentionally achieve equitable
outcomes at planetary, national, and geopolitical scales. The energy transition also has the
potential for harm by mechanisms of injustice that operate through procedural unfairness,
distributive imbalances, and lack of representation. The energy justice (EJ) framework is the
theoretical foundation of this work, complemented by Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems
model (Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979) as a conceptual framework for understanding the
underlying social forces. The qualitative research methodology used semi-structured interviews
and storytelling narratives to surface the impacts on Black males in the energy transition
economy. The study examined mechanisms for inequity within the organizational microsystem
and identified several accountability mechanisms that can be used for intervention. The study
recommendations are intended to operationalize accountability relationships between
organizational microsystems and the general public, funding agencies, professional licensing and
regulatory bodies, and the enactment of assertive enablement similar to the existing ADA model.
Accountability mechanisms are thus presented as an extension of energy justice theory.
Keywords: accountability, Black males, energy, fourth industrial revolution, equity,
executive, justice, transition.

v
Dedication
To my wife, Kemmy, and our children, Tolu and Dammy, thank you for your encouragement
and the lives you share with me. To my late parents, thank you for the gifts that you faithfully
passed to me.

vi
Acknowledgments
I want to acknowledge Dr. Tobey, Dr. O’Neill, and Dr. Hinga, who served on my
dissertation committee. Thank you for making yourselves available to support me and your
feedback.
I am especially thankful to my chair, Dr. Tobey, for patiently helping me make sense of
my thoughts, pointing me to helpful literature, and guiding me through this journey.
To USC’s Dr. Jennifer Phillips, thank you for telling me, “I want to hear your voice.” I
hope that you can hear me now.
I want to acknowledge the DSC for all the writing programs they organized and the
personalized expert support that I received from Dr. Sierra Senzaki, Dr. Susanne Foulk, Dr.
Carey Regur, Dr. Ilda Jimenez, and Dr. Christopher Mattson.
Thank you to all the professors who shaped me as an OCL Fall 21 cohort member. You
will recognize many of the ideas you exchanged with us in this work; please consider it my
modest tribute to the investment of yourselves in me.
I also want to thank the interview participants for sharing their time and personal stories.
As you read this, I hope you can see your unique contributions to this work and how I tried to
turn your experience into a potent force for meaningful change.
Finally, I want to acknowledge the pedigree of academic instructors who have guided me
to this moment, from my grade school teachers through high school to numerous colleges,
nurturing me to grapple with the complexities of science, engineering, and law.
Thank you.

vii
Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... v
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. x
List of Abbreviations ..................................................................................................................... xi
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .............................................................................................. 1
Background of the Study .................................................................................................... 2
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 3
Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 3
Significance of the Study .................................................................................................... 3
Definition of Terms............................................................................................................. 4
Organization of the Study ................................................................................................... 6
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature .......................................................................................... 7
Past to Present Energy Transitions in the United States ..................................................... 7
Corporate Representation of Black Males in the United States ........................................ 11
The Energy Justice Theoretical Framework ..................................................................... 13
Black Male Corporate Identity in America ....................................................................... 19
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Model .................................................................. 35
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 44
Chapter Three: Methodology ........................................................................................................ 46
Key Concepts .................................................................................................................... 47
Sample and Population ..................................................................................................... 48
Instrumentation ................................................................................................................. 49

viii
Secondary Data Sources ................................................................................................... 53
Chapter Four: Findings ................................................................................................................. 55
Participants ........................................................................................................................ 56
Findings for Research Question 1 ..................................................................................... 66
Findings for Research Question 2 ..................................................................................... 73
Summary of Research Findings ........................................................................................ 79
Chapter Five: Discussion .............................................................................................................. 81
Discussion of Findings ...................................................................................................... 81
Recommendations for Implementing Change .................................................................. 90
Limitations and Delimitations ......................................................................................... 109
Future Research .............................................................................................................. 110
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 111
References ................................................................................................................................... 113
Appendix A: Interview Protocol ................................................................................................. 134
Conclusion of the Interview ............................................................................................ 137
Appendix B: Data Analysis ........................................................................................................ 140

ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Demographic Representation at Executive Positions ......................................................13
Table 2: Participants Interviewed for the Study ............................................................................57
Table 3: Participants’ Qualifications at the Points of Workforce Entry ........................................68
Table 4: Participants’ Engineering and Business Education Qualifications ..................................70
Table 5: Participants’ Industry-level Recognitions .......................................................................75
Table 6: Participants’ Number of Job Roles ..................................................................................77
Table 7: Outline of Key Research Findings ...................................................................................82
Table A1: Interview Questions ....................................................................................................134
Table A2: Categories of Interview Questions (Including Probes) ...............................................138
Table B1: Coding Table ...............................................................................................................140
Table B2: Cross-Categorical Socio-Economic Comparisons ......................................................141

x
List of Figures
Figure 1: Conceptual Model of Energy Justice Theory and Ecological Systems Model 38
Figure 2: Three-Setting Depiction of Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Model 42
Figure 3: Evolutionary Model of Change 95
Figure 4: Dialectical Model of Change 99
Figure 5: Social-Cognitive Model of Change 102
Figure 6: Life-Cycle Model of Change 105
Figure 7: Teleological Model of Change 108

xi
List of Abbreviations
CAQDAS Computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software
CSR Corporate social responsibility
EJ Energy justice
ESG Environmental, sustainability, and governance
ExCOM Executive committee
4IR Fourth industrial revolution
ILO The International labor organization
IRENA The International renewable energy agency
OPEC The Organization of petroleum exporting countries
PAAAE Professional association of African Americans in energy
PUC Public utility oorporation
TCEJ Triumvirate conceptualization of energy justice
XOM Exxon mobil oorporation

1

Chapter One: Overview of the Study
This work examines the socio-technological impact of the fourth industrial revolution, as
typified by the energy transition, on the career attainment of Black males. The research explores
factors that impact equitable career outcomes for Black males and seeks to integrate with similar
studies in other contexts, to create a fuller picture of how interlocking systems of oppression
operate and our opportunity to interrupt the arc of historically entrenched injustices.
There is ample anecdotal evidence of an ongoing transition from fossil fuels to zero
emissions and renewable forms of energy (Leach, 1992; O’Connor & Cleveland, 2014; Maynard,
2015). The growing popularity of battery electric, hybrid electric, and fuel cell electric vehicles
(Colias, 2023) and the phenomenal growth of renewable energy from solar and wind also
underscores a phenomenon that has come to be known as the fourth energy transition (Deloitte,
2021). This energy transition is remarkable because it is buoyed by an unprecedented infusion of
public funds. In the United States alone, public investments in renewable energy forms are
expected to be about $40 billion annually, with a cumulative total of $1.2 trillion through 2035
(Seiple, 2022).
In their 2022 report on jobs in the renewable energy industry (Renner et al., 2022), the
International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA), in conjunction with the International Labor
Organization (ILO), acknowledged that “the energy transition will cause job creation,
destruction, relocation, and transformation” (p. 69), potentially creating injustices and hence the
need for policies that not only create jobs but also offer social protections to workers, particularly
when the stakes are high. According to Kunreuther et al. (2002), high-stakes situations are
typified by the potential for significant financial and emotional perspective outcomes and

2

prohibitive costs to reverse once ingrained. The crossroad created by targeted monetary energy
policy incentives and rapid technological changes is a classic high-stakes situation.
Background of the Study
This study examined the career attainment of Black males in the energy transition
economy, as measured by representation in executive leadership and similar hierarchical
positions of authority. According to a recent publication, the global economy is set to double
from U.S. $85.6 trillion to U.S. $169 trillion by 2050 (Wood Mackenzie, 2022). A significant
amount of this growth will be powered by a transition to clean and renewable energy forms,
catalyzing new businesses and organizational growth, thereby creating employment and career
attainment opportunities. Exclusive opportunities will also be created in the executive leadership
of organizations. It is within the context of authority wielded by these executive positions and the
accessibility of these positions to Black males that this study is framed.
Executive authority has been conceptualized into several categories by Smith (2002):
sanctioning authority or span of responsibility, decision-making or managerial authority, and
hierarchical authority. While some categories may overlap, decision-making or organizational
discretion over policy decisions is ascribed to the top leadership roles, and it is the domain of job
authority where minoritized identities are socially ostracized (Spaeth, 1985). One explanation for
this observation is the separation between the owners of resources and those who manage those
resources, necessitating a heightened level of trust and legitimized authority (Smith, 2002).
Job authority attainment can be examined through the microstructural lens (human capital
and organizational), macrostructural lens (societal), and mesosystemic lenses (social closure,
homosocial reproduction, and top-down ascription processes). Regardless of how authority is
measured, macrostructural and mesosystemic frameworks overwhelmingly dictate occupational

3

attainment, and Black men are least likely to attain job authority (Smith, 2002). Indeed, it has
been shown that for minoritized person groups or outgroup members, there is no change to the
low correlation between human capital and occupational attainment in higher job authority roles
(Baldi & McBrier, 1997).
Statement of the Problem
The study researched the potential for high-stakes opportunities created by immense
resources and rapid technological evolution in the energy transition to reinforce hegemonic
power systems or create entirely new types of oppression. The work specifically investigated
how being simultaneously Black and male could be an intersectional identity impediment to
career opportunities created by the energy transition economy.
Purpose of the Study
This study qualitatively examined systemic impactors on the career attainment of Black
males within the energy transition economy. The following research questions guided the study:
1. How do proximal factors in the organizational microsystem affect the career
attainment of Black males in the energy transition economy?
2. What distal factors effectively promote Black males’ career attainment in the energy
transition economy?
Significance of the Study
This study extends the energy justice theoretical framework by incorporating an
accountability tenet. The classic definition of energy justice presented by McCauley et al. (2013),
that energy justice “aims to provide all individuals, across all areas, with safe, affordable, and
sustainable energy” (p. 108), has given rise to scholarly and legislative emphases on procedural
and distributive justice at the expense of representative justice (also called recognition justice), a

4

third tenet of energy justice. Recognition injustice, as stated by Henderson and Waterstone
(2008), is morally wrong because “it denies some individuals and groups the possibility of
participating on a par with others in social interaction” (p. 78). Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
framework for understanding layered societal systems and how they interact was used as a bridge
to locate and operationalize accountability mechanisms. The individual exists in the microsystem
of the organization. Within this microsystem, energy justice’s distribution, procedural, and
representation tenets are enacted at the individual’s intersectional identities. The exosystem
represents the renewable energy industry, which manifests energy justice’s distribution,
procedural, and representation tenets and acts as a social diffusion mechanism. The macrosystem
in this illustration is the public as a whole as represented by government, which uses public
policy to shape the exosystem, from where policy diffuses through the mesosystem to the
microsystem and influences outcomes at individual levels.
Definition of Terms
 Black male in this study refers to a visibly dark-skin-pigmented individual who
identifies as a gender male and cannot be superficially ascribed to another
phenotypical category.
 Decarbonization refers to reducing carbon oxide emissions through low to zero
carbon power sources, achieving a lower output of greenhouse gases into the
atmosphere (The Welding Institute, n.d.).
 Diversity is defined in this work as a salient difference within a specific milieu.
 Energy ecosystem is defined in this study as a collective reference to stakeholders in
the ongoing energy transition, including the environment, incumbent fossil fuel

5

producers, emerging renewable energy producers, energy transporters, energy
consumers, and energy policymakers.
 Energy transition refers to a change in the composition of primary energy supply, a
gradual shift from a specific pattern of energy provision to a new pattern (Smil,
2016).
 Equity refers to fair treatment for all people so that the norms, practices, and policies
ensure identity is not predictive of opportunities or workplace outcomes (McKinsey
& Company, 2023).
 Executive in this study refers to any combination of the job titles below (Guest,
2016):
 chairman of the board
 chief executive officer of the company
 chief financial officer of the company
 chief operating officer of the company
 executive eirector
 executive vice president of the company
 president of the company or a subsidiary/region
 senior vice president of the company
 vice chairman of the company
 vice president of the company
 The Fourth energy transition refers to transitioning from carbon-based energy forms
(Deloitte, 2021).

6

 The Fourth industrial revolution refers to the convergence of innovations to
technology, industries, and societal patterns and processes in the 21st century due to
increasing interconnectivity and intelligent automation, and includes the subphenomenon of the energy transition (Davis, 2016). Examples include decarbonizing
manufacturing processes and repurposing refineries to produce non-fossil fuelsourced end-products (McGinnis, 2023).
 Inclusion refers to how the workforce experiences the workplace and the degree to
which organizations embrace all employees and enable them to make meaningful
contributions (McKinsey & Company, 2023).
 Renewable energy refers to energy derived from natural sources that are replenished
at a higher rate than it is consumed (United Nations, 2022).
 Respect is defined in this work as a protected right of enjoyment to that which has
been bestowed by equity, a person’s due.
Organization of the Study
Chapter One of this study introduces the background of the energy transition, leading to
an identified problem and a study purpose. Chapter Two continues with an orienting introduction
to energy justice theory, followed by literature reviews of the energy justice theoretical
framework, Black male corporate identity, a discussion on legitimate expectations, and
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model. Chapter Three describes the researcher’s paradigm,
methodology, sampling criteria, and interview protocols. Chapter Four inductively analyzes the
research findings and triangulation of findings with results of similar studies in other settings.
Chapter Five offers recommendations for action and further research.

7

Chapter Two: Review of the Literature
This chapter begins with a narrative on the historical background of the research study.
The narrative is followed by a discussion of energy justice theory, starting with a conceptual
definition, tracing its historical antecedents to the environmental justice movement, noting the
theoretical framework’s current state, and concluding with a review of relevant research into the
corporate representation of Black males in America. After establishing a background for the
study, the chapter concludes with a review of the literature on Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
systems model and the adaptation of the systems model as a conceptual framework.
Past to Present Energy Transitions in the United States
In Energy Civilization, Smil (2018) makes the case that adopting coal-fired steam
engines (the second energy transition from biomasses to coal-fired steam engines) ushered in the
British Industrial Revolution of the 19th century. Access to more efficient energy forms fueled
an increasing demand for energy consumption, accelerating the second and third energy
transitions, giving rise to significant industries that fulfilled this energy need, key among which
are coal mining, oil, gas extraction, and the solar photovoltaic (PV) industry. The following
sections discuss representative corporations from critical sectors that benefited from policy
incentives and the demographics of their executive leadership. The sample representatives were
chosen based on their size, age, and the extent to which they have benefitted from public policy
incentives.
Coal Mining
The coal mining industry grew alongside and fueled nineteenth-century industrialization
in the United States. The historical period known as the coal age, ranging from the late 18th
century to the mid-20th century, is regarded by some as the most significant contributor to the

8

American Industrial Revolution and the emergence of the United States as a global power
(Riggs, 2015). As an efficient and inexpensive energy source, coal enabled other facets of the
industry, including steel, electricity, and transportation. Despite its apparent advantages and
ubiquitous applications, coal as a form of energy did not spontaneously gain prominence. Under
federal protection, state governments encouraged the rapid development of coal mining using
policy measures that included import tariffs and taxation exemptions, and in the case of the
1830s Pennsylvania legislature, the enactment of liberal corporate chartering laws (Bowers,
1983).
As a representative of the coal industry, Arch Resources is the largest coal producer in
the United States. Headquartered in St. Louis, Missouri, with mines in Colorado, Illinois,
Kentucky, Utah, Virginia, West Virginia, and Wyoming, Arch Resources operates 32 active
mines and controls approximately 5.5 billion tons of coal reserves in Central Appalachia, the
Powder River Basin, the Illinois Basin, and the Western Bituminous regions (Wikipedia, 2022).
It was formed in July 1997 by merging the publicly traded Ashland Coal, Inc. and the privately
held Arch Mineral Corporation (Reuters, 1997). The 2021 published list of senior officers of
Arch Resources comprises seven White males and one White female (Arch Resources, 2023).
According to Zippia (Arch Resources CEO and Leadership, 2021), the current Arch Resources
executive team composition is 24% female, 76% male, with 71% of the management team White
and 11% of the management team as Black or African American. Publicly accessible resources
(Arch Resources, 2023) do not have a record of Ashland Coal or Arch Mineral having a Black
male executive officer.

9

Oil and Gas Extraction
The early 19th century is recognized as the steam era, but on August 27, 1859, the first
commercial oil well was drilled at Titusville, Pennsylvania (Fowler & Moyer, 1896). As
electrification, automobiles, and trains changed the standard of living in the United States,
reliance on oil as an energy source grew, creating significant corporations, some of which are
still active oil and gas producers (Ali, 2019). United States oil policy emerged to stimulate and
regulate the industry and protect oil and gas resources as strategic natural defense reserves. The
Federal government and, subsequently, state governments supported the Oil and gas industry by
experimenting with new processes for oil exploration, conducting theoretical research through
the United States Geological Survey and Bureau of Mines (Nash, 1968), and providing tax
incentives for exploration and production. More recently, the oil and gas industry has received
other policy support partly to address boom-bust price volatility cycles and reduce the United
States’ dependence on imported oil. These include the areas of taxation, access to low-interest
funds, and permissive regulatory environments. The permissive regulatory support for hydraulic
fracturing made the United States the world’s largest oil producer (Kelsey et al., 2016).
Standard Oil is discussed here as a representative of the coal industry. John D.
Rockefeller is regarded as the founder of Standard Oil Company in 1865, making Standard Oil
the world’s first oil major (Riggs, 2015). By the early 20th century, Standard Oil had grown to
control about 90% of America’s refining capacity. Standard Oil’s size and market monopoly
triggered sustained public backlash and regulatory responses, leading to its dissolution in 1911
(Riggs, 2015). ExxonMobil emerged as one of Standard’s successors and is currently the biggest
producer of Oil and gas in the United States, the third largest company in the United States, and
the seventh-largest company in the world. From 1959 to date, ExxonMobil has had eight White

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CEOs, and there is no record of a Black male CEO in the preceding period. According to
ExxonMobil’s website (ExxonMobil, 2023), their current management committee (most senior
leaders) consists of three White males and one White female. Exxon-Mobil’s 11-person board of
directors for 2022 consists of seven White males, three White females, and one Black female
(Exxon Mobil, 2022).
Solar Photovoltaic Industry
Solar photovoltaic (PV) cells were invented at Bell Labs in the United States in 1954
(Timilsina et al., 2012), and the ubiquitous rooftop solar panel is arguably the most recognizable
of several PV cell technologies in current use. From a modest start in 1954, new solar
photovoltaic capacity installations in the United States attained about 23.6 gigawatts in 2021,
with solar having the largest share of new electricity-generating capacity in 2021 (Statista, 2022).
The market adoption of solar PV is significantly attributed to an enabling policy environment.
The origins of enabling policy are traceable to the federal government’s Energy Policy Act 2005
(Hess, 2016), which subsequently diffused to state public utility corporations (PUCs). Policy
measures that protected the nascent solar PV industry and accelerated its growth covered
multiple areas. These measures include protection from the incumbent utility industry,
renewables portfolio standards (RPS), which require electricity suppliers to purchase a growing
quantity of renewable energy over time, and infusion of public funds into research that has
lowered the price of solar PV to about a third of what it cost one decade (NREL, 2021). As in the
previous energy forms, we will now use the most significant U.S. solar developer, First Solar, as
a case study.
Their public website (First Solar, 2022) states that First Solar was founded in Perrysburg,
Ohio, in 1999. During the period of this study, First Solar achieved a market capitalization of

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over $17 billion and was listed in the 2022 S&P 500 from an initial investment of $9.3 million in
1999. Over the period from 1999 to 2023, First Solar has had three CEOs, including the current
CEO, all White males. The nine-person executive management comprises one White female,
seven White males, and one male of apparent Indian descent (First Solar, 2022). This study did
not identify any published record of a Black male serving as CEO or on the executive
management team.
Corporate Representation of Black Males in the United States
The disaggregated race and gender diversity of corporate executive positions is not
widely publicized, as only 27% of directors serving on Russell 3000 companies self-report their
race and ethnicity (Olson & Associated Press, 2022). However, some insights can be gained by
interrogating the publicly available data. In a survey of Fortune 1000 corporations (Brown &
Motley, 2022), 72% of the largest corporations in the United States have one or no African
Americans on their boards of directors. The same studies showed that although 75% of energy
corporations have African Americans on their boards, the average representation of AfricanAmerican board members is 11%. When disaggregated by gender, the data shows that AfricanAmerican males represent 83% of their demographic potential, whereas African-American
females are over-represented by 42% of their demographic potential. African Americans (males
and females) are overrepresented on nominating committees at over 14% of their potential and
underrepresented on the powerful executive committees at 54% of their potential.
Mogul’s 2021 publication on ethnic and gender diversity in Fortune 500 boards reports
that the energy industry features prominently in the bottom 10 of ethnic and gender diversity
(Mogul, 2022). Like other published reports, the data presented is either aggregated by race or
gender, making it hard to see what happens in Black males’ specific intersectional identity.

12

However, the available data shows the proportion of African-American female executives to
White female executives as 14.8%, with the correlating proportion of African-American male
executives to White male executives as 13.7%. While the difference between Black females and
Black males is not monumental, it should be noted that the female composition of executive
boards is outpacing males by a factor of two to one (Mogul, 2022). If this pace continues, there
will be fewer spaces for men to occupy, creating an intersectional high-stakes situation for
executive representation. To further illustrate this, from 2021 to 2022, Mogul’s data shows that
White males increased their representation at executive levels by 1%, females overall by 1.5%,
Black females by 5%, and Black males lost executive representation by 1%. According to their
website, General Motors has a 17-person corporate leadership team of one Black male out of 14
males overall (General Motors, 2023). Their 13-member board of directors does not include a
Black person. Although Black women are not represented at any of these leadership levels, it
will be shown later in this study that solitary Black male representation in corporate leadership
does not serve the needs of diversity, inclusion, or equity.
The preceding discussion is a portion of a more significant systemic underrepresentation
of Black males in executive positions, including the publicly funded energy transition economy.
The representation tenet of energy justice theory describes a lack of representation as a lack of
recognition (Fraser, 2014). Therefore, the rest of this study will use “Recognition” instead of
“Representation” to emphasize that the absence of recognition is a necessary predicate to the lack
of representation. As depicted in Table 1, neglecting intersectional identity has enabled diversity
to be framed at misleadingly aggregated gender or racial categories, disguising who benefits and
bears the burden for apparent diversification of executive opportunities

13

Table 1
Demographic Representation at Executive Positions
Position Black
males
Black
females
White
males
White
females
Other
males
Other
females
XOM CEO’s 0 0 8 8 0 0
XOM Ex-Com 0 0 3 1 0 0
First Solar CEO’s 0 0 3 0 0 0
First Solar Ex-Com 0 0 7 1 1 0
Note. Additional comparative data on other socio-economic career attainment measures is
provided in Table B2.
The Energy Justice Theoretical Framework
This study used the theoretical framework of energy justice to examine the
underrepresentation of Black males in executive opportunities in the energy transition economy.
Sovacool and Dworkin (2015) defined energy justice as “a global energy system that fairly
disseminates both the benefits and costs of energy services and one that has representative and
impartial energy decision-making” (p. 436). Energy justice provides a framework for
understanding the implications for justice and fairness arising from the processes and outcomes
of energy production, distribution, and policymaking (Jones et al., 2015). Potential inequities
arising from energy policy include access to energy, affordability, policy representation,
employment, and career attainment opportunities. As a research agenda, energy justice is
recognized as an interdisciplinary platform for applying justice principles to identify where
injustices occur in energy public policy, energy production and consumption, energy security,
and climate change (Jenkins et al., 2016). However, this literature review revealed that extant

14

energy justice literature does not include strategies or accountability mechanisms to
operationalize its aims. The predominant three energy justice theoretical framework tenets are
discussed in the following sections.
Distribution Justice
The distribution tenet of energy justice is concerned with the mechanisms for equitable
allocation of the benefits and burdens of energy and the preservation of social order by equitably
resolving divergent claims on limited resources (McCauley et al., 2013; Sovacool & Dworkin,
2015; Jenkins et al., 2016). Distribution energy justice is presented as the first tenet of energy
justice theory in this study because, according to Jenkins et al. (2016), the distribution tenet of
energy justice identifies the specific problem area by encouraging scholarly investigation of
where energy injustices are located.
Recognition Justice
The recognition tenet of energy justice invites discourse about “Who is ignored?” and
seeks answers to “Why are they ignored?” “How should we recognize them?” It also equates
gratuitous tolerance or lack of recognition with disrespect (Jenkins et al., 2016, p.177). Jenkins et
al. identify disrespect as cultural and political hegemony, devaluation, and deliberate
misrecognizing. Non-recognition is easily framed as injustice when viewed from the lens of
environmental activists, ageism, and the environment. However, it has not been specifically
evaluated in the context of Black male underrepresentation at the executive echelons of the
energy transition economy. This study addresses the contextual gap.
Procedural Justice
The procedural tenet of energy justice concerns energy policy decisions, how
stakeholders are engaged, and how enacted energy policy reconciles sometimes divergent

15

interests. According to Sovacool and Dworkin (2015), procedural justice concerns how decisions
are made to pursue social goals or who has influence in decision-making. Jenkins et al. (2016)
point out that effective participation is a mechanism of inclusion applied to class, gender, and
religion and does not necessarily require physical involvement. By operationalizing opportunities
for broad stakeholder engagement, searching out local knowledge, and disclosing information in
a non-discriminatory way, procedural justice can build a coalition for change essential to a
sustainable energy transition.
Although Jenkins et al. locate procedural justice as the second tenet of energy justice, this
study subordinates procedural justice to recognition justice as the third tenet, hypothesizing that
the equitable dispensation of recognition justice will also address procedural justice inequities.
Antecedents to Energy Justice Theory
Energy justice has historical roots in the environmental justice movement (Carley &
Konisky, 2020). Environmental activism evolved from attempts to hold industrial economic
actors accountable for the unequal distribution of environmental burdens and unmitigated
environmental impacts. The concept of global energy justice (Sovacool & Dworkin, 2014)
moves the discussion from parochial energy policies to the possibility of a virtuous global energy
policy. More recently, Welton and Eisen (2019) published their research into “clean energy
justice” (p. 308), which builds on energy justice concepts to reveal inequities in the energy
system that may persist or worsen after sustainable energy attains primacy in policy making.
Today, energy justice offers a framework for synthesizing social justice with the energy
transition.
The earliest published usage of the term “energy justice” is attributed to Guruswamy
(2010) and Hall (2013). At these early stages of the energy justice theoretical framework, the

16

literature focus was narrowed to limited access to energy. Contemporary energy justice discourse
is preponderantly framed as the triumvirate distribution, recognition, and procedural tenets
(TCEJ). Energy justice has also been presented as a principled approach based on the eight core
principles of availability, affordability, due process, transparency and accountability,
sustainability, intra-generational equity, inter-generational equity, and responsibility (Wood &
Roelich, 2020). Heffron and McCauley (2017) introduced “restorative justice” as a unifying
purpose across all energy justice tenets to support their claim that a just energy transition must
address all valid harm claims by actors in the energy ecosystem. Restorative justice raises the
possibility of accountability mechanisms to ensure that restoration is tangible and active, with
one of these mechanisms described by the authors as a “social-license-to-operate” (Heffron &
McCauley. 2017, p. 661).
McCauley et al. (2013) conceptualize energy justice in spatial terms, a carryover
framework from environmental justice advocacy. This study notes that the ecological
confinement of spatiality focus has constrained energy justice from realizing social
accountability. This is because although public consultation has long been a staple requirement
for the approval of projects, inequity can also be measured by the quality of participation, setting
the agenda for what can be discussed, who it should be discussed with, and when the discussions
should occur. The quality of representation matters at any layer of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
model and raises the possibility that equitable recognition can preemptively address procedural
justice inequities (McCauley et al., 2013).
Jones et al. (2015) attempted to resolve a value incongruence between energy production
and distribution by invoking prohibitive and affirmative principles to create obligations and
rights. Although intended to simplify the understanding of justice in the energy transition, this

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prohibitive-affirmative binary recreates the problem of a limited range of outcomes that
historically burdened the environmental justice movement. The capabilitarian approach
(Sovacool & Dworkin, 2014) raises questions of equity by suggesting that harm ontologically
exists because of difference, creating a burden of restoration. In their subsequent 2016 study,
McCauley et al. made a case for human centricity in energy scholarship rather than an
aggregated system-level focus. McCauley et al. also surface spatiality as a common theme across
all three tenets of energy justice. As in other energy justice literature reviewed in this study, the
geospatial focus invariably triangulates to distributive justice, resulting in circular arguments
supporting the equitable distribution of physical assets and burdens. From a socio-technological
standpoint, understanding the operating mechanisms of procedural unfairness and lack of
recognition could enhance the evaluation and development of practical recommendations outside
the local geosphere. Bronfenbrenner’s model (Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979) enables these
socio-technological considerations by adopting a whole-systems approach to understanding the
elements and interrelatedness of the system in question.
In 2016, Fuller and McCauley framed energy justice as a “cognitive schema” (p. 2) used
in social and spatial conceptualizations of energy poverty, and to steer policy to strengthen
procedural dimensions in energy production and consumption. This study recognizes that
environmental justice activism had some success at mobilizing social accountability awareness,
as indicated by significant corporations’ current routine publication of environmental,
sustainability, and governance (ESG) reports. Despite its success, a strong criticism of the
environmental justice movement is that it did not offer forward-looking alternatives (Heffron &
McCauley, 2017).

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Williams and Doyon (2019) challenged the framing of energy transitions as merely
technical phenomena and provoked a diverse research agenda that includes social justice and
societal changes. Their study (Williams & Doyon, 2019) noted that the social impacts of energy
transition were originally raised within the environmental justice movement, including the
triumvirate tents that currently define the triumvirate concept of energy justice (TCEJ). The
authors argued that environmental justice could not advance these considerations into policy
because power and politics were omitted from their analyses of energy transitions. Hence, they
concluded that “Understanding the historical context of largely environmentally unjust
transitions is important, but it is also important that we know where we are going” (p. 151).
Restorative justice allows energy transitions to be framed as an opportunity for system
transformation.
Building on its scholarly evolution, Wood and Roelich (2020) defined energy justice as
both a research agenda and a set of conceptual approaches with two principal conceptualizations:
the triumvirate concept of energy justice (TCEJ), attributed to McCauley et al. (2013), and the
principled approach, attributed to Sovacool and Dworkin (2014). Although the TCEJ is most
widely referenced in this study, this study notes that TCEJ’s top-down approach focuses on the
dilemmas that arise at each stage of a defined energy system in isolation from other societal
issues. TCEJ has also been criticized for lacking the concepts necessary to justify its goals or
explain why it might relate to attaining or avoiding some conception of justice or injustice
(Wood & Roelich, 2020). A principled approach, advanced by Wood and Roelich (2020),
comprises the eight core ideals of virtue, utility, human rights, procedural justice, welfare and
happiness, freedom, posterity, and fairness. This approach addresses a criticism of the top-down

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approach of TCEJ by outlining a fuller range of ideals that are best understood from a human,
bottom-up approach.
Black Male Corporate Identity in America
This section discusses how Black males experience anti-Blackness in corporate America,
noting that a discourse focused only on broad categorizations (e.g., Black, male, female, person
of color) camouflages significant events at marginalized intersectional identities. When
oppression, coercion, or mistreatment is generalized, it is difficult to understand who is
oppressed, coerced, or mistreated. As noted by Grimes (2020), the potency of anti-Blackness is
intensified as its focus narrows, making it essential to investigate where the effects are most
intense.
This section continues by reviewing and differentiating between the constructs of
diversity, inclusion, equity, respect, and legitimate expectations, phenomenologically interpreted
through the experiences of Black males seeking upward corporate mobility in the energy
transition economy. Although there is no unified theoretical framework for conceptualizing the
identity of Black males in America, this literature review will attempt to identify common
themes and present a cohesive picture of the social standing of Black males in America within
the context of coveted opportunities. Because anti-Blackness does not merely result from “the
legacy of slavery” (Grimes, 2020, p. 176), addressing its vestiges requires more than redemptive
justice, and energy justice provides a vital framework for its study. Thus, this section also inserts
a narration of the social standing of Black males in America within the energy justice tenets of
recognition justice. The review of literature examines how the juxtaposition of the four themes of
“diversity,” “inclusion,” “equity,” and “respect” have obscured their topical relevance

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(McCleary-Gaddy, 2019) and concludes with a focus on how the four themes manifest as
injustices to Black males in the current energy transition economy.
Diversity
Despite its colloquiality, diversity is a notoriously amoebic concept to define. Patil and
Taillie (1982) attempt to define diversity as departures from the average property of a defined
community, and Peterson (1999) construes diversity as a minority departure from the norm.
Merriam-Webster defines diversity as having or being composed of differing elements
(Merriam-Webster, 2012). None of these attempts capture the salience of diversity as the
normalized presence of difference, leading this study to propose a definition of diversity as a
salient difference within a specific environment. According to Chen (1992), the inability to
universally define equal treatment for a diverse population has mis-conceptualized sameness as a
substitute for equality. Focusing on the saliency of diversity is conceptually liberating; however,
allowing diversity to be understood as a broadening of the social construct of who is normative
in the context of privilege and thereby legitimately entitled to the unlimited benefits of the
citizenry in an ecological microsystem. With this conceptualization, it is evident that even when
today’s minorities exceed 50% of the U.S. population, they could still be missing diverse
representation.
Diversity in Corporations
Motel (2016) noted that accepting diversity into mainstream workplace discourse is
recent. Despite the 1964 Civil Rights Acts prohibiting discrimination based on race, color,
religion, sex, or national origin, it was only social pressure demanding corporate social
responsibility, an increasingly diverse pool of employment candidates, and the business case
correlating diversity with increased performance, that together created an environment for

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operationalizing diversity. Motel (2016) also argued that expanding diversity to include White
women, veterans, people over forty, and people with physical or mental disabilities diluted
attention to other vulnerable intersectional identities. As Peterson (1999) pointed out, “emphasis
was placed on difference and softened on oppression, facilitating the maintenance of the status
quo” (p. 20). This dilution has caused the diversity conversation to mature beyond equal
employment opportunity to equal advancement opportunity, a shift in focus Peterson (1999)
termed diversity management.
A line of study attempts to connect concern for the climate with diversity. Ciocirlan &
Pettersson (2012) positively correlated the presence of Fortune 500 organizations in continental
European presence with higher concerns for climate change. Their study also reported a 2000
Zogby poll showing that Hispanics and African Americans were more likely than White
Americans to agree with the statement that the United States should support the Kyoto Protocol
for climate control. The connection between race and concern for climate change may not be
entirely culture-based, as it could reflect uncertainties accompanying departure from the status
quo or fear of curtailing established privileges. However, when concern for the environment is
framed as a privilege, as in the executive leadership of energy corporations, the apparent cultural
concern for diversity becomes inverted across multiple axes of privilege (DiAngelo, 2019).
Diversity in Leadership
Boards of directors are arguably one of the most visible and scrutinized arenas for
diversity. In 2005, Bernardi et al. noted that multiple studies correlate diverse corporate board
leadership with the publication of individual photos, signaling a consciousness of social
responsibility. Bernardi et al. (2005) also reported that corporations had cited fairness, selecting
the best talent, diluting homogenous thinking, and corporate social responsibility (CSR) in

22

defense of their diversity initiatives. It is logical to presume that from the perspective of the
underrepresented, visible diversity encourages a pipeline of diverse candidates who welcome the
chance to compete for exclusive opportunities. However, when this presumption was introduced
into an argument for diversity, commentators considered not finding enough talent to feed the
executive leadership pipeline ridiculous as far back as 2002 (Bernardi et al.). It is also
noteworthy that opening opportunities to the best-qualified people does not adequately serve the
cause of equity because it does not acknowledge that diversity is a qualification in its unique
category.
Reducing high-profile corporate scandals has also been cited as a case for diversifying
executive leadership (Peterson et al., 2007). Since profit and scandals undermine the compelling
interest of corporations to be competitive, proponents of this diversity case argue that in line with
a Supreme Court ruling (Grutter v. Bollinger, 2003), stakeholders can hold corporations
accountable for insufficiently diversifying executive leadership. A counterargument typifies
Black people as lacking motivation and unwilling to conform to dominant social normative
standards necessary for corporate success, thus justifying their continued exclusion from highprofile representation (Peterson et al., 2007). This counterargument conveniently normalizes the
social inclusion of pliant personality types: motivated and willing to conform to dominant social
norms, effectively nullifying the effectiveness of diverse candidates. Although Peterson et al. did
not identify why there is a limited pipeline of Black corporate executive candidates, their study
noted that external boards of directors are typically drawn from the ranks of current and former
executives. This conclusion infers that exclusion from internal executive experience perpetuates
limited opportunities for external board appointments.

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Inclusion
Inclusion is usually proximally located to diversity when both words are used in the same
context. This section conceptually differentiates them to illustrate how diversity is a necessary
precedent to inclusion but does not indicate the presence of inclusion. Indeed, their clichéd
juxtaposition may camouflage resistance to change and transformation (Pillay & McLellan,
2010). According to Pillay McLellan, diversity is about representation, and inclusion is about
meaningful involvement. In another discussion on diversity and inclusion, McCleary-Gaddy
(2019) emphasized that diversity is misleading and dangerous as a standalone concept for merely
denoting the presence of difference. Conversely, McCleary-Gaddy noted that inclusion on the
premise that all differences should be recognized is also an error, as not all differences are equal.
In their study of a South African university, Pillay and McLellan also note that a visibly diverse
environment could exclude the salient elements that make diversity meaningful, and inclusion
could be missing in a diversity-rich setting.
Inclusion in Corporations
Kalev et al. (2006) reported that Black males were the least likely to benefit from
diversity programs to promote representation in management ranks, coming after White and
Black women in that order. Furthermore, their studies (Kalev et al., 2006) found no positive
correlation between equity and cross-race or same-sex mentoring. One explanation is that these
mentoring programs are deficit-oriented, drawing negative attention to out-group members. The
authors also notably attributed some of their findings to the dilution of responsibility when
programs target everyone and hold no one accountable. The studies suggest that additional
accountability mechanisms may be needed to promote inclusion and prevent the crowding of
lower and middle management ranks with tokens of diversity.

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Gender and ethnic minority presence positively correlate with adopting equitable
practices (Cook & Glass, 2015). In an affirming study, Abebe and Dadanlar (2021) used social
identity theory and empathy-based frameworks to argue that the presence of female and ethnic
minority directors will reduce the occurrence of large-scale discrimination lawsuits. However,
their causal attribution of reduced lawsuits to empathy is not entirely supported by other
literature, one of which suggests that the dilution of homogeneity (or inclusion) is also a viable
explanation (Rose & Bielby, 2011). It is also not apparent that minorities will consistently think
differently from the in-group rather than thinking alike as outgroup members. Consistent with
critical mass theory perspectives (Marwell and Oliver 1993), underrepresented minorities on
boards could merely be beneficiaries of an environment that is already motivated to be diverse
rather than causing diversity. This tendency for outgroup members to be absorbed by in-group
group thinking illustrates how diversity, measured by mere representation, could be misleading.
Inclusion in Leadership
Using institutionalist theory as a conceptual framework, Rose and Bielby (2011)
positively correlated institutional pressures with the increased racial composition of corporation
board members. The specific institutional pressure points identified were the need for perceived
legitimacy among older organizations, access to crucial resources, and climate stewardship. The
authors noted that the normative case for racial diversity on corporate boards includes access to
the best talent, the economic value of the insights added by diverse representation, and the access
that these representatives bring to their ethnic communities. Citing the underrepresentation of
Asian Americans on boards despite their ethnic connections to large markets and foreign
cultures, Rose and Bielby pointed out that there is scant persuasive data to make business cases a
compelling driver for diversity. Their study also reported that in 2000, among organizations that

25

had racial minorities in the boardroom, few firms had more than two non-White directors. To
explain this observation, “homosocial reproduction” (p. 844) is presented as an operating
mechanism. Homosocial reproduction and cultural cloning refer to the preference for incumbents
to replicate themselves across the salient spectra of diversity and culture (Kindt & Bjørnset,
2023). The limited representation of racial minorities speaks to more than a lack of diversity.
However, it also highlights how marginal representation could be ineffective in diluting a
homosocially produced majority. This hypothetical but typical situation illustrates how diversity
may exist, but inclusion could be absent.
In 2015, Cook and Glass reported a limited positive correlation between minority CEOs
and diverse corporate boards on equity. They explain their findings by “bottoms-up ascription”
(Cook & Glass, 2015, p. 184) and “token theory” (p. 188). Bottoms-up ascription, attributed to
Elliott and Smith (2001), refers to placing minorities in top leadership contexts devoid of
prestige and the empowerment to effect change. Token theory, attributed to Kalev (1977), states
that tokens represent visibly placed numerical minorities within organizational contexts that are
otherwise isolating and exert pressures to assimilate. These findings have important implications
for understanding how diversity as a standalone concept is more likely to be symbolic and
requires an inclusion component to be substantive. Without inclusion, diversity initiatives will
likely result in a tokenized or bottom-ascribed diverse representation until a critical mass of
diversity empowers the saliency of difference.
Equity
Having differentiated between diversity and inclusion, this section will attempt to
characterize equity conceptually. Merriam-Webster’s definition of equity as “freedom from bias
or favoritism” (Merriam-Webster, 2012) unfortunately buries its meaning under the disputable

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interpretations of freedom, bias, and favoritism. The Anne Foundation’s Race Equity and
Inclusion Action Guide (2020) presents equity as a structural and systemic concept “of
interrelated elements consciously designed to create, support, and sustain social justice.” The
Action Guide distinguishes between equity and equality in stating that equity does not mean
giving everyone the same thing. The McDermott equity framework (2013) frames equity along
the three dimensions of procedure, which focuses on decision-making processes; context, which
refers to transactional capacity; and distribution, which focuses on how benefits and burdens are
distributed. The McDermott framing has remarkable similarity with the triumvirate concept of
energy justice (McCauley et al., 2013), leading this study to propose a definition of equity as a
right to the controlling stock in one’s ability to make self-advancing decisions. This study’s
proposed definition purposefully introduces the concept of a right to invoke the jurisprudence of
a corresponding duty for others to acknowledge that right.
Equity in Corporations
Allyship for equity that accompanied outrage at the killing of George Floyd in May 2020
withered under the backlash of denial, distancing, and distortion (Chow et al., 2021). In their
study, Chow et al. defined denial as the refusal to acknowledge the existence of undeserved
disadvantages. Chow et al. also defined distancing as separation from individual accountability
by assigning accountability to the larger community, and distortion as the presentation of
alternate scenarios that distort the privileged from the reality of enjoying undeserved advantages.
The authors pointed to an ontological accountability mechanism arising from the human need to
be perceived as good and operating within just and fair systems. This study hypothesizes that
organizational data disclosure is a probable accountability mechanism for engaging with the

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macrosystem and countering denial. Like employees, organizations make sense of their host
societies by observing what is ignored, rewarded, and sanctioned.
Chidambaran et al. (2022) examined inclusion using several metrics, including the tenure of
directors and their onward progression to higher-profile positions. These inclusion measures are
also measures of equity, as the metrics are spatially and temporally differentiated from the
inclusion space. Their study reported longer tenures of critical directors, irrespective of race, and
interpreted their results to mean that diversity does not correlate negatively at more senior
positions. Although their study focused on a broad range of diversity constructs based on the
biographical data on directors, ethnicity and gender were noted as negative indicators of
executive progress.
Equity in Leadership
Guest (2016) contrasted economic and social psychology theories on minorities and
executives and showed that both approaches differ in their perception of bias among executives.
Economic theory literature provides scant evidence that organizations subject minority
executives to bias. In contrast, social psychology literature is more unanimous in predicting that
minority executives will be subject to bias Guest (2016). Guest concluded that, taken as a whole,
minority executives experience lower promotion rates, higher demotion rates, and higher exit
rates than Caucasian males. Evidence also shows that African Americans and Hispanics are more
likely to be laid off (Elvira & Zatzick, 2002). Inequity in leadership is operationalized in the
ensuing diseuphoria, when reciprocal expectations are unmet, resulting in a devaluation of equity
stock. The compounded possibilities of inequitable outcomes are hypothesized to contribute to
lower career attainment for Black males.

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In a study of executive compensation and ethnic minority identity, Guest (2017) found
that the total remuneration of African American executives (salary, bonus, stock grants, and
options) is 9% lower for the same work. While the ability to select and compensate
organizational executives underscores the CEO’s power, CEO compensation is typically set by a
board of directors. Bebchuk and Fried (2003) argue that powerful CEOs influence their
compensation by using “managerial power” (p. 72) to select pliant board members on the
compensation committee. Thus, managerial power emerges as an enabler of financial incentives
for CEO pay, board diversity, inclusion, and tenure inequity. Notwithstanding that the lower pay
of ethnic minorities may reflect higher efficiency or their position’s actual worth, the frustration
of the “legitimate expectations” (Brown, 2017) of ethnic minorities illustrates inequity as a
devaluation of human capital.
Respect
Having framed the issues of diversity, inclusion, and equity, this study now addresses the
theme of respect. The Oxford English dictionary has one definition of respect as “regard for the
effects produced on others” (Oxford English Dictionary, 2023). Tracing respect through the
pedigree of diversity, inclusion, and equity, respect is presented here as a right of enjoyment to
that which has been bestowed by equity, a person’s “due.” In the energy transition, the absence
of recognition of justice manifests a “denial of respect” (Jenkins et al., 2016, p. 177).
Respect in Corporations
According to Sidanius and Veniegas (2000), the subordinate male target hypothesis
predicts that men will be the primary targets of negativity in most intergroup contexts even when
“Vladimir’s choices” (Navarrete et al., 2010, p. 936) are involved. Mastro et al. (2009) support
this claim by postulating that phenotypical differences and the isolating absence of cross-

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categorical allyship can trigger reflexive judgment against isolated identities where no
modulating intervention exists. Navarrete et al. (2010), using evolutionary social science to
examine intergroup conflict across gender and race, concluded that aggression toward outgroup
members forms the basis of racial bias among men, mainly when the goal of dominating
outgroups is chronically salient. They further note that this aggression often presents
stereotypical arguments to justify the denial of respect. Their results highlight the need for
externally mediated responses to outgroup threats, such as aggression and social dominance, not
only avoidant or knowledge-based responses. This study investigates social accountability
emanating from Bronfenbrenner’s macrosystem as a potential mediator for outcomes in the
organizational microsystem.
Mastro et al. (2009) examined the effect of media priming on character judgment across
the cross-group categories of gender and race. They did not find conclusive evidence that White
women would offer the most unfavorable evaluations to Black males, that White males were
more generous to non-Whites with shared male group membership, or that Black females
showed generous evaluations to Black males. Their findings are significant in what they say and
do not say. For instance, if White women do not offer the most unfavorable evaluations to Black
males, the predominant origins of biased evaluations are narrowed down to Black males, Black
women, and White males. An explanation for the findings is derived from social identity theory
and self-categorization theory research, which indicate that as ingroup identification increases, so
does the desire to protect the status of that group (Verkuyten & Brug, 2004). With no evidence
suggesting that Black males enjoy preferential ingroup attributions (i.e., from Black women for
being Black or from White males for being male), the Black male is essentially without a cross-

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categorical ally. This cross-categorical isolation is one of the premises for evaluating the
misrecognition injustice to Black males in the energy transition.
Respect in Leadership
Cook and Glass (2014) developed hypotheses to test the glass cliff theory, which
summarizes that minorities tend to be placed in high-visibility and low-success-probability
situations and subsequently experience limited career advancement. Their study findings
supported the hypothetical prediction that stereotypical leaders will replace occupational
minorities should their organizations struggle. This outcome is described as the “savior effect”
(Cook & Glass, 2014, p. 1081) and has negative categorical connotations beyond the immediate
individuals. No evidence of shorter average tenures for minority CEOs was found by Cook and
Glass, which they attributed to the shrinking tenure length for all CEOs irrespective of race in the
study period or a reflection of the exceptional capabilities of minorities in the sample. The study
noted manifestations of disrespect to out-group CEOs, including hostility, resistance, and
challenges to their authority. This is consistent with the subordinate male target thesis (Sidanius
& Veniegas, 2000) prediction that high-stakes opportunities pose unique burdens for Black male
executives.
In their study, Bridges and Perotti (1993) acknowledged the existence of a color bar as
African Americans approached the upper thresholds of organizational leadership. They
recognized that this barrier might be due to beliefs steeped in prejudice rather than fact. Framed
in anti-Blackness terms, their study reinforces the existence of systemic disrespect. Their
analysis identified 25 factors prevalently attributed to career attainments in the study sample. Of
the 25 success factors attributed to Black CEOs, at least half were correlated with subjective
human judgment, implying that even undisputable facts only had a 50% chance of succeeding

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against a sustained absence of recognition justice. It is noteworthy that the sample population for
the referenced study was African-American corporate executives employed in Black-owned and
operated enterprises. Framing the ability to withhold due recognition as an abusive expression of
power, Kee (2009) rephrases racial tension in the context of unequal contending powers,
resulting in “the maintaining of interest and advantage by one group over against another” (p.
496).
Self-Efficacy and Legitimate Expectations
Self-efficacy is classically defined as an individual’s perceived capabilities for
performing actions at designated levels (Bandura, 1977, 1986c, 1997). This study found that the
self-efficacy construct and its outcome expectation variants are inadequate to describe unmet
expectations that are rooted in objective legitimacy. Additionally, the constructivist nature of
personal belief does not have the power to compel ontological accountability.
Borrowing from administrative law, the principle of legitimate expectations is proposed
as an alternative construct to self-efficacy to explain the phenomenon under study. The principle
of legitimate expectations is the jurisprudence that when one party provides consideration on the
reliance of another party’s representation by statutory enactment, customary practice, or
fiduciary relationship, then the representing party has an obligation not to frustrate the investing
party’s expectations of return (Brown, 2017). Thus, legitimate expectations are the ontological
outcomes of spatially defined relationships, such as the workplace. Elaborating on this line of
thinking, Brown (2017) identified predictive and prescriptive components of legitimate
expectations. The predictive component is “constituted by beliefs or predictions about what will
or will not happen in the future” (p. 436), while the prescriptive component contains what the
obliged party can or cannot do. Within the context of climate justice, Meyer and Sanklecha

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(2014) defined an illegitimate action as one based on circumventing the harmed party’s
legitimate expectation.
In proposing a general theory of legitimate expectations, Colla (2017) disavows
temporality on the prescriptive component of legitimate expectations once legitimate
expectations have been spatially constituted. Colla (2017) supports this position by asserting that
to the extent that small but compounding actions taken in expectation of returns are not
recoverable, then the passage of time or dissolution of the spatial context does not relieve the
obligated party. The principle of legitimate expectations evens the inequality of bargaining
power that could arise within the epistemic framing of a contract, as legitimate expectations are
also ontologically constituted once the epistemic frameworks come into being and do not simply
disappear when the epistemic framework ceases to exist.
Mechanisms of Underrepresentation
Earlier studies have acknowledged the underrepresentation of Black people in formal
positions of authority and leadership. In one such study, Kluegel (1978) proposed that exclusion
from job authority is causal to adverse career outcomes and lower socioeconomic achievement.
Kluegel proposed that the operating mechanism is the manipulation of internal processes for
advancing within authority hierarchies, as criteria for promotion tend to be vague, involving
subjective judgment often reflective of normativized socially constructed models.
In a study on the restriction of opportunities at the intersection of race and gender, Branch
(2007) reported that the majority of White men were represented in the bottom class of society
through 1870, with gender stratification leaving the majority of White women in the bottom class
by 1910, racial stratification leaving the majority of Black people in the bottom class by 1940,
and another gender stratification leaving the majority of Black women in the bottom class up to

33

1960. In a study covering the period from 1972–1994, Smith (1997) concluded that Black men
now obtain a consistently lower income return to job authority at the high end of the
organizational hierarchy. Current data shows another ongoing gender-based stratification
pushing Black males back to the bottom class (Black Demographics, 2023). Notably, the
emergence of White males from the bottom of the socio-economic class around 1870 coincided
with opportunities created during the energy transition from coal-fired steam engines to
petroleum sources (Riggs, 2015).
Exclusion from hierarchical authority invariably affects income and extends into postcareer opportunities like board membership. At the time of the study, Kluegel (1978) concluded
that exclusion from authority accounted for approximately one-third of the total Black–White
income gap, and the gap was found to widen as the job status increased. Although at the time of
the 1978 study, human capital, as measured by educational attainment, accounted for about 30%
of disparities in leadership representation, the educational attainment of Black males has
improved significantly over time. Despite this improvement, the gap in authority is persistent for
Black males (24% in management, business, science, and arts occupations compared to 38% for
the aggregated U.S. population), according to data derived from the 2017 American Community
Survey of the U.S. Census Bureau. Conversely, Kluegel reported that Black males were
overrepresented in the secondary labor market, where available jobs include short-term
consultancy and jobs with non-hierarchical authority. Despite the significant expertise required
to function in secondary labor market roles like temporary consulting, these jobs do not come
with hierarchical authority or the opportunity for organizational advancement. Although there
have been notable improvements in Black corporate leadership representation since these early
studies, when aggregated across genders, this improvement masks the persistent and growing

34

inequality between leadership career outcomes for Black males (management
underrepresentation by 30% or more compared to all males, all women, or Black women only, as
reported by Black demographics with data derived from the 2017 U.S. Census Bureau). The data
shows that Black male equity has largely been silent in the backdrop of the activism that has
promoted women’s careers, including Black women, allowing a career stratification that was
once focused on all Black people to be concentrated on Black males. This phenomenon is
consistent with prior research (Smith, 1997; Wilson, 1997) and is especially noticeable when the
stakes are high, as in the current energy transition economy. As noted by Grimes (2020), the
potency of anti-Blackness is intensified as its focus narrows.
Wilson and McBrier (2005) also examined the sociological research on racial
stratification in the American workplace in the context of relatively privileged positions in the
occupational structure. Their studies uncovered evidence of minority stratification in the
workplace, including channeling into “racially delineated career and mobility tracks that yield
marginal socioeconomic rewards” (p. 302), restricted access to higher-order tasks that include
supervisory authority, job autonomy and complexity, and lower returns for human-capital
credentials. Their studies revealed that even when barriers to job entry or promotions are
overcome, African Americans’ attrition rate is higher, particularly in the less regulated private
sector. This manifestation of minority vulnerability was especially prevalent in organizations
characterized by meritocratic ideologies, masking the observation that their layoff decisions
reinforced normalized patterns of racial exclusion. Wilson and McBrier (2005) observed less
minority vulnerability in the public sector and identified higher public sector regulation as a
potential reason. In addition to low regulation in the private sector, they attributed the relative
expendability of African Americans in upper-tier occupations to bottoms-up ascription (Elliott &

35

Smith, 2001). Another explanation could be that African Americans are typically underemployed, making it easier for them to be replaced by substantially less qualified candidates.
These studies increase understanding of the phenomenon of “social closure” (Wilson & McBrier,
2005, p. 315), the process by which majority group members restrict the access of minorities to
coveted positions in the workplace. Within the same studies, Wilson and McBrier (2005) posit
that in the specific context of high-stakes opportunities, social closure operates to achieve
“negative” (e.g., job dismissal, downward mobility) versus “positive” (e.g., job authority,
upward mobility) stratification-based outcomes.
Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Model
The preceding discussion used the themes of diversity, inclusion, equity, respect and
legitimate expectations to explore anti-Blackness phenomena within the organizational
microsystems where Black males are situated. This section builds on the previous discussion by
adding Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model (Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979) as a
conceptual framework to explore the interaction between societal macrosystems and the
organizational microsystems in which Black males are situated. The central thesis of
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems is that the individual exists within specific nested layers of
influence, and targeted intervention at these enclosing ecological layers will effect radical
changes in the individual’s outcomes. Understanding how ecological layers interact provides
insight into how accountability can be used to interrupt the status quo by generating and
implementing equitable solutions.
The literature on Bronfenbrenner’s framework is presented in a topical progression from
the overarching theory to a discussion of each ecological layer. Each layer is replicated within

36

the energy transition context, and its potential role in the adaptive change to achieve recognition
justice is traced.
Evolution of Bronfenbrenner’s Theory
Bronfenbrenner’s scholarly work on systems theory has evolved through three phases. In
its contemporary form, the theory is called the bioecological or process-person-context-time
(PPCT) model (Rosa & Tudge, 2013). The PPCT model is today regarded as the theory’s
appropriate research design, and its evolution is discussed below.
Phase I of Bronfenbrenner’s systems was prevalent approximately from 1973 to 1979
(Rosa & Tudge, 2013), and it focuses on how ecological systems impact the individual. This is
still the most recognizable model and is typified by the classic microsystem, mesosystem,
exosystem, and macrosystem rings. The profound influence of this model is evident through the
success of the head start program (The Associated Press, 2005). The coincidence of this period
(1973 to 1979) with growing attention to systemic inequalities may have influenced Phase II
evolution of systems theory.
The Phase II evolution of Bronfenbrenner’s model is marked by a focus on the individual
and is attributed to the period from 1980 to 1993. Bronfenbrenner’s thesis in Phase II was the
central role of individual characteristics on development, including genetic, biological, and
psychological predispositions. Framed through the lens of public policy, the person focus of this
phase was a departure from the ecological focus and contrasted with emerging scholarship on
critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Criticisms of this Phase II evolution include
missing explanations for the processes by which the dyadic relationship between personality
characteristics work, and insufficient emphasis on the mediating function of time on dyadic
actors (Merçon-Vargas et al., 2020). The counter-activist nature of Phase II contrasted with

37

Bronfenbrenner’s Phase I focus on social-class influences on development, which instigated the
need for policies that helped families cope with socially constructed deficits (Bronfenbrenner,
1994). The person-centered Phase II model also does not sufficiently acknowledge how
relationships are an ongoing negotiation of roles and interests and the reality of unequal
bargaining powers, leaving the individual helpless to their “instigative characteristics” (Rosa &
Tudge, 2013, p. 250).
The third and current evolution of Bronfenbrenner’s theory (1980–1993), or Phase III,
appears to move closer to the middle of phases I and II. It is called the bioecological systems or
process-person-context-time (PPCT) model. This model introduces four elements of process,
person, context, and time that interact proximally to shape outcomes for the individual. In this
model, context is both immediate and remote, and the four elements are also known as “proximal
processes” (Rosa & Tudge, 2013, p. 253).
Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Layers
Bronfenbrenner (1979) offered that the development of the individual, defined as the
enduring change in a person’s relational interaction with their environment, is linked with
changes in the environment itself. The individual is conceived as a singular entity in this
interaction, while in contrast, the environment is presented as a nested layer of influences, with
the individual situated in the innermost layer. Bronfenbrenner identified similarities within each
ecological layer in the same cultural setting (the exosystem). Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
systems model is depicted in Figure 1.

38

Figure 1
Three-Setting Depiction of Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Model
Note. This figure purposely omits the mesosystem to emphasize physical systems.
Drawing from pre-existing concepts of molar activity, dyad, role, setting, social network,
institution, subculture, and culture, the ecological systems model challenges the presumption of
an isolated reciprocal dyadic relationship between two parties in the microsystem and gives
significance to the influence of factors outside the dyad. Similarly, if the dyadic relationship is
extended to a triad, tetrad, or larger interpersonal structure, those additional factors influence the
presumption of a closed loop. These additional factors are frequently cultural artifacts (Yosso,
2005) like inclusion, communication, and the exchange of knowledge, and are embedded in
layers external to the dyadic nanosystem. Bronfenbrenner contended that within a given society
or social group, the structure and substance of micro-, meso-, and exosystems tend to be similar
as if they were constructed from the same master model; the systems function similarly.
Bronfenbrenner also proposed the “contrary thesis” (Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979, p. 27) that in
advancing human development, basic science needs public policy even more than public policy
needs basic science. The model also recognizes how roles and cultural expectations for behavior

39

define interactions. Bronfenbrenner states, “Roles have a magiclike power to alter how a person
is treated, how she acts, what she does, and thereby even what she thinks and feels”
(Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979, p. 6). Bronfenbrenner presents the significant possibility of
inequitable performative role expectations as a reason for public policy intervention as a
mediating, supportive influence on the interpersonal structures that host roles.
Systems theory predicts that there will be progressive adaptation of the injured party
within the microsystem unless mediated by an externality, regardless of whether the adaptation
results in an inequitable equilibrium. The sheer imbalance of forces suggests that the
microsystem is more likely to influence the individual than vice versa. Without sustained
intervention to the point of internalization, alterations in behavior in response to training and
other sporadic measures are short-lived, and the system will likely adapt to self-preserve. Thus,
Bronfenbrenner makes the case that exogenous intervention is necessary for healthy individual
development inside ecological subsystems. Accordingly, one of this study’s aims was to explore
the transformation of the macro-micro interactions through constituted accountability
relationships.
The Microsystem
Bronfenbrenner’s model identifies the microsystem as the setting closest to the
individual, with identifiable physical and geographic boundaries (Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979).
The microsystem is where the full impact of all other concentric layers is enacted and reflected in
interpersonal roles and where unique adaptive mechanisms are displayed. In the context of this
study, the microsystem is the organizational setting.

40

The Mesosystem
Bronfenbrenner defined the mesosystem as the ongoing interaction between two or more
microsystems to which the individual is exposed, stating that “the mesosystem is a system of
microsystems” (Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979, p. 25). Although each microsystem is a
geographically bounded space, the interaction of microsystems in the mesosystem could also be
described as a force that increases or diminishes with the individual’s exposure. In the context of
this study, the mesosystem represents peer-to-peer organizational interactions within the energy
transition economy, where symbiotic relationships and competition generate influences that
permeate organizational microsystems. This conceptualization of the mesosystem as a
relationship between or among microsystems rather than an amorphous outer layer presents the
mesosystem as a mediating influence over accountability relationships with the macrosystem.
The Exosystem
Bronfenbrenner defined the exosystem ecological setting as the “third circle of the
ecological model” (Rosa & Tudge, 2013, p. 246). The exosystem spatially encloses the
mesosystem, and although it does not directly enclose the individual, it impacts multiple
mesosystems and emerges as a concentrated force within the microsystem. The individual
unidirectionally experiences this indirect effect of the exosystem, making the exosystem a level
from which meaningful change can emanate. In the context of this study, the exosystem is the
energy transition economy.
The Macrosystem
Bronfenbrenner’s macrosystem bears some of the characteristics of the inner layers in
being geographically constrained by socio-political boundaries and yet it is amorphous, as it is
experienced as the institutional artifacts of culture and public policy. Macrosystems can be

41

considered the building blocks of social organization that define what is acceptable through all
the inner layers. The macrosystem in this study is society at large, inclusive of government and
the ongoing fourth industrial revolution.
The Chronosystem
Bronfenbrenner defined the chronosystem as the macrosystem and all its concentric
layers as a function of time (Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979). Bronfenbrenner further
differentiates the chronosystem into microtime, mesotime, and macrotime, with the time
descriptors correlating to the ecolayers where transient effects are occurring. The chronosystem
illustrates how difficult it is for microtime activities to become apparent in macrotime and how
easily macrotime events could transform entire microsystems. In this study, macrotime
represents the ongoing fourth energy transition.
Figure 2 shows how this study couples Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory as as a
conceptual framework to energy justice theory.

42

Figure 2
Conceptual Model of Energy Justice Theory and Ecological Systems Model
Current State of Bronfenbrenner’s PPCT Model
In their review of Bronfenbrenner’s process-person-context-time (PPCT) model, MerçonVargas et al. (2020) noted that Bronfenbrenner expounded on the power of proximal
relationships but did not elaborate on how proximal relationships derive their power.
As an example, Merçon-Vargas et al. (2020) noted that although Bronfenbrenner agreed that
post-high school-educated mothers had a more significant influence on their daughters,
Bronfenbrenner left out why those mothers did not attain high school completion in the first
place. However, Bronfenbrenner identified the requirements for a process to be proximal, stating

43

that the process must constitute interaction at a regular cadence over a period long enough for the
interactions with the person to develop adaptation mechanisms (Merçon-Vargas et al., 2020).
This study also notes that Bronfenbrenner’s prediction that higher levels of the proximal process
would lead to positive results made the underlying assumption that these processes were always
positive. Merçon-Vargas et al. (2020) further posit that inverse proximal processes correlate to
adverse outcomes on the individual and that exosystemic influence, when inverse, can mediate
proximal processes.
Vélez-Agosto et al. (2017) conceptualized that the bioecological approach is closer to
Bronfenbrenner’s original premise which emphasized the preeminence of social policy on
individual developmental outcomes. Viewing macrosystems as incubators of cultural artifacts
such as “laws, regulations, customs, and rules” (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, p. 515), their study
further clarifies macrosystems as cultural incubators and blueprints. These cultural artifacts are
then reinforced and validated as they permeate through the exosystem, mesosystemic
interactions, and ultimately into the microsystem. With the macrosystem as an incubator of
culture, the mesosystem can be reconstituted as a constellation of microsystems where culture is
reinforced before enactment at organizational microsystems. This clarification helps to
understand a critical gap in bioecological systems theory noted by Merçon-Vargas et al. (2020),
which attributes some life outcomes to inherent biological features but does not describe the
operating mechanisms.
Recognition Justice and Bronfenbrenner’s Framework
Against the backdrop of the parent-child microsystem, Patton et al. (2021) argued that
parental disciplinary methods that inflict fear and pain on children could be acting to sustain “the
very docility, trauma, and negative individual and public health outcomes required to sustain the

44

racial order” (p. 2). This illustration is especially poignant when power relations are asymmetric,
as in employer-employee relationships. When extreme measures of restraint and obedience
training are invoked in microsystems, the microsystem is re-enacting a script that serves the
same purpose as parent-child violence. This pattern is corroborated in an earlier study by Davis
and Dollard (1937) in their highlight of Freud’s observation that punishment aims to habitualize
the internalization of dominant societal discourses about power, gender, and race.
Patton et al. (2021) noted a conspicuous absence of Black children’s voices in the
discourse on corporal punishment. This study takes the position that the voices of Black males
have also been silent in the organizational microsystem, and the recognition tenet of energy
justice provides a voicing platform. Michell et al. (2018) noted that centering these voices helps
identify influences beyond the microsystem, thus pointing to where intervention efforts should
be focused.
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to examine factors that impact the career attainment of
Black males in the energy transition economy. The preceding literature review traced the history
of energy transitions and, citing specific examples, showed how inequity in energy industry
leadership composition has persisted for over a century. The literature review then extensively
discussed the energy justice theoretical framework and Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems
model, using the context of the energy transition to underscore how injustices manifest in the
career aspirations of Black males. The literature review additionally covered the broader context
of the corporate identity of Black males to define and operationalize the core constructs of
diversity, inclusion, equity, and respect. The discussion included the precedence and
interrelatedness of these core concepts and proposed a working definition of equity for this

45

study. The construct of legitimate expectations was introduced, together with a literature review
on mechanisms of underrepresentation. The literature review showed a persistent historical
pattern in the underrepresentation of Black males in high-stakes opportunities and how recent
gains may be outpaced by the growing career attainment gap between Black males and their
cross-categorical comparisons (Black women, White women, and White males). The next
chapter will present a methodology for studying the problem in the context of the energy
transition economy.

46

Chapter Three: Methodology
This study examined the career attainment of Black males in the energy transition
economy, as measured by their representation in executive leadership. The work qualitatively
investigated how being simultaneously Black and male could be an identity impediment to
executive leadership opportunities created by the energy transition economy and explored how
the intersectionality of being Black and male could create career overburdens.
Chapter Two reviewed the energy justice theoretical framework (Jenkins et al., 2016) and
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems conceptual framework (Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979)
used in this study. Additionally, core constructs of diversity, inclusion, equity, respect, and
legitimate expectations were defined and discussed in the context of Black males. This chapter
presents the detailed methodology used to study factors affecting the representation of Black
males in executive positions in the energy transition economy. It investigates how accountability
relationships could be leveraged to ensure equitable career outcomes for Black males aspiring for
executive opportunities. The chapter starts by identifying the sample and population. It continues
with a detailed description of the interview instrument and why it is appropriate for the study, the
data collection process, and an analysis of the data collected. It concludes by examining the
credibility and trustworthiness of the study. The research methodology was qualitative, using
semi-structured interviews to explore the following research questions:
1. How do proximal factors in the organizational microsystem affect the career
attainment of Black males in the energy transition economy?
2. What distal factors effectively promote Black males’ career attainment in the energy
transition economy?

47

Qualitative interviews were selected over other methods because qualitative methods are
especially amenable to storytelling, providing a richly personal perspective that could be lost in
quantitative measurements. According to Smith (1999), ideal social indicators of discrimination
are both difficult to ascertain or quantitatively examined. Qualitative research as counter storytelling centers the voice of the research subjects, making their point of view explicit to
ontological understanding and framing of solutions that move toward justice (Solórzano &
Yosso, 2001). Research by counter-story-telling, in the poetry of Lorde (1995), privileges
utterance over silence even against the daunting prospect that the spoken words may neither be
heard nor welcomed because counter-narratives challenge the dominant discourse and raise the
possibility of a valid, alternative reality.
Key Concepts
The ongoing energy transition is distinguished by a significant infusion of public funds to
intentionally achieve equitable outcomes at climate, geopolitical, and national scales. According
to the International Energy Agency (IEA, 2022), global government spending on clean energy
transitions has cumulatively accrued to USD 1.2 trillion since the start of the 2020 pandemic.
This spending is directed by energy policy with the intention of forestalling the potential for
harm by mechanisms of injustice that operate through procedural unfairness, distributive
imbalances, and inadequate representation (IEA, 2022). The energy transition’s dependence on
public funding creates ontological and epistemological accountability relationships, which can be
leveraged for accountability to ensure equitable outcomes.
Data from the 2017 U.S. Census Bureau, as reported by Black Demographics (2022),
show that in 2017, 24% of employed Black men had jobs in management, business, science, and
arts compared to 35% of employed Black women. In corporate organizational roles (“White

48

collar” occupations), Black men represent 42% compared to 65% for working Black women.
This trend is also repeated in management, business, and financial fields, where Black male
representation ranges from 37% to 46% compared to Black women (Black Demographics, 2022).
When data is disaggregated by sex and race, it reveals a trend that shows that equity gains
ascribed to Black people, in general, have not been equitably distributed across genders.
Sample and Population
The interview participants were Black males currently employed in the energy industry,
possessing at least a college degree and 10 years of industry-relevant post-collegial work
experience. One of the participants is recently retired but was included due to the currency and
relevance of his work experience. The 10-year minimum requirement was chosen to define when
career trajectories are predictable and when there can be meaningful projections into career
outcomes. The study had a sample size of eleven respondents, which ensured that there were
sufficient responses to reach a point of saturation (Krueger & Casey, 2009). Initial participants
were recruited through personal knowledge, and subsequent participants through chain sampling
(Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
The study spanned across multiple organizations in the renewable energy mesosystem.
The renewable energy industry was selected as the mesosystemic setting for this study, being the
industry at the forefront of the ongoing energy transition. The renewable energy industry is the
recipient of the second largest infusion of public funds in the United States, second only to
defense spending, and thus presents an environment rich with high-stakes opportunities
(Kunreuther et al., 2002). Kalev et al. (2006) found that Black males are less likely to have crossidentity allies or benefit from social justice initiatives than Black and White women. Black males
were thus selected as the unit of analysis for this study to understand how their disaggregated

49

intersectionality of race and gender is impacted amid the progress made in the racial equity
discourse. The criteria used to accept participants in the survey are listed below:
Criterion 1
Participants must self-identify as Black males. This criterion is inserted to filter out
intersectional identities outside the scope of this study.
Criterion 2
Participants must have achieved, as a minimum, a bachelor’s degree. This criterion
ensures that the participants have received the nominal educational training necessary to aspire
for executive-level positions realistically.
Criterion 3
Participants must have 10 or more years of post-collegiate working experience, with
some working experience in the renewable energy industry. This derestriction acknowledges that
knowledge from one sector frequently carries over to another sector within the same professional
job category.
Participants were drawn from multiple organizations. In response to participant concerns
about preserving anonymity and this study’s research guidelines, the findings are reported in a
way that reduces the traceability of quotes to specific participants. Personally identifiable
information was also aggregated into categories to anonymize participants further.
Instrumentation
The research instrument consisted of 10 items developed by the researcher specifically
for this study, and approved by the institutional review board (IRB). The initial set of prospective
participants was approached by telephone or social media, followed by an IRB-approved email
invitation to participate. The email protocol described the research, clarified qualifying screening

50

criteria, and requested consent to participate. Additional participants were chain recruited by
referral from recruited participants and similarly approached by phone call and an email
invitation to participate. Initial items in the survey protocol were also designed to confirm that
participants meet the screening criteria. These items specifically inquired about years of postcollegiate industry experience. The items were administered through semi-structured individual
interviews. In addition to recording and note-taking, I followed up each interview with a personal
debrief to record my recollection of non-verbal observations. The median interview time was 54
minutes.
The qualitative study used semi-structured interviews to engage with a non-random
population sample. Qualitative research was selected over other methodologies because its
inductive approach (Glaser & Strauss, 2017) allows the study to evolve as information is gained
and enables the target population to tell their counter-stories (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002), thus
helping to understand social phenomena from the perspective of those impacted. The socially
constructed nature of qualitative research has been argued to make it more relevant to social
sciences research than quantitative research methodology (Gillborn et al., 2018). Gillborn et al.
further argued that the objective sanctity assigned to quantitative ignores the fundamental role of
assignment; numbers are neither objective nor color-blind and reflect the cultural norms of their
confining macrosystems. They asserted that to the extent that there is no scientific unit for
measuring human feelings, qualitative analysis remains unassailable for assessing social
phenomena. Additionally, because data only measures what it can or what it is allowed to,
statistics are frequently mobilized as allies against legitimate racial discourse (Gillborn et al.,
2018).

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Interview Protocol
The interview protocol consisted of individual, semi-structured (Burkholder et al., 2019)
approximately one-hour interviews. A predefined set of 10 questions assured consistency of
inquiry across interviewees. The semi-structured conversational style was selected to encourage
probes and counter-storytelling and to gain a rich perspective of interviewees’ viewpoints. This
protocol qualitatively examined the impact of the ongoing energy transition on the intersectional
identity of Black males, as measured by their representation at executive positions in the energy
transition economy, provided insight into how accountability gaps may be reinforcing existing
systems of oppression, and what macrosystem interventions could be effective. The categories of
questions (Robinson & Leonard, 2019) are outlined in Table A2 (p. 134).
Data Collection
Research data was collected live from primary sources using a semi-structured qualitative
interview instrument for a median of 54 minutes per interview, with the questions and follow-up
probes designed to encourage storytelling. The interview instrument purposely limited inquiries
about personally-identifying information to enhance anonymity.
The means of data capture and storage were audio and video recordings on USC’s secure
ZOOM cloud platform, and interview data were subsequently transcribed and coded to preserve
respondent anonymity. Respondents were interviewed in a controlled environment outside their
workplace to minimize ambient noise, preserve anonymity, and ensure confidentiality. One
respondent insisted on participating during their working hours, and this resulted in the shortest
interview time of 33 minutes.

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Data Analysis
Consistent with qualitative research methodology, data analysis was deductively (Gibbs,
2018) performed in conjunction with data collection, using theory as a lens for understanding the
data. Data was coded and grouped into categories using the NVivo Computer Assisted
Qualitative Data Analysis Software or CAQDAS (Merriam & Tisdell, 2019). The emergent axial
coding categories were synthesized into a thematic narrative of findings, as depicted in Table B2
(p. 141).
Credibility and Trustworthiness
To assure credibility and trustworthiness, findings were triangulated (Merriam & Tisdell,
2016) by comparing answers to specific questions across respondents, and emerging themes
were evaluated against a literature review to connect with similar studies in different contexts.
These efforts, complemented by the choice of interview location and the use of digital recording
rather than memory recall, were intentionally inserted to increase credibility and trustworthiness.
Power and Positionality Considerations
My research paradigm is critical constructivism, leading to the ontological and
epistemological frameworks that guide this study. The critical constructivist research paradigm
leverages my positionality to center peripheral voices in the discourse about power, privilege,
and marginalization and tries to understand the interrelatedness of phenomena that affect
outcomes within the organizational microsystem (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This research
adopts the ontological framework that there can be multiple socially constructed realities and that
dominant reality is created and sustained by entrenched hegemonies until interrupted. The
knowledge gained is understood through my epistemological identification with the research

53

participants, ascribing me with the power to interpret their reality and acknowledging that the
very conflicts of interest that pervade social life also help to give life meaning.
My positionality simultaneously straddles multiple energy actor identities and different
sides on the axes of domination and oppression (producer, consumer, climate policy advocate).
The work of Wilson (2008) provides me with an inquiry beacon by emphasizing the significance
of relationality to research paradigms and situating the researcher’s salient identities at the center
of any research inquiry, thus helping to uncover truths that can only be revealed through my
epistemology.
Secondary Data Sources
The research findings were cross-referenced with secondary sources such as the U.S.
Census Bureau, Black Demographics, Black Studies Center, and the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC) government website’s publication of Job Patterns for
Minorities and Women. These secondary sources have a more extensive historical span,
triangulate findings, and helped to connect the study results with similar studies in other
domains, thus increasing the trustworthiness of research findings. The secondary data sources are
discussed below.
Black Demographics
BlackDemographics.com was established in 2007 as a resource for consolidating
African-American information and statistics (Black Demographics, 2022). The hosted
information is primarily from U.S. census data and contains demographic data on employment,
education, political affiliation, and religion. Black Demographics has been cited by media
(Forbes, Wikipedia), university libraries (Princeton, USC), journals (Berkeley Journal of
Criminal Law, The International Journal of Justice and Sustainability Publication), and

54

Governments (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services-National Institute of Health, Los
Angeles County Quality and Productivity Commission).
Black Studies Center
The Black Studies Center (Black Studies Center, 2023) consists of scholarly journals and
essays by scholars in Black Studies, including Schomburg studies on the Black experience,
Black Studies Periodicals Database (formerly IIBP), The Chicago Defender, Black Literature
Index, Black Abolitionist Papers, and the collection of ProQuest Black newspapers.
Fortune
Fortune is an American multinational business magazine headquartered in New York
City (Wikipedia, 2023). It has been published since 1929 and is currently published by Fortune
nedia group holdings. The magazine publishes ranked lists and publicly verifiable information
about company demographics and finances.
U.S. Census Bureau
The United States Census Bureau (USCB) is the agency of the U.S. federal statistical
system responsible for producing data about the United States (United States Census Bureau,
2023). The Census Bureau primarily conducts a census of the U.S. population every 10 years. It
continually conducts over 130 surveys and programs a year that cover areas such as
communities, employment, and economics.

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Chapter Four: Findings
The study examined the representation of Black males as executives within the energy
transition economy. It was conducted using the energy justice theoretical framework (McCauley
et al., 2013; Jenkins et al., 2016; Heffron & McCauley, 2017) and complemented with the
conceptual framework of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model (Bronfenbrenner, 1981).
Energy justice identifies the procedural, distributive, and recognition tenets of justice in the
energy transition (McCauley et al., 2013). This study focused on the recognition tenet of energy
justice, also known as representative justice (Fraser, 2014), as interpreted through the social
constructs of diversity, equity, inclusion, respect, and the legitimate expectations of Black males
in the energy transition economy. Bronfenbrenner’s layered conceptualization of human
development provided a framework for understanding how proximal and distal forces affect
outcomes at an individual level and, hence, how to devise effective interventions. The research
methodology was qualitative, using semi-structured interviews to explore the following research
questions through a critical constructivist lens:
1. How do proximal factors in the organizational microsystem affect the career
attainment of Black males in the energy transition economy?
2. What distal factors effectively promote Black males’ career attainment in the energy
transition economy?
The interviews revealed two significant finding categories, with three sub-themes for
each of the research questions. This section starts with an overview of each research participant,
followed by their contributions to the key findings. The chapter concludes with a summary of the
research findings for each research question.

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Participants
The study interview participants were Black males employed in the energy industry,
possessing at least a college degree and 10 years of industry-relevant post-collegial work
experience. All the participants interviewed were observably male with visibly singular racial
identities. Additionally, five participants had attained or were pursuing doctoral degrees, four
participants had or were pursuing graduate degrees, all 11 participants had or were pursuing
business degrees, and nine had at least one engineering degree, with many of their accreditations
conferred by highly selective institutions. The demographics of interview participants are broken
down into the categories shown in Table 2, with pseudonyms used to protect the participants’
privacy and that of the study sites. An additional measure taken to protect participant identity is
grouping into the following category types (Elliott & Timulak, 2021):
 General category: Reported by eight or more of the 11 participants.
 Typical category: Reported by six or more of the 11 participants.
 Variant category: Reported by three or fewer participants of the 11 participants.
 Unique category: Reported by only one participant of the 11 participants.
As shown in Table 2, the median participant had accumulated over 20 years of
experience, with 12 or more of those years in their current employment tenure. All participants
had achieved graduate degrees, and all had either achieved or were pursuing business education.
All participants that had achieved or were pursuing doctoral degrees (n = 5) had also achieved a
form of business education.

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Table 2
Participants Interviewed for the Study (N = 11)
Participant Years in
industry
Engineering
degree
Graduate
degree
Business
education
Doctoral
degree
Alpha Over 25 Y Y Y Y
Bravo 11–15 Y Y Y N
Charlie 21–25 Y Y Y Y
Delta 16–20 Y Y Y N
Echo 21–25 Y Y Y Y
Fox 21–25 Y Y Y N
Grover 11–15 N Y Y Y
Hunter Over 25 Y Y Y N
Indigo 11–15 Y Y Y N
Jupiter Over 25 Y Y Y N
Kilogram 16–20 N Y Y Y
Participant Alpha
Participant Alpha had accumulated over half of their employment tenure with their
current employer at the time of the interview. Participant Alpha reported mixed relationships
with their managers throughout their career, with some managers actively promoting the
participant’s career and, in one case, a manager appearing to actively suppress the participant’s
career. The participant associated some of their recent career growth with manager allyship but
did not recall any mechanism holding managers accountable for employee development. Other
recorded factors contributing to the participant’s career attainment include participation at
industry panels and the accompanying external recognition.

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Participant Alpha acknowledged the importance of business skills at executive career
levels and was considering vocational business training. Participant Alpha was aware of a toptier leadership development program but did not know the acceptance criteria and noted a lack of
mentorship or formal leadership training acceptance procedures. Participant Alpha identified
modest career aspirations among peers and the appearance of contentment with having a goodpaying job rather than a promising career. Participant Alpha acknowledged the power of
organizational culture and its demands for employee conformity. In a subsequent probe,
Participant Alpha suggested that culture was not merely the norms of doing things but a
hierarchical placement of employees. Participant Alpha would make culture more inclusive and
competitive if given the opportunity.
Notable quote by Alpha in response to Question 5 (Tell me more about how you came to
be in your current role): “So, it wasn’t very easy as an African American. I had to prove myself
extra to show that I’m better.”
Participant Bravo
Participant Bravo had accumulated about two-thirds of their industry experience with
their current employer at the time of the interview. Bravo reported selection into a leadership
development program but was unclear about the selection processes, which the participant
described as “secretive.” Participant Bravo could point to several Black males in executive
leadership positions but inferred limited opportunities to engage with them.
A notable quote by Bravo in response to Question 9 (Please describe your ideal
workplace in terms of career opportunities):
So, just kind of eliminating that boundary or that illusion that there’s a boundary there
and having an open-door policy, where as much as you can allow it, right, for people to

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come to you and really express what they would like to do and then maybe you work
with [the system] to figure out a plan to get them where they see themselves.
Participant Charlie
Charlie had accumulated over half of their industry experience with their current
employer at the time of the interview. Participant Charlie disclosed trying to be accepted into a
leadership development track without success and appeared reluctant to make additional efforts
in pursuing this goal. Participant Charlie expressed pride in the significance and promise of his
early career roles but expressed frustration at the inability to be selected for senior leadership
opportunities. Charlie perceived technical seniority both as a trap and as job security. Participant
Charlie seemed to have difficulty identifying more than one Black male executive and did not
appear to know much about them. The participant mentioned twice as many Black senior female
middle-level managers as Black males.
In response to the question (Which additional training or qualifications would you pursue
to enhance your career?), Participant Charlie responded:
None. I guess I’m at that point right now. I’ve tried actually getting into those areas.
However, in other words, then I’ve tried pursuing the opportunity and have not been
able to get to that level … also, when it comes to getting the qualifications, they’re
talking about, technically, its something that needs a sponsor and you need to be selected
for, to be able to get into that program. And I’ve also tried that, but I’ve not been
successful.
Participant Delta
Participant Delta had the highest career attainment of all candidates interviewed, leading
to the classifying the participant as a variant case. Delta appeared to have been constantly

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challenged to higher opportunities and equitably rewarded. It was unclear that other factors were
at play in access to these opportunities, as all the other participants mentioned restrictions to
opportunity. Delta reported a maximum of three Black males in executive positions and noted
that senior-level leader (non-Black) referrals enhanced their progress. Delta seemed
uncomfortable acknowledging the limited access to executives and offered some systemic and
job-segregation explanations. Delta acknowledged the existence of a leadership development
program, being a beneficiary of the program, but admitted having little knowledge of how the
system worked. However, Delta suggested the process was political, with accepted candidates
typically nominated by a critical mass of allies.
A notable response by Delta to a question (Please describe your view of the career
attainment of Black males in this industry):
Someone might look at someone that looks exactly like them. And they’re not
intentionally trying to be biased, but because the person looks like them or they went to
the same school, forget the color for a minute. They have the same experience just
because of that. When they see that person, yeah, they see the next future leader—color
or not. However, color amplifies it. Not because not one way or the other is right, really,
honestly. Power leans in one direction because of population and long story, whatever.
But color amplifies it because color and height are the most obvious things that we see
before we see everything.
Participant Echo
Participant Echo followed the trend of high educational attainment with advanced
degrees in high-complexity fields of study and also displayed a lack of desire for additional
formal or on-the-job qualifications. Echo reported only two to three senior Black male executives

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in his organization. Echo also reported minimal-to-no opportunities for formal and informal
contact with senior Black leadership figures as mentors or career advocates. Echo reported not
having a personal disposition to initiate contact with senior Black mentorship figures, a theme
that has repeated itself so far in the study. Echo acknowledged the existence of several leadership
development programs and mentioned the importance of organizational allies for inclusion in the
program. The leadership programs reportedly typically lead to managerial (non-technical)
positions with job authority. Echo did not appear to be interested in participating. Echo also
reported contentment with his earnings, which appear to have reached parity after starting from a
deficit.
A notable response by Echo to a question (Please describe your ideal workplace
regarding career opportunities): “Yeah, the idea is the equal opportunity to advance without
nepotism or race, or culturalism too. And being advanced on your own personal merits without
politics.”
Participant Fox
Participant Fox had achieved engineering and graduate degrees like every previous
participant, and in addition, Participant Fox expressed interest in additional formal and on-thejob training in business and commercial education. Participant Fox had occupied significant
career roles leading up to their current employer tenure and appeared to be underemployed for
their qualifications but expressed satisfaction with the compensation structure. Participant Fox
expressed a vague interest in other career paths but did not sound motivated to explore them; one
reason may be a short tenure since being promoted into their current role. Participant Fox noted
that the entry processes to leadership development opportunities required a formal application,
but the selection process depended on subjective criteria like good standing with regular jobs and

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managerial support. According to participant Fox, efforts have recently been made to increase
the equitable representation of minorities in the post-George Floyd era. However, Fox added that
the lack of results may signify that the efforts are cosmetic, masking an underlying lack of will to
confront the status quo. Fox perceived that the visible efforts toward equity were distracting from
the concentration of power in traditional hands. This is a notable quote by Fox in response to a
question (If you had the opportunity, what measures would you implement to achieve your ideal
workplace?):
I would say I need to have this many Black interns; I need to have those guys get jobs
here. Make them want to work here. And within the next 5 years, I want two of those
guys to be directors. Ask somebody to run that program and come up with objectives.
That’s the most important. Get those numbers. Obviously, I mean if we come short, so
you only get 20% pay raise. Now, failure is better than zero.
Participant Grover
Participant Grover achieved a terminal degree in a highly complex field at a relatively
young age and had gathered all of his career tenure with their current employer, although in a
limited number of roles. Like all previous participants, Grover appeared to be content with their
financial conditions of service and showed little interest in other measures of career attainment
(job role, job authority, span of control). Grover acknowledged the existence of a few Black
executives at different layers of his organization but did not appear to be affiliated with any.
Notably, Grover mentioned that there were observably more Black women than Black men in the
middle management pipeline. When probed on the gender disparity, Grover added that the most
senior roles for Black women were in human resources, but the roles had a high turnover rate,
with incumbents tending to leave the organization. Grover also added that peer females, Black

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and White, appeared to be further along in their careers. On his view of the career opportunities
for Black males, Grover added that it depended on the local competition for talent. When asked
about his ideal organizational climate, participant Grover expressed a need for closer social
connections at work (by inference, this is missing).
A notable response by Grover to a question (Do you have any insight into how your [nonBlack male] peers were able to attain leadership positions?): “I think it’s definitely networking. I
think it’s crucial. It’s pretty much like 95%. … I think that after that, it’s just about social
connections.”
Participant Hotel
Participant Hotel had recently retired at the time of the interview but was included in the
scope of this study due to the currency of his experience and demographics relevant to this study.
This participant displayed a keen interest in the issues of diversity, inclusion, equity, and respect
but also expressed a positive outlook on the career attainment of Black males. Participant Hotel
proposed the following recommendations to promote recognition for Black males:
 Create a culture of value, respect, and engagement
 Take a chance with trust that someone with a professional degree can catch up
 Actions are needed to plug leaks in the labor pipeline to increase the chances of
selection out of a larger population
 Intentionally create a pipeline of role models
 Create opportunities to address inherent discomfort with Black people and teach them
how to socialize
In response to Question 8 (How do your career experiences compare with similarly
qualified individuals?), Participant Hotel responded, “We wanted to put inclusion first because

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we thought it was more important than diversity. I mean diversity is good, but it has to lead to
inclusion.”
Participant Indiana
Participant Indiana is a senior executive and is identified as a second variant case. Like
all other participants, Indiana had significant human capital loading in formal education and
relevant experience. Participant Indiana recognized the influence of experiential education but
retained a desire to achieve exosystem recognition. However, Indiana drew attention to the
impact of direct career advocacy through mentorship or sponsorship. Participant Indiana also
identified the impact of self-efficacy, as demonstrated by preparation, flexibility, intentional
networking, and hard work.
Indiana respond to the question (Which of the [career attainment] criteria you mentioned,
if any, would you consider them to be limiting factors in the career attainment of Black males?)
with “I would say the opportunity part is a bigger part of it. Okay, because it has to be presented,
right?”
Participant Jupiter
Participant Jupiter fitted all median categories in terms of industry tenure, organizational
tenure, and achieving engineering and graduate degrees in fields of notable complexity. Jupiter’s
career spanned various roles across significant organizations, and Jupiter appeared to have
achieved positions of competency recognition. Jupiter had the additional distinction of highly
selective education and exposure to (future) senior Black male leaders. Jupiter emphasized
during the interview that educational attainment, favorable ratings, educational pedigree, and
work achievement were not career attainment determinants for Black males in his organization.

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The dominant causal relationship to career attainment appeared to be a “non-threatening” mien
or a projection of subordination.
Participant Jupiter provided the following response (How do you view the career
attainment of Black males?):
I think it’s a mix of, I don’t want to say disappointment, but it’s not sort of achieving
your full potential in some ways, as well as also not surprised by being limited and it’s
not because of education and ability, it’s frankly because I think, you know, they’re
limited in terms of being offered those opportunities or being enabled to do that.
Participant Kilogram
Participant Kilogram was slightly under the median industry and current employer
tenures but fully met the study’s participation criteria. In his relatively short organizational
tenure, Jupiter described his current role as “terminal.” Terminal roles are senior but nonmanagerial job functions that require industry-leading expertise, typically do not have job
authority, and are not transitional to more senior roles. The typical participant also alluded to
being in a terminal role. Participant Kilogram acknowledged visible efforts to attain racial career
equity in the industry in the post-George Floyd era, but pointed out that the window was closing
due to a dilution of efforts initially directed to Black people to include other marginalized
identities that may not need the same solutions. Participant Kilogram further described these
efforts as concentrated at the entry level, focused on sparse but visible representation in
executive positions, and lacking the critical mass to create change.
In response to a Question 7 probe (How would you describe your opportunities to interact
with this [Black male] executive, formal or informal?), Participant Kilogram said,

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I got the sense of he was just blowing me off. Like, you know, like I’m not going to be
rude and not respond, but I really don’t want to have a connection or interaction with
him. That was the impression that came across as, you know, a younger employee and the
same company. Hey, here’s a Black guy trying to make a connection with a Black guy.
That guy just was not interested in it.
Findings for Research Question 1
Research Question 1 asked the following: How do proximal factors in the organizational
microsystem affect the career attainment of Black males in the energy transition economy? This
research question explored the dyadic nanosystem and proximal elements of the organizational
microsystems in which Black males are situated and their impact on career attainment. The areas
investigated include return on human capital, the impact of internal career advocates, and the
basis for career attainment expectations (Interview Questions 1, 2, 5, 6, and 7). The major themes
that emerged from these interview questions are as follows:
1. Black males experience unique pathways of workforce entry and career progression.
2. Demonstrated aptitude does not have a significant impact on the career attainment of
Black males.
3. Internal accountability mechanisms and safeguards to assure equitable career
outcomes for Black males are either missing or ineffective.
Thematic findings for Research Question 1 are discussed in the following subsections.
Unique Pathways
Black males experience unique pathways of workforce entry and career progression.
Four out of 11 interviewed participants had achieved doctoral degrees prior to the start of
their current employment tenure, with a fifth interviewee was hired in the process of achieving a

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doctoral degree. All 11 interviewees had achieved graduate business training, and all appeared to
be highly proficient in their workplace specialties at the point of hire. Collectively, these
demographics illustrate how the demonstration of high potential is a typical prerequisite for
Black males to be admitted into the energy industry. The sub-themes below use this contextual
background to dissect the career pathways of Black males interviewed as part of this study.
High Workforce Entry Requirements
All six participants without doctoral degrees had accumulated significant industry
expertise at the point of recruitment into their current organizational tenure. With the exception
of two variants, the typical participant had accumulated a median of 8 years of pre-hire
experience. Recounting their point-of-entry experiences, one participant described it as “Well,
I’ll say that when my salary came in, it was a slap in the face, but I needed a job.” When asked
about their expectations for career development after hire, another participant said: “And you
clearly have something that sets you apart from, know, like, you know, there’s no way that you
would, that they would have hired you, if you were not like a cut above.”
Although the typical participant reported being referred to their current organizational
tenure through social networks, there was no indication that any participant felt underqualified at
their point of entry. After commencing their current organizational tenure and having an
opportunity to observe peers at the point of entry, the participants generally portrayed themselves
to be either overqualified for their entry roles or underemployed. Table 3 illustrates the recorded
credentials of participants at the time of hire.

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Table 3
Participants’ Qualifications at the Point of Current Employment Tenure (N = 11)
Participant Pre-hire
experience Graduate degree Business education Doctoral degree
Alpha 11–15 Y Y Y
Bravo Five or less Y N N
Charlie 6–10 Y Y Y
Delta 6–10 Y Y N
Echo 11–15 Y Y Y
Fox 11–15 Y Y N
Grover Five or less Y Y Y
Hunter Five or less Y Y N
Indigo 11–15 Y Y N
Jupiter 11–15 Y Y N
Kilogram 6–10 Y Y Y
Demonstrated Aptitude and Career Attainment
Participants generally had positive responses when asked about their pre-hire education
or training and their post-hire job-role contributions. The following phrases were recorded in
participants’ response to a question (Tell me about how you came to be in your current role):
I performed basically all.
I was in charge.
I had a focus on all
I was responsible.
My job was to make sure the facilities were operating at their best.
I coordinated a variety of disciplines.

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People like to work for me. I was the face of the company [emphasis added] everywhere.
When questioned about their future personal development plans or opportunities to
acquire additional qualifications, typical participants reported a noticeable departure from their
pre-hire learning aspirations. One respondent, when asked about their plans for acquiring
potentially career-boosting education or training, said, “So, let me say that at this level, I have
what it takes to move to the next level. I believe I have what it takes.” Another participant said,
“I really have pretty much all the qualifications.” On the apparent futility of additional
investments in self-efficacy, one participant offered that:
Well, I’m not doing any education right now. ... I did a Harvard course around
influencing skills. …You figure out for yourself, I think, as a Black male to say, how am
I going to influence this person when its obvious they already have a bias?
Participants in this study generally agreed that engineering education and commercial
fluency (business education) are prized in the energy industry, and theoretical predictors of
executive attainment. With only three exceptions, all interviewed participants met all of these
criteria. Of the three participants who did not meet one of the two criteria, two had achieved
doctorate degrees in fields of significant complexity. This finding of incongruency between
demonstrated aptitude and career attainment is a violation of the principle of legitimate
expectations, previously discussed in the literature review. The principle of legitimate
expectations is the jurisprudence that when one party provides consideration on the reliance of
another party’s representation by statutory enactment, customary practice, or fiduciary
relationship, then the representing party has an obligation not to frustrate the investing party’s
expectations of return (Brown, 2017).
Table 4 shows the distribution of these credentials among the interviewed participants:

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Table 4
Participants’ Engineering and Business Education
Participant Engineering education Business education
Alpha Y Y
Bravo Y N
Charlie Y Y
Delta Y Y
Echo Y Y
Fox Y Y
Grover N Y
Hunter Y Y
Indigo Y Y
Jupiter Y Y
Kilogram N Y
With the exception of two variant cases already in quasi-executive roles, none of the
participants expressed optimism about being considered for development as executives. The two
variants had not attained doctorate degrees and were also included in four out of 11 participants
who expressed interest in building aptitude through continued education and training.
Missing or Ineffective Organizational Safeguards
This research finding reflects sentiments that were expressed by the typical participant
and evolved from several interview questions, particularly Interview Question 6 which asked
participants to, “Describe any employee leadership development programs.” This question
generated noticeable stress among the typical participants during the interviews. When asked

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who was accountable for working with employees to actualize career development goals, one
participant said:
Well, ideally, your direct boss is the one you know and work directly with. … Like I said,
it’s not like a set of rules that if you do a B, C and D, within such a period, then you get
that this is just a guide. You know?
The arbitrariness in phrases like “ideally” and “its not like a set of rules” led to additional
probes of this interview question in subsequent interviews. Another participant was asked, “How
are frontline managers and supervisors held accountable for pushing employees to be more, and
not just to do more?” The participant responded as follows:
I don’t know that they are … there are no incentives to say, hey, you have a crew who is
underperforming, and we are holding you accountable to improve their performance
[career outcomes]. It’s only word of mouth when you communicate it. And if you [the
manager] don’t deliver, then no big deal, right?
When asked about microsystem measures that could enhance equitable career outcomes
for Black males, one participant responded as follows:
For one, I would place quotas right away to have a certain amount of Black engineers and
leaders. I mean, not just quotas, but it would be with obvious objectives, you know, that I
would ensure that they find people of color that are qualified because I know they exist.
And if you want Black engineers, you have to put these things in place and hold people
accountable for achieving those goals and objectives.
Responding to the same line of inquiry, a different participant provided the following
insight:

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One of my former CEOs would say he actually measures his executives on diversity. And
it’s like, okay, great. But if you’re measuring them, how come there is no diversity?
Because I think for many of the executives, there was no real teeth in it. So, you tell them
they’re going to be measured on it. But when they come back and say, sorry, I couldn’t
find any qualified people to fill these roles, you just pat them on that say, well, you tried.
At least he said you were going to do it. So, you got to put some real teeth behind it; I
think that’s the difference. You got to actually follow through and execute and not just
talk.
One of the participants offered a variant explanation that career management systems
were working normally once inside the microsystem, and the anomalous representation of Black
males was a mere reflection of demographics. According to this participant: “The V.P. doesn’t
hire you to be a manager because the V.P. doesn’t know how to socialize with Black people. You
heard about the talent pipeline. So that’s your pipeline. And it has to be full.” All participants in
the study agreed that dyadic employee-manager accountability systems could be effective but
were either missing or existing internal policies were not being reinforced.
Summary of Findings for Research Question 1
Research Question 1 explored the impact of proximal factors in the organizational
microsystem on the career attainment of Black males in the energy transition economy. The
participants’ responses support the overarching position that Black males experience unique
pathways of workforce entry and career progression. This assertion is derived from the
participants’ experiential observations that increased demonstrable aptitude has not had a
significant impact on their career attainment, that microsystemic safeguards, and accountability
mechanisms essential to assuring equitable career outcomes are either missing or ineffective, and

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that the absence of auditable leadership development processes and outcome accountability is
especially disadvantageous to Black males. The compounded findings from Research Question 1
strongly imply that equitable career outcomes for Black males in the energy transition economy
requires purposeful actions within the organizational microsystem.
These findings are consistent with the literature review on return on human capital and
equity that summarily indicates that Black males carry an inequitable burden of self-validation in
the organizational microsystem, and prevailing internal accountability systems do not alleviate
this burden. Findings from an earlier related research (Smith, 1999) agreed with this study in
noting that while Black access to lower organizational hierarchy roles may be enhanced by
human capital, the access does not typically translate to high organizational hierarchy roles.
The ensuing discourse on Research Question 2 explores how the exoskeletal layers can activate
microsystemic influences on the career attainment of Black males in the energy transition
economy.
Findings for Research Question 2
Research Question 2 asked the following: What distal factors effectively promote Black
males’ career attainment in the energy transition economy? This question explored the
exosystem and outer layers that enclose organizational microsystems in the energy industry,
specifically interrogating their impact on career outcomes for Black males. The key finding from
this research question and the associated Interview Items (3, 4, 8, 9, and 10) is that the
introduction of accountability from the exosystem and other layers outside the organizational
microsystems can impact equitable career outcomes for Black males in the energy transition
economy. Subthemes of the key finding from Research Question 2 are as follows:
1. Social accountability mechanisms are effective in the organizational microsystem

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2. Industry-level (exosystemic) recognition has limited positive correlation to career
attainment, and
3. Job roles are significant signals of worth and career mobility.
Ten of the 11 participants had achieved, as a minimum, a graduate degree at the time of
hire into their current employment tenure. Of these 10, half (n = 5) had achieved or were
contemplating achieving doctorate degrees. Another half (n = 5) had achieved industry-level
certifications. These statistics signify that in the demographic sample of this research (10 years
or more post-baccalaureate working experience), Black males are likely to have acquired
indicators of high workforce potential and achieved respect in the industry. The promise of high
exosystemic achievement, however, had not translated into executive career representation in the
organizational microsystems studied. The following subsections discuss findings on the effect of
distal factors on the career attainment of Black males.
Limitations of Industry Recognition
Interview responses suggested some linearity between industry-level recognition and
workplace seniority up to certain sub-executive roles. More than half of the participants (n = 6)
either possessed or attached significance to the possession of industry-level recognition to career
attainment up to a certain level of seniority. Of the five participants who did not already possess
industry-level certification, only one expressed interest in pursuing any. Responding to a probe
of Interview Question 4 (Which additional qualifications would benefit you to make that next
leap?), one participant said,
So, so let me say that at this level, I have what it takes to move to the next level. … I am
a known entity when it comes to my industry, what I do, and that’s just out of the reasons
why it was easy for me to be promoted [to my current role].

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Responding to the same question, another participant said, “No further education.”
The limited impact of industry-level recognition on career mobility may explain why two
of the participants with existing industry certifications expressed reluctance to pursue additional
qualifications. According to interview data, the median number of promotions for Black males
over a median organizational tenure of 24 years is two, and the median rate of promotion is less
than once in 5 years, irrespective of industry recognition.
Other potential factors could be an employer-constrained labor market where potential
employees have fewer choices of employer or an employee-saturated labor market, where
incremental industry-level qualification may not be as significant a differentiator as other factors
like baseline education, employer-specific qualifications, and tenure with current the employer.
The distribution of industry qualifications among participants is depicted in Table 5.

Table 5
Participants’ Industry-level Recognitions (N = 11)
Participant Industry-level
certification?
Plan for additional
certification?
Industry
tenure (years)
Average years to
promotions
Alpha Y N Over 25 Three or less
Bravo N Y 11–15 4–7
Charlie N N 21–25 4–7
Delta Y N 16–20 Three or less
Echo Y N 21–25 4–7
Fox Y N 21–25 4–7
Grover N N 11–15 4–7
Hunter Y Y Over 25 Greater than 7
Indigo N N 11–15 4–7
Jupiter Y N Over 25 4–7
Kilogram N N 16–20 4–7

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The Significance of Job Roles
The significance of job roles is another significant finding of Research Question 2. Job
roles have been validated by research to be indicators of occupational prestige, socio-economic
status, return on human capital, and influence (Smith: 1997, 1999; 2002). Based on response
typicality and the amount of time each respondent spent discussing their job roles in response to
Interview Questions 3 and 5, job roles are especially meaningful to Black males in the sample
population.
The median number of job roles per participant was seven, with the maximum at 12 and
the minimum at 2 years. There was no observable correlation between job roles and promotion
rate, career tenure, or other participant data collected. Of the 11 Interview Participants, seven
reported or inferred that their current job roles were unlikely to change either vertically
(promotion) or horizontally (same pay grade), implying a stagnation of opportunities to
demonstrate capability or acquire new skills. This group described their current job roles as
“terminal.” Interview participants discussed their job roles and contributions with a sense of
pride. Participants were asked to respond to the interview question, “How have your previous
roles impacted your career up to now?” There were some notable responses as depicted below:
But I can tell you, one did help move into the next.
I became the top guy.
I had the whole thing.
They asked me then to do it all.
While none of the interview participants was an executive as defined in this study, typical
responses indicated the significance they attached to their sub-executive job roles. This job-role
significance to Black males could presumably be extrapolated to executive roles if Black males

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had the opportunity. The job role and promotion profile of interview participants is depicted in
Table 6.
Table 6
Number of Job Roles
Participant Number of job roles per
promotion
Average years
per job role
Years between
promotions (average)
Alpha Less than two 2–5 Three or less
Bravo Three or more 2–5 4–7
Charlie 2–3 2–5 4–7
Delta 2–3 Less than two Three or less
Echo Less than two More than five 4–7
Fox 2–3 2–5 4–7
Grover Less than two Over 5 4–7
Hunter 2–3 Over 5 More than seven
Indigo Three or more Less than two 4–7
Jupiter 2–3 2–5 4–7
Kilogram Less than two More than five 4–7

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Social Accountability Mechanisms
The responses to Research Question 2 indicate that social accountability is an effective
mechanism for promoting equity within the organizational microsystem. Some interview
participants (n = 3) reported that in the period immediately following the George Floyd-inspired
protests, their organizations voluntarily introduced racial equity programs specifically targeting
the career attainment of Black males. Funding opportunities and policy incentives in the 2022
Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) include built-in provisions for organizations to demonstrate
equity, although IRA provisions do not target the needs of specific intersectional identities.
Investor activism has also emerged as a social accountability mechanism, with much of the focus
based on environmental activism, including noticeable agitation for corporations to display the
photos of their top executives in corporate environmental, sustainability, and governance (ESG)
reports. The scope of this research was limited to voluntary social accountability programs, both
pre-existing and those initiated in the aftermath of George Floyd.
When asked about leadership accountability for equitable employee career outcomes, in
the context of Black males, one participant responded that, “It’s just like a nice to do, right. It’s
always just word of mouth when you communicate it and if you don’t deliver then no big deal
right?” When asked to describe the progress in his organization’s efforts to increase the
representation of Black men as executives, one participant said, “I would say that the progress
has seen what needed to be seen.”
Three Participants acknowledged the impact of social accountability measures instituted
in the immediate aftermath of George Floyd but also noted that the effectiveness of those
measures was waning due to a reduced focus on Black males, lack of internal sponsorship, and
reduced public scrutiny. However, the limited success recorded suggests that public scrutiny

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from outside the organizational microsystem can achieve noticeable near-term impacts on the
career attainments of Black males. Although other levers of social accountability were not
explored in this study, the persistent underrepresentation of Black males as executives in the
energy transition economy suggests that affirmative actions are either absent or ineffective.
Summary of Findings for Research Question 2
Responses to this research question suggest that factors outside the organizational
microsystem can impact the career attainment of Black males. However, when measured by
executive representation in the energy transition economy, Black males have not benefitted from
race and sex-based antidiscrimination or affirmative action laws in the ways that women, in
general, or even Black women in particular, have benefitted. According to Brannen Jr. et al.
(2011), one of the characteristics of affirmative action is considering race and gender in addition
to other factors. When race and gender considerations are excluded, underrepresentation in the
context of privilege and overrepresentation in the context of burdens tend to thrive. Opponents of
affirmative action have simplistically framed it as reverse discrimination or favoring of Black
people, and constitutional challenges have been mounted based on the 14th Amendment.
Prominent challenges to affirmative action have been premised on limiting access to opportunity
to Black males, with relatively less opposition when the judicial questions involved women in
general (Firefighters Local Union No. 1784 v. Stotts, 1984; Wygant v. Jackson Bd. of Educ.,
1986).
Summary of Research Findings
The most disturbing social indicator comparisons in the United States tend to include race
and ethnicity (Klass, 2012). The research findings show that Black males in the demographic
categories studied typically carry an inequitable career attainment burden in the energy

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transition, and accountability mechanisms could be effective for bridging the career equity gap.
The findings also show that organizational microsystems can adjust to address these inequities,
but they cannot initiate or sustain those efforts without accountability mechanisms that emanate
from the exosystemic and outer layers.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
The purpose of this study was to examine the underrepresentation of Black males as
executives in the energy transition economy. The study was conducted using the following
research questions through a critical constructivist lens:
 How do proximal factors in the organizational microsystem affect the career
attainment of Black males in the energy transition economy?
 What distal factors effectively promote Black males’ career attainment in the energy
transition economy?
Below are two categories of findings from the previous chapter,
 Black males experience unique pathways of workforce entry and career progression
inside the organizational microsystems of the energy transition economy and
 Factors at the exosystem and other layers outside the organizational microsystems can
impact equitable career outcomes for Black males in the energy transition economy.
The implications for practice reference literature and the research findings are used to
offer recommendations for improving the career attainment of Black males in the energy
transition economy, using established models of organizational change. The chapter will
conclude by discussing the study’s limitations and delimitations and propose areas for future
research.
Discussion of Findings
This section will assert findings from Chapter 4, discuss them in relation to the existing
literature, and identify potential limitations to the findings. The research findings are consistent
with extant research in other contexts (Baldi & McBrier, 1997; Spaeth, 1985; Wilson, 1997) and
are summarized in Table 7.

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Table 7
Key Research Findings
Finding Sub-theme Energy
justice
Ecological
systems
Black males experience
unique pathways of
workforce entry and
career progression
inside the
organizational
microsystems of the
energy transition
economy.
High employer expectations at the
point of workforce entry
Distributive Microsystem
Demonstrated aptitude does not
have a significant impact on the
career attainment of Black males
within the organizational
microsystem.
Recognition Microsystem
Microsystemic safeguards and
accountability mechanisms
essential for equitable career
outcomes are either missing or
ineffective.
Procedural Microsystem
Factors at the exosystem
and other layers
outside the
organizational
microsystems can
impact equitable career
outcomes for Black
males in the energy
transition economy.
Industry-level (exosystemic)
recognition has limited
implications for career attainment.
Distributive Macrosystem
Job roles are significant indicators
of industry worth and career
mobility
Recognition Exosystem
Social accountability mechanisms
are effective for achieving equity
in the organizational microsystem.
Procedural Exosystem
High Pre-hire Employer Expectations
All interview participants (N = 11) reported significant industry-level and academic
accomplishments at the point of entry into their current employment tenure. The median

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interviewed participant had achieved at least one graduate degree and accumulated a median of 8
years of experience prior to hire. As one participant noted, “And you clearly have something that
sets you apart from, know, like, you know, there’s no way that you would, that they would have
hired you, if you were not like a cut above.”
Meeting highly restrictive requirements at the point of hire is self-reinforcing, creating
exclusivity to highly qualified Black males and correspondingly limiting access for lesser
qualified Black males, and creating the legitimate expectations of career attainment. The effect
of high pre-hire expectations is consistent with the findings in the public sector, where Wilson
(1997) concluded that access to occupational positions becomes restricted to prospective entrants
who have experiences and human capital credentials similar to incumbents. Wilson (1997)
invokes a particularistic mobility thesis to offer that when these high expectations are directed at
minority population segments, it could be because less credibility is attached to their credentials,
prior work experience, and references. Wilson (1997) describes particularistic mobility as the
operative mechanism of cognitive distortions that affect employment-related decisions that may
not be discriminatory in intent but nevertheless disproportionately exclude minorities. This
particularism is magnified in the private sector, which lacks the same degree of monitoring and
accountability in the public sector (Tomaskovic-Devey, 1993).
Limited Transferability of Industry-Level Recognition
Industry-level (mesosystemic) recognition appears to have limited contributions to senior
leadership career attainment within the organizational microsystem. The typical participant (n =
6) possessed at least one industry certification. Within this subcategory, only one participant
expressed interest in acquiring additional industry certifications (notably, this participant also
had the longest average number of years between promotions). When asked to describe the

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efficacy of industry recognition, one participant said: “So I am a known entity when it comes to
my industry, what I do and that’s just out of the reasons why was easy for me to be promoted.”
However, the context of this particular statement was promotion to a terminal position from
which Black male executives typically do not emerge. Only one unique case of the participants
who did not currently have an industry certification (n = 5) showed interest in pursuing any. This
finding shows that the formal route of acquiring recognition under objective scrutiny, a route
previously argued to be preferred by Black males, has limited efficacy under the subjective
scrutiny of organizational microsystems.
Organization-specific skills appear to be more valued within the organizational
microsystem. However, the acquisition of these skills, with little recognition outside of the
organizational microsystem, also comes with the uncertainty of tenure and the stagnation of
assigned job roles. Job roles are signals of worth and career mobility and are susceptible to
manipulative operationalization against Black males through organizationally sanctioned values,
policies and procedures. Smith (1999) attempts to explain the interaction between human capital
and job roles by describing human capital as significant in the pre-hire phase, after which
internal job roles become the dominant factor that facilitates the development of individual skills
and career attainment. According to Smith (1999), job roles are inherently segregated levels, and
once relegated to such positions, it is impossible to develop the kind of skills necessary to move
into positions of power and influence in the workplace.
This finding agrees with Kluegel (1978) that the unique career pathways of African
Americans are explained by the “particularistic mobility thesis” (p. 6), which prescribes
navigating narrower, more restricted, and close-ended mobility paths. In more contemporary
research, Mong and Roscigno (2010) found a pattern of disparate policing and sanctioning as a

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mechanism of social closure, especially prevalent in the employment experiences of African
American men. The consignment of demonstrably highly capable Black males to efficient
workers is a brazen suggestion that they cannot master the abstractions required for senior
leadership roles. This study goes further to assert that the normative bottom-ascription of Black
males to work that is servile meets the definitional criteria of “dirty work” (Shepherd et al.,
2022). According to findings from their study in Mumbai, Shepherd et al. (2022), dirty workers
use a variety of coping mechanisms to manage their taint, including strong occupational or
workgroup cultures, social comparison, and use of economic well-being as a buffer. Various
manifestations of this coping mechanism were uncovered in the course of this study.
Solórzano and Yosso (2002) posit that institutional subordination or the restriction of
access to institutional power can be framed as racism by outcome, detaching the effect from the
intent. From a critical race methodological standpoint, the traditional claims of organizational
policy compliance appear to be a camouflage for preserving the self-interest of dominant groups
(Solórzano, 1997). The conclusions from the composite voices expressed through this work
challenge the normalization of exclusion to privilege, especially when the stakes are significant.
Missing or Ineffective Microsystemic Safeguards
The study found that microsystemic safeguards and accountability mechanisms essential
for equitable career outcomes are either missing or ineffective for Black males in the population
sampled. All interview participants alluded to “secretive” or “vague” programs for admission
into leadership development programs in their organizations. When asked to describe any
employee leadership development programs, one of the participants said:
For the very, very, senior level, that program is vague. … So, they do have a growing list
of what they call high-potential senior people. Those are the people that they’ve put in a

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bucket. I’m not sure if it’s a formal program. But if put in that bucket, they potentially
will be a corporate officer at some point someday, and they do. So, there’s a meeting that
goes on, but nobody gives you any clear picture.
The selection and funneling of employees to ultimately determine corporate executives
were reported to start early in the career tenure, where Black males might be expected to be
advantaged due to heavy upfront human capital loading. While the processes of selecting future
executive officers may not be intentionally biased, the visible dearth of Black males in executive
leadership suggests the prevalence of social closure processes (Tomaskovic-Devey, 1993). Smith
(1999) reported that Black people especially had to demonstrate the attitudes and values that
were representative of a leader in order to advance. This creates a circular argument of
disadvantage since most leaders are phenotypically different from Black males. Smith (1999)
similarly concluded that inequality at senior levels does not correlate with the human capital
acquired before entering the labor market, as also demonstrated by this research. Instead, Smith
(1999) proposed that inequity in career outcomes is largely a function of what takes place within
the structure of organizations.
The secrecy built into the process of executive leadership placement enables the process
to evade accountability safeguards. According to Tetlock (1992), “Accountability serves as a
critical rule and norm enforcement mechanism” (p. 337). The visible outcome suggests that the
absence of process accountability systems in specific contexts serves to reinforce normative
milieux.
Unmet Legitimate Expectations
In administrative law, the doctrine of legitimate expectations arises when the reasonable
expectation that a public body will exercise its discretion in some way is disappointed (Ahmed &

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Perry, 2014). Although the doctrine of legitimate expectations originated in the domain of public
governance, this study asserts sufficient congruence to extend the doctrine to private enterprises
that are reliant on munificient public policy, like the energy transition economy. This assertion is
based on the premise that reasonable expectations are a crucial basis for irreversible personal
choices of commitment and life plans (Meyer & Sanklecha, 2014). As an illustration, it is
reasonable to expect that the number of Black males opting to pursue the rigor of engineering
studies, business education, and terminal degrees would decrease if organizations in the energy
transition economy announced apriori that Black males are unlikely to attain executive positions
irrespective of demonstrated aptitude.
Once inside the organizational microsystem, the investment in demonstrated aptitude
does not appear to have a significant effect on career outcomes for Black males within the energy
transition economy. Only two of the 11 participants in this study expressed a desire to pursue
additional training or certification. While this reluctance may be attributed to all of the
participants being already highly accomplished, participant responses suggest that the reluctance
to invest in additional aptitude is more likely due to established unmet expectations of returns on
human capital. One participant said: “So, so let me say that at this level, I have what it takes to
move to the next level. … I am a known entity when it comes to my industry.” Another
participant said: “No further education.” Ahmed and Perry (2014) argue that policies are social
rules, even though they are not necessarily bilaterally enacted. Organizational policies regulate
conduct, direct employee energy, and constrain employee response. Using this construct,
demonstrated commitment to a policy epistemically creates a legitimate expectation.
Tomaskovic-Devey (1993) draws on economic theories to explain this finding through
the concept of “social closure” (p. 93). Social closure comprises the processes by which

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superordinate groups preserve their advantage by tying access to desirable jobs to group
characteristics (Tomaskovic-Devey, 1993). Similarly, Elliott and Smith (2001) concluded that
racial and ethnic minorities are relatively unlikely to occupy positions of authority in U.S.
workplaces because groups in power tend to prefer others like themselves and will especially
default to this preference in the absence of accountability when trust is at stake. As reported by
one participant:
So, we’d see it every year where we’d all be socializing together, and the executives were
always there. We always encourage them to come in and at least meet us at these
conferences and they would come in and you could see by the looks on their faces that
they did not want to be there. Some of them really were making the effort, but many of
them were obviously uncomfortable. And you try to, you know, I think as Black men,
you realize that you try to make them comfortable and try to, you know, sort of make
them feel safe when frankly they had no reason to feel unsafe, but they do. They’re just
not accustomed to that. While on the reverse for us as Black men, we’re in a room with a
bunch of White people and White men all the time. You know, 99% of the time, I’m the
only one. So, I don’t have the luxury of feeling uncomfortable amongst a large group of
White people.
This study asserts that the institutionalized discretionary social accommodations and
subjectively deterministic processes necessary to attain desirable authority positions, operate as
mechanisms of social closure for Black males.
Social Accountability
Social accountability is an effective mechanism for enabling outcome accountability.
According to Langhe et al. (2011), solving problems that are nonlinear and stochastic is better

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suited to outcome accountability than process accountability. Langhe et al. (2011) proceed to
explain that the loss of advantage in process accountability over outcome accountability in
configural tasks may be because configural tasks by nature have not evolved a procedural
approach. This may be indicative of the mind’s predisposition to draw from prior knowledge by
establishing mental shortcuts rather than embarking on the cognitive challenge of building new
knowledge associations. This argument shares consistencies with Wilson’s particularistic
mobility thesis (1997).
The participants generally (n => 8) recounted career equity measures that were enacted in
the immediate aftermath of the George Floyd protests in 2020. The career equity measures
addressed elements of process and outcome accountability and were perceived to have noticeable
immediate impacts in bridging the career equity gap. Commenting on one of the post GeorgeFloyd programs, one participant said “A few years ago, after the George Floyd incident, there
was in general with many companies more focus on racial equality. And I think these created
some of those pathways to power.” The programs included the development of employee-led
racial equity programs (process accountability) and the accelerated placement of Black males in
visible positions of leadership, including executive positions and boards of directors (outcome
accountability). However, Chow et al. (2021), in their commentary on the post-George Floyd era,
noted that the allyship for equity that accompanied outrage at the killing of George Floyd in May
2020 withered under a backlash. This finding is supported by one of the interview participants,
who noted that:
But I see through the last 3 years, the momentum, and let’s call it the window of
opportunity, is kind of closing. I don’t think it’s as big of a focus for America as it was in

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2020. I almost feel like the things that we’ve gotten through so far might be the best that
we are going to get.
The focus of social accountability on outcomes is especially poignant when process
accountability is secretive and not amenable to process audits, a situation frequently reported in
this study. When equity outcomes correlate with economic outcomes, corporations are compelled
to act, if only in self-interest. Social accountability is currently being successfully leveraged by
activist investors, with much of the focus based on environmental outcomes, but it can easily be
extended to achieve economic and responsible corporate citizenry outcomes.
Recommendations for Implementing Change
This section proposes recommendations that are resonant with key findings from the
current study by drawing on several models of change at different layers of Bronfenbrenner’s
ecological systems. The study recommendations identify the findings and the ecological layer
where the anomalous findings are most prevalent and then propose a model of change. The
associated recommendations include a description of the cultural models and settings where the
recommendations should be implemented. The recommendations are advanced along the premise
that to transform organizations, the nested sub-structural components of cultural models and
settings must be addressed (Schein, 2017). Gallimore and Goldenberg (2001) describe cultural
models as shared “ways of perceiving, thinking, and storing possible responses to adaptive
challenges and changing conditions” (p. 47) within a defined ecological system. They similarly
define a cultural setting as the familiar environment or setting in which organizations function.
All the recommendations incorporate a form of outcome accountability.
According to Dubnick (2003), the purpose of accountability is to enact a behavior to
repair relationships. Multiple forms of accountability are proposed to account for key elements of

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the accountability environment, which consist of purpose, source, salience, and intensity (Hall et
al., 2017). The source of accountability identifies the agent that takes on certain actions to repai
the relationship. These actions could be to a singular entity or represent multiple actions to
multiple entities, a model referred to as the “web of accountabilities” (Frink & Klimoski, 2004,
p. 3). Accountability salience simply refers to the significance of outcomes (Hall et al., 2007).
The last component, accountability intensity, refers to the degree of congruent sanctions or
rewards to meet the purpose of accountability (Hall et al., 2007).
Four cultural models and four cultural settings are identified as locations of the five
unique findings from this study. This schema is summarily depicted in Table 8.

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Table 8
Recommendations for Key Research Findings
Finding Layer Recommendation Cultural
model/setting
Model of
change
Employers scrutinize
Black males to
inequitably high prehire expectations.
Microsystem Equity scorecard
reporting
Government/
macrosystem
Social
cognition
Social accountability is
an effective
mechanism for
inducing change
within the
organizational
system.
Microsystem Strengthen ESG
reporting
guidelines
Society/
macrosystem
Dialectical
The limited
transferability of
industry-level
recognition erodes
Black males of
human capital.
Microsystem Disclosure to
industry and
professional
associations
Society/
exosystem
Evolutionary
Missing or ineffective
microsystemic
safeguards
perpetuate and
reinforce systems of
inequity.
Dyad Advocacy—
mentorship
Organization/
microsystem
Life-cycle
The legitimate career
expectations of
Black males are
being frustrated.
Microsystem Assertive
enablement—
The ADA
model
Individual/
macrosystem
Teleological
Equity Scorecard Reporting (ESR)
The high pre-hire expectations and secretive nature of executive leadership selection
widely reported in this study drive a recommendation of equity scorecard reporting (ESR). This
recommendation borrows from the concept of a diversity scorecard (Bensimon, 2004) to propose
periodic auditing and reporting of organizations that are beneficiaries of federal funding.

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Reporting is the natural outcome of measurement, and measurement draws attention to
the object being measured. According to the diversity scorecard’s model of institutional change,
the process of change progresses along the axis of awareness (by data collection), data
interpretation, and action. This implies that data needs to be gathered and presented in a way that
goes beyond drawing attention to the object of measurement and that the data must be
objectively interpreted to generate impactful action. Furthermore, the inability of data to speak
for itself requires objective data gathering and interpretation. Data has a different tonality when it
is chronologically disaggregated by gender and race, as in this study.
Organizational entities seeking federal funding under the energy transition are frequently
required to demonstrate a commitment to equity to qualify for funding. The U.S. Office of
Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy (EERE) is accountable for implementing Executive
Order 13985 (2021) for advancing racial equity and support for underserved communities. The
EERE requires grant applicants to demonstrate dimensions of equity as part of implementing
Executive Order No. 13985 (2021), including the representation of minorities at various layers of
the workforce. While most grant applicants will be expected to demonstrate this commitment to
equity apriori, it is not clear that mid-implementation and post-implementation data are collected
to measure the attainment of stated equity goals.
A just energy transition requires strong public policy interventions and accountability
mechanisms to bridge the inequality of transactional power among actors in the energy
ecosystem (Renner et al., 2022). External accountability mechanisms can penetrate
microsystemic process accountability to identify adverse outcomes that thrive when internal
accountability is deficient. As Smith (1999) reported, 1980–1988 witnessed a rollback of
affirmative action and antidiscrimination legislation that had previously accelerated the closing

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of the race-gender career attainment gap. The reduced accountability may have reversed previous
years’ gains in addition to stifling the attainment of equity. According to findings by Mong and
Roscigno (2010), the processes that undermine career attainment are “bounded and conditioned
by the structures within which they exist” (p. 17). Workplace supervisors, for instance, can
discretionally activate discriminatory criteria, but only to the extent that organizational cultural
settings of structures, procedures, and rules condone.
Downward accountability binary (Baur & Schmitz, 2012), a restatement of bottom-up
accountability, can counter the tendency of the marketplace to transform “the symbols and
practices of countercultural opposition into a constellation of trendy commodities and
depoliticized fashion styles that are readily assimilated into the societal mainstream” (Thompson
et al., 2007, p. 136). When equity is framed as an accountability goal, downward social
accountability constrains organizations to move from self-absolving solutions of wrongly
conceived problems to visible outcomes. This recommendation, therefore, advocates for agencies
such as the EERE to be actively engaged through an accountability binary in the energy
transition economy.
This model of change is based on social cognition theory. The appliable premise of social
cognition theory is that organizational change is a learning process affected by environmental
conditions and by theories of action held by the organization’s members (March, 1991). Since
change can only be enacted through individuals (Harris, 1996; Martin, 1992), it matters if people
do not act on theories of action that are their expressed views. Change thus occurs through
paradigm-shifting, resulting from cognitive dissonance (Argyris, 1994), as pieces of conflicting
information are brought together. Leaders shape the change process through framing,
interpretation and double-loop learning. This process is depicted in Figure 3.

Figure 3
Social-Cognitive Model of Change
Note. Adapted from “The University of Southern California diversity project,” by Bensimon, E. M., 2004. The Diversity Scorecard: A
learning approach to institutional change. Change, 36(1), pp. 44–52. (https://www.jstor.org/stable/40177243). 95

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Strengthen and Standardize Guidelines for ESG Reporting
Enhanced guidelines for ESG reporting are proposed as a social accountability
recommendation to monitor, motivate, and reward social responsibility in the organizational
microsystem. ESG reporting is the voluntary disclosure of environmental, social and corporate
governance data (Tocchini & Cafagna, 2022) to the public. As an external communications
framework, ESG reporting is used by corporations to report their progress on measured criteria,
and thereby improve their investor favorability; the measured criteria also guide internal
organizational policies and values. The growth of social media amplifies the audience that can
access and comment on ESG reports, thereby influencing public perceptions of the
organization’s reputation and increasing public awareness of organizational values. Social media
activism is credited for the retirement of the Aunt Jemima imagery by Quaker Oats and PepsiCo
(Savage, 2021).
The widened adoption of ESG reporting has evolved into impact investing over the last
few decades (Geczy et al., 2021). Impact investments are an assertion of stakeholder primacy for
the intentional direction of investor funds to achieve positive, measurable social and
environmental impacts in addition to financial returns (Rodeck & Schmidt, 2023). The ability of
the public to hold corporations socially accountable through directed investment decisions can
leverage interest convergence to achieve equity goals in the energy transition economy. Interest
convergence is a tenet of critical race theory originally attributed to Bell (1980), which stipulates
that people on the dominant axis of power will not act unless there is either something to be
gained or a loss to be averted. This tenet has been shown to be effective in educational contexts
(Milner, 2007) and in advancing disability rights (Love & Beneke, 2021), and it is invoked in an
economic context with this recommendation. Enhanced ESG reporting creates the possibilities of

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reputational impact and economic health in the social compact between organizational
microsystems and macro-society in the energy transition economy.
This recommendation also addresses the faltered organizational changes that were
implemented in the years following George Floyd, as reported in this study’s findings, and the
“social reality” (Frink & Klimoski, 2004, p. 5) experienced by Black males in the organizational
microsystems of the energy transition economy. In the fictitious Aunt Jemima’s Resignation
Letter, Savage (2021) noted the inherent difficulty of holding corporations socially accountable
is due to a lack of oversight or tracking. Corporations need to be held socially accountable
because they are not just a part of society, but, according to corporate personhood theory (Blair,
2015), corporations, as persons, discretely contribute to the systems that determine how the
wealth generated from taxpayer funding of the energy transition is distributed.
In their study of the impact of social media on corporate reputation, Tocchini and
Cafagna (2022) propose the use of third-party assessors and certification as ways to enhance the
credibility and standardization of ESG reporting. Standardized, credible reporting will provide
the public with the quality of information they need to determine that organizational
microsystems are moving beyond incubating inequity, to becoming catalysts for equity. Aspects
of ESG reporting in the renewable energy industry that can be enhanced include:
 publishing the race and gender distribution of employees at the executive levels of
publicly listed corporations
 publishing pictures of public corporate executives in ESG reports
 publishing public corporate employee seniority distribution by race and gender
 publishing the average rates of promotion in publicly listed corporations
disaggregated by race and gender

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Enhanced ESG reporting is framed on the dialectical model of change (Kezar, 2011). The
dialectical model emphasizes a diatribe between the perspectives of how the organization
perceives itself and how it is perceived outside of the organizational microsystem. This model
asserts that as political entities, organizations will invest resources and capabilities to attain or
retain influence (corporate reputation, economic performance, and organizational well-being)
outside of the organizational microsystem. The process of change that occurs through dialectical
engagement with society is depicted in Figure 4.

Figure 4
Dialectical Model of Change
Note. Adapted from “Meso-Level Theory of Accountability in Organizations,” by Frink, D. D., Hall, A. T., Perryman, A. A., Ranft, A.
L., Hochwarter, W. A., Ferris, G. R., and Todd, R. M, 2008, in J. J. Martocchio (Ed.), Research in Personnel and Human Resources
Management, 27, pp. 177–245. (https://doi.org/10.1016/S0742-7301(08)27005-2). Copyright by Emerald Group Publishing Limited. 99

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Disclosure to Industry and Professional Associations
This recommendation proposes that organizations publish reports on licensed and
regulated professionals in their employment to the regulating professional associations. The
reports, disaggregated by race, gender, and employment tenure, will reveal patterns of
employment equity and institutional resistance to change. According to Agocs (1997),
institutionalized resistance is the “pattern of organizational behavior that decision makers in
organizations employ to actively deny, reject, refuse to implement, repress or even dismantle
change proposals and initiatives” (p. 46). When organizational resistance to change is
institutionalized, resistance invariably becomes a legitimized (Hossfeld, 2018) feature of the
microsystem cultural setting and, therefore, no longer susceptible to change from within.
Industry and professional organizations, as gatekeepers to professional recognition, can
confer objective validation of training, experience, and capability, and use their platforms to
advocate for change. According to the meso-level theory of accountability in organizations (Hall
et al., 2017), a subject with no reciprocal control over the conduct of others is left to the caprices
of their conduct, representing a broken Burke-Litwin model of organizational change (Burke,
2017). Research (Frink & Klimoski, 2004) shows that employees actively engage in role-making
instead of passive role-taking, and industry accreditation bodies can be powerful allies in
creating equitable role outcomes.
While equal employment advocacy targets issues of workplace pay and benefit equity
(Tornone, 2021), institutional change initiatives are focused on less obvious but established
power arrangements. Change will therefore not necessarily emanate from new information
provided through training, but through identifying the desired change, the existing forms of
institutional resistance, mobilizing proven techniques to overcome them, and holding

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institutional actors accountable (Agocs, 1997). This study’s findings show that the validation of
human capital provided by credentialing professional associations is one of the ways that Black
males seek to objectively demonstrate aptitude, ambition, and eligibility for senior leadership
consideration. By siloing professionally certified Black males into stratified and “terminal”
occupational roles, a self-reinforcing argument for low self-efficacy is created. This
recommendation asserts that the credentialing bodies are also a source of social capital that can
be leveraged for social accountability.
This recommendation is an adaptation of the evolutionary model of change (Kezar,
2011). The key premise of this model is the adaptive change that occurs as organizations interact
with their environment to disrupt homeostasis (Culver et al., 2021). The evolutionary model
posits that social systems are complex and evolve over time naturally to accommodate
interactivity between the organization and its environment. This model assumes chaos and deemphasizes human agency in favor of corporate adaptation. The evolutionary model of change is
depicted in Figure 5 in an adaptation of the Stanford design thinking process model (Culver et
al., 2021).

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Figure 5
Evolutionary Model of Change
Note. Adapted from Design For Equity in Higher Education, by Culver, K. C., Harper, J. and Kezar, A., 2021, Pullias Center for
Higher Education. Pullias Center for Higher Education (https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED615816). In the public domain.

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Advocacy-Mentorship
This recommendation proposes that senior Black male executives participate in the career
development of other Black males not just as mentors but as career advocates. It builds on this
study’s findings that Black male executives, as institutional gatekeepers, are unlikely to actively
advocate for other Black males that the host organization has not sanctioned. With no
phenotypical allyship, the formal career attainment pathways prescribed for Black males are
constrained, with growth opportunities prioritizing particularistic, soft criteria that are subjective
and rooted in opinion rather than fact (Wilson, 1997). The organizationally sanctioned direct
involvement of senior Black executive advocates in the employee-supervisor dyad provides a
balancing counterweight to the default narrative and signals an organizational commitment to
achieving equitable career outcomes for Black males. The introduction of senior Black males
into the employee-manager nanosystem adds a cultural perspective that is essential for the
nuanced understanding of the potential and personality of Black males in high-stakes situations
such as the energy transition economy. The commitment of senior Black male executives to
equitable career attainment of other Black males represents a legitimation of the expectations of
Black males in the renewable energy industry to achieve equitable returns for their human
capital.
Role systems theory is proposed as a model of change for this recommendation. As
described by Frink and Klimoski (2004), role systems are a descriptive theory for how
organizational microsystems institutionalize predictable and desired behavior. The norms that
develop around what is expected, who should do it, and when it should be done (Frink &
Klimoski, 2004) are rooted in institutional legitimizations. Role systems theory defines a rolesender as the principal that sets expectations in a principal-agent (Romzek & Dubnick, 1987)

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accountability relationship. The unitary power vectorial in this definition highlights the
asymmetric embeddedness of power in accountability relationships. By introducing advocacy
into the nanosystem dyad to create a triad, the asymmetric employee-manager power relationship
is mediated by an outer role-sender relational expectation. Thus, although workplace
expectations for equity can be set by organizational mission, vision and policy statements and
reinforced through training, it is ultimately the interpretation and application of such rules by
people in relationship nanosystems that dominate salient outcomes (Frink & Klimoski, 2004).
To explain how role systems theory works, Frink and Klimoski (2004) noted that
institutions signify utilitarian value in systems by codifying those values in relationships. By
setting expectations in the dyadic nanosystem and introducing accountability through the
involvement of senior executives, organizational microsystems would be acknowledging that
outcomes in the workplace are social phenomena that involve the expectations of at least two
people and, in the case of this recommendation, a third person. This balance of power creates
opportunities for mediated outcomes that reflect mutual influence processes. According to Frink
and Klimoski (2004), the expected outcome is “mutual understanding and predictable behavior”
(p. 6).
The operationalization of role-systems theory can be understood through the life-cycle
process of change (Frink & Klimoski, 2004). The life-cycle process centers people in the process
of change, viewing changes at the individual level as crucial components of organizational
change. The ambiguous and threatening dyadic environment is mediated by an advocate-mentor
that mediates the dyadic workflow with both organizational expectations and individual interests.
The centrality of management in this model of change conforms the nanosystem dyad to
organizational interests over time, as depicted in Figure 6.

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Figure 6
Life-Cycle Model of Change
Note. Adapted from “Advancing accountability theory and practice: Introduction to the human resource management review special
edition,” by Frink, D. D. and Klimoski, R. J., 2004. Human Resource Management Review, 14(1), pp. 1–17
(https://doi.org/10.1016/j.hrmr.2004.02.001).

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Assertive Enablement
The final recommendation from this study seeks to empower Black males to proactively
seek legal amelioration without fear of retaliation when the organizational microsystem is not
being responsive, and to have reasonable access for an advocated appeal to career-impacting
adverse performance evaluation, promotion, layoff, and termination decisions. This
recommendation is derived from the self-enforcing ADA model (Americans with Disabilities
Act, 1990). The Americans with Disabilities Act (1990) is a successful example of accountability
instituted to correct discrimination against vulnerable groups. Altman and Bamartt (1993)
paraphrase Section S2(a)(7) of the ADA definition of persons with disabilities as:
A discrete and insular minority who have been faced with restrictions and limitations,
subjected to a history of purposeful unequal treatment, and relegated to a position of
political powerlessness in our society, based on characteristics that are beyond the control
of such individuals and resulting from stereotypic assumptions, not truly indicative of the
individual ability of such individuals to participate in, and contribute to, society (p. 24).
McDermott and Varenne (1995) extend this definition to state that: “Disabilities are less
the property of persons than they are moments in a cultural focus” (p. 324). These depictions of
disability as a constructed identity suggest that the outcome of being labeled is as significant as
the label itself and can arguably be applied to Black males in the energy transition economy.
The success of ADA advocacy is partly attributed to its presentation in ways that took
advantage of values and momentum already enshrined in the macrosystem, a mechanism referred
to as reframing or “frame extension” (Snow et al., 1986, p. 467). Reframing allows the impacted
parties as a minority group, whose defining characteristic is that of powerlessness, to align with
auxiliary interests to increase group power. In this case, the auxiliary interest is the legal system.

107

Wilson and McBrier (2005) proposed mechanisms that can operationalize the ADA model. Their
recommendations, as applied to this study, include
 clearly delineated and stringently enforced guidelines should be established that
facilitate the placement of African Americans in mainstream jobs
 formal strategies that lessen the long-standing reliance of African Americans on
segregated formal and informal job networks
Operationalization of the ADA model can be depicted through the teleological model of
change (van de Ven & Poole, 1995). The teleological model centers people in the change
process, emphasizing changes that take place within people’s life cycles. In the context of this
study, the life-cycle model extends the centrality of organizational leadership to direct
involvement with supporting the career outcomes of Black male employees through advocacy,
targeted training, and motivation. The teleological model imputs change to a necessity
acknowledged by leaders and change agents (Poole & Van de Ven, 2021). This acknowledgment
of the need for change drives purposeful goal-setting and decision-making through planning,
assessment, incentives, stakeholder engagement, and strategy-making. A model of change for
assertive enablement is proposed in Figure 7.

108
Figure 7
Teleological Model of Change
Note. Adapted from A Divergent Progression by Poole and Van de Ven, 2021, The Oxford Handbook of Organizational Change and
Innovation, p. 308 (https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198845973.013.14). Copyright by The Oxford University Press.

109

Limitations and Delimitations
This study aimed to understand factors that influence the career attainment of Black
males in the energy transition, and how interventions could be devised to achieve equitable
career outcomes. The study’s limitations and delimitations are inherent to the research scope and
context.
Research limitations are potential sources of weakness that could affect the findings. The
research methodology is recognized as a limitation that arises from my choice of qualitative
interviews, sample size, and the renewable energy industry context. Qualitative interview
methodology limited the number of questions due to time constraints. Although appropriate for
qualitative interviews, the sample size (N = 11) may need to be significantly expanded in a
qualitative survey methodological approach. Additionally, research participants were recruited
through snowball sampling, predicting a degree of congruence in their career experiences. A
third limitation is the renewable energy industry context, which is a new industry in the transition
process. However, although this study was limited in the sample size and context-specificity
(Black males in the energy transition economy), the findings draw their significance from
naturalistic generalizability, the recognition of similarity with adjacent contexts without the
numerical power of statistical inference (Shepherd et al., 2022).
Delimitations are the boundaries of a research study that guide the researcher in
designing a study design and what data to include (Creswell, 2014). The disaggregated focus of
this study on the intersectional identity of Black males within the energy transition economy is
recognized as a delimitation. Another delimitation is the study’s geopolitical restriction to the
United States, where the inter-racial discourse is especially mature but spatially confined. The
findings could be altogether different or manifest other forms of inequity to different

110

intersectional identities in a different racially composed homogeneity. The study’s contextual
specificity to the ongoing fourth energy transition is also recognized as a delimitation. These
delimitations were essential to narrowing the research focus and intended to enrich its
recommendations by providing credible connections to similar narrow-focus studies in different
contexts.
Future Research
This study was conducted using the relatively novel energy justice theoretical framework
and constrained within the narrowly defined context of race, gender, career maturity, and the
energy transition economy. Thus, transferability is a defining opportunity for exploring the
findings.
The energy justice theoretical framework used for this study is relatively new and still
evolving despite its outsized adoption by global energy transition policy-makers. This study
primarily relied on the triumvirate concept of energy justice (TCEJ), attributed to McCauley et
al. (2013). Still, emerging conceptions expand beyond TCEJ, notably the principled approach
proposed by Wood and Roelich (2020) and the restorative justice approach (Heffron &
McCauley, 2017) introduced as a unifying purpose across all energy justice tenets. Using a
different conception of energy justice or a different theoretical framework (e.g., organizational
justice) is an opportunity for further research.
Black males were selected as the study unit of analysis for focus and intensity. Further
research could identify whether the findings are reproduced at other intersectionalities, if they are
absent, or if different phenomena are prevailing.
One sampling criterion required participants to have attained 10 years of post-collegiate
work experience. This requirement potentially resulted in a homogenous sample regarding

111

educational qualification, professional recognition, and career attainment. Further research could
explore the same questions in the context of participants who do not fit the post-collegiate work
experience criterion.
This study also acknowledges the need to understand the implications of a global focus
on cobalt mining in the Congo, ostensibly supporting the energy transition. Actions in one part of
the world where political conditions exist to drive shifts in cost or deployment of renewable
energy can lead to the emergence of domestic constituencies with material interests tied to the
new technology (Breetz et al., 2018). The obsequious acquiescence of African governments to
the unabated exploitation of their natural resources to achieve energy transition objectives that
are obtuse to their geopolitical needs presents an avenue for further research.
Finally, one of the recommendations is for senior Black male executives to take on the
role of career mentor-advocates for other Black males. However, there is room for researchbased evidence about the effectiveness of mono- and cross-categorical intervention. This avenue
remains to be explored within the study context in future research.
Conclusion
Black males are especially vulnerable to career inequities due to a lack of in-group or
cross-categorical allyship (Mastro et al., 2009). In the absence of intervening forces, the
organizational macrosystem, as the incubator of culture (Merçon-Vargas et al., 2020), remains
the epicenter from which change must emanate. This study’s findings showed that the
macrosystem is the ideal incubator of moral entrepreneurship to hold recipients of public funds
accountable for equitable career outcomes for Black males in the energy transition economy.
The narration of workplace equity and career outcomes by Black males in the energy
transition economy is a testimonio of impact versus intent and feelings versus perceptions. Role

112

systems theory recognizes that individual behavior is determined by complex forces operating at
several levels of analysis: the individual (target person), the dyad (role sender/target person duo),
the social (both the target and sender are embedded in multiple relationships), and the system
(organizational policies and practices) level. Equitable career outcomes are driven by forces
rooted in interpersonal relationships and can be subject to the norms of accountability.

113

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Appendix A: Interview Protocol
Table A1
Interview Questions
Interview question Potential probes RQ addressed Key concept addressed
1. Approximately how long have you been
with NewEnergy Corporation? (B, OQ)
How long have you worked in
the energy industry outside
NewEnergy? (B, E)
RQ 1 Systems model:
Chronoscopic profile
2. What is your highest level of
educational attainment? (B)
What other education are you
pursuing (B)?
Systems model: Ambition
and preparation
3. Please describe the separate roles that
you have had in your career leading up
to your current position (E, K)
How would you characterize
your role at NewEnergy in
terms of seniority? (O, F)
RQ 1 Systems model: Ambition
and preparation
4. Looking at your career, where you are
now, and where you hope to be, which
additional qualifications would benefit
you?
What opportunities are
available for you to acquire
those qualifications? (K, O,
KQ)
RQ 1 Systems model: Growth,
training, and employee
development
5. Tell me more about how you came to be
in your current role (ITPQ)
Which of your previous roles
do you consider to have the
most significant impact on
your career? (O, ITPQ)
RQ 1 Systems model: Internal
policies and procedures 13
4

Interview question Potential probes RQ addressed Key concept addressed
6. Describe any NewEnergy employee
leadership development programs (K)
What does it take to be
accepted into these
programs? (K, KQ)
RQ 1 Systems model: Internal
policies and procedures
7. Please describe the organizational roles
of the three most senior Black males at
NewEnergy (K, KQ, OQ, TQ)
How would you describe your
opportunities to interact with
these senior employees? (E,
F)
RQ 1 Systems model: Dyadic
relationships
8. How do your career experiences
compare with similarly qualified
individuals? (O, TQ, ITPQ)
Please describe your view of
the career progression of
Black males between
NewEnergy and peer
organizations (K, O)
RQ 2 Systems model and energy
justice: Broad lens
perspective of Black
males
9. Please describe your ideal workplace in
terms of career opportunities (IDPQ)
Would you consider leaving
NewEnergy for such a
workplace? (O, ITPQ)
RQ 2 Energy Justice:
Macrosystem and
Recognition Justice
10. What specific measures would you
implement to achieve this ideal at
NewEnergy if you had the opportunity?
(HYPQ)
What would you consider as
internal obstacles to
accomplishing this ideal at
NewEnergy? (KQ, DAVQ)
RQ 2 Accountability and
Procedural Energy Justice 13
5

Note. B = Background/demographic question; E = Experience and behavior question; F = Feeling question; K = Knowledge question;
O = Opinion and values question; S = Sensory question; EQ = Ending question; IQ = Introductory question; KQ = Key question; OQ
= Opening question; TQ = Transition question; DAVQ = Devil’s advocate question; HYPQ = Hypothetical question; IDPQ = Ideal
Position question; ITPQ = Interpretive question. 13
6

137

Conclusion of the Interview
Thank you for your time and thoughtful responses to my questions. I was enriched by our
conversation and appreciated your candor. As we wrap up this interview, I invite you to ask me
any questions or follow up on your previous responses.
I will spend the next few days analyzing our interview and would like to know if I can
contact you for clarification. My priority is to protect your confidentiality, and I am offering to
send you the interview transcripts for review before I use the data. I would also appreciate your
reference to others with similar career backgrounds in furtherance of this work.
Thank you again.

138

Table A2
Categories of Interview Questions (Including Probes)
Category No. of
questions
Research
question
Key concept addressed
Background/
demographic
4 1 and 2 Energy justice: Investigating pattern
match between demographics and
career attainment.
Experience 2 1 Systems theory: Checking for selfefficacy as measured by breadth and
depth of domain knowledge
Feeling 3 1 and 2 Energy justice: Examining Perception of
transactional fairness in the
organizational microsystem
Knowledge 6 1 and 2 Systems theory: Checking for selfefficacy as measured by the ability to
personalize general information
Opinion 10 1 and 2 Energy justice: Perception of Equitable
Outcomes
Sensory 2 2 Systems theory: Respondents’ view of
transactional equity in their
organizational microsystem
Key 6 1 and 2 All concepts: Checking to see if
respondents think there is a problem
and what the desired outcomes or
interventions look like
Devil’s advocate 1 1 Systems theory: Trying to understand
respondents’ perception of their
organizational microsystem interactions

139

Category No. of
questions
Research
question
Key concept addressed
Hypothetical 1 1 Energy justice: Respondents’ Perception
of accountability mechanisms and
equitable outcomes
Ideal Position 1 1 Energy justice: Respondents’ Perception
of accountability mechanisms and
equitable outcomes
Interpretive 5 1 and 2 Systems theory: Respondents’ perception
of their organizational microsystem
interactions
Note. Adapted from “Designing quality survey questions” by Robinson, S. B., and Leonard, K.
F., 2018. Sage publications.

140

Appendix B: Data Analysis
Table B1
Coding Table
Research question
Area of conceptual
framework
Code
(thematic codes)
How do proximal factors in
the organizational
microsystem affect the
career attainment of Black
males in the energy
transition economy?
Energy justice High employer expectations at
the point of workforce entry
Demonstrated aptitude does not
have a significant impact on
career attainment within the
organizational microsystem.
Microsystemic safeguards and
accountability mechanisms
essential for equitable career
outcomes are either missing or
ineffective.
What distal factors effectively
promote Black males’
career attainment in the
energy transition economy?
Systems model Industry-level recognition has
limited implications for career
attainment
Job roles are significant signals
of industry worth and career
mobility.
Social accountability
mechanisms are effective for
achieving equity in the
organizational microsystem.

141

Table B2
Cross-Categorical Comparison of Socio-Economic Indices
Measure Black males Black females White females White males
College education
(Aged 25 and over;
NCES, 2021)
38% 46% 65% 61%
Median household
income (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2021)
$46,275 $47,751 $75,214 $84,266
Business ownership
(U.S. Census Bureau,
2020)
2.3 million 2.6 million 12.7 million 13.4 million
House of Reps (CAWP,
2023)
21 25 102 193
Senate (CAWP, 2023) 2 10 23 49
CEO ratio by gender
(Black Enterprise,
2023; Catalyst, 2022)
1:262
(Males only)
1:10
(Females only)
10:1
(Females only)
262:1
(Males only)

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study examined the socio-technological impact of the ongoing energy transition on career attainment at Black males’ intersectional identity, a granularity often missed when the aggregated group identities of energy ecosystem actors are being discussed. The ongoing energy transition is a subset of the fourth industrial revolution (Philbeck & Davis, 2019). has the distinctive element of a significant infusion of public funds to intentionally achieve equitable outcomes at planetary, national, and geopolitical scales. The energy transition also has the potential for harm by mechanisms of injustice that operate through procedural unfairness, distributive imbalances, and lack of representation. The energy justice (EJ) framework is the theoretical foundation of this work, complemented by Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model (Bronfenbrenner & Cole, 1979) as a conceptual framework for understanding the underlying social forces. The qualitative research methodology used semi-structured interviews and storytelling narratives to surface the impacts on Black males in the energy transition economy. The study examined mechanisms for inequity within the organizational microsystem and identified several accountability mechanisms that can be used for intervention. The study recommendations are intended to operationalize accountability relationships between organizational microsystems and the general public, funding agencies, professional licensing and regulatory bodies, and the enactment of assertive enablement similar to the existing ADA model. Accountability mechanisms are thus presented as an extension of energy justice theory.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Adeoye, Olumide Olugbenga (author)

Core Title Representative justice for Black males in the energy transition

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Organizational Change and Leadership (On Line)

Degree Conferral Date 2024-05

Publication Date 01/24/2024

Defense Date 12/05/2023

Publisher Los Angeles, California (original), University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag accountability,Black males,energy,equity,executive,Fourth Industrial Revolution,Justice,OAI-PMH Harvest,transition

Format theses (aat)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tobey, Patricia (committee chair), Hinga, Brianna (committee member), O’Neill, Michael (committee member)

Creator Email oadeoye@usc.edu,olumideadeoye@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-oUC113809509

Unique identifier UC113809509

Identifier etd-AdeoyeOlum-12619.pdf (filename)

Legacy Identifier etd-AdeoyeOlum-12619

Document Type Dissertation

Format theses (aat)

Rights Adeoye, Olumide Olugbenga

Internet Media Type application/pdf

Type texts

Source 20240124-usctheses-batch-1121 (batch), University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the author, as the original true and official version of the work, but does not grant the reader permission to use the work if the desired use is covered by copyright. It is the author, as rights holder, who must provide use permission if such use is covered by copyright.

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Repository Email cisadmin@lib.usc.edu